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I
POLITICS OF EMOTIONS IN SOUTH ASIA: A
CASE STUDY OF PUNJAB (PAKISTAN) IN THE
PERSPECTIVE OF CASTE EMOTIONS
(2008-2018)
THIS THESIS IS SUBMITTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB IN
FULLFILLMENT OF THE RQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSPHY
By
NABEILA AKBAR
Session: 2015-20
Roll NO: 07
Supervisor
DR. RANA EIJAZ AHMAD
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB,
LAHORE, PAKISTAN
2019
II
DECLERATION
I, Nabeila Akbar d/o Akabr Hussain, registration number, student of PhD at the
department of Political Science , University of the Punjab, Lahore solemnly declare
that the thesis entitled “ Politics of Emotions in South Asia: A Case Study of Punjab
(Pakistan) in the Perspective of Caste Emotions (2008-2018)” submitted by me in
partial fulfillment for the award of PhD degree, is my original work , except as
otherwise acknowledged in the text , and has not been submitted or published
previously and shall not be submitted in the future for obtaining any degree from this
or any other university/institution of Pakistan or any other country.
Dated__________________
Signatures:_________________
Name: Nabeila Akbar
III
CERTIFICATE
This is certified that the present thesis entitled “Politics of Emotions in South Asia:
A Case Study of Punjab (Pakistan) in the Perspective of Caste Emotions (2008-
2018)” is written by Ms. Nabeila Akbar for the requirement of Ph.D. degree in
International Relations. To the best of my knowledge the thesis is based on original
research.
DR. RANA EIJAZ AHMAD
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
UNIVERSITY OF THE PUNJAB
LAHORE.
IV
DEDICATION
To my Kids,
MANSOOR-UL-HASSAN AND BISMA HASSAN
This would not have been started without their support, and could not have been
possible for me to pass through this journey
V
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE NO.
CHAPTER 1
Introduction ........................................................................................... 1
1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................... 1
1.2 Literature Review .............................................................................. 6
1.3 Significance of Research ................................................................... 20
1.4 Hypothesis ......................................................................................... 22
1.5 Indicators of Emotions and Measurement .......................................... 22
1.6 Research Design ................................................................................ 24
1.7 Definition of Terms………………………………………………….29
1.8 Limitations and Delimitations of study……………………………..32
1.9 Work Plan…………………………………………………………….34
CHAPTER 2
Theory of Emotional Politics: A Theoretical perspective……………....38
2.1 What are Emotions ?..............................................................................39
2.2 Theoretical approaches to Emotions and Politics …………………40
2.3 Theoretical approaches to Emotions and Politics …………………45
2.4 Features of Social Identity Theory …………………………………49
CHAPTER 3
Emotions: Shaping South Asian Social and Political Identities ……………55
3.1Political Development and Caste Emotions in South Asia: Theoretical
Perspective……………………………………………………………………..56
VI
3.1.1 History of Caste Emotions in South Asia………………60
3.1.2 Caste Emotions in South Asia …………………………62
3.1.3 Caste Emotions in Pakistan –Punjab……………………65
3.1.4 Structure of Caste in Punjab……………………………70
3.2 Caste Emotions in Politics under British Rule in Punjab…………………71
3.2.1 Punjab Settlement Policy of British and legal status of Emotional
Identification …………………………………………………………76
3.3 Sufi social organization and Politics of Emotion in South Asia ……………..85
3.3.1 Sufism institution in Medieval India………………………..87
3.3.2 Sufi Institution during British Colonial Rule………….……90
3.3.3 Sufi Institution in Punjab After 1947………………….……92
CHAPTER 4
Emotional Politics in Theory and Practice………………………………………96
4.1 Emotions and Political Inclusion……………………………………………….97
4.1.1Conceptual Framework……………………………………….97
4.1.2 Dynamics of Emotional Politics in British India after
1857………………………………………………………………108
4.1.3 Historical Aspect…………………………………………….109
4.2 Emotions and Political Inclusion in Pakistan Politics…………………………118
4.2.1The Transitional Period of democracy 1947-1956……………120
VII
4.2.2 A Search for Democratic Development 1988-1999………..124
4.3 Dynamics of Politics of Emotion in Punjab: Election Results of 2008, 2013 and
2018 Elections……………………………………………………………………125
4.3.1 Central Punjab: Okara, Lahore, Sheikhu pura……………………...127
4.3.2 North Punjab: Sargodha, Rawalpindi, Jhung………………………135
4.3.3 South Punjab: Multan, BahawalPur, Raheem Yar Kha…………….138
4.4 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………144
CHAPTER 5
Data Analysis and Interpretations…………………………………………….146
5.1. Overview…………………………………………………………………....146
5.2. Descriptive Statistic ..................................................................................... 146
5.2.1 Castes in Punjab-Pakistan…………………………………………..150
5.3 General Opinions Relating to Caste System and Political Environment……...155
5.4 Differences in the Perceptions among the Participants Based on Differing
Characteristics…………………………………………………………………….174
5.5 Psychometric Properties of the Items of the Variables of Interest……………206
5.6 Correlational Analysis…………………………………………………………210
5.7 Structural Model Assessment………………………………………………….211
5.8 Importance Performance Matrix Analysis (IPMA)……………………………215
5.9 Summary………………………………………………………………………216
5.10 Analysis of Findings on Percentage and Frequency Basis…………………..217
VIII
5.11 Discussion……………………………………………………………………250
CHAPTER 6
Conclusion ............................................................................................. 262
6.1 How to tackle the prevailing circumstances ....................................... 278
References ......................................................................................................... 284
Annexure………………………………………………………………………….300
IX
LIST OF TABLES
Table 4.1 Detail of winner candidates in South, Central and North Punjab selected
districts. p.129
Table 5.1 Descriptive Results of the Demographic Information p.147
Table 2 Castes in Punjab, Pakistan, p.150
Table 3 General Opinions Relating to Caste System and Political Environment
p.154
Table 16 Differences in the Perceptions among the Participants Based on Differing
Characteristics p.174
Table 30 Outer loadings, Cronbach’s Alpha, Composite Reliability, and Convergent
Validity Results p. 204
Table 31 Discriminatory Validity of Items used p.207
Table 32 Correlation Matrix of all variables used in QPE. p. 206
Table 33 Effect size of exogenous (independent) variables on endogenous variables
(dependent) p. 211
Table 34 Showing the positive impact of exogenous variables on voting behavior
intensions of voters p.212
Table 5.10 Finding on percentage and frequency basis p.215
X
LIST OF FIGURES
Fig 5.2 Main castes of Participants in Punjab p.153
Fig 5.3 General Opinions Relating to Caste System and Political
Environment p.155
Fig 5.7 Structural Model Assessment p. 210
Fig 5.17 Importance Performance Matrix Analysis p.213
XI
LIST OF ABBREVIATION
SIT Social Identity Theory
PML-N Pakistan Muslim League Nawas
PPP Pakistan People Party
PTI Pakistan Tehreek i Insaff
QPE Questionnaire Politics of Emotions
NR No Response
SD Strongly Disagree
SA Strongly Agree
D Disagree
A Agree
CE Caste Emotions
CS Caste System
EP Election Perception
VBI Voting Behavior Intensions
IPMA Importance Performance Matrix Analysis
XII
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
All praises belong to Allah Almighty, the most Gracious and the most Merciful, who
bestowed me enough strength and power to complete a tiresome task of my research
work. First of all I acknowledge myself and my energies. Not only I accepted the
challenge but also completed it within prescribes period.
I owe my gratitude to Professor Dr. Umbreen Javed, Dean Faculty of Behavioral and
Social Sciences, University of Punjab. She has always been very kind and considered
my problems. Her kind behavior was very encouraging for me to accomplish my
research.
Without any exaggeration, I owe the most profound gratitude to my supervisor
Dr. Rana Eijaz Ahmad, Department of Political Science, University of Punjab, for his
trust and patience during this research. He facilitated me and provided his office to
study. The comfortable and peaceful environment of his office was very thought
provoking. It has originated many new ideas in my mind and I focused on my
research work deeply.
He also guided me whenever I was confused during my work and put me back on the
track. Through formal and informal discussion between us, he gave me many unique
ideas and tips. My heartily gratitude is due for his inspiring guidance, trust,
encouragement and patience during this research work.
I would like to extend my gratitude to Mr. Mahmood Javed Bhatti, Ex Director
General of local Government & Community Development Department, Lahore.
Currently he is working as Commissioner Faisalabad Division. He is also my
classmate and without his help it was not possible for me to visit nine districts of
Punjab and to collect data through questionnaire. I have dedicated chapter five of
thesis to my classmate Mr. Mahmood Javed Bhatti. He made it possible for me to get
access to selected constituencies and the voter. He also provided me guidance and
facilities for my survey and research in selected districts of North, South and Central
Punjab.
XIII
The statistical analysis was not possible for me without the help of Mr. JafarHussain,
Research Assistant IQMT, University of Punjab, Lahore. He guided me to understand
the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) which was used in my research. I
am grateful to him that he borrowed some time for me from his busy and tight
scheduled.
I’m also thankful to Mr. Abdul Jabbar, Librarian, Political Science Department,
University of Punjab. He provided me with relevant research techniques and tips
throughout my research work. I am thankful to the staff of Quaid e Azam Library
Lahore, Punjab Public Library Lahore, Election Commission of Pakistan Lahore, for
their cooperation and provided me material for my research.
Lastly, though it should be the first one I am grateful to my kids, son Mansoorul
Hassan and daughter Bismah Hassan who accommodated me throughout my research
work. They did not demanded excessive time from me and provided an amiable home
environment to complete my Ph.D. thesis. They freed me from at home
responsibilities and let me spend that time to complete my research work.
Regards
Nabeila Akbar
June 26, 2019
XIV
ABSTRACT
The study of politics of emotions with reference to caste politics in South Asia, is a
remarkable and a novel study. The caste system has a significant role in political
participation and mobilization of the individual in South Asia. Its influence on
political emotions is a new aspect because multicultural society of South Asia,
Pakistan, is struggling for democracy, which seeks of individual autonomy and does
not support a group to seek power. The research will analyze the impact of caste
emotions on the political participation and mobilization during elections in Pakistan.
During the elections, the political participation and mobilization is not of the
‘individual’ but of a caste group, ‘biradary/clan /tribe’. The authority of the
individual has lost somewhere in this politics of emotions and has promoted the
participation and mobilization of a pressure group in the form of caste group. People
cast their vote in favor of their respective caste group, biradary or tribe and character
and ability of the candidate is not considered. Caste and biradary group manipulate
the emotions of the individual, family and voters. The powerful caste group has strong
hold in the decision making process. It seems that caste group has high jacked the
political system of Pakistan through emotions to achieve certain political and
economic interests. The main object of the research is to study that to ensure the
development of democracy and the maximum participation and mobilization of the
people in civil society of Pakistan, it is essential to free the individual from the
clutches of caste, tribe and clan manipulating the individual through their affiliations.
Only then the maximum autonomy for the individual can be achieved in a pluralistic
cultural society of Pakistan, which is a perquisite of democracy.
Developing societies in South Asia are engulfed with more of emotional value-system
than the rational one. Therefore the politics in such society seems to be deeply
affected by emotional values having many dimensions externally and internally. A
political dimension of emotion regarding how emotions affect the politics at local and
national level are also taken into consideration. The study of ‘Politics of Emotions’ in
a pluralistic cultural society of South Asia, like Pakistan is of great importance, as the
caste system has an emotional affiliation with a strong hold in politics. The main
components of Pakistan culture are Caste/Tribe and Biradary system. These are
social and cultural institutions which have changed into socio-political feature. It
influences the political system and politics from gross roots to national level. The
XV
main object of this research is to study the ‘Politics of Emotions’ in a multicultural
society of South Asia, like Pakistan, emphasizing on analytical study of caste
emotions. The caste system in Pakistan, particularly in Punjab politics plays an
important role owing to emotions and deeply affects the political affiliations and
loyalties of people. This factor becomes more significant as the socio-cultural system
of Pakistan also influences the national and local political system. These caste
emotions restrict the political participation of people in elections and have emotional
impact on voting behavior intensions of voters. The strong hold of caste emotions at
local and national politics constrains the development of democracy which retains the
autonomy of an individual.
Keywords: Emotions, Politics, Caste emotions, South Asia
1
CHAPTER I
1.1 Introduction
The caste politics in South Asia plays an important role because of emotions. It
has deeply affected political emotions and affiliations of people. This factor becomes
more significant in socio- cultural system of South Asian societies and affects their
political system. All South Asian countries have chosen democracy to administer states,
though they are suffering from democratic resurgences and setbacks. Their transition to
democracy is fragile and South Asia has been facing failures in democracies. Many
factors, like nation building, national integration, economic development, elections,
voting behavior and caste emotions play an important role in success or failure of
democracy. Democracies are neither imposed nor imported from outside. Democracies
evolve on the basis of certain political legacy, historical, cultural context, and socio
economic conditions.
The traditional societies, like South Asian societies, are influenced by their social
value-system of caste. Democracy in South Asian societies is also afflicted by these
values. The caste-system exists in almost all human societies throughout the world. It
can be defined as grouping of people on the basis of class, language, profession,
particular area, clan and socio-economic segregation. Social system of a society is based
on a culture, which is a way of life consisting of certain values, beliefs and traditions.
Social system of Indian sub-continent is multicultural as it is a blend of different cultures,
brought by different invaders like Aryans, Greek, Mongols, Arabs, Turk Muslims and
British cultures. In case of India and Pakistan, the most debatable thing is culture. This
2
social system has become a part of political norms and values in South Asia. Caste has
converted into a socio-political group in Punjab-Pakistan. It stimulates certain ideas,
belief, and values in politics and use power to accomplish its specific socio-economic and
political interests. The social institution has infused with political culture in Punjab
politics. All political systems have a certain political-culture which governs the political
behavior, belief, feelings and emotions of the people. Political culture is an expression of
values, beliefs, attitude, feelings and behavior of people towards a political system. Thus
political culture is a manifestation of psychological, idiosyncratic and subjective
dimensions of politics.
The study of caste emotions in South Asia is based on the socio-cultural and
economic beliefs of South Asian society. Each society has its own particular socio-
cultural, economic and political views which are followed by the inhabitants of that
particular society. In South Asia, one of many important components of its socio-cultural
beliefs is caste system which is based on affiliation, association, relationship, identity and
membership. All these features collectively form an inner feeling of attachment which is
called phenomenon of ‘Caste Emotions’.
Caste emotions in a diverse cultural society of Pakistan, like Punjab, have
emotional impact on process of democracy. Therefore, it is compulsory to clarify the
meaning of democracy with reference to multicultural society of Pakistan. The
democracy as defined by Abraham Lincoln in 1858 (Lincoln’s Writting) as the
“government of the people, by the people and for the people” is not applicable in
Pakistan. Rather, it must be described as a conflict between majority-minority based on
community of tribes, caste, biradary or ethno-regional system in Pakistan. Therefore,
3
democracy can be defined as a process to achieve maximum autonomy for a person in
society with cultural diversity.
The process of democracy has three major stages in its development, “first is the
rationalization of polity, second, differentiation of administration, and third, political
mobilizations and political participation of people in a civil society”. Politics of caste
emotions is concerned with political mobilization and participation of people through
voting in electoral process. As, the maximum mobilization and participation of people
provide more chance to promote democracy that encourage autonomy. Caste emotions
have a significant influence on mobilization and participation process and shape their
voting behavior in democracy. It is a political behavior which is demonstrated during
electoral process (mobilization and participation through vote). Hence, the caste emotions
gets a dominant position while examining the patterns of power politics and the political
behavior, particularly in a multicultural and developing society of South Asia- Pakistan,
which is experiencing the process of democracy.
The concept of power politics is applied at domestic as well as international
levels. Globally, it means different states competing with each other to protect their
national interests. Nationally, power politics means local power elites compete with each
other to seek power through various tactics like, coercion, cooperation, pressure and
social groups i.e., caste, tribe and kinship alliances. Caste emotions in Pakistan,
especially in Punjab rural context, play an important role in power politics due to
affiliation with caste system and have intensely influenced the political belief, faith and
loyalties of people. This factor becomes more significant as socio-cultural system of
Punjab also have emotional impact on national and local political system.
4
A democratic political system provides more authority and autonomy to an
individual. This authority of individual has been subjugated by power ‘Politics of
Emotions’ displayed with the help of caste system in Punjab. The caste system hinders
political development in developing society and hence is relative to democratic process in
a diverse cultural society of Pakistan. After the independence, the political forces in
Pakistan did not make any effort to abolish the caste system and used this power ‘Politics
of Emotions’ to strengthen their rule. The political system also encourages the politics of
emotions under the umbrella of multiculturalism and social diversities in Punjab.
It is interesting to note that Pakistan has a Muslim society which is patterned with
caste system, which is not in consonance with Islamic teaching. This caste system in
Punjab has a significant role in political participation and mobilization of individuals in
electoral process. To study its impact on political emotions is a new dimension of
research in Punjab politics as this society is novice in democracy, and individual
autonomy has always been influenced by emotional association to caste group.
The right of an individual to cast vote with freedom and autonomy, somehow has
been lost under shadow of politics of emotions. Rather, it has promoted the participation
and mobilization of a pressure group (caste) under the cover of an individual’s right to
vote. People cast vote in favor of their own caste group and aptitude of a candidate is not
considered. Caste institution manipulates the identity emotions of an individual, family
and society. The influential castes and families have strong hold in the decision making
process and are controlling the political system in Punjab. It seems that it has high
jackeds the political system of Pakistan to achieve certain political and economic
5
interests. Caste groups pursue and protect their specific economic interests and do not
care for an average individual of the society.
To ensure the development of democracy and the maximum participation and
mobilization of the people in Pakistan, particularly in Punjab, it is indispensable to free
them from clutches of caste chains. Maximum authority for an individual, which is a
perquisite of democracy, can be achieved only when a person participates in election
being unrestrained by caste group. Thus the dominating factor in Punjab’s socio-political
milieu is caste structure which manipulates the emotions of an individual through caste
affiliations, and hinders the development of democracy. The focus of this research study
is to analyze impact of caste emotions on development of democracy with reference to
electoral process in Punjab.
The research has explored the power of emotions in politics and the role of caste
emotions in the development of democracy with reference to Punjab. Province Punjab
had been chosen as a case study. There are ten Divisions and thirty six (36) Districts in
Punjab and it was not possible to cover the whole Punjab for this research dissertation.
Therefore nine districts were selected, each three from Central Punjab (Okara,
Sheikhpura, Lahore), North Punjab (Sarghoda, Jhung, Rawalpindi) and South Punjab
(Rahim Yarkhan, Bahawalpur, Multan ) to carry out a symmetrical research in this
context. Such a study had provided a base to extend the boundaries of political behavior,
election perception, voting behavior intensions and the role of ‘caste emotions in
politics’. The research has also examined the influence of emotions on the political
development of a multicultural society with particular reference to Punjab. It has given a
new direction to explore that caste emotions hinders the political development and hence
6
are inversely proportional to democratic process in a multicultural society of South Asia
like Pakistan.
To investigate the phenomenon, ‘politics of emotions’ in the perspective of caste,
political participation has been taken as dependent variable which is influenced by caste
emotion acting as independent variable. The political participation of people through vote
is a perquisite for development of democracy and is affected by caste emotions that are
motivated during elections. Caste emotions, caste system and election perceptions are
chosen as independent sub-variables and voting behavior intentions is selected as
dependent sub-variable in the research. Social structure as caste institution is supposed to
hamper the development of democracy by instigating an individual’s affiliation with
family, caste and kinship during elections. The political participation of a person through
vote is interfered under caste pressure which in turn affects the progress of democratic
process. The independent, free and unrestricted will of an individual has lost somewhere
in the election which is the main pillar of democracy and this research revolves around
this argument.
1.2 Literature Review
It is mandatory to study the available literature about the problem under
discussion. It assists to examine and comprehend the phenomenon from all aspects. It
helps the research to identify the flaws present in previous work and to improve the
study. The literature review also points out those dimensions that are left unnoticed and
have yet to be explored.
7
Caste system is practiced even today in South Asia and had spread throughout the
region. It divides the people into groups on professional basis. The profession a person
adopts has to be followed by his next generation and is practiced generations after
generations. An individual is not allowed to leave his fore fathers’ profession and to
adopt another profession. Due to a long term practice, an individual gets an emotional
attachment to his/her caste group and is not ready to leave it. In Pakistan caste system
exists in the form of caste politics, strongly effecting the political emotions of
individuals. Though much work has been done with reference to caste system in South
Asia, but it particularly focuses on India, Nepal and Sri Lanka. No work has been done
with reference to role of caste emotions in electoral politics in Pakistan.
Linda Ahall and Thomas Gregory (2015) discuss that how emotions are involved
in politics and war, and misperception of emotions can cause an engagement of conflict
and war. It identifies the different ways in which emotions are designed or exists and are
involved in global politics. Emotions are realized with reference to war, international
relations, security, counter insurgency operations. This book provides inter- disciplinary
study with post-colonial, post structural, cultural and psycho analytical approaches to
global politics. The writer has mentioned different methodological approaches to the
interpretation of emotions, investigates different ways in which emotions function in
politics and provide historical and empirical studies. Different thinkers of sociology,
philosophy and politics have contributed their writings in the said book and have
presented rich reflections in mapping of emotions, political power of emotions and its
cultural and social aspects. The book is a thought provoking for the researcher and has
helped to explore the empirical, methodological and analytical links from it.
8
A study of role of emotions in politics is not a new phenomenon. Emotions have
always remained a part of academic research till 17th century. Afterward emotions and
passions were ignored in political research till 80s. Nicolas Demertzis (2013) describes
this ‘politics-emotion nexus’, both at the individual and mass level. It is a good history of
how the social movements, civil society and opinion are shaped by emotions and how
emotions are gaining importance in social sciences and academic research since 1990’s.
After a long period of negligence by academic researchers, once again study of emotions
is becoming prominent in social and political research. The modern rationality era,
moving from passions to interests, has reversed from interests to emotions-identified as’
post-modern era’. Passion, feeling and emotion- that were once replaced by observation,
reasoning and wisdom at the name of ‘rational thinking’-have now returned back in the
capitalized societies. Psychology and ‘political sociology of emotions’ are brought
together. First chapter of this book, ‘politics-emotion nexus’, describes how the passion
and emotion were replaced by interests in the 18th century at the name of rationality, and
emotions were conceived as irrational elements by academic researchers. Then in 1980s,
‘the political sociology of emotions’ and ‘political psychology’ as sub discipline were
established which forged the discussion of ‘politics-emotion nexus’. A number of ways
have been described in which emotions shape the public opinions, social movements,
nature of civil society and protest, practiced in international politics. This book is a good
narration of history and development of ‘politics-emotion nexus’, side by side their role
in international political situations.
Maya Tudor (2013) has analyzed development of democracy in subcontinent of
South Asia. Maya has made a comparative study of development of democracy in India
9
and Pakistan as both states once were under same colonial rule and got independence
concurrently. Though the process of system development started simultaneously in both
states but India developed a more democratic system while Pakistan developed an
autocratic system. Writer observes that urban, educated, and middle class of Hindus
precipitated in the independence movement, while a landed aristocratic class of Muslims
led the Pakistan movement. And in the post-partition system of both regions, impact of
founding class difference can be seen in the political system and administration of both
states. The landed aristocratic class of Pakistan established a weak and unstable regime
which resulted in insecure and pathetic democratic system. While the educated middle
class of India established a stable democratic system. In comparison to India, Pakistan
was mistreated by an autocratic regime. Maya Tudor has made a comparison of both
states which helps to understand the authoritative culture of Pakistan political system side
by side the anti-democratic norms of the Pakistani society. This book helps the researcher
to analyze the policies in accordance with the criteria of classic democracy.
Paul & Simon (2012) describe the development and reemergence of emotions in
political affairs. Paul analyzes that emotions have always remain involved in politics,
from Greek politics to the ‘politics of hope’ by Barack Obama in 2008. Though in the
eighteenth century, there was a strong wave of rationalism which considered the political
subjects as rational actors and separated emotions and passions from cognition and
reason. But after the Second World War, the wave of Positivism and Behaviorism
appeared as a powerful factor in analyzing political actions and policies. It is a
conceptual discussion about ‘affect and emotion’. Different dimensions of human
feelings are discussed and their role in political life has been examined. The topologies of
10
emotions such as positive moral emotions, negative moral emotions, positive feeling (of
attractions), negative feeling (of repulsion), feeling of loss, hurt, injustice, anxiety, fight,
protest has been discussed with reference to involvement of emotions in politics and
political mobilization. The book is a rich source to understand the role of emotions in
politics.
Ajmal Kamal (2012) argues caste system in Punjab in its historical perspective
and believes it as a social reality which affects the politics of “division, prejudice and
discrimination”. According to writer, ‘Qaums and Zats’ are the off shoots of biradri
present in Sikhism, Hinduism and even in Islam.He analyses that biradri system has
deeply influenced the Punjab politics and was never free from caste system. During the
colonial era in Punjab, caste based cultural division was continued by the three religions
and it also appeared in local political behavior. The writer has given a historical
description of caste system in Punjab.
Dure Shahwar and Asim (2012) have made a research over voting behavior of
political parties in Faisalabad. In this research, those factors are mentioned that influence
the voting pattern of individuals using sample techniques. A sample of 160 respondents
in Faisalabad was collected and analyzed. Their result shows that during political
participation, individuals show more family affiliation and cast vote on biradri, zaat and
caste basis rather than their individual will. They have suggested to minimize the
influence of biradry and to spread awareness to take rational decisions.
The reemergence of emotions in politics has also been debated by Marco & Guell,
(2011). The author has argument that western and traditional democratic societies have
11
marginalized emotions and have imagined politics with power and rationality. Now time
has changed and this hyper rationalist viewpoint has taken over by emotions in decision
making process and political behavior. It has been argued that once emotions were
ignored and considered an irrational move, but now have reemerged and reappeared in
the contemporary political theory. In first section of book, a theoretical perspective of
emotions and politics has been focused. Second section analyzes different
methodological issues, with respect to the approaches to study emotions. The ‘Obama
Phenomenon’ has been taken as a case study in order to understand politics and emotions
in third and last section. Different Methodological approaches like individualistic
methodology, quantitative and qualitative approaches, and contextual analysis of
emotions and politics, has been adopted in this book. Salutary effects along with an
ambiguous and complex effect of emotions on politics are described and the difficulties
faced by political scientists and political sociologists are also mentioned. In
methodological literature, several models of moods, affects, and emotions are examined
and political attitude and behavior in response to relevant information are observed and
described. Emotions as a psychological theory related to political aspects are discussed
and it demonstrates the modern political theory is rethinking about role of emotions and
passions in political science. This book helps to comprehend the emotions in psycho-
political dimension.
Philip Oldenburg (2010) has examined the historical analysis of democratic
process in India and Pakistan. He has investigated the balance of power and authority
between state and elected representatives. Though India and Pakistan, both are multi-
lingual, heterogeneous culture and multi-religious, and have common British colonial
12
rule, yet they have evolved divergent political system. India’s democratic political system
was once broken up when Indira Gandhi promulgated emergency. After the end of
emergency, India’s democratic system flourished without any impediment and power
threat. While perception of insecurity by the center has always impediment the
democratic process in Pakistan. Writer has made comparative and analytical study of
democracy which is useful to investigate the socio-political issues in India and Pakistan.
Emotions are an important factor in the attitude, behavior and relations among
individuals and states. Dominique Moisi (2009) has explored the role of emotions in
establishing relations among states. He asserts that to understand the international system
or politics, a deep understanding of emotions is required. He revolves around two
contentions, first, the world can be best understood by “integrating and understanding its
emotion”; second, there should be a balance between “good and bad emotions”. He has
described emotions in the perspective of culture of hope, humiliation and fear, which are
shaping today’s world and relations among states. He has given an example of India,
China representing hope, Muslim world (representing the emotion of humiliation) and
West identified with emotion of fear. It is a good description of world politics with
reference to the ‘politics of emotion’.
Caste system of Punjab has also been studied by Raza Rumi (2009). He has
analyzed the political behavior in Punjab with respect to caste and sectarianism, and has
mentioned these as two conflicting aspects of cultural attitude. Author has focused on
these two factors describing occurrence of different events in Punjab due to caste and
sectarianism. His study covers almost all parts of Pakistan including Sindh ruler and
Karachi. He concludes that urban culture also influences voting behavior of people. No
13
light has been shed on Punjab politics with reference to emotions as an important element
in Political and democratic process.
Syed Kareem Haider (2014) has made a selected research on Punjab Caste System
and voting behavior by examining the 2008 general elections. He has selected 4 districts
of Okara, Kasur, Nankana Sahab and Gujranwala of Punjab and has compared the voting
behavior of the people in these four districts, during 2008 elections. His research shows a
strong influence of castes and biradris in national and provincial assemblies and it helps
to understand the role of caste in 2008 elections. Author concludes that influence of caste
and biradris has made Punjabis static and passive in their socio-cultural behavior and it
appeared as a significant factor in their voting behavior.
Dr. Mughees Ahmad (2007) argues caste system, voting behavior, electoral
politics, biradarism and caste politics with reference to Pakistan. He has described biradri
as a pressure group which influences political system at local and national level. Biradri
system protects the interests of its members and provides security to them. Author argues
that caste and biradri get strengthened during non-party elections and military era. When
non-party elections are held, then biradri replaces political parties and becomes more
important. Voting behavior of people has also been influenced due to caste system.
People cast their votes in the national and local elections on the basis of their caste and
biradri, while political party is less considered in their choice of candidates. Biradri acts
as a motivation (to cast their votes and) in their voting behavior. Dr. Mughees Ahmad’s
research is very significant with respect to Punjab. He has described the caste system as
an important factor in electoral process but it does not answer how it effects the political
development in Pakistan.
14
Khalid bin Syed (1998) helps to understand the political culture of Pakistan.
Author describes how, attitudes, believes and people’s reaction effect internal and
external development of Pakistan’s political system, and cultivates the political culture of
the state. He has also emphasized the capabilities of the government to handle socio-
political change in the state. A detailed study of Ayub Khan Era has been discussed and
Khalid bin Syed has analyzed that Ayub’s administration was failed to fulfill the regional
and domestic issues which influenced the people. This book helps to study the Pakistan’s
political system and its development in 60’s providing a comprehensive detail about
political culture of Pakistan.
In order to understand the phenomenon of politics of emotion in South Asia, a
case study of Punjab has been undertaken in the perspective of caste emotions. The
literary available work provides information about caste system and caste politics in
Punjab but with respect to neither caste emotions nor literature is present. The existing
work on history and political development in Punjab has been divided in to pre and post -
colonial period. Thus it presents a very comprehensive picture about relationship between
caste and politics and help to comprehend the analytical point of view.
The historians, colonial administrators and analytical narrators have written much
on colonial Punjab which is very significant to understand its colonial history. All these
information was gathered by administrator’s officers of British era and complied as
Punjab provincial gazetteer. The work of Robert Needham Cust (1866) is a semi-official
work in the form of a manual report written to assist revenue offices. L.C.Tupper’s
(1880) effort is excellent and has been collected in the form of three volumes. It presents
a way of thinking by colonial rulers in Punjab and their arguments in favor of social
15
system in order to defend the customary law. He has supported the existing social system
and said that “Patriarch” ancestry brought the people of common ancestors under cover
of one system and has given them protection.
The seminal work about caste system in Punjab is done by Sir Denzil
Ibbetson(1916). It was the first Census report of Punjab, 1881, written by him. In this
book he has described the social set up of Punjab as consisted of various caste, sub-
castes, tribes, biradaries, races and classes. He has given the historical and evolutionary
origin of castes in Punjab and explained that the social fabric of Punjab is based on belief
of caste system. He has explained very briefly that the whole system of caste is based on
professions as “occupation is the primary basis of caste…….The whole diversity of caste
is the diversity of occupation”. The social status, respect, and honor in the society are
determined by caste profession. The high class has ranked themselves as superior ones
and is subjugating the other castes that are ranked as lower or inferior in the society.
Nicholas B. Dricks (2001) has also written on caste system in India and described
it as the basic cultural core of the society. He agreed with Ibbetson that caste system was
used by Brahmins to secure their social status and it is the outcome of historical struggle
between Indians and the British rulers. He is of the opinion that caste is not a resistant
conscientiousness of Indian history but side by side he has said no word about that caste
system was awakened and taken up by British. During their rule, caste became a term
used for identification in politics also and it integrated an individual’s all aspects of
social, cultural, and political identity and organization in Indian continent.
16
The social structure had created the caste belief system and divided the Indian
society into many classes based on professions. This caste belief has created hurdles in
the development of democracy in Punjab. Although the work of these writers is very
valuable and provides an evolutionary view point about caste system in South Asia but
these writings were anticipated in such a way that it benefited the British approach.
One more splendid effort is done by H.A. Rose (2011) whose work is based on
Punjab Census Report 1883 and he has followed Denzil’s work. This work is an
impressive documentation on castes and tribes in Punjab and NWFP. He has collected all
material about castes, the growth of tribes and ethnic elements in the population of
present Punjab . The ongoing research requires an analysis of stratification of Punjabi
society on caste basis dividing it into high and low strata, that material is useful for this
study.
Syed Muhamad Latif (2004) has written a history of Punjab from Mughal to
Ranjeet Singh rule. He has stated that annexation of Punjab by British was a good
incident and new rulers have brought progress, development, and prosperity in the region
as compared to previous conquerors. This work provides only a detail historical narration
about foreign rule in Punjab and has admired the British era as assign of affluence and
improvement.
The landed aristocracy has a significant role in pre and post -colonial Punjabi
caste system and book written by Sir Lapel H. Griffin (1909) provides a comprehensive
description landed aristocracy in Punjab. This book has narrated landed aristocracy and
their descendants in the form of a pyramid existing till day. It has described related
17
landed aristocracy in colonial and post-colonial era with their ruling position and these
aristocratic elite castes are still occupying ruling position. This work is helpful to
understand the pedigree tables of influential caste leaders in Punjab.
Ian Talbot (1998) has also written about the landed aristocracy in Colonial Raj
and their role in Punjab politics. He has presented a clear picture of attachment between
landlord castes and British rulers. In his views, the policies of British rulers created the
landlord caste as Agricultural Caste and their policies strengthened these castes in rural
areas. The colonial rulers were desired to get the loyalties of native people particularly
rural areas. They made the landed caste strong in their respective areas and got control
over the natives. The landed castes became loyal to the British rulers through reward
policy and to preserve their authority. Caste institution was used by landed aristocrats in
the electoral process in colonial India. They controlled the people through caste influence
during their election for legislative assemblies. Colonial policies such as the Land
Alienation Act of 1900 established discrimination on the basis of caste. The division of
district and sub-districts was made on the consideration of caste. It is a good description
of British policies regarding British administration, landlord caste, and electoral politics
but it lacks the emotional dynamics in colonial India.
Gilmartin (1979) has described the landlord caste as mandatory for colonial
rulers to establish their rule and get control over the native people. The British has to
depend upon on local groups to rule and there was no option for them. The support from
the caste group and landlord class had worked very powerfully and it established
allegiance to the regime. He explains that colonial rulers have established administrative
and political institutions with the support of these local caste groups. It has strengthened
18
the particular caste group and power was denied to the common people. It has deeply
affected the process of democracy in Pakistan even after colonial ruler has left.
All this literature has emphasized on colonial policies, administrative and
political, which they adopted to get control over the people and to rule them affectively in
the Indian sub-continent. Through social and cultural changes, they become powerful in
Punjab. It provides partial information about political dynamic in Pakistan after 1947-
post-colonial period. A detailed work about association of colonial legacy, authority of
state and political process in Pakistan has been accomplished by Muhammad Waseem
(1994). He has viewed politics of Pakistan and authority of state as British legacy. He has
described that the colonial powers emphasized on the role of local caste group in the form
of “Zamindar” and empowered it. The existing imperial system of Mughal era was
preserved to secure their rule. The British established the democratic institutions and
gradually handed over the power to local caste groups who were serving the interests of
colonial rulers. The common man was kept aloof from power. Political parties in colonial
India were based on caste affiliation were lacking democratic values. Waseem has
pointed out the undemocratic behavior of political parties is still present in post-colonial
era in Pakistan. He argues that in lection 1993, the masses are not mobilized by political
parties and the political parties sought association with influential caste groups to
increase their vote bank.
The political participation of the people is obligatory in democracy. During
British rule, the political participation through right to vote was given to the masses but it
was limited to a specific group of people. The eligibility to cast vote was related with
property and educational qualifications of the voter and it further strengthened landlord
19
caste in political system. The academic work has given importance to the role of caste
group as ‘primordial identities’ in multicultural society and has described it as a primary
factor to determine voting behavior. The attention was given to the phenomenon of
politicization of caste how politics has influenced caste. The preliminary academic work
determined caste as most important aspect of voting behavior. On such work is done by
Norman Palmer (1975) who has described caste as a basic element to determine voting
behavior in national politics of India. He has identified that there are many other factors
that have an impact on political process and caste group is one of them. His study has
supported the argument of this research.
Another significant study on the voting behavior in Punjab has been done by A.R.
Wilder (1999). He has given a history of electoral politics in Punjab and point out Punjabi
caste is the significant aspect in the voting trends. The voting behavior in Central and
Southern Punjab is subjugated by caste influence and association. The individual liberty
and free will has lost in the promotion of caste identity. Andrew has also highlighted that
much material related to electoral process in Pakistan is not available and there is a need
for research study in this field. He has described that landlord caste has much influence in
their respective constituencies and it has initiated a trend of patriarchal politics in Punjab.
The voter has lost its individuality and is dictated by caste group. He has admitted that a
detailed research is required in the electoral process in Pakistan and he himself has
addressed this area of study partially. His study is significant as he has presented
quantitative data on election process in Pakistan but there is no detail about politicization
of identity emotions during elections. The role of caste emotions in shaping voting
behavior of the people in Punjab is absent in his work.
20
All previous work is done with respect to role of caste in elections and voting
behavior of the people has been discussed keeping in view local and national elections.
No effort has been made to explore the emotional aspect of an individual in electoral
process and its role in the development of political system in Pakistan. The affect
dimension of caste emotions in political development of democracy in South Asia has
been left untouched.
1.3 Significance of Research
A study of ‘politics of emotions’ in a pluralistic cultural society like Pakistan is
very significant. Caste system belongs to emotional affiliation of an individual and shows
a strong hold in politics. The main components of Pakistan culture are caste/tribe
/biradary system. Caste/ tribe/ biradary systems are social and cultural features which
have been transformed into socio-political feature, influencing politics from gross roots to
national level.
In South Asia, contentious politics has been studied from many theoretical
frameworks like political, religious, cultural, and ideological. But its emotional
theoretical angles has yet to be explored despite the persuasive meaning of emotions as
love, hate ,hope, despair, anger, revenge, pride, humiliation etc. Emotions are taken as a
protest dynamic in social movements in 1990s; but its emotional dynamics in political
mobilization and participation to understand political system in Pakistan has been
neglected. This study would help to understand the role of caste emotions in the
development of democratic process in Pakistan with reference to case study of Punjab.
21
Significance of this research is manifold such as, for the first time the Social
Identity Theory (SIT) has been applied in the third world region like South Asia. SIT is
tested in the real world and not in a lab and the real time results has been concluded in
this research. In Pakistan, no such research has been conducted ever before in the field of
political psychology and it is a very first effort to explore SIT in perspective of caste
identification and caste emotions.
The research has highlighted the social and political identities in South Asia with
reference to emotional politics in Punjab-Pakistan. The scope of research has been
expanded to include real world identities (caste identities) of varying degree. The process
of identity formation and development has been described and the studies has explored
how identities are formed or achieved and it has gradually moved from weak to a strong
status of identity. The real word well established groups or identities are associated with
historical and cultural practices and the research about it has resulted in a stronger group
identity concept than acquired in a lab setting.
It is noteworthy that development of social identity towards political identities has
been analyzed for the first time in this research. It has been examined that during this
process, the politicians has intensified, controlled and triggered the salient group
membership. The psychological origin of identity development and its penetration into
politics has been focused and it is innovative work. While investigating the process of
identity development, the characteristics of individuals has been analyzed and the factors
that make them to adopt a group or to identify them with a specific group has been
determined.
22
This research is significant as the role of caste emotions on the voting behavior of
an individual has been proved by taking data from real world and PLS Statistics test has
been applied on it. Such scientific research and study was not conducted ever before
either in South Asia nor Pakistan, particularly in Punjab. Research has successfully
explored the role of emotions, caste emotions and caste system in shaping voting
behavior of an individual and its effects on the development of democracy in Pakistan.
The hypothesis has also been proved scientifically and study has explored the
emotional dimension in Pakistan’s electoral process and role of passions in decision
making process in a South Asia.
1.4 Hypothesis
Caste emotions restrict increased participation of people in a representative democracy
within a multicultural society.
OR
Caste emotions hinder the development of democracy in a diverse cultural society.
1.5 Indicators of emotions and measurement
Emotions lead towards behavioral characteristics such as facial and physiological
movement like happiness and sadness expressions, shouting, anger, smile, weeping and
these are also referred as indicators of emotions. In the political dimension, emotions are
indicated and measured through protest, social movement, election campaigns and voting
behavior. Behavior regarding voting decisions is under many influences like role of
23
emotions, political socialization and political views. It is a civic duty of every citizen to
cast vote in elections in a democratic state. Voting behavior is a form of political
emotions which explains how and why decisions were made either by public decision
makers or by the electorates. There are certain sociological and psychological factors that
affect voting process and voter’s behavior. Sociological factors that influence voters are
occupation, income, education, gender, age, religion, geography, ethnic background and
family. Voters are also influenced by psychological factors such as political party
identification, caste identification, specific candidates, family and key issues. Family and
caste identification is one of the most influential factors in political socialization and
participation of an individual. An individual from his childhood spent far more time with
family and acquires family’s habits, beliefs, norms and attitude.
In this research work, through voting behavior political dimensions of the
emotions has been measured. Voting behavior is an indicator of political emotion which
is influenced by attitudes beliefs, schema and internal processing of information relating
to politics. The external influences and internal processing of political information deeply
affect the quality of democratic decisions. Each emotion is composed of many
components and each component needs a specific cognitive judgment like whether an
object is required or not, the circumstances are favorable or not. Each judgment also has
some outcomes e.g. urge to select or reject a candidate in the election, to praise or deny
the personality of the candidate. All these emotions and caste affiliations frame politics in
South Asia and play a significant role in the development of democracy, particularly in
Pakistan.
24
1.6 Research Design and Methodology
To understand the phenomenon of politics of emotions, a macro-level approach
has been used and a multidisciplinary perspective on caste politics was conducted while
analyzing its implications for South Asia. Pakistan has been chosen to study the caste
politics in a Muslim society perspective. An analysis of many aspects like how caste
emotions and caste system make an impact on development of democracy, political
culture, and voting behavior in Pakistan electoral process and a case study of Punjab has
carried out. It is a descriptive study based on research which has exposed that authority of
the individual has been continuously influenced by the power of emotions, acting through
the caste system in Punjab. Primary and secondary sources of data collection are used.
Interview and questionnaire techniques of primary data sources were planned to make it
an action research.
The philosophical ideas which influence the research are known as paradigm.
These philosophical ideas need to be identified though they remain hidden in the
research. The major paradigms are Positivism, Constructivism, Advocacy and Pragmatic.
Research paradigm used in my research work is based on theory of Pragmatism. The
logic of political inquiry is done through Pragmatism and research strategy is based on
induction. A behavioral approach to political inquiry has adopted as politics of caste
emotions shows a societal behavior.
Research Design refers to the plan, structure, and strategy of research- it is the
blueprint that has guided my research process. A comprehensive plan and procedure for
assessing this research problem was required. As the researcher has a choice of designs,
25
so in this research work, mixed method research design was used to test the hypothesis.
The mixed method research approach is the combination of qualitative and quantitative
approaches and provides a better understanding of research problem. In this case study,
the purpose was to carry out an in-depth analysis of caste emotions and effects of
‘politics of emotion’ on the development of democracy.
In the mixed method design, the exploratory sequential mixed model has been
applied to inquire the research question. In this exploratory sequential approach the study
was started with a qualitative research phase to explore the views of participants. Then
the data was analyzed, and the information was used to build into a second, quantitative
phase. The qualitative phase was used, to build an instrument that best fitted the sample
under study, to identify appropriate instruments to be used in the quantitative phase, and
to specify variables that were needed in the quantitative study.
The research method involves the data collection, data analysis and interpretation.
In the choice of research methods; qualitative, quantitative and mixed method, the
researcher has chosen the mixed research method. It has provided flexibility to my
research method for collecting, analyzing and interpretation of the research data that was
collected through close ended questionnaire, structured and unstructured interview of the
concerned population or sample (electorate).
26
The following are the research tool used in this study:
1.6.1 Population of the study
The study population in this research includes the registered electorates of
Pakistan as it is a case study of Punjab (Pakistan) in South Asia. The registered voters of
Pakistan in 25th July, 2018 elections were105.96 million, according to the report of
election commission of Pakistan. The number of male voters was 59.22 m and the female
voters were 46.7 m, comprising of 55.9% and 44.1% respectively. The province of
Punjab had the highest number of registered voters as 60.67 million and there was a 23%
increase as compared to 2013 elections in Pakistan. The registered voters in Punjab were
consisted of 33.68 million male voters and 26.99 million were female voters. Total
number of democratically elected members of National Assembly is 342 and out of it 272
are filled by direct elections. Out of 272 seats, 183 seats are allocated for Punjab province
in the National Assembly of Pakistan.
1.6.2 Sampling
Instead of covering all electorates of Pakistan, the registered voters of Punjab
have been selected for sampling in this research work. Sample size was further narrow
downed by choosing nine (9) districts from thirty six (36) districts of Punjab-each three
from North, South and Central Punjab-in order to get accurate results.
Data about election 2008, 2013 and 2018 in the selected districts was collected,
analyzed and then classified to understand the aspects of emotional politics acting
through caste emotions and caste system. From designated nine districts of Punjab, two
constituencies from each district were chosen, one from rural and one from urban area. A
27
total number of eighteen (18) constituencies from nine (9) districts were picked for
sampling. Tehsil and Union Council level was taken for sampling in the research to
collect data. Form the list of registered voters, a number of 20 voters was designated from
each rural and urban constituency of nine selected districts of Punjab. The 20 participants
(voters) were divided equally into 10 male and 10 female to avoid gender biases.
Depending upon the availability of voters, a total of 360 participants in the research
contributed to collect data for the study. The selected participant has represented the
potential participation in this research. Almost every segment of society was involved in
expressing their views and behavior with respect to vote. The participants were common
voters of Punjab. The number of selected electorate was 40 from each district out of 9
districts making a total of 360 participants who participated in the research work.
1.6.3 Sampling Technique
Stratified Random Sampling technique is used in this research as the participants
were divided into small groups or strata and partakers were relevant to the research
question. They have provided the best information to achieve the objectives of this
research. The selected participants had the required information and were likely ready to
share it with the researcher.
1.6.4 Pilot Study
It is a pilot study as the research has explored the role of caste emotions in politics
of South Asia about which a little knowledge is available. A small scale study in Punjab
(Pakistan) has been undertaken to investigate the ‘politics of emotion’ and role of caste
28
emotions on the voting behavior intensions. The research has worth and can be
generalized to South Asia.
1.6.5 Expert review
The experts’ opinion has been taken to remove any error and flaws from research.
The professor of sociology, psychology, statistics and political science were consulted
throughout the research work. Their suggestions and guidance has helped me to improve
my research.
1.6.6 Data Collection
In my research work the data is collected by both secondary and primary sources.
Secondary source is consisted of the books, documents, archives, and newspaper and
government records. In the primary sources, the data is collected through structured
interviews with the sampling element and close ended questionnaire as QPE
(Questionnaire Politics of Emotions).
1.6.7 Data Analysis
The method of data analysis is mixed method using Qualitative and Quantitative
as my research problem could not be accurately assessed using one design. Data has
analyzed by using text and statistical techniques as SPSS software and interpreting the
patterns, themes and features of the research work.
29
1.7 Definition of Terms
Emotions
Emotions can be defined as an affective state of consciousness in which joy,
sorrow, fear, hate, or the like, is experienced, as distinguished from cognitive and
volitional states of consciousness. It is an instinctive or intuitive feeling distinguished
from reason or knowledge. Feeling, sentiments, sensation, inclinations are alternate
words used to describe emotions. Generally speaking, it is any relatively brief conscious
experience characterized by intense mental activity and a high degree of pleasure or
displeasure. Scientific discourse has drifted to other meanings and there is no consensus
on a definition.
Politics
"Politics" is derived from the words "poly" meaning "many", and "tics" meaning
"blood-sucking parasites. Some define politics as exercise of power. It talks about the
ways that power is shared in an organization and the ways it is affected by personal
relationships between people who work together. It is very often said that politics is about
power.
Politics is also a particular set of political belief or principles. The principles are
relating to or inherent in a sphere or activity, especially when concerned with power and
status. These are activities that aimed at improving someone’s status or increasing power
within an organization.
30
Politics can be defined as the activities associated with the governance of a
country or area, especially the debate between parties having power. It is the study of
ways in which countries are governed. It can also be activities, actions, and policies that
are used to gain and hold power in a government or to influence a government. It is a
person's opinion about the management of government. Formal Politics refers to the
operation of a constitutional system of government and publicly defined institutions and
procedures. Political views, believes, power struggle, manipulation, government, party
politics are also used as alternate words.
Democracy
It is a system of government by whole population or all the eligible members of a
state, typically through elected representatives, elective government, constitutional
government, popular government and representative government are also used to describe
democracy.
Democracy is a government in which the supreme power is vested in the people
and exercised by them directly or indirectly through a system of representation, usually
involving periodically held free elections.
It is a system of government in which power is vested in the people who rule
either directly or through freely elected representatives. No consensus exists on how to
define democracy but legal equality, political freedom and rule of law are identified as
important characteristics of democracy.
31
Caste
The word caste is derived from the Portuguese or Spanish word,’ casta’, meaning
lineage, pure or chaste, breed or race. It can be defined as a rigid social system in which a
social hierarchy is maintained generation after generation and allows little mobility out of
the position to which a person is born .Castes are further divided into sub-castes, (zat in
Pakistan) which are more important in terms of their impact on daily lives of people. The
offspring of ancestor belong to the same caste and collection of castes is called biradaryi.
Those who belong to zaats form a biradary, which is the specific socio cultural unit
within which caste rules are performed”. Biradary (literally ‘brotherhood’) is commonly
argued that ‘primordial’ group identities such as family, kinship and caste, or
membership in village faction, play a more important role in determining voting behavior
in the subcontinent, than individual political preferences.
Political Participation
The spirit of democracy is to provide participation to an individual in the political
activities and system. Through political participation an individual participates in the
decision making process of political system and influences the selections and actions of
government. Political participation is defined as the study of behavior and attitudes of an
individual towards politics. There are many ways of political participation and political
participation may be conventional and unconventional. It can be a sanctioned legitimate,
process not only concerns with political process but also unsanctioned, illegitimate, and
violent activities. For stable democracies, every citizen must put its equal participation in
the system. The level of political participation is much disputed. Some theorists have an
32
opinion that too much public participation may cause to cripple down the democratic
system whereas, others argues that greater participation of people leads to more
representation of citizens in democratic government.
Regardless of agreement on the level of political participation, the theorists agree that
some participation is mandatory for a democratic system. There are varying methods
through which citizens participate and influence the decision making process of political
system. The method of participation in government affairs is significant and it controls
the public influence over political matters. Political participation is an integral part to
maintain democracy in a state.
1.8 Limitations and Delimitations of Study
Emotions are identified as feelings, love, hate, hope, anger, protest, sentiments,
reactions, revenge, pride and humiliations and it is not possible to discuss all of them in
this study. So the cultural aspect of emotions has been discussed. Culture is a way of life
consisted on certain values, beliefs and customs of a particular group of people in a
particular territory.
In case of South Asia, culture (caste) system has become a part of political
(culture) system. Political culture is values, beliefs, attitude, feelings and behavior
related to political system. Each political system has a particular political-culture which
governs the political behavior. Considering this fact, study would primarily focus on the
role of caste feelings, beliefs and emotions of the people in the development of a
democratic political system.
33
Emotions are shaped by a number of factors like personality, culture and gender
so the politics of emotions in South Asia is a vast subject to study. This is due to the fact
that people all over the world have same emotions; however, different cultures generate
different feelings and expression with same events. Culture plays a central role in shaping
emotional expression. It was difficult to cover all dimensions of emotions, so this
research has focused on the dimension of emotional dynamics in political system to
understand the political development of democracy in South Asia.
The process of democracy has three major stages in its development, “first, the
rationalization of polity, second, differentiation of administration, and third political
mobilizations and political participation of the people in a civil society”. Keeping in view
these stages, the research has been limited to the political participation and mobilization
that affect the voting behavior of the electorates.
As, the maximum mobilization and participation of the people bring greater
opportunity in the development of democracy. Therefore, caste emotions have been
selected as a significant factor in political mobilization and participation process. It is
political behavior which is established through this process (mobilization and
participation process). Hence, caste institution attains a central position in searching the
patterns of the power of politics and the political behavior, particularly in a multicultural
and developing society of South Asia, Pakistan, which is undergoing the process of
democracy.
While collecting data through questionnaire and interview, there is a possibility
that selected electorates might have concealed their behavior, response and ideas about
34
their caste affiliation. They might not have shared the information about a politically
influential caste in their respective area. Moreover there are chances of a biased opinion
regarding the superiority of a caste. Being a lady it was difficult for me to communicate
with the chauvinist males who always brag about their superiority and might have
retaliated to my questions negatively.
1.9 Work Plan
The PhD dissertation has been divided in the following chapters:
CHAPTER I
An introduction of research thesis has presented in the first chapter. Literature review is
described to get an understanding of all available material related to the research under
discussion. It has helped to find out the flaws in the previous research done by other
scholars and to discover a new dimension of study that has left unexplored. The
significance of this research dissertation has also mentioned in the perspective of its
application in future. Hypothesis of the research is stated along with the description of
research design and methodology. Research design and methodology has guided about
the way the research has conducted and performed. A detailed description of research
tools such as population of study, sampling, sampling techniques, data collection and data
analysis have been stated at the end of chapter. The researcher has to face many
difficulties during the research and have talked about under limitations and delimitations
of research study.
35
CHAPTER II
The second chapter revolves around the theory of emotional politics. A theoretical
perspective of emotions and its relation with politics has been discussed generally. It
provides an insight to the study of emotional dynamics and active role that emotions have
played in the development democracy and political participation of people. Different
theoretical approaches to emotions and politics are mentioned to comprehend how
psychology affects the political phenomenon, emotions and behavior of people in
political affairs. Affiliations of caste emotions and caste identity have been clarified with
the help of Social Identity Theory. Caste identity, group dynamics and inter group
relations in perspective of caste system in South Asia and Pakistan, are simplified with
the support of Social Identity Theory.
CHAPTER III
Emotions have played an important role in shaping social and political identities in South
Asia and Pakistan. This chapter describes a history of formation of these social and
political identities in South Asia under the influence of emotions. The attachment,
feelings, affiliation and emotions to social identity groups, castes, were used to establish
democratic institution. It transformed the social identity of people into political identity
and caste entered in the power structure of political system during colonial era. The
purpose of this chapter is to explain the process of political development, in general and
when it was initiated in South Asia. During political development process, caste emotions
prevailing in the form of caste identities were transformed into political identity in Indian
society. Thus political development in South Asia was established and strengthened with
36
the help of caste emotions. Political development is a dependent process and caste
emotions became a part of this process in South Asia under British rule and Pakistan
received this structure as a legacy.
CHAPTER IV
This chapter describes a conceptual relationship between emotions and political
participation in South Asia. It looks into history that during colonial rule, when
democratic system was introduced in Indian continent, then how political participation
was given to a specific class of the natives. From the existing social culture and structure
in the society, an emotional political culture was consciously created by new rulers to
achieve certain motives. Social institution of caste identity was used while allowing
political participation through vote in the political system.
This chapter also focuses on the dynamics of emotional politics in British India after
1857 and in Pakistan after 1947. Emotions and political participation in Pakistan has been
described giving a brief history from 1947 to 2008. Dynamics of politics of emotions in
Punjab has also been analyzed with reference to election results of 2008, 2013 and 2018.
It has been examined that emotions has played a very important role in politics, political
culture, behavior and attitude of people in South Asia and Pakistan.
CHAPTER V
This chapter provides information relating to the analysis conducted for summarizing the
data gathered through a well-structured questionnaire. Statistical Package for Social
Sciences (SPSS) and Smart Partial Least Square (PLS) 3.2 are used to conduct the
analysis. Moreover, it also provides evidence to test the various hypotheses developed for
37
testing the conceptual model. Furthermore, descriptive statistics are applied to summarize
the demographic characteristics of the participants of the survey.
CHAPTER VI
The sixth chapter is the last chapter of conducted research and is based on conclusion and
recommendation presented by the researcher. The conclusion is constructed with a brief
summary of the views about emotions, caste emotions, caste system, political
development, political participation, elections perceptions, democracy, and voting
behavior influences, presented throughout the thesis. Statistical investigation of survey is
also discussed with respect to role of caste emotions on voting behavior intentions of
individuals and its effects on process of democracy. After the discussion the researcher
has given suggestions to tackle the prevailing influence of caste emotions in politics.
38
CHAPTER II
39
CHAPTER II
Theory of Emotional Politics: A Theoretical perspective
2.1 What are Emotions?
Emotional politics has been a continued affair in the state system since beginning
of nation- state in political studies. It is politics related to emotions based on socio-
cultural and economic values of a political society. The traditional societies like South
Asian societies are influenced by their social value system. South Asian society has a
diversity of culture and social values creating a pluralistic culture and political system in
these societies is also afflicted by such values. Emotions have played an active role in the
development of democratic system and its political culture in South Asia. A study of
emotional dynamics (emotional politics) is required to understand an individual’s
political mobilization and political participation in South Asia. It also helps to observe
role of emotions in the development of democratic process in South Asia.
William James, an American psychologist, questioned in 1884, ’What is an
emotion?’ (Gul & Mubarak, 2017), and since then every effort in sociological,
psychological, and philosophical field has tried to define it but till now there is no
universally accepted definition or topology of emotions. There is no unanimity among the
scholars of philosophy, psychology, sociology and social neuroscience to a precise
definition of emotions (Engelken & Ibara Guell, 2011) nor a ‘satisfactory common thread
is available that draws the myriad cultural emotional differentiations into one definitional
basket’ (Franks, 2006 ).
40
Emotion is a complex phenomenon and thought to be composed of socially
constructed rules on which emotions should be experienced and expressed (Gordon,
1990,;Turner & Stets, 2005). Some viewed emotions as a ‘multi-component
phenomenon’ (Frijida, 2004,; Stein & Oatley, 1992) and others as an ‘open system’
(Dermetiz, 2013). Like psychology of emotions, the sociology of emotions provides
different theoretical dimension. For example, affect control theory singles out affective
appraisal (Robinson & Smith-Lovin, 2005), interaction theories focus on cultural norms
(Peterson, 2005), while ritual theories give importance to the appearance of emotional
states and processes (Summers, 2005). In an unstructured way emotion, in the singular, is
a thought category or a hypothetical concept which provides in perspective a common
thread among the internal shadings of emotions (in the plural) which are actually
experienced by people (Barbalet, 1998) and ‘merge endlessly into each other’ (Ahall &
Greogry, 2015). In this respect, emotion may be defined as inner state of mind and heart
in relation with societal, psychological, economic and cultural norms and factors.
2.2 Theoretical approaches to Emotions and Politics
The relation between emotion and politics is deep rooted existing in all layers of
relations at individual level, group level, community level and mass level. There are
different ways in which emotions shape individual’s social behavior, public opinion, civil
society and in turn are also shaped by them. Politics is also an emotional activity. In
politics, emotions are marginalized for many reasons; firstly, passions are separated from
the politics because conventionally it was attached with romance, idealism, myth, legend
and utopian conceptions. Emotion was considered unrelated to the modern ‘public
sphere’ presented by Habermas and was measured as less influential in notion of politics,
41
which remained a popular vision at the end of the 1960s till day. Second reason for
emotions being marginalized was the appearance of supremacy of ‘interest’ as opposed to
‘passion’ which has remained an explaining factor of all political action, and remained in
effect from the middle of the 18th century. The third reason for being insignificant of
emotion was the dominance of rational choice paradigm for many years across a very
large number of political science departments in the United States and Europe (Dermetiz,
2013). The rational choice paradigm perceives emotions as irrational elements or as
objective traits which do not affect actor’s ‘rational’ thinking (Druckman & Lupia, 2006).
An individual is center of emotions and is surrounded by a social environment. Thus
emotions are not only a biological and psychological phenomenon but also a social
phenomenon. Social environment determines ‘which emotions are expressed when and
where, on whom, at grounds and for what reasons, by what modes of expression, by
whom’ (Kemper, 2004). These emotions appear because of ‘the interaction between
individuals and their social situations’ (Barbalet, 1998). According to my opinion, from
evolutionary viewpoint, emotions have deep social roots both within the society and the
individual, ever since from the advent of first humans (Adam and Eve) on this earth.
From scientific viewpoint, emotions are waves, electromagnetic or nerve impulse,
affective as a change in an individual behavior in its relation with environment- social,
psychological, and political. Thus, emotions can be defined as a state of mind and heart
which is stimulated by environmental factors as socio-political and psychological.
Over the last two decades, in the field of social studies and humanities, a trend
towards emotions has emerged again. In 1986, American Sociology Association
approved a different section on sociology of emotions and since 2004 European
42
Sociological Association has a Research Network on Emotions (http://socemot.com/). So
Sociology of Emotions has appeared as a subfield and is on the way to become a new
world view or paradigm. On the other hand, political sociology of emotions has not yet
established as a subfield and academics has not realized its importance as a micro
foundation of an individual political action, political perceptions, political intentions,
public opinion, macro political institutionalization, socio-political behavior and group
politics. Such a relationship between emotion and politics is ambiguous. The
development of political neuroscience research, sociology of emotions, and consideration
by psychologist about political thinking, opinion, and action have moved research trend
away from cognitive and behaviorism (Capelos, 2013). Cognitive and behaviorism have
not talked about emotions. These theories have focused on thought processes and
behavior and did not focused on emotions as an important factor in human psychology.
Now post-modern era has moved away and separation of emotions from reason in
political analysis is no more followed.
The role of emotions in politics is not a new phenomenon; it is only a rediscovery
of process after decades of negligence. The Greek philosophers, Socrates, Plato, and
Aristotle have described emotions as playing important role in political rhetoric and
misleading the common people through demagogues. Machiavelli and Hobbes evaluated
how emotion of love and fear influence power (Hobbes, 1968)and Hume analyzed the
impact of moral sentiments on human reason. During the era of enlightenment and
reasoning, emotions were segregated from reasoning and rationality, and political
decision was taken as rational act. For almost a century, political studies disdained from
role of emotions and passions. Political actors were considered as rational actors bearing
43
in mind only their state interests with limitations on information processing capacities. In
the personality of political actor or leader, passion was separated from reason, and
emotion was alienated from cognition. After the Second World War, wave of
behaviorism and positivism powerfully gripped the study of social sciences. In the 21st
century new developments in social sciences and social psychology, brought the theories
of ‘Discursive turn’ and ‘Affective turn’ (Thompson & Hoggett, 2012) which rediscover
the role of emotions and passions on behavior, attitude, beliefs, perceptions, values,
intentions, motives, opinions and so on. It has also investigated how the interaction
between people influence and shape individual’s opinion, belief and behavior and in turn
is shaped by them. The interest of academic studies in human emotions, feelings and
passions has reemerged and famous traditional philosophers like Nietzsche, Bergson,
Scheler, Deleuze and Guattari in postmodern era have mentioned importance of feeling
and its affect in individuals’ lives (Thompson & Hoggett, 2012).
Sociology also provides different ways to understand emotions and feeling in its
institutional and organizational aspect (Hochschild, 1983). Emotions are experienced
individually at personal level and exist in the values, belief, and cultures of institutions,
organizations and professions. For a long period the world and social sciences has
developed nothing new and has rejected the involvement of emotions in political actions
and movements. It is strange that a determined rejection to the emotion in social and
political sciences has appeared in a world society which has faced radical hatred like
racial cleansing in Bosnia and Rwanda, rule of fear and terror in communist regime, fear
of terrorism in 21st century, and emotions in ‘the Arab Spring ’ (Pearlamn, 2013).
44
Emotions help to understand the way in which people construct their political
attitudes, behavior, motivations, perceptions, intentions which have undeniable effects for
democracy. People built their opinion and political behavior, likeness and dislike,
selection and rejection not only through reasoning but also through emotions. Emotions
appear first and come before cognition, thoughts and perceptions. Thus emotions are
basis of an individual behavior. In politics, emotions appear as power and act as a
determinant for political decision making process (Marcus, 2000). On the basis of
emotions an individual evaluates political leader and decides to vote in elections. A
candidate with good character and reputation creates a good feeling of honor, respect, or
hope while a politician with bad character and negative repute causes uneasiness, anger
and irritation. Individual is the fabric of society and on the basis of these emotions, one
elects or rejects a candidate in election and emotions becomes a determining feature of
decision making process in electoral politics. Study on Neuroscience and Psychology has
also proved that decision making is an emotional act and emotions are inescapable during
this process (Frank, 2006) and individual remains unconscious of emotional involvement
(Marcus G. E., 2003). Thus there appears a link between emotions, judgment, decision
and politics.
So emotions and feeling are always involved in politics whether Greek era or
current era of Barack Obama’s ‘politics of hope’ (Thompson & Hoggett, 2012). Emotions
are individually experienced and then embodied in the cultural fabric of society. It shapes
the structure of society, from basic unit of family institution to social and political
institution. Socially constructed feelings are transformed into emotions. There has
remained a relation between politics and emotion theme right back from Greeks. History
45
of South Asia also shows that emotions have played a decisive role in creation of two
states, Pakistan and India, though those emotions were religious and protestors.
2.3 Theoretical approaches to Emotions and Politics
The political phenomenon is a complex one and it has always remained an issue
for political philosophers. New methods, research, techniques and many ways have been
used to answer questions like, what makes people evaluate a candidate. What are
preferences for a voter? What are intentions and behavior of people in election? Under
what influences, perception and motivations people cast their votes? What factors
influences voting behavior?. Behavior, attitude, influence, emotions, perceptions,
motivations, personalities and their thought processes are related to psychology of people
who are active in politics and provide modern basis, methods and ways to understand
politics. Psychology of people involved in politics or political psychology “explores the
border between the intellectual notion of politics and psychology that addresses the ways
in which political institutions both affect and are affected by human behavior” (Jost &
Sidanius, 2004). Essentially political psychology is the affect, behavior and cognition of
political science. It helps to understand personalities of political leaders, their attitudes
and behavior. Theories of political psychology describe personalities and attitudes and
also role of emotions in political attitude, behavior, political ideology and intergroup
dynamics.
Historically, study of personalities in politics laid the foundation of
political psychology in mid last century. In early stages of political psychology, political
leadership was studied by analyzing personal characteristics such as motivations and
46
traits. In an effort to describe political personality, psychoanalytical approach and motive
theories were analyzed. Psychoanalytical studies used psychobiography while analyzing
political figures which explored the psychoanalytical perspectives on ego-defense (Link
& Glad, 1994) and personality trait disorders like narcissism (Volkan, 1980) and paranoia
in political personalities (Birt, 1993) . The individual characteristics, motivations and
cognitive styles are assessed in trait approach and its role in interpersonal,
conventionalism, interactions, information processing and in decision making and
management in politics. The significant political psychology theory was Authoritative
Personality theory which appeared after World War II. The concept of authoritarian
personality was developed by psychologist to understand Fascism (Adorno, 1950) using
psychoanalytical principles. Personal traits such as submission to authority figures,
conventionalism, and authoritarian aggression were indicators of individual’s potential
for fascism and antidemocratic behavior reflecting and moving towards authoritarian
personality.
In the development of psychology second wave appeared in the 1960’s and
1970’s as a result of research work of Michigan School on attitude and voting behavior.
An extensive research work on public opinion and voting preferences was conducted by
the University of Michigan for the first time (Campbell, Converse, Miller, & Stokes,
1960). This research work on political attitude caused emergence of further models on
attitude and behavior in political psychology such as role of media in affecting political
attitudes, racial politics and political socialization (Ottai, 2002). After the successful
research work of Michigan Studies, further research was sought to understand political
cognition, attitude, and behaviors because of socialization by family, teachers and peers.
47
This led to concept of Political Socialization, as a process through which an individual
acquires particular orientation formed during childhood.8. The factors, agents or
influences, to which an individual is, exposed in childhood plays an important role in
development of voting behavior in the future. Parents are identified as primary agent or
influence in the development of child’s political orientation. The theory of parents as
primary influence in political information has also been supported by recent research in
Australia by the Australian Electoral Commission.
The 1980’s and 1990’s is called the third era of political psychology and is
characterized by emergence of political ideology and social cognition (Jost J. & Sidanius,
2004). This phase of political psychology is dominated by Information Processing Theory
(IPT) presented by George A. Miller. Traditional model of voting behavior emphasized
sociological, attitudinal and rational determinants of voting behavior (Lazarsfield, 1949).
These models of voting behavior disregarded cognitive processing while evaluating
candidate. Recent models of voting behavior have focused on cognitive processes,
involved in voting decision and voting choices. It stresses that decision about voting
preferences about a political candidate depends upon the acquisition, comprehensions,
interpretation and integration of information about a political candidate (Riggle, 1996).
Information that an individual receives has a great influence on political judgment and
forming voting preferences. Usually, individuals are more attentive to information which
supports or analogues to their upholding prior knowledge. According to the Cognitive
Dissonance Theory, individual approach and attend to information that upholds their
attitude and avoids attitude discrepant information. People support their belief through
seeking relative information, whether this information is about candidate or a party or an
48
ideology (Wyer, 1984). During voting processes, an individual has to asses and consider
a number of factors, influences and information about candidate. When voter has lack of
or little information about a candidate or are unmotivated to possess required
information, then they rely on Heuristic processing (heuristics of selective Retrieval) or
use Cognitive heuristic that can distort both elite’s decision-making and the mass public
preferences (Jost & Sidanius, 2004).
Recent research and studies has suggested that voters have emotional or affective
reaction and use these feelings to evaluate political candidates and cast their vote. This
research has included candidate characteristics, contextual cues, and affective states
guiding cognition. In decision making process this emotion can act as a positive factor or
role while to appear to be un-emotion has been proven to impede important elements in
decision making. (Marcus G., 2000). This view was further supported by Isen (1993), in a
review of studies of positive affect, who notes that positive affect and emotions promotes
improvements in problem solving negotiating and decision making (Isen, 1993).
Individual does not live in isolation and has some interaction with others in social
and political environment (Cottam, 2004). Contemporary political psychology studies the
intergroup relations in order to understand making of public policy, political decisions
and political intergroup conflict. In intergroup relation, two theories have emerged-
Social Dominance Theory and the Social Identity Theory. The Social Dominance Theory
argues that an individual is prejudice in acceptance of an ideology and accepts in-group
serving, hierarchy and domination and rejects egalitarian ideologies (Jost J. & Sidanius,
2004). The Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Trner) argues that intergroup conflicts
appear due to psychological process of perceptual categorization, social comparison and
49
identity enhancement. This theory helps to understand the political phenomena as in-
group favoritism and discrimination against out-group. Social Identity Theory describes
inter-group and intra-group interaction, perceptions, behavior and attitude along with in-
group cooperation, favoritism leading to self-concept. SIT theory emphasizes on self-
concept assuming that an individual interacts with its environment and with the world in
two aspects; as an individual and as a member of any group it feels belonged to. They,
individuals, feel prejudice and discrimination and a sense of competition towards out-
group members which may lead to conflict. Group perception or identity they are aligned
also has a positive effect as creates a sense of cooperation with group members and to
improve its position, in resources, as an individual and as a group.
2.4 Features of Social Identity Theory
Social Identity Theory was presented by social psychologist, Tajfel and Turner
first in 1970’s and then in 1980’s2. This theory describes social identity to explain group
dynamics or intergroup behavior (Tajfel, 1978). An individual derived its self-concept,
’who am I’, from membership of a social group and gets identity of social selves- a
shared sense of belonging to a group. Social Identity Theory is different from Social
Categorization Theory (Loy, 2017). Limited awareness or understanding of Social
Identity Theory motivated John Turner and colleagues to develop a self-categorization
theory, which is called a cousin theory of SIT, and it provides a deep insight on self and
group processes. The accomplishment of both Social Identity Theory and Self-
Categorization Theory is described under term Social Identity Approach or Social
Identity Perspective. Social Identity Theory advocates that a group, to whom an
50
individual is a member and drives self-concept or self- identity from relevant group, can
change an individual’s behavior due to emotional attachment to that group.
According to Social Identity Theory, social behavior is the outcome of two
factors, one is cognitive identity and other is social identity. Relationship between these
two extremes is well described through self-categorization theory and SIT lays stress on
social structures factors influencing an individual’s behavior and form of behavior that
may occur. Social structures are patterned social arrangement and shape behavior of
individual in a social system. Family, religion, law, economy, class and caste are social
structures. These social structures influence important social systems in a society as
economic system, legal system, cultural system and political system. SIT has a key
assumption of positive distinctiveness as a motivation for individual to achieve that
“individuals strive to achieve or to maintain positive social identity (David L, 2015) for a
positive self- concept (Haslam, 2001). In order to seek positive distinctiveness, an in
group favoritism or in-group biases appears when a group comes in competition to out-
group (other social group) in social system.
Tajfel and Turner argued human interaction on a scale of interpersonal on one end
of scale and purely intergroup at other end of scale. An interpersonal interaction involves
purely and entirely as individuals without any awareness of social categories and it
transforms into an intergroup interaction as individual leaves idiosyncratic,
individualizing qualities as it gets awareness of group memberships. This sense of social
cognition making ‘us and them’ distinction, results in a change in people behavior how
they see themselves and others. The interpersonal spectrum is ‘personal identity’,
consisted of people’s self-concept that makes an individual distinct from others and is
51
consisted of attitudes, behaviors, memories and emotions - defining them as idiosyncratic
individuals. At the intergroup end, personal identity merges into ‘social identity’ and
individual derives identity from social categories to which one belongs. In intergroup
behavior, people are motivated to have positive self-concept and to think of their group as
good groups and act in ways that maintain their positive distinctiveness relative to out
groups.
There are certain factors or conditions under which social group identification
(Caste) in South Asia was politicized and transformed into identity politics. In the
Western countries and America, group membership is of a social group and group
identification can be categorized as race, religion, ethnic and gender persuading certain
aim and objective. On the other hand, South Asian society is divided into different social
classes based on profession of ancestors as adopted by future generations. Such social
identification in South Asia is called Caste, Zat or Biradary or Tribe. All members
belonging to one group have common ancestors and certain family tree. It is a subjective
sense of identification present in the members of each unique group moving towards a
social identification. Under certain conditions, these socially identified groups are
politicized and get political cohesion or identification either to a political party or
ideology. It makes the socially identified group politicized into identity politics or
political identity. Such are political positions based on the interests and perspectives of
social groups with which people identify themselves. Identity politics includes the ways
in which people's politics are shaped by aspects of their identity through loosely
correlated social organizations. Examples include social organizations based on age,
religion, social class or caste, culture, dialect, disability, education, ethnicity, language,
52
nationality, sex, gender identity, generation, occupation, profession, race, political party
affiliation, sexual orientation, settlement, urban and rural habitation, and veteran status.
Political cohesion of a socially identified group is an objective sense of identification
whereas Social Group Identification is a subjective sense of identification present in all
members of group. According to Tajfel, a social identity involves an individual’s
“knowledge of his membership in a social group or groups together with the value and
emotional significance attached to the membership (Turner J. C., 1978)”.
Partisan identification has been described by Campbell and Colleagues as not
only a set of beliefs but also feelings that culminates in a sense of “psychological
attachment” of a person to a political group (Campbell, Converse, Miller, & Stokes,
1960). It means that political identity is a social identity with political application.
Political identity leads to group of people to share political beliefs and the correct group
position on a political candidate, political party, policy issue or sense of political action.
This vision of political identity is much broader than Simon and Klandermans (2001)
who define it as a concept of politicization restricted to group engaged in collective
power struggle. A political identity is an offshoot of social identity emerged on basis of
sharing political ideas and beliefs and become political through group governing
member’s action.
This research work has focused on social and political identity. It addresses many
factors such as social identity role played in the development of political cohesion and
cohesive, political thinking, opinion, attitudes, and behavior. To what extent social
identity can influence political identity and could strengthen or weaken it. The electoral
process would be threatened or not and can influence dynamics of elections. It also sheds
53
light on the role of emotions in evaluating a candidate or a political party in election. It
has highlighted emotional nature of strongly identified groups and its members during
electoral process. Political participation and mobilization of an individual iss
manipulated by emotions of group identification, will be analyzed, while casting vote to a
candidate. The process of democratic development in South Asia, particularly in Pakistan
is threatened or enhanced by caste emotions (identification emotion) of an individual.
Some other interesting questions will be investigated as, what are the cognitive and
motivational measures that make an individual to strongly identify its self with a social
group than to a political identity? Are emotions of identity in a group hindering or
accelerating democratic process? Are emotions of group identity (cast identification) lead
towards a control behavior? Is controlled behavior social identification theory moves
towards development of controlled democracy? All such questions are answered in the
coming chapters.
54
CHAPTER III
55
CHAPTER III
Emotions: Shaping South Asian Social and Political Identities
Emotions have played an important role in formation of social and political
identities in South Asia. Under the influence of cultural emotions, South Asian society is
divided into many social groups. This division is based on functions performed by
individuals in the society. Such categorization of the people in Indian continent was
recognized as their social identities. These social identities have imparted a hierarchical
structure to South Asian society. These socio-cultural identities remained intact as a part
of social system until the arrival of British rulers. Many invaders have ruled Indian
continent for several centuries and none of them have tried to make any change in the
social structure of society. They ruled this region for economic and political interests,
while social structures (and social identities) were kept segregated from governing
system. When British rulers imposed its rule in 1857, it brought many changes in the
structure of state. Various new legal and administrative policies were adopted in British
India to rule over natives. They introduced a new political system and structure in
traditional Indian society. This society was governed by one man rule “Monarchy or
Kingship”. British rulers introduced western democratic system in traditional India. In
order to establish democratic institutions, they took help from existing social structure of
Indian society. Political development process was initiated in British India which
transformed social structures and identities into political identities. During this
transformational process of society, emotions related to caste and social order of the local
people were manipulated to bring change in political system. The attachment, feelings,
56
affiliation and emotions to social identity groups and’ castes were used to establish
democratic institution. It transformed the social identity of people into political identity
and caste entered in the power structure of political system. Thus political development
process in South Asia was established and strengthened with the help of caste emotions.
The purpose of this chapter is to explain the process of political development, in
general and particularly focusing on its initiation in South Asia. During political
development process, caste emotions prevailing in the form of caste identities were
transformed into political identity in Indian society. Political development is a dependent
process and caste emotions became a part of this process in South Asia under British rule.
3.1Political Development and Caste Emotions in South Asia:
Theoretical Perspective
Historically, concept of political development can be traced back to mid-forties of
twentieth century, after the end of World War II when many African and Asian states got
liberation from colonized rulers. The theoretical concepts of many writers like Toennies,
Max Weber, Malinowski, Radcliffe Brown, Talcott Parsons and Marion Levy was
supported by the practical works of E.Hagen (On the theory of Social Change, 1964),
L.W. Pye (Aspects of Political Development, 1966), D. Mc Celland (The Achieving
Society, 1961), Karl Deutsch ( The Nerves of Government, 1963) and David Easton ( A
System Analysis of Political Life, 1965 ) in mid 1960s. Further the study of Africa, South
Asia, South-East Asia and Middle East by Coleman, Apter, Lucian Pye, F. Riggs,
R.Ward Weiner and Frey strengthened the concept of political development (Tripathi,
2008).
57
Political scientists do not have agreement on a precise definition of ‘political
development’. Samuel H. Beer has given importance to time dimension in the concept of
political development. He has associated three dimensions to this concept. Firstly, it is a
directional movement or trends. Secondly, this directional change appears in stages and
thirdly, each stage is followed by preceding one-“several successive stages of an entity,
each caused by preceding stage, with the whole process showing a trend (Beer, 1974).”
In political history of twentieth century, concept of political development was
considered indispensable to achieve the ideal of democracy and self-reliance in a political
system. It became meaningful for many African, Middle East and Asian states in 1960’s.
In twenty-first century, political development has become a universal concept for many
states recognized as modernization, growth and development. There is still no established
definition of political development and it still remains a questionable term in Political
Science.
Different definitions and views of political thinkers, economist, and sociologist
scholars have posed this concept a challenge and made it a multi-dimensional concept.
Further problem with the concept appeared when western political thinkers applied
concept of political development to non-western countries with traditional societies of
Asia, Africa and Middle-East. Political development process in non-western states has to
face a divergent environment due to different social, economic and cultural conditions as
compared to Western states. It has also contributed to the evolution of concept of political
development.
58
All political scientists have defined it in their own meaning as Lucian W. Pye
describes political development as “adjustment between old patterns of life and new
demands (Pye & Verba, 1965).” The concept of political development has a vast variety
of definition due to its relation with social, political, economic and cultural aspects of a
society and each thinker has defined it its own views. Lerner (1958) defines political
development as one aspect of multi-dimensional social change process where as Almond
describes political development as mobilization of power (Almond &Verba, 1963).
According to Weber and La Palombara (1963), political development is” an
administrative development and legal development in which bureaucracy is the main
point of political development (La Palombara. & Weber, 1963)”. With reference to
development of democracy, La Palombara explains that political development is the
building of democracy by promoting democratic values among the people
The concept of political development has been analyzed in depth by Lucian Pye
who has a leading position among the earlier batch of writers. Pye has thought of
political development as a process of cultural diffusion, of adapting, fusing, and adjusting
old patterns of life to new demands. He has regarded evolution of nation-state system as
first step supporting gradual diffusion through all societies of world culture. According to
Lucian W. Pye, “Political development is a basic concept supporting the gradual
diffusion throughout all societies of what we might call a world culture (Pye &Verba,
1965)” and development of a national state is leading phase to grasp political
development. He argues that political development may take place in the whole
population, at government level and in the organization of political system as well. He
has also mentioned that political development attacks the origins of people’s beliefs,
59
perception and sentiments about politics, political participation, and political competition
of social and political groups (caste, biradary, tribe). Applying it to British India, the
process of political development appeared at government level and in the institutional
organization of political system of colonial India. It also strikes at the roots of people’s
beliefs, perceptions, intentions and emotions about politics in the form of caste and
biradary in British India.
These different definitions of political development assign some characteristics of
this phenomenon. Pye has described three characteristics of political development as’
equality, capacity and differentiation’. Equality implies mass participation and popular
involvement in political activities and participation may be either democratic or
totalitarian mobilization, the key objective is to make subjects an active citizens. The
appearance or resemblance to a popular rule is binding and laws “should be of a
universalistic nature, applicable to all and more or less impersonal in their operation”.
Differentiation points toward diffusion and specialization of structures. There should be a
division of labor and work in government institutions, offices and agencies, defining
distinct and limited functions, means specialization of functions in the institutions.
Differentiation of functions is not isolated and segregated rather it involves integration of
complex structures of government. Thus differentiation “is not fragmentation and
isolation of different parts of political system but specialization based on an ultimate
sense of integration.” Capacity denotes ‘output ’a system can give and to what extent it
affects society and economy. It defines government performance and those conditions
that affect performance. Thus capacity is related with effectiveness and efficiency in the
execution of public policy which involves rationality in administration and a secular
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orientation towards policy. Government actions need deliberations and justifications to
transmit ends and means in a systematic manner. In the wider perspective of political
development, characteristic of equality is concerned with political culture, capacity is
related to the performance of authoritative structures of government and differentiation is
the performance of the non-authoritative structures and the general political processes in
the society in broader aspect. Thus political development is a dependent variable on
equality, differentiation and capacity.
3.1.1 History of Caste Emotions in South Asia
Caste System Theory
Caste system exits throughout the world but the classical example is the caste
system that prevails in Indian society, having its roots from ancient Indian’s history.
After World War II, Indian subcontinent was recognized as South Asia by United Nations
comprising of Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, and Bangladesh (
after 1971). So the origin of caste system in South Asia has its roots in ancient Indian
history. The anthropologist and sociologist use Indian caste system as analogical base to
study social division based on caste outside India.
The word ‘Caste ’has its origin to Spanish and Portuguese word ‘Casta’ which
means “race, pure, lineage, or breed”. After colonization of New World by Spanish,
“clan or lineage “word was used by them but Portuguese used the word for first time in
modern sense after their arrival in India in1498 ,for Indian society that consisted of
endogamous, hereditary social groups. Caste is a system of arrangement of people into
groups in a society which is based on birth, occupation, language, endogamy, and
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hereditary transfer of lifestyle, customs, values, norms and traditions. Caste is a social
identification of people living in a society. Membership of such group is decided by birth
and an individual can’t move out of it, making it a closed group (Ahmad & Fozia, 2011).
The caste-system is established in almost all human societies irrespective of East
or West. The caste- system can be defined as people grouped themselves on the basis of
class, language, profession, particular area, clan and socio-economic segregation. Caste/
biradary has become a socio-political group promoting certain ideas, belief and values,
and using it as a socio-economic and political power, for their own ends and interests. It
can be defined as a rigid social system in which a social hierarchy is maintained
generation after generation and allows little mobility out of the position to which a person
is born (Ahmed, 2004). Castes are further divided into sub-castes, (zaat in Pakistan)
which are more important in terms of their impact on daily lives of people. The offspring
of an ancestor belongs to the same caste and collection of castes is called biradary. Those
who belong to same caste or Zaat form a biradari, which is the specific socio- cultural
unit within which caste rules are performed. Biradari (literally ‘brotherhood’) is
commonly argued that ‘primordial’ group identities such as family, kinship and caste, or
membership (Ian, 1996) in village faction, play a more important role in determining
voting behavior in the subcontinent, than individual political preferences (Wilder, 1999).
Caste basically is a social institution but removal of boundary between ‘civil
society ‘and ‘political society’ after social contract theory (Locke, 1980), has caused
caste institution to influence political institution from its gross roots. Caste social identity
enters in politics and manipulates emotions, thoughts, mind set and feelings of
individuals to get power and to attain a hegemonic position. Power means how ‘to
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influence or to be influenced by other’ (Mingst, 2004). Caste identity has an influx of
power which is used through emotions of the individuals.
3.1.2 Caste Emotions in South Asia
South Asia is comprised of a populated and cultivated land and its history is as
old as human civilization on earth. Before 50000 to12000, people in this area used to live
in caves and were scattered. Then some savage tribes named ‘Austrialied’ entered South
Asia in search of food as this cultivated land was abundant in food (Jilalpuri, 1999). A
Tribe named as ‘Drawarr’ entered subcontinent in 29000 B.C. and established the first
civilization on Indian subcontinent but they were attacked and scattered by strong Aryans
civilization that brought with them a caste system and established it in South Asia.
The origin of caste system in South Asia can be traced back to arrival of Aryans
from Central Asia (Kulk & Rothermund, 2004). Aryan invaded South Asia and
established caste system in the society to control and command the native population.
They divided the people on basis of functions and key roles in the society. Different
functions were assigned to the people dividing them into four major groups in a
hierarchical structure. Brahmins or priests at the top, Kashatriyas or the warriors come
next; Vaishyas, the merchants and landowners forms the third layer in the hierarchical
structure of society. At the bottom of societal stratum are the Sudars, the untouchables or
Harijans and Dalits.
Later on, this caste system spread to the entire region which is now named as
South Asia. The history of caste system or its evolution is linked with the evolution of
Hindu religion in South Asia or Indian continent. Even though many parts or states in
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this region, abandoned their religion later on but people did not leave their affiliation with
that caste system under the influence of socio cultural emotions.
Historians have much debated on the complicated phenomenon of formation of
caste system in India but they all have agreement on its formation after Aryan invasion..
When Aryan invaded Indian continent from Central Asia, they brought their own Gods
with them named as Indra, Aghni, Vayu. With the passage of time, local gods of Indian
continent known as Shiva, Vishnu, and Brahma were also adopted by Aryan rulers.
Though the Indus valley civilization was completely destroyed but some local tribes were
difficult to assimilate (Havell, 1918). These local tribes were absorbed into Aryan
religion and the new religion emerged known as Hinduism. The Aryans adopted the roles
of Barahman, the Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and the local or native tribes were given low
status functions, like servants or slaves, and named them Sudra.
More invaders as the Scythians, Huns, Mangol etc. from Central Asia also
invaded this region. These people settled here and gradually became a part of Hindu
society (Manz, 1996). It was mandatory to adopt the profession that was opted by one’s
ancestors and that profession was followed generations after generation. This societal
structure transformed into caste system which was based on job or profession assigned by
birth. Such grouping of Indian society was unique from other society of the world. It has
limited the opportunities for lower stratum or lower caste group of people. With the
passage of time, Baraham and Kshatriyas were to be chosen from the local population of
Dravidians and they dominated the South Indian region.
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After the arrival of Islam in Indian continent, establishment of Muslim rule
caused many people to adopt Islam as religion. It commenced a new process of cultural
assimilation and accommodation (Bose & Jala, 2004). This conversion had no effect on
feelings, affiliation, emotions and attachment of people to social caste structure in Indian
continent. Muslims also practiced and followed caste system values, custom and tradition
though such practices were forbidden in Islam. When British colonized Indian continent,
they consciously adopted such legal and administrative policies (Mann, 2015) which
strengthened Indian caste system at government level. This socio- cultural institution was
used by British rulers to control and command the native population. Caste emotions of
the people were manipulated while establishing democratic system in India. The socio-
cultural emotions were used to get political loyalties of the natives. Political phenomenon
was linked with the cultural roots and politics of emotions emerged in colonial India.
The other states of South Asia, Pakistan, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal
and Maldives borrowed caste system from India. The models of social stratification are
similar to continent India. It has become less important due to some constitutional
changes but still plays a symbolic role in religion and politics of South Asian states. The
caste system in Sri Lanka is present since ancient time and is found among ethnic groups.
Three major caste systems exists parallel to each other in Sri Lankan society; Sinhalese,
Sri Lankan Tamil and Indian Tamils. The caste system in Sri Lanka is not tied to religion
rather it provides ruling elite to state.
In Nepal, caste system is patterned on the classical Hindu model of social
stratification. It is consisted of four social classes or Verna; Barahmans, Kshatriyas,
Vaishyas and Sudra. These social classes have defined many endogamous hierarchical
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groups known as ‘Jatt’. It was traditionally present in the Hindu Aryan society of Khas,
Madhesi and Newars. Though caste system still exists in Nepali society, but it is not as
rigid as it was in the past. In 1962, Nepal state passed a law that prohibited discrimination
against the other caste as illegal and all castes group were treated equally.
In the Himalayan mountains between India and China is located Bhutan. It
follows a complex caste system similar to that of Nepal. Basically Bhutan has no caste
system but is enriched with a wide diversity of ethnic groups, who are migrants from
Tibet, Nepal and Mongolia. The rapid migration of Hindu Nepalese to Bhutan near the
end of 20th century has resulted in ethnic conflict with Buddhist majority in 1990s. The
state adopted policies for cultural assimilation of remaining Nepalese of Hindu minority.
As a result Hindu Nepalese fled from the country and sought refuge in camps of Nepal
and India.
In contrast to other South Asian states, India, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Pakistan;
Maldives has no caste system in its strict sense. It has a high potential for homogeneity as
compared to other societies who have no caste distinction. Though some traces of caste
like groups (status groups) can be found in Maldivian society as early as in 17th century,
but there is no exhaustive description of the history of stratification of society in
Maldives (Kulikov, 2014).
3.1.3 Caste Emotions in Pakistan -Punjab
The north-western part of Indian sub-continent constitutes Pakistan, ‘the land of
pure’. The invaders from Greece, Afghanistan, Central Asia, Mongolia, Turkey, and
Europe entered the sub-continent from north-western part up to the south-east of the sub-
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continent. The region is called a land of different civilizations and religions brought by
immigrants from the world. About 5000 B.C, Aryans’ entered the sub-continent and
before that a tribe named as ‘Drawers’ entered subcontinent in 29000 B.C. They
established the first civilization on Indian subcontinent. Afterwards they were attacked
and scattered by strong Aryan civilization. Aryan brought with them a caste system in
South Asia. Aryans’ caste system was more organized and disciplined than ‘Drawers’
tribe and established Aryan Civilization. Aryan entered from North-West of Indian-
continent and established a caste system which still exists in all states of South Asia. In
Punjab Aryan entered from Himalayas. The meaning of Aryan is ’Pure’, Superior as
Aryan people were proud of their superiority. Basically they were cultivators and after
conquering this land they made the conquered, local people, their slave or named them as
‘Suder’ or inferior class in their caste system (Fiski, 2000 ; Ali D. , 1998). The early
settlement of Aryan was near the right coast of central Indus River and western Punjab
and roots of structural social organization of caste system in Punjab is inherited from
Aryan tribes. South Asian society inherited social system of caste from Aryan civilization
which was more disciplined and strong than local savage tribes before their arrival in
India.
Islam entered in Indian continent during the reign of Khalifa Umer Farooq, when
Muslims visited this land for trade purpose. Then in 712 A.D, Muhamad bin Qasim
conquered Indian continent through Sindh coast. Muslim rulers from Central Asia
arrived and conquered South Asia and ruled this region till 1857. Muslim rulers were not
able to leave any deep impact on caste system of Indian continent. They did not brought
any change in the social institution of caste or biradary in South Asia though Muslim
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Ruler distributed lands among many tribes and castes to reduce the influence and power
of strong Hindu leader and influential castes and established direct relations with the
cultivators or farmers (Talbot, 1998). Like Hindu Arian based caste system, the Muslims
also have social classification corresponding to them. Muslim races like Arabs, Persians,
Afghan, and Mughal are considered superior races and are proud of being descendent of
them. The Hindus’, who were converted to Islam, further complicated the social
classification of caste system and uphold its social value system along with Islamic
values. Hindu adopted Islam as a religion but they sustained their tribe, caste and
biradary obligations and customs. The Muslim society of Punjab was organized on basis
of tribe customs, caste and biradary. Muslims were also classified as Rajput, Jut, Gujar
caste similar to Hindu Rajput, Jut, and Gujar, and maintained common social, tribal and
political importance. Caste and biradary rules, values and customs were same and in fact
they were tied more with social and tribal values than religion (Ibbetson, 2001). After
invasion of Muhammad bin Qasim in India, for one thousand year Muslims established
their rule but they did not change the basic social structure of caste identification. Rather
caste identification helped them in strengthening their rule. In 1190, Mahmoud Ghori,
defeated Pirthvi raj Rajput and the reason of that defeat was division of Rajput caste (Ali
I., 1990). The converters to Islam were free from caste and biradary restriction and
obligations but they could not free themselves from feelings of caste identification which
resulted in further sub-castes and many other forms of castes.
Thus during Muslim rule in South Asia, Indian sub- Continent, caste and biradary
system remained strong and intact as a social institution. Muslims were also classified
into caste, tribe and biradary having high caste and low caste concept which still exists.
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The conversion to Islam did not eliminate this feeling of belonging to ancestors or
common kinship. Some important castes during Muslim rule were Meeds, Turk, Afghan,
Lohar, Shahia, Ghagherr, Rajput, Chohan, Mongol, Gory, Bulbin, Mugal,Khiljee, Syeed,
Lodhi,Gojar, Rangharr and Dogarr (Ikram, 1993). The Sikh rule, Ranjeet Singh (1799 to
1839), also could not change the social fabric of Punjab society and Punjab remained
divided into caste system (Gough, 1986). Though Baba Nanik was against caste system
and he wants to abolish the supremacy of Brahmans in society but Sikhs were also
classified into high and low caste system. Sikh high caste such as Khutrioon, Arorron,
and Jut were further classified and low caste was named as Kammi Sikh in Punjab. A
Zamindar Sikh caste was banned to get marry with Kammi caste and it still exists in
Nankana Sahab. The British defeated Sikh rule in Punjab in 1849 and established the
British rule throughout the Indian continent.
After annexation of Punjab in 1849 by Britain, new rulers adopted many policies
and laws to strengthen the social identification (of caste) in the society and used it for
their own interests. During British rule, Raj put and Jut were two big castes spreading
throughout Punjab. These two castes were divided into many sub-castes and their elders
and respectable were holding their caste customs very strictly. For unification and
strength of caste, marriages with other castes were controlled and forbidden. The Muslim
society of Punjab also consisted of organized tribes and castes. Muslims followed their
respective caste customs and values along with Sharia’s Law or religion. The colonial
rulers used this social identification institution to strengthen their own rule and to get
loyalties of these castes and tribe leaders. They want to control the local people through
their respective biradaries. The colonial administration searched out the important and
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influential castes and tribes in Punjab and collected data about this social institution for
the first time. For that purpose, the task was given to Sir Daniel Ibbotson who collected
data about all tribes and castes existing in Punjab and published it in 1883 as ‘Punjab
Castes’ (Ibbetson, 2001). The British rulers not only accepted the social position of caste
but also made laws to enhance their prestige in society and to make them more loyal to
government. The whole land at a particular place was under control of one caste or
biradary. In 1901, ‘Act of Alienation’ was made according to which sale and purchase of
land was forbidden to those castes that had no land or to non-cultivator castes. It created a
caste of Cultivators and local population was divided into caste of cultivators and non-
cultivators, ‘Kammi’. In Indian British Government service, a quota was fixed for
cultivated caste to make them more loyal and caste was recognized as identification of
rural population rather than religion. In the reforms Act 1919, separate seats were
announced for rural and urban areas and on rural seats only cultivator caste or Zimindar
can contest election. Through such acts and reforms, rural and urban areas were
administered and controlled in an organized way (Talbot, 1998). The British rulers made
or announced districts, Tehsil and constituencies while considering the castes .They used
social identification of local population to control them politically and transform social
identification into political identification. As described in the words of W. R Andrew,
“Colonial policies that distinguished and discriminated along the basis of caste and
biradary…..were founded near the turn of century on the basis of biradary”.
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3.1.4 Structure of Caste in Punjab
Different terms and words are used interchangeably for castes such as Zaat/caste,
sub-caste, Qabeela/tribe, Biradary, Khatab (title/surname).
The term Zaat in Urdu and Punjabi has the same meaning as word Caste in
English. Zaat is a group linked to patriarch and there are many patriarchal families within
a Zaat. This term shows the union of a same lineage (Leach, 1960 ).A caste is further
divided into sub-caste and there can be dozens of sub-castes in a single caste e.g.
Cheema, Chatha, Khara, Sindhu ,Sidhu etc. are sub-castes of Jutt clan. In the tribal
society of Punjab, the word Qabeela or tribe is used for caste.
The word Biradary (brotherhood) is used for near kith and kin while caste is a
larger group (Eglar, 1960). Biradary is based on two types of people, first is ‘Rishtaydar’-
Relatives and second is, ‘Gher-rishtaydar’- non-relatives. Rishtaydar includes close group
of relatives with blood relations and strong affiliation. They frequently attend one
another’s functions, marriages, funerals, and stand by each other in difficult times.
Though, during times of rivalry they may stand against each other and then they are
considered as “shareek” (in local dialect). On the other hand, ‘Gher-rishtaydar’ belongs to
the same caste but they do not share any blood relations and are usually strangers to each
other (Honigman, 1958).
Khataab
Some surnames and titles are used so frequently within the casts that they are
usually mistaken as the caste itself, but in reality they are just the titles/surnames adopted
by the family as a mark of pride e.g. Chaudhry, Sardar, Malik, Mia, Khan, Mehr etc.
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These titles are mostly used by the landlord class and are not restricted to a specific caste.
In Punjabi society, this Khataab has taken the shape of a de-facto caste.
3.2 Caste Emotions in Politics under British Rule in Punjab
When the Aryan invaded Indian sub-continent between 1500 BC to 750BC, they
brought caste emotions harmonization with them in the form of three different social
groups identity divided into; the Brahmins (the custodians of the temples), the
Khashtsriys (the warrier and the rulers) and the Vaishya (the administrative and the
finance managers)( Iqbal, 1986). Since then, the caste system continued in India and
became a backbone and basic distinction in Hindu’s, socio-cultural, political and
economic life (Stein, 1998). The caste emotion structure was perpetual and immutable,
transmitted from one generation to next throughout the ages of Hindu history and myth
without any possibility of change. In 1901, Herbert Hope Risely led the British Colonial
census in India and grouped all the ‘jatis’(communities, groups) under ‘varnas’(class
based on occupation) and these two are used interchangeably (Riseley, 1915).
British in colonial India after 1857 made such laws that changed caste as social
institution into a political institution and emotional structure of caste entered into working
machinery of major government structure in the form of district and village politics. This
indirect rule of caste identification maintained its monopoly and influence on government
institution even after independence from Britain in 1947. Though national building,
national integration, and development was promise by Pakistan state but multifaceted net
of patronage system strengthened the caste emotion configuration which dominated in
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bureaucracy and politics. This complex network has undermined political development
and nation building process in Pakistan.
Punjab was the largest area which was annexed by Britain finally in1849 after a
military conquest with Ranjeet Singh. Britain divided Punjab into 27 districts (Nijjar,
1989). After conquering such a large area, the first thing to do for Britain was to control
the law and order situation and to collect revenues. For that purpose, Britain has to
introduce a new power structure to control Punjab. To maintain their rule, they
implemented certain policies and established a system of authority which caused a
change in the existing social and political traditional order throughout Punjab (Cassan,
2014). This multidirectional change transformed the prevailing form of social life to
newly adopted political policies, newly established institutions and individuals
controlling them. All participated in the socio-political change in Punjab society. Punjab
was the last annexed area and Britain had more experienced colonial administrators to
adopt new policies in Punjab and implemented them successfully. British officers like
Robert Montgomery, Richard Temple, Lawrence brothers, D.F. McLeod and Robert
Napier successfully established British administration in Punjab. British formed a middle
rural influential class from existing social structure that acted as an arbitrator between
British ruler and common people. In Colonized India, the said rural influential class was
created from existing caste identity organization. The support of these local influential
people and social groups was acquired by following persuading policies like distribution
of land and commercial and irrigation policies that benefited these social identity groups.
This support enabled British ruler to control massive areas of Punjab and population with
limited army and small administrative organization. These influential people were usually
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the chief and head of their respective castes, biradarys and tribes. To Charles Metcalfe,
the caste system in India proved to be the social cement between British Raj and the
public. As in the words of Lawrence James“He was particularly struck by the resilience
of the Indian village, who had so miraculously survived the catastrophes of drought and
civil war. He called these communities “village republics” and wanted them to become
bedrock of the British Raj (Lawrence James, 1997)”.
British gave special consideration to social organization of village with respect to
collect revenue and for that purpose British ruler adopted a policy of coercion and
conciliation. The coercive policy included the deployment of large troops in Punjab after
annexation and hasty suppression with severe punishments for rebellions and it stopped
seditious activities of many Sardars in Punjab. But at a same time, British also followed a
policy of conciliation and cooperation with local groups and indigenous people. For this
purpose, an institution or structure was required that can link the colonial state to native
society. Along with harsh administrative policies, British deliberately followed a policy
of representation and participation for native loyals who can help them to rule people
without revolt. In such environment, the Indian traditional village caste and biradary
structure appeared as a required social institution in Punjab society for British officers
through which they can achieve their target (Wilder, 1999). Caste and biradary
institutions controlled the behavior of an individual and family in rural and urban areas.
Punjab was divided into a number of castes and biradarys through which behavior of
natives can be controlled and manipulated to rule over them. Commissioner, deputy
commissioner and assistant commissioner were judicial and executive authority to run
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district administration and to supervise revenue collected through this social identity
organization (caste).
The British ruler used the existing social setup of caste/biradary/clan/tribe to
strengthen their rule. They adopted a policy of oppression and appeasement to rule India
and not only accepted the social and political setup but also adopted such policies and
laws that created more social class discrimination in Punjab. For example, British policy
to control Punjab politically germinated the seeds of caste politics mounting on caste
emotions. Social identity (caste) was transformed into political identity during colonial
rule in 19th century in Punjab. In 1849, Punjab was annexed to British government in
India. To protect colonial interests and to make an effective communication between the
ruler (British) and the ruled (masses, native people), the British had guaranteed autonomy
to the masses (villages) through an influential man in the locality. For that purpose,
British initiated Lumberdars, Zaildars, Ala-Lumberdars, Honorary Magistrates and
Municipal committee men. Their task was to make colonial rule effective and acceptable
among the masses at local level/villages and in return they get rewards in the form of
honor and financial benefits (Paul, 1979). All these collaborators (influential men) were
appointed by the respective caste/biradary of a particular area. So caste structure was
introduced in politics and strengthened to achieve certain goals. The colonial ruler also
announced “The Land Alienation Act 1901”, to strengthen the landed authority to
supplement colonial ruler and through legislation, a social institution became a part of
political system. The main concern of the colonial policy makers was to maintain law and
order and to collect revenue. Thus politics of social caste system is a result of colonial
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rule and heads of respective caste/biradarys cooperated with the British administration
assisting them to rule British India.
Land and its cultivation in South Asia is the most important economic and
political source which had attracted the invaders and foreigners, throughout South Asian
history to conquer this land. The British were not the only example. Land tax and revenue
was major source of income for all rulers in South Asia. Mansabdar office was used to
collect land revenue during Mughal era. The British administration made three systems to
collect land revenue:
1) Zamindari or Malguzari, based on Landlord system, was established in Bihar, Bengal,
Orissa and Central Provinces (modern day Madhya Pradesh). According to this system, a
single man, Landlord was responsible to collect revenue from villages assigned to him.
He was certainly enjoying property rights of the concerned land and was free to fix
revenue terms.
2) Ryotwri system in which land revenue was collected directly from farmer and
ownership rights were given to farmer. British India adopted this system in Bombay,
Madras and Assam. It was initially established by Sher Shah Suri in his territory and then
in East India company territories, it was announced by Thomas Munroe and Captain
Reed in early nineteenth century in 1820.
3) Mahalwari system, a village based system was implemented in Punjab in which
responsibility for land revenue was held with village body who owned village.
Composition of village body varies from village to village. Village body may be
consisted of single man or a family or a number of members with each member
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responsible to pay as said share of revenue. Share of each member was fixed through
Pattidari system (ancestry) or through Bhaichara (brotherhood) system which was based
on ownership of land. Revenue to pay was determined by examining rent in Jamabandi
document which was the Settlement Record (Dhanagare, 1983). After annexation of
Punjab in1849, a sustainable system of governance was required for British ruler which
was not possible without knowing the Indian colonial possessions, social fabric and
conditions of the indigenous people. For that purpose, settlement policy of British Punjab
was started by Mr. Moris and Sir Robert Egerton in 1864, 1868 and completed in 1894.
3.2.1 Punjab Settlement Policy of British and legal status of Emotional
Identification
Settlement policy was consisted of genealogical tree/record ‘Shajranasab’ of each
estate, up to four generations, with full history and constitution of village (R. C. Bolster,
1916). The land was classified into ‘Pattidari’ and ‘Bhaiachara’ villages. The settlement
policy was adopted to create a basic support for British government and to provide
recruitment for its army. Land changed into private property and land holder was
registered and identified in land register. Identification of land holder in government
initial record was on basis of caste, tribe, clan, religion, residential village and land
holding status and it also provided foundation for classification of rights according to
social group. Mathew Nelson remarks,
“After the annexation of Punjab in 1849, and long before this elsewhere in British India,
colonial administration pursued contradictory goal with respect to landed property rights.
On one hand in order to facilitate the collection of land revenue, they set about the
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introduction and enforcement of “individual” rights. They believed, with some historical
and theoretical justification (mostly drawn from the liberal tradition of economic and
social reform in England), that clear title and exclusive right increased the value of land,
leading to improve cultivation, higher profits, and increased revenue. On the other hand,
however, adopting more conservative ideas about the link between village communities
and economic development in India, they encouraged the notion of “joint”, or
“collective”, revenue obligations. In other words, they struggled to enforce (a)
“individual” rights and (b) “collective” responsibilities…. at the same time (Ibrahim,
2009)”.
In late nineteenth century, British used ‘Customs’ in Punjab to establish
‘Customary Law’, equivalent to personal and religious law, which can be incorporated
into state enforced system of Law. First official document of customary law was
prepared by C.L. Tupper in 1881 in which he mentioned ‘Tribe’ as native and basic
institution in Punjabi rural social organization. In 1872, primacy of customary law over
religious law was established through Punjab Law Act in Punjab legal system. Punjabi
customs, free from religious influence, became politically significant for British ruler. As
Professor David Gilmartin has described, “As an autonomous, indigenous system, which
had been delineated and systemized by the British themselves, it offered an alternative to
religion as a system of principles trying the state to the organization of the society…..
They tied their authority to a structure of social organization central to Punjabi life, but
one defined and systematized, through British social analysis, by the state itself. The
protection of Punjab’s “tribal” structure became, in effect, a central principle of and a
justification for imperial rule (Gilmartin, 1989)”.
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The major apprehension for British ruler in Punjab was to make it a self-
supporting colonial possession to collect revenue and to maintain law and order to avoid
any future revolt. During Sikh era, Punjab was divided into districts for efficient
administration and ‘Kardar’ officer (modern deputy commissioner) was in charge of each
district to administer the district (Gilmartin, 2004). He had to maintain law and order in
the respective district. Kardar had to perform revenue functions as well as judicial
functions to decide criminal and civil cases and also had to act as an executive officer.
After imposition of British rule in India, a major structural change appeared. Sikh rulers
did not administer the justice rather they left judicial function to perform by local
institution like ’Punchayats’ to administer it. At that time, no written law was present and
justice was distributed on the basis of customs and traditions of native people. For a
decade and a half Punjab province was governed by men than by laws. Hennery
Lawrence for first time compiled written civil and criminal codes based on family,
traditions and customs and founded judicial system in Punjab. In 1866, Code of Civil
Procedure of Regulation Province was formulated. Kardar (Deputy Commissioner) after
annexation, was subordinate to Commissioner and acts as a representative of government
in each district providing a link between upper structure of provincial administration to
lower structure of Tehsildar enjoying supreme authority in the district. The duties of
Punjab District Officer in early1860s are described by G.R Elsmie as
“A man of all trades in every truth. He was Head Magistrate with power to imprison for
two years, the principal Civil Judge with powers to decide Civil claims of unlimited
values. He was Collector of all Government revenue, the controller of the stamp duties,
the custodian of all Government cash, the paymaster of all salaries and pensions, the
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Superintendent of all Government schools, Chief Jailor of the district, the maker and the
repairer of the roads and bridges and Government buildings, the Head of Municipal
Councils in the larger towns the chief manager of the poor houses and dispensaries, the
conductor of public worship….. (Elsmie,1908 ).”
Tehsildar has to administer his respective Tehsil with judicial and magistrate
powers in his locality. He could fine or grant imprisonment for two months. He had to
maintain good relations with all the villages to supervise Indian establishment governing
rural and urban masses. Different departments of provincial governments, like Education
Department of Punjab in 1856, Punjab Police Department in 1860-61, High courts in
1866, Municipality of Lahore in 1867, were established with their own structures and
jurisdictions.
At the time of annexation of Punjab in1849, 66% of land was revenue free area.
An important social group, Jagirdar, was owner of this revenue free holding called Jageer
(Ali, 1996). These Jageer was awarded by Ranjeet Singh to Sikh warrior, courtier,
government servant and loyal people. An investigation was carried by British ruler about
revenue free Jageers and in1860 first land revenue settlement was issued according to
which number of Jageer was reduced to 20% of district area. In1870 further reduction in
Jageer was made during second settlement policy of Punjab by British ruler. In fact,
British government awarded generously Jageer and pensions as a reward to suppress
1857 mutiny, to Jageerdar (Land lord) and influential people in late 1850’s (Dhanagare,
1983). Their number was numerous and with the passage of time most of them did not
remain much influential in rural areas due to migration to urban areas. R. N. Cust acting
as magistrate has described Jageerdar as,
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“But on this side of the Beas Maharaja Ranjit Singh swept quite clear; he reduced all the
old chieftains, and introduced new creatures of his own, Brahmins from Suharun pore or
distant relatives of his own of the Jut and mixed castes. No link of old association
connects these chiefs with the villages scattered here and there, which happened to be in
their Jageers. It would be a dangerous and unpopular measure with the inferior classes to
vest these chiefs with power which they personally unfit to wield, and which their
followers will abuse (Ibrahim, 2009)”.
For land revenue collection, control over villages was required by British ruler
and they also wanted to know as much as about the ruled/masses in rural and urban areas.
So collaboration of influential people was required to implement administrative decisions
and policies among urban and rural masses in Punjab. An effective linkage between
colonial ruler and ruled was developed with support of local elites and influential men,
whose association was vital to secure colonial interests. Those collaborators or influential
men were Zaildar, Ala-alamdar, Honorary Magistrate, Municipal Committee men who
were to make colonial rule more effective and satisfactory. A considerable autonomy was
granted by British ruler to villages and locality through them. The British were very few
as compared to Indians and so were dependents on cooperation of elites to strengthen
their colonial rule to run administration. Local influential people were Lumberdars and
Chaudharis who were notable people or headman of their respective villages. Loyalty or
assistance of this group was also used during Sikh era through revenue free grants known
as Inams and British continued this policy to rule and administer Punjab province.
Lumberdars and Chaudharies received inam or five percent of collected revenue in their
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respective villages. In this way, British rulers wanted to develop a link between
government and masses agriculturalist.
“These headmen of villages and sub-divisions of villages were appointed, after
annexation of the Punjab, by Settlement Officers after due enquiry made; they were
selected from amongst those men who had held office during the Sikh times; and the
appointment, subject to personal fitness and good character, was declared hereditary. The
village headmen remunerated by a cess of 5 percent, which they collect upon and in
addition to the land revenue for which they were responsible (Punjab Districts Gazetteers,
1936)”.
Lumberdars or Headman of a village was appointed by Deputy Commissioner and
was responsible to assist in revenue collection and controlling crime in the respective
village. A chief headman or Ala-Lumberdars was to supervise the headmen. Ala-
lumberdars was elected by a proprietary body and sanctioned by Deputy Commissioner.
He represented headmen body before government and received order. The Lumberdars
were honorable persons or chief in their respective caste, tribe or biradaries elite and
influential in locality.
To link this influential class from local people with the ruler or administration, a
new setup of government bodies and institutions was established to provide basis for this
change. In 1860’ Zaildar System was announced with a Zaildar officer in charge. Initially
it was introduced in central doab areas where stealing, especially of cattle, was not in
control and police was helpless. In the beginning, Zaildar’s duty was limited only to
report a crime to police station but later on after Punjab Law Act 1872, his role was
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increased as a police officer and as revenue collector. The Zaildars were also leaders in
local clan, tribe and caste. The local elites whose loyalty for colonial ruler was
unquestionable, was designated by the British in the form of Zaildars, and Zamindars in
each Zail (area under control of zaildar), consisting of a group of villages from forty to
hundred. “The early practice in the selection of zaildars called for elections among the
zail’slumberdar, village headman, whose vote though not binding, was intended to guide
the choice (Gilmartin, 1989)”.
In this new system of governance introduced by British ruler, they wanted to
involve local influential and loyal people for good administration so they choose higher
elites, castes, tribes, sardars and jagirdars in the newly established system of government
and its institutions. Zaildars were prominent landowners selected from locally leading
caste and biradari. The main aim of zaildari system was to bond the ruler masses with
government structure through locally prominent landowner who belongs to a leading
caste, tribe or biradari in the locality. In the settlement Report describes it as
“A missing link in communication between district officers and the large number of
Lumberdars (village headmen) existing in districts, has been supplied by the appointment
of Zaildars over circles of 20, 30 and 40 villages, as the case may be. This person was
generally elected as the representative of the predominant caste, biradary and tribe of
people residing in his neighbourhood. One percent of the Government revenue of the
whole of their circle has been allotted to them, independent of any income they may
derive as head Lumberdars of their own village; and there can be little doubt that when
the native agricultural gentlemen of the country are properly influenced, and induced to
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assist in the preservation of good order within their respective beats, that the
administration of a district will be much more easily secured (Saunders, 1873)”.
It was tried to demarcate a Zail in such a way that people belonging to one tribe or
village should be included in same zail to avoid any difference of opinion or conflict of
caste, tribe or biradari. In each zail, “people of one tribe or villages which have some
connection or affinity, so that discordant elements may be excluded as far as possible (
Douie, 1930)”. Some influential caste, like Qazilbash caste, appeared who claimed
leadership of zail’s dominant tribe. Mr. Bolster has praised this system as “A
modification of this system introduced by Colonel Popham Young in Sialkot tehsil has
worked remarkably well….. the advantage of this system lies in the fact that each zaildar
is enabled to see that the revenue of each sub-circle in turn is collected and dispatched to
the tehsil before he visits the next sub-circle. His influence and assistance are thus fully
utilized. No inconvenience is caused at the receiving office, and the necessity for the
issue of coercive processes has disappeared in this tehsil. The value of this system has
been brought to the notice of the collectors of the remaining districts of the division (R.
C. Bolster, 1916,)”.
The office of zaildar was not hereditary but usually son was elected after father.
The British also strengthened the position of Punjabi zaildars by granting large areas of
land to them in canal colonies. Sir Micheal O’ Dwyer in 1914 started a scheme of grant to
landed gentry which distributed land to ‘landed gentry’ in Lower Bari Doab colony. As a
result, some zaildar became landlord and appeared as an influential rural elite and leaders
of Western Punjab (Gilmartin, 1989). These rural leaders played an important role in
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District Boards and Provincial legislature of British India and also in politics of Pakistan
before and after 1947.
To further strengthen their control in rural areas, British rulers established a new
office of Ala-alamdar (Ala-numberdar), chief head man, in the village on
recommendation of Edward Prinsep. In Prinsep’s opinion for efficient working of current
system and implementation of orders, a chief head man was appointed in each village and
in 1866 election for ala-alamdar was held in each village. Ala-alamdars were
representatives of their villages and elected from their baradries. Ala-alamdar was to
receive 1% of village revenue, rent free land and special rights enjoying before
(Saunders, 1873).Same system of super structure of administration was established in
urban areas to control urban masses and to issues related to urban taxes and funds.
Resembling to Zaildari system in rural areas, British ruler in 1862 announced system of
Municipal Government consisting of institutional structure of Municipal Committee and
Honorary Magistrate. Members of municipal committee were to be elected annually by
Panchayats consisting Hindu, Sikh and Muslims. Their duty was to regulate municipal
tax, city administration and to take care of health and well being of the people
(Chronicles, 1864). In the Board of Honorary Magistrate, persons from wealthy,
influential and loyal families were appointed. Their loyalty was based on their help to
British government during Sikh wars and after annexation of Punjab. The British also
used other tactics like honor, rewards and titles to win the loyalty of influential elites,
families and bradaries of urban areas.
In order to consolidate their rule, from super structure of administration downlink
to the ruled masses, the British ruler devised rational policies in order to collaborate the
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Indian elites with government policies and interests (Talbot, 2006). The colonial rulers
want to establish a link between the rulers and the ruled masses to govern Punjab
effectively and cheaply. For that purpose, they themselves created that link in the form of
biradary, caste and tribe group in rural and urban areas, and gained loyalty of those
different groups to reinforce colonial rule. Through institutionalization process, new
rulers had brought many structural changes in Punjab which caused socio-economic and
political variations in Indian society. For revenue collection and to maintain law and
order in British India, existing social institution of caste, baradary or tribe was used,
manipulated and transformed into political institution by English rulers. British rulers
used caste emotions of natives to strengthen their rule in India
3.3 Sufi social organization and Politics of Emotion in South
Asia
There is also another social organization, Sufism, which has played an important
role in social, political and religious development in South Asia. The term Sufi is related
with ‘safa’ which means purity or purifying the heart. It is also referred as a group of
poor Muslims (fellows of the Prophet Mohammad) known as people of the Bench, a
community of shared poverty. In practice, Sufi term has a meaning of Abid (devotee),
zahid (ascetic), dervish or fakir (impoverished), Salik (spiritual traveler), or ashiq (lover).
A Sufi saint is also called a wali or friend of Allah (Hassanali, 2010).
The term Sufi was not in practice or acknowledged during the time of Holy
Prophet, then it arose in parallel with other disciplines such as Islamic law and Quranic
exegesis. Sufism or Sufi got inspiration from Quran. A believer after mediating on the
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meaning of Quran, become fulfilled with Allah’s state of grace and surrender himself to
Allah’s will consciously. He realizes this feeling of Divine Reality from the inner core of
his heart and it leads towards the purification of his heart and soul (Baldick, 2000). The
Holy Prophet meditation in cave Hira is taken as first example of Sufi practices of
solitude and evacuation and a way of strengthening one’s own divine qualities.
Mysticism was the result of two interrelated engagements in early Islamic periods.
One was undertaking of devotion, including prayers, renunciation of self- interests and
repudiation of worldly desires to purify soul, and second includes profound study of
Quran (esoteric meaning). During the first centuries of Islam, Sufi movement was the
result of gathering of like-minded individuals. Sufi movement appeared in the seventh
and eighth century as a reaction against worldly orientation, official corruption and
political violence among Muslim community during conquest of Middle Eastern land.
Mystical traditions of Christianity, Buddhism, and Hinduism also helped the Sufis who
played a significant role in indigenization of Islam in the lands conquered by Muslim
rulers (Arberry, 2007). They carried Islam in Sub-Saharan Africa, Central Asia, India,
South Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Southeast Asia. Khanaqahs served as meeting place
of Sufis where they performed their spiritual exercises and to receive Divine Mysteries.
Muslim armies entered in (Pakistan) South Asia after death of Holy Prophet
(PBUH) when Umayyad Caliph sent an expedition to Baluchistan and Sindh in 711 from
Damascus. The armies could not reach as far as Multan in the north and were unable
maintain its rule in that region and to expand Islamic rule in other areas of the region. The
trade and presence of Muslim community in Sindh played a significant role in cultural
exchanges and preaching activities brought by Sufism.
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Details of arrival of Sufis in South Asia- Pakistan are not so clear; however
among a few early pioneers is Mohammad Alfi who carried out his missionary work in
Kashmir in about 711, in the era of Mohammad bin Qasim. Before invasion of Mahmud
Ghaznavi’s in Indian continent, came Sheikh Ismail. The first work on Islam in Hindi
was authored by Sheikh Abdurrahman who began his preaching work in Ajmer. In 1067
AD, Abdullah, Ismaili missionary, worked in Gujrat during the reign of Sidhraj Jai Singh,
who with his Jain teacher Huma Charyar converted to Islam before Muslin invasion
(Hollister, 1953). Sufis introduced Islam to local people by mixing it with local beliefs to
some extent such as Ismaili and Imam Shahisginans (hymns) have resemblance with
Hinduism and local culture. They conveyed Islamic message through prevalent literary
customs and traditions like ginans have similarity with Hindu bajans (hymns).
3.3.1 Sufism institution in Medieval India
The spread of Sufism as an institution gave community the vision of a spiritual
community gathered around a charismatic trainer whose lineage is connected back to the
Prophet himself and dedicated membership is restricted to a selected class . A typical
feature of Sufi organization is mass participation in respect for saints at their tombs and
concerned family has the ownership rights of Sufi tombs being responsible for tomb’s
maintenance. Many devoted pilgrims also control the finance and operations of the tomb-
shrine and are called class of hereditary custodians. With the passage of time, wali’s tomb
became an independent institution working with massive pilgrimage during festivals of
Mawlid (wali’s birthday) and Urs (wedding of wali’s soul with Allah) as death
anniversary (Werbner, 1998). Socially these tombs were associated to cottages or
hospices with kitchen where visitors were welcomed and it caused public development of
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Sufism. The spread of Islam in India is because of the work of Sufi mystics in western
Punjab with their established ‘Khanqahs’. Before the establishment of Delhi Sultanate,
Sufi institution was established and its preaching activities intensified during Delhi
Sultanate. The preaching activities were carried out in western Punjab primarily by
Chishti and SuhrawardySufi orders. These orders were well recognized with wide spread
network of ’Khanqaha’ till fourteenth century which associated and allied the diffuse,
tribally organized population of Western Punjab. These ’Khanqha’ institutions also
provided religious leadership to local people and commenced formation of Islamic
political rule in Medieval India side by side causing spread of Islam in Medieval India.
A‘Khanqah’ was successful whose local Sufi was as much able to comprehend and
identify with local social and cultural environment. The expenditures for ’Khanqahs’
were derived from, unsolicited charity (Futuh); land grants (Jagirs) and religious trusts
(Waqaf). ‘Khanqah’ became an important socio- religious institution for local population,
both Muslims and non-Muslims, due to its spiritual, social welfare, educational and
cultural functions, that it was performing for them in Medieval India. The friendly
informal social environment, and humble ways of spirituality and mysticism created a
comparison with existing old stratified social structure or strict class based environment
of Medieval Indian society (Renard, 2008). ‘Khanqahs’ as social organization was an
example of Islamic teaching of equality and fraternity in spite of the prejudiced acts of
Muslim ruling classes. With passage of time, nature and function of ’Khanqah’ as socio-
religious organization changed from unworldliness mystic and spirituality (result of a
long learning process) to an inherited institution which was politicized on the basis of
religious emotions. Sufi master’s spiritual powers were to be transmitted to his
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descendants who in turn became center of devotion. Late masters were buried in
’Khanqahs’ and adoration and reverence of Sufi graves became a custom and tradition.
This change led to development of social institution of Piri-Muridi (master-disciple), a
paradigm which binds murid (disciple),a faithful follower, to abide by the directions and
order of his Pir (Master) and indebted to a complete surrender to the Pir. Pir emerged as
a religious charismatic leader and became head of this social institution and criteria of
succession changed from merit base to hereditary principle. It caused emergence of a new
institution as sajjada-nishins, (“he who sits on prayer carpet”) - a new class of people who
were descent from a Sufi saint and claimed a spiritual status.
The tomb’s spiritual relationship was strengthened by economic interests as
sajjada-nishins started to hold an annual gathering of tribes and villages traditionally
attached to shrine to collect Nazar (contribution). Through association of a shrine,
sajjada-nishins could directly influence a particular territory. Saints could influence their
followers, as claiming an access to Allah and thus could use this power for political
purposes. Religious, social and political institutions were existing side by side working
parallel and never parted from each other. This religious-political structure got attention
of ruling class which considered ’Khanqahs’ as significant for political stability,
governance and peace in Indian region with a heterogeneous society. The Muslim rulers
in Indian continent granted large properties as Jagirs to sijjada-nishins and provided
donations for shrines building in order to control the pirs and recognized political
position of saints. The purpose was to ensure legitimacy of rulers among local residents.
These ’Khanqahs’ institutions not only helped in the spread of Islam but also assisted in
evolution of a social structure of Muslim society in India. These ’Khanqahs’ also made
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their disciples available for military recruitment when required by state using their
influence and power. Delhi Sultanate, Mughal rulers and then British all granted Jagirs to
this sajjada-nishine to strengthen their rule and to seek political allegiance from local
people. During Mughal era, Sufis with descendants were called Laskar-e-Dua (Army of
Prayers) and were significant like regular army. The ownership of large states and
political cooperation with state and rulers converted these spiritual leaders into an
economic and political power and their families became beneficiaries of political and
economic status. The ‘pirs’ influence stretched out in other political and economic
spheres and matched with interests of Zamindar (Muslim landed class). A pir-zamindar
alliance emerged and through intermarriages with Muslim Zamindars (landlords), it was
transformed into pir- Zamindars elite which established the core of Muslim society in
Indian continent. This pir-zamindar elite acquired a leading position in the social
structure of Indian continent. It caused pir to enforce spiritual, economic and political
influence over its followers living in the village. These ‘sajjada-nishins’ relations with the
state were on the same pattern as that of the local chiefs with state and with the downfall
of Muslim political authority ,the relations of shrines with Mughal state were also broken.
Due to decline of Mughal power a number of old sajjada-nishins exercising local political
power during Mughal rule, now became local lords and chiefs.
3.3.2 Sufi Institution during British Colonial Rule
After annexation of Punjab, British established their own administration in rural
areas and had encountered influence of these pirs on local masses and villages. British
introduced its own system of rural administration, honored a number of pirs and gave
them local administrative authority. This rural administration system, especially in
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Western Punjab relied on the political influence and power of these landed tribally based
pirs (Talbot, 2005). So British did not deviated from the established behavior of political
influence in western Punjab. They sought to control the pir institution (religious
institution) of society and to make them loyal. British rulers also took measures to isolate
the rural areas from growing urban influences in economic and political sphere. In the
cities these influences might challenge and weaken the positions of rural leaders. For that
purpose Land Alienation of Act 1900 was issued that banned acquiring (sell and
purchase) of land to non-agricultural class and as a result of this act, Pirs appeared as
“landed gentry”. To get support for their government, British gave political cohesion to
landed class in rural areas and leading pirs was recognized a significant part of
administration. During colonial era, Sufi institution performed different roles. The
foreign invaders removed local elites which were the source of traditional support and aid
for Sufism. Hereditary guardians of Sufi shrines were assimilated into land holding class
and transformed into political leaders. Sufi response to colonialism varies from
accommodation to confrontation. The defeat of traditional elites by British left Sufi
institution as only Islamic social structure, existing in the region and were the de facto
guardians of religious- cultural affiliations. They were the only source of rebellion
against British rule which provided leadership in the beginning for anti-colonial struggle
and afterwards contributed in forming vision of nation-state. Sufi played new roles in the
transformation of society under technological and ideological renovations and Sufi
institution was used by government to control social and political organization of society.
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3.3.3 Sufi Institution in Punjab After 1947
After independence, Pakistan inherited a centralized bureaucratic organization in
government. Like colonial predecessor, bureaucratic institution had also tried to bring
Sufi institution under its control. For that purpose, government officials issued direction
and attended Sufi festivals, to direct masses coming due to their devotion on one hand,
and also to make huge donations and contributions to shrines under its control. State
institution started to sponsor Sufi festival to achieve economic and political goals. Pir
institution also played a significant role in victory of Muslim League 1945-46 election
(Gilmartin, 1979). After 1947, political leadership considered organization of shrine,
maintained by hereditary pirs, as a strong force to control political emotions, motivations,
intensions and behavior of people in rural areas and to make it compatible with state
institution and authority. Ayub Khan Government established Department of Auqaf in
1959 with a goal to enhance glorification of shrines and also with intentions to strip these
hereditary pirs through their traditional festivals. West Pakistan Waqaf Properties
Ordinance of 1959 was issued, according to which, the management of shrines, mosques
and other properties dedicated for religious purposes came under government control.
The West Pakistan Waqaf Properties Ordinance was reformed in 1961, and then
superseded in 1976 by Auqaf (Federal Control) Act 1976, enhancing the authority and
power of Auqaf Department.
Land Reforms Acts was also an effort to deprive landlord from his economic
power as well as political power as they would lose control of people’s voting behavior,
perceptions, participation and votes in their respective rural areas. It was not easy to
eliminate or suppress the power of pirs. He acted as a religious facilitator between Allah
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and the individual and thus having religious hold on his devotees. The economic hold of
sajjada-nishins was broken through wafaq land reforms but religious hold was still
needed to be shattered. Shrines were developed into social welfare centers by Auqaf
department. Ayub centralized bureaucratic administration successfully overcome the
existing regional and local ties and loyalties of people in rural areas. Shrines were used
for agriculture modernization by Ayub government. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had also used
shrines for political gains and policies. He did not manipulate shrines festivals to
demonstrate agricultural techniques before villagers, rather he emphasized on
governmental participation itself in these shrine rituals and traditions with aim to bond
religion with national goals.
The Sufism has association with society in two aspects; firstly with religious
rituals including faith on spiritual powers of saints, to visit saint’s tomb and to have honor
and respect for shrines. Secondly, it establishes a strong binding relationship between pir
and mureed on spiritual basis. Murid looks towards pir for salvation and seek solution of
his entire problem (worldly or spiritually) from pir. They have a belief on the powers and
miracles (karamah) of their Pir. Several pirs are landlords or related with traditional
landowning gains. Though many shrines were undertaken by government in 1959 and
1961 as a result of Ayub’s modernization program, the management of religious activities
and organization of shrines were under guidance of sajjada-nishins. Pir families used
their spiritual influence to win elections at national and provincial level. There are a
number of examples of such families in South Punjab like Gillani, Makhdoom, Awasi,
families influence the preferences, choices, intentions of voters through emotions.
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Concentration of individuals of a particular caste in political power led to
emergence of a new phenomenon, ‘Politics of Emotions’, and challenged hegemony of
certain political group. Caste emotions get access to corridor of power and play a pivotal
role in power dynamics of politics and control economic resources. People who belong to
one caste group have their political preferences, motivations and behavior relative to
political party and favor to vote for their own caste belonging candidate. Caste serves as a
significant determinant of voting behavior and pattern. For political benefits, caste
emotions are used as a tool to get power and control economy of the state. Political
pattern reflects societal pattern and social realities which are exploited by politicians for
their personal benefits.
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CHAPTER IV
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CHAPTER IV
Emotional Politics in Theory and Practice
Emotions and political participation are social experiences and is a dynamic
phenomenon. Through political participation people get involved in the political system
and influence the decision making process of government. Political participation makes
an individual’s involvement in political process and he gets a chance to express its
preferences, emotions and feelings. Citizen’s participation is indispensible for a
democratic system and people must get involved in political processes to establish a
stable democracy. Taking part in the decisions of government make people an active
citizen which is perquisite of democratic culture. Political participation is a broader
concept and it involves many activities like voting in election, attending a political
campaign, joining political party and political groups, participating in boycott activities,
strikes and demonstrations etc. The classical form of political participation in a political
system is through voting in elections. The right to vote is given to all citizens in a
democratic state as a symbol of their involvement in political process. Through voting
individual gets a chance to express its preferences, likeness, dislikeness, acceptance or
rejection of a candidate in elections. This voting behavior reflects a citizen’s political
behavior and explains how decisions are taken in democratic system. There are many
socio-cultural, economic and political factors that affect the voting behavior of a person.
In Pakistan, caste is the most powerful factor that shape and controls the voting behavior
of the people as people in South Asia are known by their caste identity.
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This chapter describes a conceptual relationship between emotions and political
participation in South Asia. It looks into history during colonial rule, when democratic
system was introduced in Indian continent, then how political participation was given to a
specific class of the natives. From the existing social culture and structure in the society,
an emotional political culture consciously created new rulers to achieve certain motives.
Social institution of caste identity was used while allowing political participation through
vote in the political system. Voting behavior during election was controlled through caste
emotions of the masses. Political participation and mobilization of people was based on
emotions by the British rulers and how voting behavior was shaped by emotional politics
in South Asia. This chapter also focuses on the dynamics of emotional politics in British
India after 1857 and in Pakistan after 1947. Emotions and political participation in
Pakistan has been described giving a brief history from 1947 to 2008. Dynamics of
politics of emotions in Punjab has also been analyzed with reference to election results of
2008, 2013 and 2018. It has been examined that emotions has played a very important
role in politics, political culture, behavior and attitude of people in South Asia and
Pakistan. Phenomenon of ‘Politics of Emotions’ is a distinguished one in electoral history
of this region.
4.1 Emotions and Political inclusion
4.1.1Conceptual Framework
Political participation and democracy cannot be separated from each other and go
hand in hand together as democracy is based on the concept that every citizen has a right
to participate in governmental affairs. Political participation is the heart of democracy as
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Parry has said, “Any book about political participation is also a book about democracy
(Parry & Moyser, 1992)”. The importance of public participation for stable democracy is
emphasized by Kaase and Marshal as“…the notion of political participation is at the
center of the concept of democratic states (Marsh & Kaase, 1979)”. Here a question
appears in mind that what should be the magnitude of participation in democracy?
Democracy is measured through its degree of participation. Verba and Nie in early work
on political participation has described it as less degree of participation is an indicator of
little democracy, and” where few take part in decisions there is little democracy; the more
participation there is in decisions, the more democracy there is (Verba & Nie, 1972)” .
Some scholars like Daherndorf describe democracy as “institutional arrangement…..that
permits the removal of government without violence” but he also stresses on crucial role
of citizens’ participation to perform democratic function (Dahrendorf, 2000). The
importance of citizen in decision making process in democratic states is not a voice of
modern times states, such voice can be heard in fifth century Athens Greek city-states.
Pericles (480-404) in his last speech describes significant role of citizen in democracy as
“An Athenian citizen does not neglect the state because he takes care of his own
household; and even those of us who are engaged in business have a fair idea of politics.
We alone regard a man who takes no interest in public affairs, not as a harmless, but as a
useless character; and if few of us are originators, we are all sound judges of policy
(Sabine & Thorson, 1973)”.
Modern time scholar, Benjamin Barber (1939-2017) has also strongly
recommended ‘participatory’ democracy as a substitute to liberal ’thin democracy’ or
‘politics as zoo keeping’ where persistent privates’ control life which is damaging private
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rights and values (Barber, 2003). He has suggested that a strong democracy is based on
engaged citizens in “politics, where every man is compelled to encounter every other man
without the intermediary of expertise (Barber, 2003)”. Thus democracy and political
participation are integral to each other and to social life of every individual and requires
political involvement, minimum or maximum, of individual. From Pericles to Benjamin,
echo of political participation by individuals in democratic states can be heard and lack of
it is considered destructive for democratic system.
Political participation can be vaguely defined as an individual or citizen’s
involvement in political affairs to influence the decision making process as defined by
Milbrath “…actions of private citizens by which they seek to influence or support
government and politics (Milbrath & Goel, 1977)”. Verba and Nie work is a seminal
study on political participation and defines it as “…those activities by private citizens that
are more or less directly aimed at influencing the selection of governmental personnel or
the actions they take(Verba & Nie, 1972)”. Kaase and Marsh has described it as directly
or indirectly influence in political system as“.…all voluntary activities by individual
citizens intended to influence either directly or indirectly political choices at various
levels of political system (Marsh & Kaase, 1979)” and in the words of Parry “…actions
by citizens which is aimed at influencing decisions which are, in most cases ultimately
taken by public representatives and officials (Parry, George Moyser, & Day, 1992)”.
Some other thinkers have defined political participation as an effort to change social
behavior, “any dimension of activity that are either designed directly to influence
government agencies and the policy process, or indirectly to impact civil society, or
which attempt to alter systematic patterns of social behavior (Norris, 2001)”.Verba has
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defined political participation as a pressure on government “…affords citizens in a
democracy an opportunity to communicate information to government officials about
their preferences and to put pressure on them to respond (Verba, Schlozman, & Brady,
1995)”. There appears a consensus among scholars to define political participation as ‘to
influence government by citizens’. In a broader perspective, political participation is an
action of individual that influence government, directly or indirectly and is described as
an involvement by citizens in politics. Here the degree of involvement (maximum or
minimum), which is visible in the form of voter turnout in elections, is not focused.
The study of political participation has underwent many changes from its seminal
study in 1940s and 1950s as casting vote (Lazarsfeld, Bernhard Berelson, &Gaudet, 1948
;Berelson & McPhee, 1954) and campaign activities (Lane 1959; Campbell et al., 1960)
to 2018, it has to go through many phases. In late 1960s and early1970s, political
participation appeared as ‘conventional’ modes of participation and it was expanded due
to rising importance of community and direct association between citizens, officials and
politicians (Verba & Nie, , 1972). Social developments caused citizens more involved in
politics and it was said that protest and demonstration are also a form of political
participation so should be included in political participation by citizens (Marsh & Kaase,
1979). These are named as ‘unconventional’ modes of political participation (protests and
social movements) as it was not in accordance with social values and norms in 1970s.
The meaning of political participation was further expanded in 1990s when
Tocquevillean approach was revived and difference between political and nonpolitical
activities disappeared (Tocqueville, 1990). The participation of volunteer organizations
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and civil movements like women’s organization or pacifist organization were also
considered as sphere of political participation.
Although a number of factors are required for a stable democracy but
participation in democratic political system is of central importance, irrespective of the
level or degree of political participation by the people. Some scholars emphasized that
too much public participation would cripple down a democratic system while other argue
that greater participation would lead to greater representation. Regardless of it that degree
of participation is high or low, (minimum participation) ‘thin’ or ‘robust’ (maximum
participation) (Vowles, 1995), it is acknowledged that public participation is a feature of
democratic system. The element of political participation is a key to control public
influence on democratic government. It provides an opportunity to take part and represent
in decision making process. The notion of widespread and general representation was
advocated by classical theorists like Rousseau, John Stuart Mill and De Tocqueville.
These proponents of popular participation were also aware of the tyranny of majority, so
Rousseau stressed on education as key element in awareness and performing of civic duty
(McAllister, 1992), while Mill suggested a control mechanism as voter should be literate
and taxpayer (Mill, 1910). De Tocqueville has advocated popular participation through
interest groups, voluntary organizations and other association where decisions are taken
within the group (Tocqueville, 1990). In reaction to widespread participation, theory of
limited participation, ‘thin’ democracy, appeared that advocated that too much public
participation will cause much pressure on the political system. The democracy is
maintained through elite competition as individuals or voters are socialized through their
families and have little knowledge of political affairs (Schumpeter, 1954). For them,
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democracy is an elite competition and those elites who have little knowledge of politics
should be refrained from voting and those elites who have an understanding of political
matters forms an efficient government (Bacharach, 1967)
The different modes of participation, both conventional and nonconventional
methods ( Kluienko, 2004), in ‘thin’ or ’robust’ democracy are listed as
1. Political participation by casting vote in elections
2. Political participation being a member of a political party and activism
3. Political participation being a member of an interest group and activism
4. Political participation by directly contacting and communicating government officials
5. Political participation in the form of protest movements
Conventional methods of participation are democratic means through which
people influence government via different ways such as voting, interest group, petition,
and political party membership. There is no consensus upon precisely described what is
as unconventional method, but the most commonly form is protest. All these form of
participations are used within democracies with varying level of influence on public
affairs but the most common and classical form of political participation used within
democracy is voting. The domain of political participation has increased from a simple
act to cast vote in 1940s to social engagements and civic participation in 21st century,
even though universal and classical mode of political participation begins with voting in a
democratic state.
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In the development of democratic political system, voting is considered a direct
method of political participation used by citizens and to influence political affairs. If for a
moment, we kept aside the level of political participation, then a new dimension of
political participation appears; ‘why’ and ‘how’ an individual cast vote? What are the
preferences to select a candidate and reject the other candidate? Under what influences,
motivations, affiliations and emotions, an individual takes decision to vote? Answers to
these aspects are given by examining the voting behavior of individuals. Different school
of thoughts has explained voting pattern and behavior of an individual. There are three
theoretical approaches to study voting behavior.
1. Economic Theory of Voting (A Rationalist Approach) led by Anthony Downs
2. Sociological Approach presented by Columbia School
3. Psychological approach presented by Chicago School
Rational choice theory developed by Downs (1957) to study voting behavior
states that voter cast vote by keeping in mind the cost and benefits that he gets from his
vote (Downs, 1957). This approach considers voter as a rational entity, weighing or
measuring the costs and benefits of voting in term of economics. The voters and
candidates both use calculus to maximize the utility and benefits of casting vote. An
individual is motivated by personal wants and gains and a voter looks for the motivations,
incentives and rewards in return to cast vote and candidate makes effort to maximize the
number of voters by making promises along with, politically and financially rewarding
the voters. The preference of voter is also affected by certain political factors like
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political institutions, political parties and their campaign, which act as environmental
variables influencing the choice of the voter.
The sociological approach is presented by Columbia School (Berelson,
Lazarsfeld, & McPhee, 1954) whose representatives are Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and
McPhee (1954) accompanied by Zukerman (1994). It advocates that the individual is not
a single entity and cannot be studied in isolation of its environment and society. An
individual is a member of many social institutions and its social environment has a deep
influence on choice, preferences, and motivations while casting vote (Sarlamanov &
Jovanoski, 2014). It focuses on the idea that people membership of other groups
determines pattern of voting behavior and hence their voting decision is basically a group
decision. Attitude and behavior about politics is developed in the childhood and initial
cognition about political ideas is built up through family and political socialization.
Sociologically, because of a passive and long term group identities, the individual’s
responses has an impact of these communal and group influences on choices, preferences
and motivations. These group identities in one way or the other pressurize an individual’s
choice to vote to whom in the electoral process.
The political participation of people through vote is also investigated by another
theory of ‘Mobilization’ presented by Rosenstone and Hansen (1996). It argues that
individual should not be considered in isolation as individual is a part of society and has a
social network of family, friends, community, political parties and interest groups.
Individuals behave as a member of these groups and have pressure directly or indirectly
of this social network (Rosenstone & Hansen, 1996). This theory is very near to social-
learning theory that advocated that there are cultural factors that greatly influence
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political participation and individual are socialized to behave in cultural pattern. The
individuals do not act in their self -interests but act in the collective interests of
community and group.
The psychological approach is advocated by Michigan group whose
representatives are Campbell Angus, Converse E. Philip, Miller E. Warren and Stokes E.
Donald (1966). It is also called party identification theory. The model focuses on voter
or individual’s self-image in form of partisan identity which explains individual’s choice
and voter thinks voting as an act of adherence to certain political acts. The sources of
party identification are family and social environment which directs and shape feelings,
attitude preferences with regard to political issues. An individual or a voter may think
himself nearer more to a party than to others and take political decision independent of
group identification or political party identification. Individual’s concept of self-image is
more related to or is more an integral part of his or her cognition (Dennis, 1991). The
psychological approach to study voting behavior brings back the significance of
individual’s choice to vote.
Human behavior is multidimensional and is called political behavior when it describes
political ideas, views thinking, ideology and political participation of individual. Voting
behavior is an off set of political behavior which in turn is a subset of human behavior.
Political behavior and voting behavior is a long process of political orientation. What is
political orientation? Political orientation is the pattern of awareness, feelings and
evaluation of citizens or people towards political structure on objects—or political
system. It includes the knowledge an individual has about political institutions or
structure, role, power, size of power, location of power his feelings, perceptions and
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emotions towards decision making process, leaders and policy proposals. It is shaped by
long-term factors and short-term factors. The long term factors include family, teachers
and peers which influence a person behavior all over life. The most influential and
strongest long term factor in political orientation is the family. Parents’ political and
ideological values and thinking is adopted by children and it persists over lifetime period.
A person’s socialization through peers further influences its cognition, emotions, affects,
evaluation and behavior towards political system. Eric L. Dey has argued, that
“socialization is the process through which individuals acquire knowledge, habits and
value orientations that will be useful in the future (Dey, 1997). The short- term influences
are media and election issues that affect voting behavior of individual. The way in which
short-term factors modify or changes the voting behavior depends upon an individual
political ideology which is framed by long-term factors in early stages of socialization.
Political orientation also points towards psychological orientation of population
towards political system and political culture. Then what is political culture? It refers to
political values, customs, behavior and actions of the people towards the political system
and its various parts, side by side describing attitudes and manners toward the role of self
in the system (Almond &Verba, 1963). It speaks of cognitions, feelings and evaluation of
its population. As Parsons and Shils has suggested orientation as internalized aspects of
objects and relationships. It includes; “Cognitive orientations”, that is, knowledge of and
belief without political system, its roles and the incumbents of these roles, its inputs and
its outputs; “Affective orientations” or feeling about political system, its roles, personnel
and performance, and;” Evaluation orientation”, the judgments and opinions about
political objects and criteria that typically involve the combination of value standards and
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criteria, with information and feeling (Almond &Verba, 1963). Political cognition,
believes, opinion, sentiments and emotions of people about political system, collectively
constitutes political culture.
Political culture is classified as parochial culture, subject culture and participant
culture by Almond and Verba. In parochial political culture, individuals have little
knowledge and awareness of political system and its parts. Political orientation is very
low, with no identification of role; tribal chief combines in himself the political,
economic and religious roles. The individuals are aware only of the existence of a central
government and have no orientation about the structures of the political system. In
subject political culture, individuals are oriented towards political system but that
orientation is limited only towards policies, law and decisions. The people are not
participant in the political system and have no impact on the political affairs.
The participant culture provides a complete political orientation, cognition and
awareness to the people as people participate in political affairs and influence its
decision. These models of political culture have been provided for western democratic
societies who have passed through developmental stages of political system- from
parochial to subject, and subject to participant political culture. The societies of
developing states of Asia and Africa are under developmental process and their political
systems are passing through transitional stages. The transitional societies of Asia and
Africa have a mixed political culture or heterogeneous cultural mix like; parochial—
subject culture; the subject—participant culture and the parochial—participant culture. In
post-colonial era, developing societies of South Asia have inherited a parochial-
participant culture from British rulers.
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Among the theories to describe the voting behavior of the people, the sociological
approach has better explanatory value for Pakistan and South Asian countries than
psychological and economic approach. The sociological approach focuses on group,
communal influences which operate on individual voter. The psychological and
economic approach advocates a self-centered and rational voter who takes its own
decision. The west has undergone a wave of individualism in last two hundred years and
there is no match of such wave in history of Pakistan and South Asian societies.
Individual voter in these countries of South Asia operates typically under communal or
group structures like caste/ biradary. No doubt, these caste groups have played an
important role in the participatory electoral history of South Asia during pre and post -
colonial era.
4.1.2 Dynamics of Emotional Politics in British India after 1857
The political culture of South Asia region is parochial—participant culture. When
British rulers colonized India, the society pattern was parochial and they wanted to
establish western democratic political system in colonized Indian continent. The
structural norms or institutional reforms introduced by new rulers were democratic one
which requires a participant culture to introduce western political system in British India.
These institutional reforms caused a transformation of society, politico-psycho
orientations, from parochial pattern culture to participant pattern culture, from centralized
authoritarianism towards participatory democracy. Political system of Indian society was
like a Sea Saw, authoritarian at one end and democracy at other end; unfortunately no
structure on either side was ready to lean on, neither a district bureaucracy resting upon
loyal subjects nor an infrastructure arising from responsible and competent citizens. The
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problem was how to develop a democratic political system from parochial culture in
Indian society towards a participant culture of western democracy and how to resolve this
inconsistency. The two divergent political systems were made compatible to each other
by adopting a parochial-participant political culture in British India.
4.1.3 Historical Aspect
Eight years after annexation of Punjab in 1849 by British ruler, the Mutiny war of
1857 was erupted and fought by peasants and middle class against the British rulers,
while the land owning class, ‘Jagirdar’, fought in favor of British rulers (Dhanagare,
1983). The act of kindness from ‘Jagirdar’ and ‘Zamindar’ helped new ruler to win
Mutiny war. This event changed British attitude and behavior towards local people and
they adopted a different policy to rule colonial India. Hennery Lawrence, a colonial
bureaucrat, made a policy to rule India with the help of “natural rulers,” especially those
landlords who made services to the British government in 1857 (Talbot, 2012). They
consciously did not promote the rise of middle class in order to avoid any future revolt
against government. For the development of a democratic process, the element of middle
class was considered to be indispensable and it was suppressed while establishing
democratic system in British India. An alliance between colonial rulers and landed class
was prepared to shape future voting behavior of the people in Punjab.
The British establish a controlled voting behavior pattern among the people while
introducing democratic institution in colonial India. When British ruler introduced
democratic institution in India, there were two choices for them; whether to establish
democracy through presidential system or through parliamentary system. In presidential
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system, president is main executive and has full power to take decision. The members or
ministers of cabinet are selected by president and they remain in office as long as
president needs them. The cabinet ministers or secretaries are neither member of
legislature nor attend the meeting of legislature and they are accountable or answerable
only to the president. In parliamentary system, the real power is exercised by cabinet and
these ministers are also members of parliament or legislature. The cabinet ministers
attend parliament meetings and defend their policies. The British rulers introduced semi
presidential and semi parliamentary system in India, in order to rule over the local people
and to get economy gains like to collect tax or revenue.
The 1857 Act of British parliament provided for direct rule by the British Crown
replacing East India Company for all practical purposes. India was now to be ruled by a
Secretary of State for India with a council consisting of 16 members. This opened the
way for the gradual introduction of British democratic institutions in India. The 1816 Act
moved towards parliamentary system and provided for a Legislative Council consisted of
12 members who were to be nominated by the Governor General of India from within
India. The 1892 Act enlarged the membership of Legislative Council of Governor
General up to 20. The function of Legislative Council was to make law and regulations.
Similar setup was established in presidencies (big provinces) and provinces. The enlarged
membership opened the way for appointment of Indian residents as Indian councilors to
advice the British Viceroy. The Indian members of Legislative Council were to be
removed by Governor General. The Government of India Act 1909 provided an election
system for the local members of Legislative Council (Indians) who had previously been
appointed by Governor General to legislative council. After 1909 reforms, some Indians
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were to be elected (as Zaildar, Lambardar, Alallambardar) by the people. The Viceroy
was not responsible to the legislature, Legislative Council. The Minto-Morley reforms
introduced the ‘elective principle’ for membership in Indian legislative council. The
‘electorate’ was limited to a small group of upper class Indians. The elected members of
legislative council were to be elected by their identified castes. Political participation and
mobilization of people was allowed in the legislative council and village elections but it
was limited in nature. Only those people who have land and those who pay tax can
participate in the election of ‘Zaildar’,’ Alallamdar’. The ‘Zaildar’ and ‘Alaaalmdar’
were the chiefs or heads of their respective biradaries or caste. These democratic
institutions introduced by British ruler in India were based on ‘Consent of Lock’ (Gough,
1973). After establishing its rule in Punjab in 1849, British preferred to adopt a policy of
consent than coercion, to establish state authority. The consent was attained through
rewards, ’Inam scheme’ as title cash, land form and giving local administrative and
judicial powers through ‘Zaildari’ and ‘Lambardari’ systems (Talbot, 2012). The consent
of Khans, Tribes head and Biradary head was achieved through this ‘Inam scheme’ and
grant of political pensions’ (Ali S. W., 1999).
Development of western democratic institution in British India required a
participatory culture in Indian parochial society. The political inception and mass
mobilization was allowed through head of the concerned village as caste, tribe or
biradary. This political inception was limited in character and voting behavior was
controlled through the influence of ‘caste institution’. British governed Punjab, after its
annexation in 1849, through its physical, legal and moral power. The administrative and
judicial powers were given to district officers whose task was to get loyalties of rural
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population through the intermediately layer of ‘social identification institution’ (of
caste/biradary). In order to legitimate and strengthened the power and authority of new
rulers, social identification of caste group was changed into political identification.
Another factor that played an important role in shaping voting behavior of South
Asian voters and typically of Pakistan and Indian voters is the role of ‘local landed
classes’. British rulers were perceiving security threats from Afghanistan and an
expansion of Russian empire in Central Asia which lay behind Punjab in British India.
Strategically Punjab was seen as a military base for operation and Frontier and
Baluchistan acted as a buffer zones or regions in case of any possible attack by Russia.
Punjab being an agrarian society was consisted of landed class and land-lord class. The
major aim of British ruler was to get more and more revenue from Punjab, which was
spent on military power of British India. Side by side, loyalties of the local rural was
required to run state machinery peacefully. Thus to avoid any future revolutionary
movement and its affective dimension among native groups in Punjab, the cooperation of
local landed elite class was achieved to accomplish economic benefits. The landlord class
became dominant factor to control emotions and behavior of rural masses through caste
identification in British India. A land holding class which was loyal to British rulers was
created firstly, for commercial gains and secondly, for political gains. Introduction of
these local loyal- landed elites created a culture of clientism (Waseem, 1994) in the
district and village community in urban and rural areas.
The co-operation of landed ruler elite was achieved by offering different
incentives like nomination to ‘darbars’ and local boards, giving honors and rewards, and
involvement in administration by offering posts of honorary magistrate and ‘Zaildar’. A
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‘Zail’ is a demarcated area consisted of 10-30 villages. The ‘Zaildar’ act as an honorary
police officer and supervised the village head. This intermediary layer of social-political
office between government and local people was unique to Frontier and Punjab (Talbot,
1988). The social class of land owner was acting as a pillar upon which British rule was
resting. Many Punjabi rural families belonged to those whose ancestors stood by British
government in their dark time of 1857 revolt and what were to prove lengthy and
lucrative ‘loyalist’ careers.
To further strengthen the land class, in 1900 ‘Punjab Land Alienation Act’ was
introduced which prevented the transfer of land from Agricultural to money lenders. The
purpose of this land act was economic motive to promote market-oriented agricultural
class instead of stimulating industrial development (Mufakharul Islam, 1995). It also
appeared in the form of emergence of leading men of ‘tribes’ and ‘class’ and
castes/biradary who were protected and uplifted through this act. It created an
“Agricultural Caste” in Punjab. In fact this Act was for the uplift and protection of those
backward agricultural tribes, castes, biradires, who eventually gathered politically and
appeared in the form of ‘Unionist Party’ in Punjab in 1923.
The British rulers wanted to secure the power of their collaborators or allies, so
they avoided the establishment of people’s representative institution in Punjab. The
Constitutional developments in1858 to 1892 opened the way for the gradual introduction
of democratic institution in India. Act 1861 provided Imperial Legislative Council which
was consisted of official and non-official members (Sharma, 1987). From 1861 to 1892,
British government nominated 45 Indians as non-official members of Legislative Council
out of which 25 were ‘Zamindar’, 7 were head of princely states and rest were merchants
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and educated class. Till 1909 reforms, Indians were not entitled for political mobilization
and participation in government policies and affairs. In Minto- Morley Reforms in India,
separate electorate for representation of communities was announced with the emergence
of Legislative Councils. The number of Legislative Council members was increased to 60
and out of whom 27 members were to be elected for provincial legislative councils.
According to Minot Morley Reforms 1909, indirect elections were held for first time and
3% people were given the right to cast vote. These voters were members of Local Self-
Government, Chambers of Commerce, University Senators and Land owners (Ahmad S.
N., 1970). In Punjab legislative council, one member was to be elected on general seat
from Punjab. The first general elections in British India were held in 1920 to elect
members for Imperial Legislative Councils and Provincial Councils. The political
participation of all natives in elections was prohibited and was associated and
conditioned with landlord and property holding class.
Direct elections were announced in 1919 reforms but British allowed limited
political participation to local people in these elections and right to vote was not extend to
all the people. The position of landed class was secured by correlating eligibility to cast
vote with property qualification and tax payment and introducing special land holder
constituencies. Thus political power and participation was to be a feature of leading
landowner. In Punjab, representative politics was ensured through Zails as Zails
constituted the constituencies for election to the district heads. Zail carved out
constituencies in accordance with the prevailing tribal settlement patterns.
Thus power remained in the hand of influential and powerful, landlord caste or
tribe. In 1919 larger constituencies were demarcated and it was not possible to encircle
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the blocks of single caste, biradary or tribe in the same constituency. Nevertheless,
British tried to centralize political power in the hands of influential land owners. Non-
agricultural caste members as defined by Land Alienation Act were not allowed for
nomination in elections as a candidate in rural constituencies. The Punjab constituted
Pakistan includes areas which were less developed and people were not politically much
aware. The political institutions were weakly developed as compared to other parts of
British India. British were more concerned with state security in North-West India than
other parts of sub-continent. Thus political culture and political orientation - political
awareness and political participation- was less conducive to growth of democracy in
Muslim majority areas that later on constituted Pakistan state. More developed areas
constituted India, with respect to political orientation and participation in 1947. In the
words of Muhammad Waseem, “The slow growth the elective principle in the provinces
constituting Pakistan today must be taken into account in any study of electoral
democracy in that country, especially when it is compared with India (Waseem, 1994)”.
Though British rulers promoted local power politics using caste social identity of
local people to protect its economic and political interests, all responsibility could not be
laid upon colonial rulers. The Muslim leadership under all India Muslim League party
also promoted and used local power vehicles. Muslim population was in minority in
central and southern India as compared to North-west and North-East India. In Punjab
and Bengal about sixty percent of Indian Muslim population was living though centers of
Muslim population varied in their social and economic structure. The north –west frontier
province was featured with tribal society as compared to leaving peasant population of
Bengal (Talbot, 1988). The Muslim League when established in 1906 claimed to be a
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representative of Indian Muslim community but it had little influence in the Muslim
majority areas and became a provincial politics party. It was in fact dominated by
educated and landed Muslim minority of United Provinces, which have exercised
political power before British rule in Indian continent.
When British government brought constitutional development to introduce
democratic institutions in the Indian continent from 1858, 1861, and 1892 and to onward,
these landed Muslim became aware of a race with Hindu majority community for the
control of local power and patronage. The Muslim league was in fact established
primarily to protect their interests. The leading landed and educated Muslim of United
provinces perceived the vision that interests of Muslim majority areas are not in
correspondence with their own. The eligibility to get membership of Muslim league was
‘to write and read’ properly and have a minimum income of 500 rs. per year (Muhamad,
1986) and Muslim politics was also dominated by aristocratic and landed families. This
elite group concentrated its energies to get political representation in the government
institutions like legislative councils as established through 1861 Act.
The Muslim League leadership belonged to Muslim minority areas and was
representative of all the Muslims of India. All India Muslim league was claiming more
representation of Muslims in Muslim minority Provinces like united provinces and was
ready to accept less representation as compared to population in Muslim majority
provinces like Bengal and Punjab. In all Indian Muslim league’s own constitution, no
attractive offer was present for Punjab and Bengal’s Muslims. In League’s council
Punjab has the same member of seats as that of united provinces has, in spite of having
double population as compared to UP Muslims. So the Muslim league also neglected the
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major and majority centers of Muslim population and its political participation in
government affairs. Such behavior made regional castes and biradries to appear on the
political surface and protect their own interests like Unionist Party in Punjab established
by caste ’Jatt’( Chotoo Ram). Such negligence and selfishness of league leaders
strengthened the role of social institution of caste in power politics and caste institution
entered in corridor of government for landlords.
The Muslims majority area, Punjab, became significant for all India Muslim
league at two stages of political history in Indian continent. Firstly in 1919, when local-
self- government devolution power was adopted in Montague Chelmsford Reforms and
ministers were made responsible to provisional council. Secondly in 1937 elections,
when Muslim league negligence of Muslim majority areas and lack of influence in these
areas appeared as a setback to Muslims in 1937 elections in Indian continent. The results
of 1937 elections showed the importance of local political forces in Punjab, especially
Unionist party dominated by landlord class. In Punjab Muslim League was based only in
towns representing a few urban middle class by Barkat Ali, Allama Iqbal, and Khalifa
Shujaddin. The Muslim League’s total of 109 seats could get only 2 seats from Punjab,
39 from Bengal and the rest it got from Muslims minorities provinces while Unionist
Party won 96 seats out of 175 Muslim seats from Punjab (Chaudhry, 1996). It was
evident that provincial politics was dominated by landed politics under the banner of
local political forces of Unionist Party. For the future politics of Indian Muslims and
struggle for their common cause, All India Muslim League and Unionist Party made an
alliance as Sikander-Jinnah pact of 1937 which led to victory of Muslim league in 1946
elections.
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After Lahore Resolution importance of Punjab in any future scheme of Pakistan
was realized by Muslim League leadership. On 23rd March 1940 Lahore Resolution was
passed and All India Muslim League had to seek co-operation of politicians from Muslim
majority areas. They convinced them about Pakistan idea and a Muslim state. Muslim
league-Unionist alliance came under pressure after Skinder Hayat’s death in 1942.
Unionist party also had to face internal splits as Shahpur Maliks’ get control to power
when Khizer Hyat Tiwana became president in Punjab. This change of political power
was alienated to the Skinder Hayat- Daultana-Shahabudin faction but their younger
generation was in favor of Muslim League.
After 1937 elections, Khyzer Hayat Tiwana, a Unionist leader, made a coalition
government with Congress in Punjab as Akali-Unionist-Congress ministry. But Unionist
leadership has to resign the coalition government in spite of having parliamentary
majority under massive street power. When Khizer Hayat left Muslim League in 1944, it
brought Unionist more close to League (Talbot, 2002) and a whole-hearted effort was
made with the help of religious elements also. The Islamic cause of Pakistan associated
westernized leadership of Muslim League with land-lord ‘Pir’ in Punjab who were the
followers of Chushtia, Qadria, and Sohrawardia Sufi orders and were attached with a
network of shrines through-out Punjab. These ‘pirs’ issued fatwas to cast vote in favor of
Muslim League candidates in coming 1946 elections (Gilmartin, 1979). Jinnah himself
visited religious personalities and made a committee of ‘Pir’ comprising of big landlords
of Punjab to cash popular religious sentiments in elections (Syed, 1980). In 1946 election
were held throughout Indian continent and the Muslim league secured majority seats in
Muslims majority areas, Punjab and Bengal and got 75 seats in Punjab. Tables were
119
tuned upon opponents to Pakistan idea. The political mobilization and participation in the
form of street power, emotions and demonstration primarily appeared in Punjab.
It was a worth mentioning change in the political environment of colonial state
where political participation by masses in government affairs was limited. Before 1937
and 1946 elections, such activity was declared as seditious by British. The heart of
democracy, Political inclusion, was visible only in urban areas under the leadership of
Muslim League. The rural masses were not familiar with this phenomenon of direct
political participation and mobilization. The countryside politics was dominated by caste
based emotions and identity feelings. The landlords were on the steering seat of politics
in Punjab under Unionist Party political identity. Muslim League only sought the support
of this caste based leadership in rural areas during elections and did not try to change
emotional pattern of voting behavior of the countryside masses. The landlords were
building their politics on caste emotions and believe.
4.2 Emotions and Political Inclusion in Pakistan Politics
The significant feature of democratic political system is political participation
through which citizens influence the political affairs and decision making process of
government. Though the domain of political participation has increased but the most
conventional and legal way is participation through elections. The right to vote is given to
all citizens in democratic states as a symbol of their involvement in political system. The
elections provide a mean for individuals to express their behavior, attitude, feelings and
emotions in favor of a candidate or a political party. Political participation and
mobilization of an individual cannot be analyzed in isolation of social milue. How do
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people decide to vote to whom party or candidates? There are a number of sociological,
economic and political factors that affects the decision making process of a voter in
elections. The class interest’s sectarian loyalties, caste, biradary, tribal influences, civic
orientation, partisan, party policies factors shape voting behavior of an individual. Caste
and biradary has been taken as a variable in determining voting behavior of Pakistani
voter. Group identification or caste identification influences an individual’s behavior
from its early childhood. An individual political orientation begins at primary level from
family institution. The influence and pressure of caste institution has shaped the pattern
of voting behavior in Pakistan throughout its electoral history.
Electoral history in Pakistan can be traced back in pre-partition of British India,
with the introduction of constitutional development in 1858, 1861, 1892 by British rulers,
at provincial and center level. Politician participation and mobilization was further
enhanced under Minto Morley reform 1909, Montague- Chelmsford reforms 1919 and
Indian Act1935 Act. After independence electoral politics and political inclusion were
operated in Pakistan under Indian Act of 1935 which was adopted and amended as
Independence Act of India 1947.
After the partition of Indian continent into Pakistan and India, history of electoral
politics in Pakistan can be divided as party-elections and non-party elections. Non-party
basis elections were to be held during martial law regimes of Ayub Khan, Zia ulHaq and
Perveez Musharaf. Though 1956 constitution has provided a parliamentary democracy
with powerful president and for adult franchise, but no elections were held which led to
political instability and imposition of first martial law in 1958 in Pakistan. The 1962
constitution introduced limited political inclusion to the masses and people indirectly,
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through Basic Democrats (BDs) system. The members of legislature and president were
to be elected indirectly through an electoral college consisted of 80,000 democrats. In a
true sense of political participation and mass mobilization in Pakistan, the first
nationwide party basis elections were held in 1970 in which direct universal adult
suffrage was adopted. Later on Zia Ul-Haq held elections in 1985 on non-party basis and
from 1988 to 1999 democratic process has to face rapid changes in parliamentary
democracy and constitutional frame work. The instability in democratic government
created skepticism about electoral process in Pakistan. Though Pakistani voter was
provided political participation and mobilization through voting in elections but charges
of elections riggings made it doubtful and raised questions on their voting behavior.
4.2.1The Transitional Period of democracy 1947-1956
Pakistan appeared as an independent state on the world map on 14 August 1947.
From its inception Pakistan had faced many social, economic and political crises. Early
problems of newly emerged state like a huge influx of refugees from East Punjab, lack of
state capital and resources, administrative in capabilities, disputes on Indus waters, and
Pakistan conflict with India on Kashmir etc tilted the state direction away from
democracy. Pakistan received the institutions of British Indian Government as political
heritage in which bureaucracy and military were the dominant institutions. The political
elite in Muslim league were short in experience and capabilities as compared to congress
of government India. The social identity of Pakistan political elite in 1947 was landed
aristocracy (in origins) and legal professional who became the ruling elite at the creation
of Pakistan. They had to depend upon the bureaucracy to rule which was more
experienced as compared to political parties and politicians (Hayes, 1986). The
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settlement and rehabilitation of refuges in late 1940s and early 1950s was also a
challenging administrative task. This environment further made ruling elite to depend on
bureaucracy and led the later to become a permanent component of political system and
institution. Geostrategic weaknesses of Pakistan at its formation based the resources to
divert towards military. The situational factors caused the Army of Pakistan and
bureaucracy to become significant and a prominent feature of Pakistan political system in
1950s (Rizvi, 1976).
The first constituent Assembly of Pakistan was given the task to make a
constitution and also to act as a legislature. The constituent Assembly delayed to draft a
constitution and no general elections were held till 1970s. For the first democratic
elections people had to wait until the 1970 (Syed, 1987) when elections were held on the
basis of adult franchise at national and provincial level every person participated in
political activities and electoral politics. It was an indication of first step towards a
democratic system and people were given the right to express their emotions, preferences
and choices for their candidates. The political participation and mobilization of the
people was activated for the first time in Pakistan both at provincial and national level.
All India Muslim League won 1946 elections in Punjab because of the mass
mobilization of Muslims and extended franchise to the Indian voters as mentioned in
1935 Act but even then only 25% people in British India can cast vote. After 1947,
traditional pattern of ruling landlord class reappeared in Punjab politics. Shortly after
independence the Unionist party re-emerged on the political platform of Punjab. The
factional and personal rivalries between Mian Mumtaz Doltana and Nawab Iftikhar
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Hussain of Mamdoot dominated Punjab politics in early months of independence.
Mamdot had up hold of provincial autonomy and Doltana was known as center’s man.
The period from 1947-58 was a transitional phase during which democracy
collapsed because of interests based land lord politician who were having influence over
voters in their respective ‘Jageers’. Politician as Nawab Mamdot and M.A Khusro
thwarted the land reforms in Punjab and Sindh. They protected landlord group interests
by adopting ethnicity issue against center. The landlord aristocratic class was not ready to
lose it power on voters which they had been influencing from British rule. Second cause
was weak organization of Muslim League as it was divided into Republican League and
Awami League. Muslim League elite also did not make any attempt to free electoral
process from the influence of dominant landlord elite and to create a democratic pattern
of participation. In 1951 provincial elections, Daultana gave tickets to landlords who
would influence their election. During 1951 provincial elections Punjab Muslim League
was uplifted into Jinnah Muslim League and Azad Pakistan party (Talbot, 2015).The
landlord politics undermined the political system and development of democracy in
Pakistan during its early eleven years which was culminated in the imposition of military
rule in 1958.
Before Ayub era, debating issues were separate electorate, Islamic nature of the
constitution and nature of political system suited to Pakistan. During Ayube era, basic
democratic system (BDS) was introduced for political participation of people by casting
their votes to members of BDS which was acting as an electoral college (Ziring, 1999).
Masses were given political participation and mobilization in representative democracy
indirectly at local level. The elections were held on non-party basis. The role of election
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for shaping voting behavior of individual was undermined and people were less exposed
to express their political preferences, choices, feelings and emotions at large scale.
During military regimes political participation of the people continued through
electoral process. Whatever be the covert objective of the military regime may be it has
provided a momentum for political mobilization and participation. The elections during
military regime were ‘caste-oriented’, held on non-party basis. One of overt aim of
election by military regime was essentially to legitimize military power rather than to
provide electoral mobilization to common people. Ayub regime held election on non-
party basis and political community was mobilized through caste emotions. The caste
identity and affiliation was manipulated in the elections of Basic Democrats. The member
of national and provincial assemblies and presidents were to be elected by an electoral
college called ‘Basic Democrats’. Basic Democrats system was consisted of union
council and union committees’ members forming an electoral system (Khan, 2001). Basic
Demarcates worked directly under district administration through their bureaucratic boss.
Zia also adopted colonial mode of district polities. In that non-party basis election, the
local influential candidates got elected on the strength of their respective caste, biradary,
tribe support and caste emotions emerged in determining and shaping voting behavior of
the people in elections.
The elections of 1970 appeared as a pendulum of mass mobilization in election
history of Pakistan. Individual from every class of society participated in the elections
and there was a visible shift in voting behavior, from authority’s level political culture to
participant culture. The 1970 elections were having a genuine mass mandate political
parties projected their policies, and public opinion was alive, issue-oriented and reflecting
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voting behavior of active participation. The 1977 elections became controversial rigging
issue. Though the elections of 1970 and 1977 were party based and voting behavior of
people was party oriented but non-party elections of 1985 again invoked ‘caste-oriented’
local politics. Caste emotions were manipulated for power politics and voting behavior
pattern shifted towards social identity of community.
4.2.2 A Search for Democratic Development 1988-1999
The democratic process to Pakistan was redeemed with the sudden death of an
army dictator and then paused in 1999 with military coup by General Pervez Musharaf.
This period has seen a change in democratic government frequently. During this period,
democratic system has experienced four general elections and national assembly was
dissolved four times by two Presidents. This period is characterized as an alliance led
party system during which political parties were inclined to make an alliance with other
political party or with independent candidates. The party led alliance (PPP-Alliance and
PML Alliance) include factions who have contested elections independently. This faction
splits the vote of the parent-party and in the absence of faction the voter would likely to
vote for the parent-party. In 1988 PML formed an alliance with IJI and in 1990 and also
made an alliance with PML-N, PML-Q, PML-F, PML-J, PML-Z in the subsequent
election. In 1993 PPP made an alliance with PDA in 1993 and PPPP in later years.
The development of democratic process in Pakistan was halted again in 1999 by
imposition of martial law by General Pervez Musharaf who ousted Nawaz Shareef
government. There are many socio-political and economic factors responsible for the
breakdown of democratic system in 1999. Political instability, use of 58-2B for personal
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grudges that caused frequent disposal of national and provincial assemblies by president,
undemocratic values among politicians and the increasing conflict between military and
democratic civilian government led to the down fall of second era of Nawaz Shareef
government and takeover of military. Pervez Musharaf government lasted for about nine
years, 1999-2008, and it has to face many challenges; two great challenges were
terrorism and restoration of democracy by holding elections within 90 days (Mann,
2015). During Musharaf era, elections were held in 2002 again on non-party basis. In
non-party basis elections, element of party affiliation is superseded by element of caste
and biradary. The caste emotions and feeling of the people became more prominent and
caste politics was promoted. Martial law government in Pakistan had provided a fertile
ground for caste emotions to germinate and propagate accompanied by announcing
elections on non-party basis. The imposition of martial law in itself is a hurdle in the
development of democratic process, so the description of coup government and its
features are not the requirement of this research.
4.3 Dynamics of Politics of Emotion in Punjab: Election
Results of 2008, 2013 and 2018
Punjab is basically consisted of rural areas where caste acts an indispensable
institution of social and individual identity in Punjabi society. Caste based social culture
has become a part of political culture and social identity has transformed into political
identity in Punjab irrespective of urban or rural areas. These caste emotions in Punjab
have turn into a backbone of political culture, voting behavior, political participation and
mobilization of the people at local, provincial and national elections. All individuals in
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Punjabi society are surrounded by same socio-cultural and political environment so they
behave consciously or unconsciously following the pattern of caste emotions and
affiliations. Though this element has reduced due to urbanization and industrialization in
the urban areas of Punjab and there is a transformation of political orientation and voting
behavior from parochial to participant culture. Due to urbanization and industrialization
people in Punjab are moving out of caste-influence) but still it cannot be eliminated even
from urban society. Caste emotion is central and significant variable in Punjab politics
and its political culture. The politician, ‘Zamindar’ and ‘Jagirdar’ is aware of this caste
identity weakness of the people and manipulate identity emotions and believes during
elections at local, provincial and national level to achieve specific goals. The caste
identity emotions have given a feeling of oneness to the people of Punjab on one hand,
but on the other hand it has divided the society into different groups based on caste
affiliations and emotions. The politicians use these identity emotions as a central tool in
elections to increase their vote bank and it shapes voting behavior of the people. This
politics of emotions plays a vital role in the political culture, political behavior, political
participation and mobilization of the people during the electoral process
Punjab is the largest province of Pakistan with respect to population and second
largest province in area. The first census in Punjab was held by Sir Denzil Ibbetson in
1881 during British era. According to the results of 6th Population and Housing Census
2017, the total population of Pakistan is 207.8 million and of Punjab is 110.01 million.
Punjab is the most populated province comprising 52.94% of total population. The rural
and urban population of Punjab is 63.9% and 36.71% respectively according to 2017
Pakistan census. The rate of population living in rural areas is still high. The rural
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population is living in villages and has adopted agriculture as means of income. Urban
population is linked with cities and has more facilities to education, health, development,
business and jobs as compared to rural areas. A mixed culture of people is prevailing in
urban areas whereas traditions and cultural norms are strictly followed in villages. It was
not possible to cover such a large province for research, so nine districts were selected
from 37 districts of Punjab dividing it into North Punjab, Centre Punjab and South
Punjab. A major part of population lives in rural areas and villages which depicts the
culture of Punjab. Culture is a set of values, sentiments, believes and feelings which also
gives a meaning to behavior in a society. Behavior governs a person in operating norms
of a political system and political ideal which is called political behavior. Caste is the
main vein of Punjabi culture and a well-known feature of voting behavior of Pakistani
people in elections.
In order to understand the impact of caste emotions on voting behavior along with
the political participation and mobilization of the people in Punjab, the research has
focused on the general election of 2008, 2013 and 2018 in Pakistan. From Punjab, nine
districts have been selected including Lahore, Okara and Sheikhu pura are selected to
represent Central Punjab; from North Punjab Rawalpindi, Sarghodha and Jhung are
preferred and Multan, RahemYar Khan and Bhawalpur are chosen to collect data from
South Punjab.
4.3.1 CENTRAL PUNJAB: Okara, Lahore, Sheikhu pura
Okara District: Constituency NA-141 and NA-142
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The main castes or biradaries in Okara are“Kharals” Arians, Sardar, Jutt, Watto,
Dewan, Lashari, Mian, Syed, and Rai. The Kharal caste is the most influential caste in
Okara and is further sub-divided into RabairaKhural, GogeraKharal, RandhairaKharal,
ChurairaKharal, RanseeKharal, LodhikeKharal, Shar k Kharail (Haider, 2017). In rural
areas of Okara, people have a due respect for Kharal caste and give it a reverence like a
religious family. The most interesting aspect of giving due respect to Kharal family is
that if a candidate of Kharal caste belongs to one party at national level and at provincial
level candidate of Kharal caste belongs to opposite or other party, people voting behavior
is that they always cast vote to Kharal irrespective of which party the candidate belongs
to (Interview with Salman Ghani, Executive Group editor in Dunia News and also is a
resident of Okara).
From Okara district, the constituency NA-141 and NA-142 was chosen to study
the influence of caste emotions on voting behavior of people in elections of 2008, 2013
and 2018. The constituency NA-141 is a rural area and was created in election 2018 from
old constituency NA-143 in election 2013.
From Table.1, we can see that NA-141constituency of Okara, in 2018 elections,
Chudhry Nadeem Abass, who belongs to Kharal caste contested election on PML-N party
ticket and is the winner at National assembly. He was also winner in 2013 elections as
PML-N party candidate from same constituency. In 2008 elections the winner was Rao
Ghulam Mujtaba who took part in elections as a candidate from PPP. Ghulam Mujtaba
also has a Kharal caste. The candidate from Arian caste was defeated in spite of his good
relations with Kharal family (interview with Salman Ghani ).
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The constituency NA-142 of Okara, was created in election 2018 from NA-143
which is an urban area. The influence of Kharal family still exists and is not diminished.
Kharal caste greatly influences the behavior of the people and it becomes a significant
factor in their victory. In 2018 elections, RizulHuqKharal from PML-N was winner and
Rao Hassan Skinder from PTI was runner-up. The Rao caste was powerful in this
constituency during PPP government and it lost its popularity due to bad performance of
party. In 2008 elections, Sajadul Hassan who belongs to Arian caste was winner as
independent candidate and he later on joined PPP. In 2013 elections,
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TABLE.1
North Punjab
Year Rawalpindi Sargodha Jhung
Constituency 62 Constituency 60 Constituency 91 Constituency 92 Constituency 115 Constituency 116
Winner Caste Party Winner Caste Party Winner Caste Party Winner Caste Party Name Caste Party Winner Caste Party
2018 Ch. Rasheed
Ahmad
Sheikh AML Imran
Khan
Niazi PTI Zulfqar
Ali
Bhatti
Rajputt PML-
N
Syed
JaveedHa
snainSha
Arian PML-
N
Gulam
Bibi
Bherwana PTI Muh. Amir
Sultan
Sahabzada PTI
2013 Ch. Rasheed
Ahmad
Sheikh AML Imran
Khan
Niazi PTI Zulfqar
Ali
Bhatti
Rajputt PML-
N
Muhamd
Nawaz
Shrif
Kashmiri PML-
N
Muh.
Waqas
Ikram
Sheikh PML-
N
Muh.Nazeer
Sultan
Syed PML-
N
2008 MuhamadJave
edHashmi
Makhdoom PML-N HanifAba
ssi
Rajput PML-
N
Ch.
Anwar
Ali
Cheema PML-
Q
Syed
JaveedHa
snainSha
Arian PML-
N
Muh.
Waqas
Ikram
Sheikh PML-
Q
SaimaAkhter Bherwana Indepe
ndent
South Punjab
Year Multan Bahawalpur RaheemYar Khan
Constituency 156 Constituency 158 Constituency 170 Constituency 173 Constituency 177 178Constituency
Winner Caste Part
y
Winner Caste Party Winner Caste Party Winner Caste Party Winner Caste Party Name Caste Party
2018 Shah
Mehmood
Qureshi
Qureshi PTI Ibraheem
Khan
Pashtun PTI MuhamadFa
rooqAzamM
alick
Awan PTI MianNajeeb
udin
Awasi PML-N Makhdoom
KhusrooBak
htyar
Makhdoom PTI Makhdoom
Syed
Mustafa
Mehmood
Makhdoom PPP
2013 Shah
Mehmood
Qureshi
Qureshi PTI Javeed Ali
Shah
Syed PML-
N
MuhamadB
alig-ur-
Rehman
Mughal PML-
N
MianNajeeb
udin
Awasi PML-N Makhdoom
KhusroBakh
tyar
Makhdoom PML-N Makhdoom
Syed
Mustafa
Mehmood
Makhdoom PPP
2008 RanaMah
moodulHa
san
Rajput PML
-N
Liaqat Ali
Khan
Pashtun PPP MuhamadB
alig-ru-
Rehman
Mughal PML-
N
Malick
Amir Yar
Waran Independent Makhdoom
Shahabudin
Makhdoom PPP Jahangeer
Khan
Tareen PML-
F
132
Central Punjab
Year Lahore Okara Shiekhupura
Constituency NA-125 Constituency 131 Constituency NA-141 Constituency NA-142 Constituency 120 Constituency121
Name Caste Party Name Caste Party Name Caste Party Name Caste Party Name Caste Party Name Caste Party
2018 WaheedAlam
Khan
Kashmiri PML-
N
KhawajaSaadRafiqu Kashmiri PML-
N
Ch. Nadeem
Abbas
Kharal PML-
N
RiazulHaq Arain PML-
N
RanaTanveer Rajputt PML-
N
JaveedLatif Arian PML-
N
2013 Muh.NawazShrif Kashmiri PML-
N
KhawajaSaadRafiqu Kashmiri PML-
N
Ch.Nadeem
Abbas
Kharal PML-
N
Muh.ArifChudhry Aryain PML-
N
RanaTanveer Rajputt PML-
N
JaveedLatif Arian PML-
N
2008 Muh. Nawaz
Shrif
Kashmiri PML-
N
KhawajaSaadRafiqu Kashmiri PML-
N
GhulamMujtaba Kharal PPP Sajadul Hassan Aryain PPP RanaTanveer Rajputt PML-
N
JaveedLatif Arian PML-
N
Source: Nabeela Akbar (Compiled), Pakistan General Elections 2008, 2013, 2018 ,(Lahore: Election Commission of Pakistan)
NA-141- created from143-Okara District
NA-142 created from NA- 143 in 2018: Okara
NA-120 created from 132in 2018 election, SheikhuPura
NA-121 created from 133 in 2018 elections: SheikhuPura
Lahore NA-125 crated from NA-120 in 2018 elections
Lahore NA-131 created in 2018 elections
NA-91created from NA-67 in 2018 election Sarghoda
NA-92 created from NA-68 in 2018 elections Sarghodah-V
Jhung NA-115 created from NA- 89 in 2018 elections
Jhung (III) NA-116 created from NA-90 in 2018 elections
Rawalpindi NA-62 created from NA-55 in 2018 elections
133
Constituency RawalPindi NA-60 changed from NA-56 in 2018 elections
Multan Constituency NA -156 created from NA -150 in Election 2018:
Multan Constituency NA-158 Changed from NA-152 in Election 2018:
BahawalPur Constituency NA-170 changed from NA-185 in election 2018
BahawalPur Constituency NA-173 changed from NA-184 in Election 2018
RaheemYar Khan Constituency NA-177 created from NA-194 in Election 2018:
RaheemYar Khan Constituency NA-178 created from NA-195 in Election 2018
134
Arif Chudhry from Arian caste was winner and he contested election on PML-N party.
After dismissal of Arif Chudhry on non-eligibility basis, in the elections of 2015,
candidate from Arian caste contested election but could not win. Riaz ul Khaq, Arian,
contested election as independent candidate and was the winner. He later joined PML-N
party. In Okara urban area, it is tradition that on national and provincial elections, a
candidate who belongs to Arian caste is winner.
SheikhuPura District: ConstituencyNA-120 and NA-121
The distinguished castes in this distric are Awan, Chataha, Virk, Arain, Kharal
and Jattand Rajputt. Arian, Kharal, Rajputt and Jatt are significant castes. In Sheikhu
Pura district, the influential families in politics are Arian in urban areas and Rajput in
rural areas. Constituency NA-120 and NA-12 1 were selected to study voting trends
among people. Constituency NA-120 was created in 2018 elections from NA-132. In
constituency NA-120, elections 2018, a rural area, Rana Tanveer, Rajput caste, was
winner. He is continuously a winner in this constituency in 2013 and 2008 elections. It is
because of Rajput caste influence in Sheihku Pura rural areas and political party gave
ticket to a candidate who belongs to Rajput caste in the area.
In Sheikhupura constituency NA-121, an urban area, Arian caste is more
politically influential. It was created from constituency NA-133 in 2018 elections. In
2013 elections, winner was Javeed Latif from PML-N, Arian and he was also the winner
in 2013 and 2008 elections. In urban area of this district, the basic element of victory in
elections is primarily caste and then party. Caste and party both are active in shaping
voting behavior of people in this district. While giving party ticket, political party also
135
considers, whether the caste is powerful or not. The candidate from strong caste has more
chances of victory in elections. The chances of victory are bright if candidate belongs to
an influential caste.
Lahore District: Constituency NA-125 and NA-131
Lahore is a completely an urban area, 84% of this district is settled in urban areas
and 16% lives in rural areas. Lahore has a huge network of biradaries and castes spread in
the city. The big castes of Lahore are Arian, Kashmiri, Rajputt, Awan, Mughal and
Mavati. The Kashmiri and Arian are strong influential castes in Lahore. Caste factor acts
as a strong factor in shaping voting behavior and political participation of the people in
elections. But party element is acting as a significant factor in molding political
participation and mobilization of the people in Lahore. Caste element acts as a backend
factor in shaping voting behavior of the people as political party PML-N has always
given party to that candidate who belongs to Arian or Kashmiri caste. Important
politicians who belong to Arian caste are Mian Azhar and Pervez Malick. Election 2018
results in NA-125 shows that Kashmiri caste has still hold on people mobilization in
politics. Waheed Alam Khan from Kashmiri caste was winner in this constituency and in
2013 and 2008 elections candidate belonging to Kashmiri caste , Nawaz Shareef in 2013
and Bilal Yaseen in 2008 PML-N were winner. This is totally a party constituency of
PML-N. This is because of good performance of PML-N as Nawaz government has given
employment, jobs, to a large number of people in this constituency (Interview from a
voter of this constituency). Arian caste is in minority here and it prefers to cast vote to
PML-N due to its ideological and economic affiliation with it. The basic cause of this
affiliation is protection of economic interest of Arian caste by Kashmiri group. The
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ideological affiliation started during Zia ulKuq period and lasted till now in 2018
elections. Lahore constituency NA-125 was created in 2018 elections from NA-120.
Lahore constituency NA-131 was created in 2018 elections. Constituency NA-131
Lahore is also under party affiliation factor and people caste vote on party basis. In
election results of 2018, Imran Khan from PTI was winner and Khawja Saad Rafique(
PML-N) was runner. Then in by elections on 14th October 2018, Khawaja Saad Rafique
was elected and Humayan Akhter from PTI was runner. In 20013 and 2008 elections,
Khawaja Saad Rafique won the seat as a PML-N candidate. Khawaja Saad Rafique was
elected as MNA in 2001 from constituency 119-NA and contested election as an
independent candidate.
4.3.2 NORTH PUNJAB: Sargodha, Rawalpindi, Jhung
Sargodha District: Constituency NA- 91 and NA-92
The settled castes in Sarghoda are included Cheema, Noon, Qurashi, Ranjha, and
Gondal. Piracha is a significant caste in this district. Among Mughal biraderi, Berlas and
Chugtai are prominent castes. Tiwanas are quite famous in politics and influential from
this district. Umer Hayat Tiwana and Khizer Hayat Tiwana are famous names in Punjab
politics before partition areas. In Sarghoda the important and influential castes in rural
and urban areas are Rajput and Arian families, respectively. Constituency NA-91
Sarghoda is a rural constituency and was created from NA-67 in 2018 elections. The
dominant caste in politics is Rajput . In election results of 2018, Zulfqar Ali Bhatti, a
Rajput, from PML-N was winner and Chudhri Amir Sultan Cheema (Jutt caste) was
runner-up. In 2013 elections, Zulfqar Ali Bhatti was also successful candidate from this
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constituency. Chudhri Anwar Ali Cheema was winner in 2008 election from here as
candidate of PML-Q. Anwer Ali has also been elected by people as a parliamentarian in
1988, 1990 elections joining IJI, in 1993 and 1997 elections joining PML-N and in 2002
and 2008 as a candidate from PLM-Q. So he has been preferred by people whether he has
joined PML-Q or IJI. In 2018 and 2013 elections, the contest was between Rajputt and
Cheema caste and Rajputt Bhatti was winner caste as it is more influential than Cheema
the said constituency.
Sarghoda constituency NA-92 is a city area and Arian is dominant caste. It was
created from NA-68 in 2018 elections. People give priorities to Arian caste while electing
candidates in elections. Syed JaveedHasnainSha PML-N in winner in election results of
2018 and runner is SahabzadaNaeemudinSialvi PTI from this constituency. In 2013
elections, Muhamad Nawaz Shareef was winner and in by election 2013 the winner was
SaradrShafqat Hayat Khan PML-N. In 2008 elections results the winner was
JaveedHusnainSha PML-N and in by election of 2010 the winner was from PML-N,
SardarShafqat Hayat Khan. From 2008 to 2018 the caste which is dominant in politics or
family is winner. In urban or city area, caste affiliation has less pressure on the
preferences and choices of people in elections.
Jhung District: Constituency NA-115 and NA-116
In Jhung district, important castes and families are Syeed, Bherwana,Sialvi and
Shia sect. Syeed family is influential here as compared to Arian and Rajput. Arian and
Rajput are less in number in Jhung. Prominent politicians from Jhung are
FasialSylheHyat, SyeddaAbida Hussain, both are relatives but belong to different
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political parties. In Jhung district, party identification is less affecting the voting behavior
and emotions of people and religious emotions are shaping political participation and
mobilization of natives. Syed family is famous with name “ShaJeyuna” here and is
popular among the people due to religious emotions and attachment. Jhung society and
people are also equally divided into Shiates and Sunnies, so religious sectarian issue
prevails here.
Constituency NA-115 Jhung, was created from NA-89 in election 2018. The
electoral process results show Gulam Bibi Bherwana from PTI was winner and voters
have rejected both Ahmad Ludhwanvi and Sheikh WaqasIkram. GulambibiBherwana
belongs to an influential religious family. Religious factor is more dominant and
influential in controlling and shaping emotions of the people during elections in this area.
In election 2008, Sheikh Waqasikram PML-N was winner from this constituency. In
2013 election again Sheikh Waqas was elected but later on he was disqualified on the
basis of bogus votes. Then Ahmad Ludhanvi (Ahle-SunnatJammat) was elected by
people.
In constituency NA-116, Jhung, elections 2018 results shows that Muhamad Amir
Sultan from PTI became winner. In 2008 elections, Saima Akhter Bherwana an
independent was winner and in 2013 elections Sahabzada Muhamad Nazerr Sultan PML-
N was winner. So the religious families are dominant in elections and their supremacy
prevails in the region. People caste vote in favor of that candidate as per ordered by their
‘Pir’. Constituency NA-116 was created in 2018 elections from NA-90.
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Rawalpindi District: Constituency NA-62 and NA-56
The prominent castes in Rawalpindi are Ghakar, Shaikh, Syed, Langeriyal, Awan,
Abassi, Piracha, and Chohan. Biradares are relatively less influential in politics.
Rawalpindi is an urban city and here political party factor is influential in shaping and
stimulating peoples’ emotions in politics. Rawalpindi constituency NA-62 was formed
from NA-55 in elections 2018. Sheikh Rasheed is a continuously winner from this
constituency in 2018 and 2013 elections. He lost this seat in election 2008 and Muhamad
Javeed Hashmi, Makhdoom, from PML-N party was winner. Sheikh Rashed has
repeatedly changed his party loyalties in elections but this rotation of party affiliation has
not affected his vote bank in this constituency. It shows a persistency in the behavior of
voters and affiliation of people with a personality in elections.
In NA-56, election 2018, the winner was Imran Khan, chairman of PTI and he has
beat HanifAbassii. In this constituency, political party factor is dominant in elections and
the personality element is also active as Imran Khan has won this constituency due to his
popularity among the people.
4.3.3 SOUTH PUNJAB: Multan, BahawalPur, Raheem Yar Khan
Multan District: Constituency NA-156 and NA-158
Multan is a district of religiously influential land owners who are active in
politics from their ancestors’ time, passing it from one generation after another. The
politically important castes or families are Gilani, Qurashi, Gardazi, Bucha, Syed, and
Kanjo, Langeryal and RajpootMahajir are also settled here. The leading families in
Multan are
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1-Makhdoom ShaMehmood Qureshi (Religiously associated with
DarbarBahauddinZikriya)
2-Yousaf Raza Gilani (Linked with DarbarMoosa Pak Shaheed )
3- MakhdoomJaveed Hashmi
4- Siddique Khan Kanjo Family
5- Jahangeer Tareen
6- Hajra Family (Raza Hayat and Ahmad YarHajra)
These are land lord and ‘ jagirdar’ in their respective areas and fully dominate the
politics. Some families are ‘Sajada Nasheen’ or care takers of religious tombs (Darbar) of
their ancestors, who were regarded as ‘Murshid’ and have a large number of followers in
the locality.
Multan constituency NA-156 was created from NA-150 in election 2018. It is an
urban constituency. In elction 2018, Shah Mehmood Qureshi contested from this
constituency as a candidate of PTI party and he defeated Amir Syed Ansari contesting on
PML-N party ticket. Shah Mehmood Qureshi was also winner in election 2013 from this
constituency then named as NA-150 as PTI party candidate. In election 2008, Rana
Mahmood ul Hasan was winner who contested election from PML-N party.
The election results of 2018, 2013 and 2008 in Multan constituency NA-158
shows that people have elected a different political party candidate per election. In
election 2013 and 2008, this constituency was named as NA-152. In 2013 elections,
majority people casted vote in favor of PML-N party candidate who was winner. Liaqat
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Ali Khan contested in 2008 elections on PPP ticket and was winner. In 2018 elections,
PTI party candidate, Ibrahim Khan was winner from this constituency now changed into
NA-158. The runner was Syed Javeed Ali Shah, a candidate from PML-N party and Syed
Youssaf Raza Gillani (PPP party) was on third position in 2018 elections. It is
noteworthy that natives in Multan have rejected religiously influential family in South
Punjab politics and apparently they have given a chance to a new emerging political party
candidate (PTI). People in Multan are not free from religious influence as they caste vote
in elections as said by their religious leader, ‘Murshad’, in the locality. (Write down the
announcement of Moulana from Mulatn). The marriage of Imran Khan, PTI chairman, in
a religious family is also a cause of alliance between PTI and religious leadership in
Multan.
Bahawal Pur District: Constituency NA-170 and NA-173
Bahawalpur region is also under religious influence and many families are
providing religious and political leadership in this region. Main leading families are
Bkhtyar, Maklhdoom, Owassi, Gilani, Watto, Abbasi, Pirzada and Lalika who are active
in Bahawalpur politics. These influential “families are not ‘GaddiNaheen’ as blood
kinship of religious pir but they are taking care of tombs (interview of Mr..Niaz Ahmad
who was an employee in office of ADLG Bahawalpur)”. The natives due to religious
feelings show respect and honor to them and as custodians of their spiritual ‘murshad’
pay regards to their words. Religiously sacred families are also active in politics and
control the voting trends of people in locality. Political dynamic of Balhawalpur revolves
around these families who are also aware of the religious feelings, attachments and
weaknesses of their voters. During elections, political party gives ticket to a candidate
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who belongs to a strong religious family and who has a heavy vote bank. In constituency
NA-170, election 2013 and 2008, PML-N party gave ticket to MuhamdBaligurRehman
who belongs to a strong family. Election results of 2018 shows a change in voting trend
among people who casted vote in favor of PTI party candidate, Muhamd Farooq
AzamMalick. They rejected MuhamdBaligurRehman in 2018 elections that stood second
in electoral results in NA-170. The preferences, motivations and behavior of people in
Bahawalpur were transformed towards PTI, though religious factor still dominated in
elections but party preferences have modified. The people are totally inclined to give vote
to influential caste and are not concerned to which political party ticket, the candidate is
contesting elections.
In BahawalPur constituency NA-173, election results of 2018, 2013, and 2008
shows people have a trend to caste vote to Awasi family. PML-N gave ticket to
candidate, MianNajeebudinAwasi in 2018 and 2013 elections who is the winner in this
constituency then named as NA-184. In 2008 elections, an independent candidate,
Malick Amir Waran won from this constituency. Elections results show that people in
Bahawalpur have under influence of religiously sacred families and caste vote to a
candidate who belong to these families. In case if both contesting candidate belong to
same religious family (like Awasi), then voter elect that candidate who has a support of
bigger political party (interview of Mr. Hafiz Muhamad Saleh, an advocate). People have
no preferences for party identification of the candidate in elections and are more
concerned with social and religious identity. They are under the influence of caste
emotions and their minds are controlled by political leaders of Bahawalpur.
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Raheem Yar Khan: Constituency NA- 177 and NA-178
The main families active in politics in R.Y Khan are Makhdoom and Syed.
Rajpu, Baloch, and Jat castes are also residing here but locals have a behavior to support
Makhdoom family. Last three consecutive election results show a trend to caste vote in
favor of candidate from Makhdoom family. In 2018 elections, MakhdoomKhusroo has
contested election as a PTI party candidate and won the election. The runner was
MakhdoomShahbudin who contested on PPP ticket and on third position was
MakhdoomMueenudin from PML-N. An independent candidate, Nazeer Ahmad, also
contested election 2018 and appeared on forth position. KhusrooBakhtyarwon seat from
same constituency in 2013 elections as a PML-N candidate then named as NA-194 and
MakhdoomShabudin won 2008 election on PPP ticket from said constituency.
These election results in constituency NA-177 revealed that there is intra-group
competition in Makhdoom family in Raheem Yar Khan. It has divided the vote bank in
Makhdoom family and political party gave ticket to candidate who has majority of family
votes. The people gave more preference to political family identity than political party
identification and are divided on their loyalties to influential political family. The voters
who belong to same family have different opinions, perceptions, motivations and
preferences to caste vote to Makhdoom family in the elections (Interview with voter of
constituency NA-177).
Constituency NA-178 election results of 2008, 2013 and 2018 have described the
same pattern of voting behavior in Raheem Yar Khan. Usually a person from Makhdoom
family had contested election. In 2018 elections, the winner from this constituency was
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Mustafa Mahmood Makhdoom from and on second position was Muhamad Tarique from
PML-N. Riaz Muhamad Mehboob Ahmad from PTI party got third position in election
2018. In 2013 elections, Makhdoom Mustafa Mehmood was also winner and Jahangeer
Tareen also contested election in 2008 from this constituency, then named as NA-195 as
PML-F candidate and he was winner from then Constituency NA-195
There is a feudalistic and religious influence in Raheem Yar Khan. The people
had a voting trend to prefer religiously sacred Makhdoom family and their affiliation is
divided when both contesting candidate are Makhdoom relatives. They decide to prefer
that candidate who has strong vote bank of family.
The election results of three consecutive years, 2008, 2013, 2018 in Punjab
describe the real picture of the mindset of Punjabi people in Pakistan. Caste emotions
have a deep impact on the voting behavior of the people. Political behavior of Punjabi
society is shaped by their social identity emotions. Caste emotion is the main factor in
voting behavior and party identification has no place in the psychological relation of
voters. The track changing of political party of a candidate does not change voting
behavior of voters and they prefer to their own caste. People cast vote under influence of
caste emotions and to strengthen caste identity. Voters give vote to a candidate who
belongs to their own caste and in case candidates belong to same caste, then they use
their preferences and priorities. In Pakistan, particularly in Punjab, social structure is
controlling the political structure through emotions whereas social factor is hindering
political participation which is a perquisite for democratic system.
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4.4 Conclusion
Emotions and political inclusion are associated with individuals in a society. A
person gets emotional and political experiences from its social environment. Through
political inclusion, people influence governmental actions and become a part of political
system. Political participation enables an individual to express his emotions, preferences
and proprieties about political processes. They become a part of decision making process
in political system and such participation by people is indispensable to establish a
democratic system. The domain of political inclusion has increased but still the most
conventional method to participate in political activities is through voting. In all
democratic states, right to vote is given to all its citizens. The preferences of voters in
elections about a candidate reflect their voting behavior which is dimension of political
behavior. The political and voting behavior in South Asian societies is influenced by
caste emotions. People in these societies are known by their caste association and it is the
most dynamic aspect which shapes voting behavior of people in Pakistan and South Asia.
When British established its rule in Indian continent in 1857, they established
democratic institutions in a parochial society. The prevailing social structure and culture
was used to introduce democratic political process in Indian society. Political
participation was permitted with the help of caste system culture and an emotional
political culture emerged to achieve certain goals. British rulers manipulated caste
emotions of natives to shape their voting behavior in elections and it emerged the
phenomenon of ‘Politics of Emotions’ in South Asia. The association between emotions
and political participation remained prominent in Pakistan after 1947. The local landed
class, which was created through Alienation Act 1900, still exists in Pakistan’s
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parliament and it controls the voting behavior of the people using caste emotions. The
cabinet of Prime Minister is also consisted of this landlord class that rules the
government. The land holding class or agricultural caste created by British rulers to get
economic and political gains in rural and urban areas is still functional in Pakistan
politics. The parliament and cabinet is dominated by this landed class (Jagirdar,
Zamindar). They purse their own economic and political interest while working as
parliamentarians and ministers. These parliamentarians get elected under influence of
cast emotions. Caste emotions have played a significant role in shaping the voting
behavior of voters throughout Pakistan electoral history till 2018 elections. People vote to
a candidate under the shadow of caste emotions and their psychological links did not
consider party identification in elections. The dynamics of emotional politics revolves
around the references, choices, acceptance and rejection of candidate in election, on the
basis of social caste identity feelings. The caste social structure is influencing the political
structure of Pakistan, particularly in Punjab.
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CHAPTER V
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CHAPTER V
Data Analysis and Interpretations
5.1 Overview
This chapter provides information relating to the analysis conducted for
summarizing the data gathered through a well-structured questionnaire. Statistical
Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and Smart Partial Least Square (PLS) 3.2 are used to
conduct the analysis. Moreover, it also provides evidence to test the various hypotheses
developed for testing the conceptual model. Furthermore, descriptive statistics are applied
to summarize the demographic characteristics of the participants of the survey.
Additionally, the items in the questionnaire that relate to the perceptions of the potential
voters are tested for the goodness by testing reliability and establishing validity. This
chapter also tests the hypotheses to evaluate the differences in opinions between and
among groups on the variables of interest. Similarly, the hypotheses relating to testing the
effect of exogenous variables (i.e.) on the endogenous variable is also conducted.
Moreover, each test is accompanied by its interpretations.
5.2 Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics helps to summarize the data in such a way so that it can not
only be described through frequencies and percentages but is also prepared for further
data analysis. Initially, all the demographic information that was provided by the
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participants by filling a self-administered questionnaire are summarized by conducting
descriptive analysis in SPSS after entering the data.
Table 1
Descriptive Results of the Demographic Information
Sr. No. Demographic Variables Frequencies Percentages %
1 Regions
Central Punjab 120 33.3
North Punjab 120 33.3
South Punjab 120 33.3
2 Gender
Male 180 50
Female 180 50
3 Age
18-30 years 185 51.4
Above 30 years 175 48.6
4 Profession
Student 50 13.9
Employed 127 35.3
Laborer 48 13.3
Housewife 77 21.4
Businessman 58 16.1
5 Monthly Income
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No Income 113 31.4
Up toRs. 15000 88 24.4
Rs. 15001-30000 93 25.8
Rs. 30001-50000 35 9.7
Above Rs. 50000 27 7.5
6 Education
Illiterate 31 8.6
Primary to Middle School 53 14.7
Matriculation 86 23.9
Intermediate 58 16.1
Bachelors and above 132 36.7
7 Parents’ Education
Illiterate 148 41.1
Literate 140 38.9
Either of the two literate 72 20
Table 1 above shows the demographic information of the participants of the survey. A
total of 360 useable questionnaires were used for analyzing the data. The participants of
the survey were chosen equally from all regions (i.e., Central, Northern, and Southern
Punjab). Similarly, for gathering data,equal participation was ensured based upon gender.
This has helped the study to reveal results that avoid gender bias. The results also show
that 51.4% of the participants have an age between 18-30 years while 48.6% are above 30
years of age. As far as employability is concerned, 13.9% of the participants are students,
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and 21.4% are housewives. Moreover, 35.3%of participants are employed while 13.3%
are labors. Only 16.1% of the participants are businessmen.
One more demographic information is the income level of the participants. Table 1 above
shows that 31.4% of participants had no monthly income while most of the participants
have a monthly income equal to or below Rs. 30000. In contrast, only around 17% of
participants have a salary above Rs. 30000. Moreover, in terms of literacy rate, 8.6%
participants are illiterate and the rest of them some form of education such as 36.7%
possess a degree of Bachelors and above.16.1% participants possess a degree of
intermediate while 23.9% possess education up to matriculation. Lastly, the results also
reveal that 41.1% of the parents of the participants are illiterate while 38.9% are literate.
Moreover, the parents of only 20% of the participants are either of the two literate.
Furthermore, the data was gathered from participants who belonged to different castes.
The identification of different castes prevalent in the Province of Punjab and the breakup
of the participants into caste are shown below.
5.2.1 Castes in Punjab, Pakistan
Similar to many South Asian Countries like India, Afghanistan and many more there is a
plethora of different caste systems prevalent in Pakistan. Moreover, each caste can be
further categorized in many sub-divisions of the main caste systems. Furthermore, these
caste systems vary from province to province. The present study focuses on the factors
influencing the voting behavior of potential voters in Pakistan with a prime focus on the
caste system, so special attention has been taken to gather data that represents the main
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caste systems in Punjab. The breakup of different main castes is displayed in Table 2 and
graphically in Figure 2 below, while the sub-castes are given in Appendix B.
Table 2
Castes in Punjab Province, Pakistan
Castes in Punjab Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Aheer 1 3 .3
Ansari 7 1.9 1.9
Aryian 53 14.7 14.7
Awan 14 3.9 3.9
Baloch 7 .3 1.9
Bukhari 1 .3 .3
Chacher 1 1.9 .3
Charan 7 1.4 1.9
Chauhan 5 .3 1.4
Chohan 1 .3 .3
Chunnerr 1 .3 .3
Dara 1 .3 .3
Dhaloon 1 .3 .3
Diddi 2 .3 .6
Dushtti 2 .3 .6
Gujjar 2 .3 .6
Hanjra 1 .3 .3
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Hashmi 1 .3 .3
Jatt 34 9.4 9.4
Jhumann 1 .3 .3
Jhurerr 1 .3 .3
Jora 4 1.1 1.1
Kalyar 2 .6 .6
Kashmiri 4 1.1 1.1
KatPalia 1 .3 .3
Khokhar 9 2.5 2.5
Kumhar 13 3.6 3.6
Langha 6 1.7 1.7
Maher 2 .6 .6
Malick 24 6.7 6.7
Mochi 1 .3 .3
Mughal 18 5.0 5.0
Nathoka 1 .3 .3
Paracha 3 .8 .8
Pathan 12 3.3 3.3
Qureshi 5 1.4 1.4
Rajput 70 19.4 19.4
Salani 1 .3 .3
Saroozi 6 1.7 1.7
Saropa 1 .3 .3
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Sayed 1 .3 .3
Sheikh 13 3.6 3.6
Sial 10 2.8 2.8
Siddique 2 .6 .6
Solangi 1 .3 .3
Syed 3 .8 .8
Virk 1 .3 .3
Wattoo 1 .3 .3
Yousafza 1 .3 .3
Total 360 100.0 100.0
Table 2 above shows that 19.4% of the respondents belong to Rajput caste, followed by
14.7% Aryian caste systems while 9.4% respondents belong to Jut Caste system.
Moreover, the results are also displayed in form of bar charts below in Figure 2.
Figure 2 shows that the data is representative of all the main castes that are prevalent in
the province of Punjab, Pakistan. Most of the participants belong to Rajput caste followed
by Aryain and Jut respectively.
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Figure 2 Main Castes of the Participants in Punjab
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5.3 General Opinions Relating to Caste System and Political
Environment
Different questions relating to the political system in the prevalence of the caste system
were sought from the participants. The results of the opinions are presented below
Table 3
Opinions of Participants regarding why do they Vote?
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Right & Responsibility 334 92.8 92.8
Follow Elders 15 4.2 96.9
Support Biradary 10 2.8 99.7
Pressure of Biradary 1 .3 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 3 above shows that 92.8% participants opine that they vote as a sense of right and
responsibility. 4.2% participants follow their elders to vote while 2.8% participants vote
to support the bradary. The same results are also shown through a bar chart in Figure 3
below.
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Figure 3 Why Do You Vote?
Figure 3 above shows that most of the participants perceive that they vote as a
matter of right and responsibility. In contrast, very few votes due to the pressure of
bradary, support bradary or follow elders.
Table 4
Beliefs of Participants While Voting
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Parties are Weak 31 8.6 8.6
Parties Consider their Own Bradary 84 23.3 31.9
All Parties are not the Same 194 53.9 85.8
Bradary Stronger Than Political Parties 51 14.2 100.0
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Total 360 100.0
Table 4 above shows that while voting, 53.9% participants believe that not all parties are
the same. While 23.3% participants believe parties consider their own parties. 14.2%
participants believe that while casting their vote bradary plays a stronger role than
political parties. The same results are shown in Figure 4 below.
Figure 4 While Voting Do You Believe that.
Figure 4 above shows that most of the participants while voting believes that all the
parties are not the same. In contrast few consider that parties follow their bradary,
bradary is stronger than political parties and parties are weak.
Table 5
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Opinions relating to what influences voters to cast their votes
Opinions Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Personal Choice/Liking 232 64.4 64.4
Political Influence 19 5.3 69.7
Family Discussion about Politics 24 6.7 76.4
Follow Ideology Economic/Religious/Political 85 23.6 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 5 above shows the opinions of the participants in terms of what influences them to
cast their votes. The results above show that 64.4% believe that they cast their votes as a
personal choice/liking. While 23.6% participants opine that ideology influences them to
cast their votes. Only 6.7% perceive that family discussions about politics influence them
to cast their votes. The same results are also shown below through a bar chart presented
in Figure 5 below.
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Figure 5What Influences You to Cast Vote?
Figure 5 above shows that most of the participants believe that their personal choice or
liking induces them to cast their vote. In contrast, few participants believe that they are
influenced by ideology, family discussion or political influence while casting their votes.
Table 6
Opinions of participants about how they decide to vote for a candidate
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Knowledge about the Candidate 150 41.7 41.7
Seek others Opinion 31 8.6 50.3
Biradary/Caste Candidate 27 7.5 57.8
Candidate Character 152 42.2 100.0
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Total 360 100.0
Table 6 above shows that 42.2% decide to vote for a candidate based on the character of
the candidate. Similarly, 41.7% participants take into account the knowledge about the
candidate before casting vote for a candidate. While 7.5% decide to vote for a candidate
by considering his/her caste group. The same results are shown below in Figure 6 in the
form of bar charts
Figure 6 How Did You Decide to Vote for a Candidate?
Figure 6 above shows that most of the participants decide to vote for a candidate after
gathering knowledge about the candidate. Moreover, at the same time, they also consider
the character of the candidate while deciding to vote. In contrast, few participants seek
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others opinion and knowledge about the bradary of the candidate before deciding to vote
for a candidate.
Table 7
Opinions about how do the voters select of reject the contesting candidates
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Strong Caste Group 44 12.2 12.2
Personal Attributes-Leadership/Debating Style 170 47.2 59.4
Strength of Candidate's Family-
Financial/Religious
12 3.3 62.8
Education of the Candidate 134 37.2 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 7 above shows that 47.2% participants (voters) consider personal attributes to
select a candidate. Moreover, 37.2% participants consider education as a factor to
consider voting for a particular candidate and 12.2% participants consider strong caste
group as a factor to select a contesting candidate. The same results are shown in the form
of bar charts below in Figure 7.
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Figure 7 How Do You Select or Reject a Candidate?
Figure 7 above shows that most of the participants consider personal attributes,
leadership and debating style for selecting or rejecting a candidate. Moreover, relatively
greater participants also consider the education of the candidate while selecting or
rejecting the candidates. In contrast, very few participants consider the strong caste group
and the strength of candidates’ family (either financial or religious) to be the deciding
factors for rejecting or selecting a candidate.
Table 8
Opinions of participants as to they cast vote based on what factors?
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
164
Emotions 30 8.3 8.3
Reasoning/Rationality 274 76.1 84.4
Gender Orientation 4 1.1 85.6
Caste/ Political Party Group Affiliation 52 14.4 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 8 above shows that 76.1% participants cast their votes on the basis of reasoning or
rationality. While 14.4% opine they cast their vote on the basis of caste/political party
group affiliation. Only 8.3% believe that they consider their emotions as a driving factor
to vote. The same results are also shown in Figure 8 below in the form of bar charts.
Figure 8You Cast Vote based on:
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Figure 8 above shows that most of the participants cast their votes based on reasoning or
rationality. In contrast, few participants consider Caste/political party group affiliation,
emotions or gender orientation while casting their votes.
Table 9
Opinion about the meaning of the term ‘Caste’
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
Political Party 39 10.8 10.8
Kinship Group 260 72.2 83.1
Pressure Group 29 8.1 91.1
Economic Group 32 8.9 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 9 above shows that 72.2% participants perceive that the term ‘caste’ means kinship
group, 10.8% believe that the term refers to a political party while 8.9% opine that the
term means an economic group. The same results are shown graphically in Figure 9
below.
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Figure 9 What Do You Understand by the Term 'Caste'?
Figure 9 above shows that most of the participants understand ‘kinship group’ as the
main meaning of the term ‘Caste.’ In contrast, few participants consider terms such as,
‘political party, and ’‘economic group ’or‘ pressure group as a meaning of the term
caste.’
Table 10
Opinions about the role of caste system as a primary institution in Punjab political
culture
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Percent
167
Yes 186 51.7 51.7
No 73 20.3 71.9
May Be 75 20.8 92.8
No Response 26 7.2 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 10 above shows 51.7% participants perceive that caste system plays an important
role as a primary institution in Punjab political culture. While 20.8% are unsure about the
role. Similarly 20.3% believe that caste system does not play a role as a primary
institution in Punjab political culture. The same results are given below graphically in
Figure 10.
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Figure 10Does the Caste System Plays a Role of Primary Institution in Punjab
Political Culture?
Figure 10 above shows that most of the participants agree that the caste system plays the
role of the primary institution in the province of Punjab’s political culture while very few
negate this opinion.
Table 11
Opinions about the effect of caste institutions on different geographical regions
during elections
Opinions Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Rural 207 57.5 57.5
Urban 17 4.7 62.2
Both 118 32.8 95.0
No Influence 18 5.0 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 11 above shows that 57.5% participants perceive that caste institutions effect the
rural areas mostly. 32.8% believe that the caste institutions affect both the rural and urban
areas alike. While 5% participants believe that caste institutions do not affect any region.
The same results are shown graphically below in Figure 11.
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Figure 11 During Elections, Caste Institutions Influences Which Areas Mostly?
Figure 11 above shows that most participants believe that during the elections, caste
institutions mostly influence the rural areas. While half of the total participants also
perceive that caste institutions influence both rural and urban areas during the elections.
In contrast, very few believe that caste institutions either do not influence or influences
only urban areas during the elections.
Table 12
Opinions about the understanding of emotions
Opinions Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Affiliation 188 52.2 52.2
Unavoidable Feelings 50 13.9 66.1
Irrational Decisions 92 25.6 91.7
170
Anyother Meaning 30 8.3 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 12 above shows that 52.2% participants perceive ‘emotions’ as affiliation, while
25.6% opine that ‘emotions’ means irrational decisions. Moreover, 13.9% believe
‘emotions’ as unfavorable feelings. The same results are shown graphically below in
Figure 12.
Figure 12What Do You Understand by Emotions?
171
Figure 12 above shows that most of the participants opine that emotions mean affiliation.
In contrast, few participants believe that the term ‘emotions’ refers to the irrational
decision, unavoidable feelings or any other meaning they are not able to describe.
Table 13
Opinions about supporting one’s own caste against the state of mind
Opinions Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Yes 90 25.0 25.0
No 210 58.3 83.3
Sometimes 37 10.3 93.6
Unable to Recall 23 6.4 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 13 above shows that 58.3% reveal that they did not support their caste group
against their state of mind. 25% opine that they had to support their caste against their
state of mind. While 10.3% reveal that sometimes they support their caste against their
will. The same results are shown graphically below in Figure 13.
172
Figure 13Have You Ever Supported Your Caste in Elections Against Your State of
Mind?
Figure 13 above shows that most of the participants reveal that they have not supported
their caste group in elections against their state of mind. In contrast, few reveal that they
always have or sometimes have supported their caste in the elections against their state of
mind while very few were unable to recall.
Table 14
Opinions about the basis of Voters' Reaction to Political Campaign and Candidate
Opinions Frequency Percent Cumulative Percent
Caste Feeling 38 10.6 10.6
Ideology 173 48.1 58.6
173
Personal Judgment 119 33.1 91.7
Any other 30 8.3 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 14 above shows, that 48.1% of the voters’ reaction to political campaign and
candidate is based on ideology, while 33.1% base it on personal judgment, 10.6% base
their reaction on caste feelings. The results are also shown graphically in Figure 14
below
Figure 14 Voters' Reaction to Political Campaign and Candidate Is Based On:
174
Figure 14 above shows that most of the participants considering themselves as potential
voters react to a political campaign and candidate based on ideology and personal
judgment. In contrast,very few participants opine that as voters they react based on caste
feeling or any other reason that they are unable to comprehend.
Table 15
Opinions about the inner feeling while voting under Bradary pressure
Opinions Frequency Percent
Cumulative
Frequency
Want to be free from Caste
feelings/affiliation/emotional bond
29 8.1 8.1
Want to cast vote on your personal judgment 226 62.8 70.8
Want to break emotional blackmailing of caste 35 9.7 80.6
You have never felt it as a pressure. 70 19.4 100.0
Total 360 100.0
Table 15 above shows that 62.8% when pressurized by biradary pressure to cast vote feel
that they want to cast vote on their personal judgment,while 19.4% never feltbiradary
pressure. 9.7% feel that while pressurized to cast vote they intend to break emotional
blackmailing of caste. The results are also shown graphically in Figure 15 below.
175
Figure 15What is Your Inner Feeling (Emotional Response) When You Cast Vote
Under Bradary Pressure?
Figure 15 above shows that most of the participants cast their vote based on an inner
feeling of personal judgment when bradary pressure is prevalent. In contrast, few feel the
pressure of bradary or want to break emotional blackmailing of caste or want to be free
from caste if bradary pressure is prevalent while casting their votes.
5.4 Differences in the Perceptions among the Participants
Based on Differing Characteristics
Responses on several questions relating to caste and political system and the
voting behavior, in general, were solicited from the participants. Initially, a test for
normality was conducted for examining the normality of the items that relate to the
176
perceptions of the participants. For this purpose, the Kolmogorov Smirnov Test of
Normality was applied. The results reveal that the data relating to all the items in the
questionnaire failed the assumption of normality. Therefore, non-parametric tests are
applied to assess the differences between and among the characteristics of the participants
in terms of gender, age, profession, monthly income, education, and parents’ education.
The results of the group differences are given below.
5.4.1 Difference in Perception Based on Gender
In order to examine the differences in perceptions among the participants based
on gender a non-parametric test, i.e., Mann Whitney U test was applied. Mann Whitney
test is a non-parametric test that helps to examine the differences between two groups.
Since gender comprises of two independent groups, i.e., male and female participants, so
Mann Whitney test is used. The results are as under.
Table 16
Differences in Opinions based on Gender
Sr.
No.
Research Items
Mean Ranks
Z-
Value
P-Value Interpretation
Male Female
1 Role of Leadership in Caste Emotions 182.10 178.90 -0.313 0.754 No Difference
2
Role of Political Institutions in Caste
Emotions
186.65 174.35 -1.189 0.234 No Difference
3
Role of Land Ownership in Caste
Emotions
186.91 174.09 -1.211 0.226 No Difference
4 Perception While Casting Vote 182.44 178.56 -0.367 0.713 No Difference
177
Against the Voter's Will
5
Perception While Casting Vote to An
Incompetent Candidate with a
Dominant Caste Group.
182.72 178.28 -0.417 0.677 No Difference
6
Role of Non-Party Elections on Caste
Emotions.
198.79 162.21 -3.497 0.00** Difference
7 Role of Party on Caste Emotions 186.33 174.67 -1.119 0.263 No Difference
8
Perception of Caste Emotions about
Political Participation and
Mobilization that Affect the process of
Democracy
182.79 178.21 -0.442 0.658 No Difference
9
Perception in Election Participation
Irrespective of Caste
Affiliation/Association to Promote
Democracy
178.26 182.74 -0.445 0.656 No Difference
10
Perception about the Persuasion of
Caste/ Bradary Pressure in
Participation in the Elections.
177.93 183.08 -0.497 0.619 No Difference
11 Caste as a pattern of voting behavior 181.54 179.46 -0.199 0.842 No Difference
12
Perception about the Control of
Behaviors by Caste institutions on the
family.
175.59 185.41 -0.950 0.342 No Difference
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 16 above shows the differences in the opinions relating to caste emotions
concerning leadership, institutions, land ownership, casting a vote against ones’ will due
178
to the dominance of the caste group etc. Most of the p-values are greater than 0.05 level
of significance which means that there are no differences in opinions between male and
female participants connecting questions that relate to the caste system. However, there is
one difference in opinion between the male and female groups based on the role of
nonparty elections on the caste system. Moreover, the mean ranks show greater
acceptability to the role of nonparty elections as compared to female participants.
5.4.2 Difference in Perception Based on Region
In order to examine the differences in perceptions among the participants based
on the region a non-parametric test, i.e., the Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Kruskal-
Wallis H test is a non-parametric test that helps to examine the differences among more
than groups. Since regions comprises of three independent groups, i.e., central Punjab,
Northern Punjab, and Southern Punjab participants, soKruskal-Wallis H test is used. The
results are as under.
Table 17
Differences in Opinions based on Regions
Sr.
No.
Research Items
Regions
of
Punjab
Mean
Ranks
P-values Interpretation
1 Role of Leadership in Caste Emotions
Central 195.79
0.088 No Difference North 176.87
South 168.85
2 Role of Political Institutions in Caste Central 186.90 0.651 No Difference
179
Emotions North 175.36
South 179.24
3
Role of Land Ownership in Caste
Emotions
Central 183.32
0.825 No Difference North 175.90
South 182.28
4
Perception While Casting Vote Against the
Voter's Will
Central 177.40
0.85 No Difference North 167.97
South 19.13
5
Perception While Casting Vote to An
Incompetent Candidate with a Dominant
Caste Group.
Central 203.68
0.00** Difference North 175.34
South 162.48
6
Role of Non-Party Elections on Caste
Emotions.
Central 209.63
0.00** Difference North 160.20
South 171.67
7 Role of Party on Caste Emotions
Central 198.74
0.002** Difference North 155.07
South 187.69
8
Perception of Caste Emotions about
Political Participation and Mobilization
that Affect the process of Democracy
Central 193.63
0.088 No Difference North 182.05
South 165.83
9
Perception in Election Participation
Irrespective of Caste
Affiliation/Association to Promote
Democracy
Central 186.75
0.668 No Difference
North 176.20
South 178.54
10
Perception about the Persuasion of Caste/
Bradary Pressure in Participation in the
Elections.
Central 183.30
0.586 No Difference North 165.64
South 192.56
11 Caste as a pattern of voting behavior Central 183.30 0.101 No Difference
180
North 165.64
South 192.56
12
Perception about the Control of Behaviors
by Caste institutions on the family.
Central 204.80
0.002** Difference North 161.48
South 175.22
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 17 above shows the differences in opinions among the participants who belong to
different regions in the province of Punjab. The responses reveal that most of the items
that address the issues of the caste system and caste emotions are indifferent. However,
there is a significant difference (p-value < 0.01) in the opinion relating to casting a vote
to an incompetent candidate with a dominant caste groupamong the participants who
belong to different regions. Moreover, the mean ranks in the central region are the
highest. Similarly, there is a difference in opinion among the participants based on
regions relating to the role of nonparty elections on caste emotions with the central region
having the highest mean rank.
Moreover, there is a difference (p-value < 0.01) in the opinion among the participants
relating to the role of the party on caste emotions with the central region having the
highest mean score.
Furthermore, differences in the opinions can be seen (p-value < 0.01) among the
participants belonging to different regions based on the control behaviors by the caste
institutions on the family as a whole.
181
5.4.3 Difference in Perception Based on Age Groups
In order to examine the differences in perceptions among the participants based
on the region a non-parametric test, i.e., the Mann Whitney U test was applied. Since age
groups comprised of two independent groups, i.e., age groups 18-30 years and above 30
years. So Mann Whitney U test is used. The results are as under.
Table 18
Differences in Opinions based on Age Groups
Sr.
No.
Research Items Age Groups
Mean
Ranks
P-values Interpretation
1 Role of Leadership in Caste Emotions
18-30years 171.05
0.058 No Difference Above 30
Years
190.49
2
Role of Political Institutions in Caste
Emotions
18-30years 178.09
0.631 No Difference Above 30
Years
183.05
3
Role of Land Ownership in Caste
Emotions
18-30years 182.21
0.740 No Difference Above 30
Years
178.70
4
Perception While Casting Vote
Against the Voter's Will
18-30years 190.78
0.045* Difference Above 30
Years
169.64
5
Perception While Casting Vote to An
Incompetent Candidate with a
Dominant Caste Group.
18-30years 185.20
0.364 No Difference Above 30
Years
175.53
182
6
Role of Non-Party Elections on Caste
Emotions.
18-30years 172.12
0.100 No Difference Above 30
Years
189.35
7 Role of Party on Caste Emotions
18-30years 185.41
0.332 No Difference Above 30
Years
175.31
8
Perception of Caste Emotions about
Political Participation and
Mobilization that Affect the process
of Democracy
18-30years 181.90
0.781 No Difference
Above 30
Years
179.02
9
Perception in Election Participation
Irrespective of Caste
Affiliation/Association to Promote
Democracy
18-30years 186.64
0.210 No Difference
Above 30
Years
174.01
10
Perception about the Persuasion of
Caste/ Bradary Pressure in
Participation in the Elections.
18-30years 175.39
0.310 No Difference Above 30
Years
185.90
11 Caste as a pattern of voting behavior
18-30years 178.67
0.718 No Difference Above 30
Years
182.43
12
Perception about the Control of
Behaviors by Caste institutions on the
family.
18-30years 182.22
0.732 No Difference Above 30
Years
178.68
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 18 above shows that most of the participants who fall in two age groups are
indifferent in perceptions about the caste system. However, the participants below an age
183
of 30 years perceive voting against their will differently (p-value < 0.05) than those who
possess age above 30 years with a mean rank higher for the age group between 18-30
years.
5.4.4 Difference in Perception Based on Professional Status
In order to examine the differences in perceptions among the participants based
on the professional status, the Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since the professional
status comprises of five independent groups, i.e., student, employee, laborer, housewife
and own business,soKruskal-Wallis H test is used. The results are as under.
Table 19
Differences in Opinions based on Professional Status
Sr.
No.
Research Items
Professional
Status
Mean
Ranks
P-values Interpretation
1 Role of Leadership in Caste Emotions
Student 187.55
0.952 No Difference
Employee 179.02
Laborer 172.79
Housewife 178.32
Own
Business
183.97
2
Role of Political Institutions in Caste
Emotions
Student 181.38
0.797 No Difference
Employee 184.43
Laborer 169.71
Housewife 172.25
184
Own
Business
187.94
3
Role of Land Ownership in Caste
Emotions
Student 162.22
0.540 No Difference
Employee 177.91
Laborer 191.17
Housewife 190.44
Own
Business
176.48
4
Perception While Casting Vote Against
the Voter's Will
Student 162.22
0.078 No Difference
Employee 177.91
Laborer 191.17
Housewife 190.44
Own
Business
176.48
5
Perception While Casting Vote to An
Incompetent Candidate with a Dominant
Caste Group.
Student 196.47
0.266 No Difference
Employee 192.50
Laborer 173.59
Housewife 173.99
Own
Business
151.99
6
Role of Non-Party Elections on Caste
Emotions.
Student 169.85
0.198 No Difference
Employee 195.65
Laborer 161.92
Housewife 170.58
Own
Business
181.77
7 Role of Party on Caste Emotions
Student 166.12
0.470 No Difference
Employee 179.00
185
Laborer 168.68
Housewife 184.58
Own
Business
197.22
8
Perception of Caste Emotions about
Political Participation and Mobilization
that Affect the process of Democracy
Student 194.49
0.567 No Difference
Employee 172.65
Laborer 168.41
Housewife 184.90
Own
Business
186.92
9
Perception in Election Participation
Irrespective of Caste
Affiliation/Association to Promote
Democracy
Student 174.54
0.583 No Difference
Employee 191.21
Laborer 176.35
Housewife 170.81
Own
Business
175.28
10
Perception about the Persuasion of
Caste/ Bradary Pressure in Participation
in the Elections.
Student 164.73
0.125 No Difference
Employee 193.55
Laborer 153.49
Housewife 182.43
Own
Business
181.95
11 Caste as a pattern of voting behavior
Student 183.61
0.010** Difference
Employee 155.48
Laborer 204.40
Housewife 194.08
Own
Business
191.74
186
12
Perception about the Control of
Behaviors by Caste institutions on the
family.
Student 162.88
0.461 No Difference
Employee 173.78
Laborer 191.75
Housewife 188.97
Own
Business
186.46
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 19 above depicts the results relating to the differences in opinions among the
participants with different professions or nonprofessionals. The findings reveal that most
of the participants are indifferent in their opinions relating to the caste system and
emotions. However, differences (p-value < 0.01) in the opinions among participants with
varying professions can be observed relating to whether caste determines the voting
behavior or not. Moreover, the mean ranks of the labor class are the highest.
5.4.5 Difference in Perception Based on Monthly Income
In order to examine the differences in perceptions among the participants based
on the monthly income Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since ranges of monthly
income comprise of four independent groups, i.e., below Rs. 15000, Rs. 15001-30000,
Rs. 30001-50000 and above Rs. 50000 soKruskal-Wallis H test is used. The results are as
under.
187
Table 20
Differences in Opinions based on Range of Monthly Income
Sr.
No.
Research Items
The range of
Monthly
Income
Mean
Ranks
P-values Interpretation
1 Role of Leadership in Caste Emotions
Below Rs.
15000
113.17
0.236
No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
132.63
Rs. 30001-
50000
119.17
Above Rs.
50000
117.83
2
Role of Political Institutions in Caste
Emotions
Below Rs.
15000
113.30
0.224
No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
133.01
Rs. 30001-
50000
118.33
Above Rs.
50000
117.20
3
Role of Land Ownership in Caste
Emotions
Below Rs.
15000
115.97
0.542
No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
126.96
Rs. 30001- 115.81
188
50000
Above Rs.
50000
132.59
4
Perception While Casting Vote Against
the Voter's Will
Below Rs.
15000
118.23
0.044* Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
133.03
Rs. 30001-
50000
125.21
Above Rs.
50000
92.13
5
Perception While Casting Vote to An
Incompetent Candidate with a Dominant
Caste Group.
Below Rs.
15000
121.38
0.086 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
130.99
Rs. 30001-
50000
122.10
Above Rs.
50000
92.94
6
Role of Non-Party Elections on Caste
Emotions.
Below Rs.
15000
105.98
0.026* Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
128.67
Rs. 30001-
50000
142.46
Above Rs.
50000
124.70
7 Role of Party on Caste Emotions Below Rs. 118.48 0.752 No Difference
189
15000
Rs. 15001-
30000
122.90
Rs. 30001-
50000
119.19
Above Rs.
50000
134.04
8
Perception of Caste Emotions about
Political Participation and Mobilization
that Affect the process of Democracy
Below Rs.
15000
110.36
0.109 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
130.59
Rs. 30001-
50000
135.07
Above Rs.
50000
116.39
9
Perception in Election Participation
Irrespective of Caste
Affiliation/Association to Promote
Democracy
Below Rs.
15000
120.96
0.965 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
123.92
Rs. 30001-
50000
123.23
Above Rs.
50000
117.17
10
Perception about the Persuasion of Caste/
Bradary Pressure in Participation in the
Elections.
Below Rs.
15000
113.69
0.107 No Difference Rs. 15001-
30000
131.31
Rs. 30001- 132.03
190
50000
Above Rs.
50000
104.00
11 Caste as a pattern of voting behavior
Below Rs.
15000
127.28
0.543 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
117.34
Rs. 30001-
50000
113.51
Above Rs.
50000
131.83
12
Perception about the Control of
Behaviors by Caste institutions on the
family.
Below Rs.
15000
116.25
0.062 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
135.69
Rs. 30001-
50000
115.07
Above Rs.
50000
102.57
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 20 above shows that there is no significant difference in the opinions of
participants about the caste system and emotions which have a differing monthly income.
However, differences (p-value <0.05) can be observed in the opinions of participants
having different monthly income in terms of casting a vote against the will of the voter
himself and the role of the nonparty election on caste emotions. Lower monthly income
191
participants have high mean ranks in terms of voting against their own will while middle-
income participants have high mean scores in the role of the nonparty election on caste
emotions.
5.4.6 Difference in Perception Based on Education Status
In order to examine the differences in perceptions among the participants based
on the education status, the Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since education status
comprises of five independent groups, i.e., illiterate, primary to middle school,
matriculation, intermediate, and bachelors or above, soKruskal-Wallis H test is used. The
results are as under.
Table 21Differences in Opinions based on Education Status
Sr.
No.
Research Items Education
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Role of Leadership in Caste Emotions
Illiterate 184.95
0.387 No Difference
Primary to Middle 192.74
Matriculation 165.57
Intermediate 194.15
Bachelors or above 178.27
2
Role of Political Institutions in Caste
Emotions
Illiterate 155.74
0.226 No Difference
Primary to Middle 181.05
Matriculation 168.16
Intermediate 197.99
Bachelors or above 186.45
3
Role of Land Ownership in Caste
Emotions
Illiterate 188.66
0.941 No Difference
Primary to Middle 181.38
192
Matriculation 185.95
Intermediate 177.57
Bachelors or above 175.97
4
Perception While Casting Vote Against
the Voter's Will
Illiterate 136.90
0.001** Difference
Primary to Middle 169.02
Matriculation 185.28
Intermediate 225.62
Bachelors or above 172.41
5
Perception While Casting Vote to An
Incompetent Candidate with a Dominant
Caste Group.
Illiterate 162.10
0.000** Difference
Primary to Middle 183.63
Matriculation 211.48
Intermediate 201.58
Bachelors or above 154.12
6
Role of Non-Party Elections on Caste
Emotions.
Illiterate 136.55
0.142 No Difference
Primary to Middle 188.11
Matriculation 183.04
Intermediate 189.49
Bachelors or above 182.60
7 Role of Party on Caste Emotions
Illiterate 144.90
0.233 No Difference
Primary to Middle 177.22
Matriculation 193.29
Intermediate 183.72
Bachelors or above 180.43
8
Perception of Caste Emotions about
Political Participation and Mobilization
that Affect the process of Democracy
Illiterate 181.47
0.961 No Difference
Primary to Middle 172.70
Matriculation 181.91
Intermediate 186.97
Bachelors or above 179.65
193
9
Perception in Election Participation
Irrespective of Caste
Affiliation/Association to Promote
Democracy
Illiterate 157.42
0.087 No Difference
Primary to Middle 161.03
Matriculation 172.78
Intermediate 198.20
Bachelors or above 190.99
10
Perception about the Persuasion of
Caste/ Bradary Pressure in Participation
in the Elections.
Illiterate 190.90
0.214 No Difference
Primary to Middle 151.58
Matriculation 180.03
Intermediate 186.06
Bachelors or above 187.53
11 Caste as a pattern of voting behavior
Illiterate 229.63
0.003** Difference
Primary to Middle 196.55
Matriculation 192.03
Intermediate 161.84
Bachelors or above 163.20
12
Perception about the Control of
Behaviors by Caste institutions on the
family.
Illiterate 219.92
0.076 No Difference
Primary to Middle 169.10
Matriculation 187.57
Intermediate 187.02
Bachelors or above 168.35
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 21 above shows that there is no significant difference in the opinions of
participants about caste system and emotions which have differing education status.
However, differences (p-value <0.01) can be seen among the participants possessing
differing education status in terms of opinions relating to voting against the voters’ will
194
(mean rank higher for participants holding matriculation degree), casting vote to an
incompetent candidate with a dominant caste group (mean rank higher for participants
holding matriculation degree) and an overall perception of caste as a pattern of voting
behavior (mean rank higher for participants holding illiterate participants).
5.4.7 Difference in Perception Based on Parents’ Education Status
In order to examine the differences in perceptions among the participants based
on the parents’ education status, the Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since parents’
education status comprises of three independent groups, i.e., illiterate, literate and either
of two literate, so Kruskal-Wallis H test is used. The results are as under.
Table 22Differences in Opinions based on Parents’ Education Status
Sr.
No.
Research Items
Parents’
Education
Mean
Ranks
P-values Interpretation
1 Role of Leadership in Caste Emotions
Illiterate 174.78
0.029* Difference
Literate 196.40
Either of the
two Literate
161.35
2
Role of Political Institutions in Caste
Emotions
Illiterate 163.62
0.010** Difference
Literate 198.76
Either of the
two Literate
179.69
3
Role of Land Ownership in Caste
Emotions
Illiterate 181.22
0.551 No Difference
Literate 174.63
Either of the
two Literate
190.43
195
4
Perception While Casting Vote
Against the Voter's Will
Illiterate 173.27
0.206 No Difference
Literate 178.85
Either of the
two Literate
199.57
5
Perception While Casting Vote to An
Incompetent Candidate with a
Dominant Caste Group.
Illiterate 189.17
0.126 No Difference
Literate 166.91
Either of the
two Literate
189.10
6
Role of Non-Party Elections on Caste
Emotions.
Illiterate 182.19
0.687 No Difference
Literate 183.35
Either of the
two Literate
171.49
7 Role of Party on Caste Emotions
Illiterate 177.26
0.635 No Difference
Literate 186.66
Either of the
two Literate
175.19
8
Perception of Caste Emotions about
Political Participation and
Mobilization that Affect the process of
Democracy
Illiterate 185.69
0.675 No Difference
Literate 175.47
Either of the
two Literate
179.60
9
Perception in Election Participation
Irrespective of Caste
Affiliation/Association to Promote
Democracy
Illiterate 175.04
0.168 No Difference
Literate 192.12
Either of the
two Literate
169.12
10
Perception about the Persuasion of
Caste/ Bradary Pressure in
Participation in the Elections.
Illiterate 177.21
0.744 No Difference
Literate 185.49
Either of the
two Literate
177.56
196
11 Caste as a pattern of voting behavior
Illiterate 190.94
0.190 No Difference
Literate 169.69
Either of the
two Literate
180.06
12
Perception about the Control of
Behaviors by Caste institutions on the
family.
Illiterate 177.27
0.863 No Difference
Literate 183.46
Either of the
two Literate
181.39
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 22 above shows no significant differences in the perceptions among the
participants whose parents have different education status. However, the participants
whose both parents are literate have a differing opinion (p-value < 0.05) relating to the
role of leadership and political institutions in caste emotions.
5.4.8 Difference in the Mean Perception of all variables based on Gender
In order to examine the differences in the variables of interest among the
participants based on gender, the Mann Whitney U test was applied. Since gender
comprises of two independent groups, i.e., male and female so Mann Whitney U test is
used. The results are as under.
197
Table 23
Differences in Mean Perception of all Variables Based on Gender
Sr.
No.
Variables Demographics
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Caste System
Gender
Male 181.04
0.922 No Difference
Female 179.96
2 Caste Emotions
Male 183.93
0.530 No Difference
Female 177.07
3 Election Perceptions
Male 189.13
0.113 No Difference
Female 171.87
4
Voting Behavior
Perceptions
Male 182.14
0.764 No Difference
Female 178.86
Table 23 above shows no significant differences in the perceptions of male and female
participants relating to variables such as caste system, emotions, election perceptions, and
voting behavior perceptions.
5.4.9 Difference in the Mean Perception of all variables based on Region
In order to examine the differences in the variables of interest among the
participants based on regions Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since region comprises
of three independent groups, i.e., central, northern and southern, soKruskal-Wallis H test
is used. The results are as under.
198
Table 24
Differences in Mean Perception of all Variables Based on Region
Sr.
No.
Variables Demographics
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Caste System
Region
Central 192.31
0.020* Difference North 158.89
South 190.30
2 Caste Emotions
Central 191.49
0.131 No Difference North 165.48
South 184.54
3 Election Perceptions
Central 185.06
0.397 No Difference North 170.07
South 186.38
4
Voting Behavior
Perceptions
Central 193.06
0.256 No Difference North 172.21
South 176.23
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 24 above shows that the participants relating to different regions have different (p-
value<0.05) perceptions relating to the caste system.
5.4.10 Difference in the Mean Perception of all variables based on Age Groups
In order to examine the differences in the variables of interest among the
participants based on age groups, Mann Whitney U test was applied. Since age groups
199
comprised of two independent groups, i.e., between 18-30 years and above 30 years, so
Mann Whitney U test is used. The results are as under.
Table 25
Differences in Mean Perception of all Variables Based on Age Groups
Sr.
No.
Variables Demographics
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Caste System
Age Groups
18-30years 184.95
0.403 No Difference Above 30
Years
175.80
2 Caste Emotions
18-30years 181.21
0.818 No Difference Above 30
Years
179.21
3 Election Perceptions
18-30years 176.45
0.444 No Difference Above 30
Years
184.78
4
Voting Behavior
Perceptions
18-30years 181.06
0.916 No Difference Above 30
Years
179.91
Table 25 above shows no significant differences in the opinions of participants having
different age groups.
5.4.11 Difference in the Mean Perception of all variables based on Professional
Status
200
In order to examine the differences in the variables of interest among the
participants based on professional status was applied. Since professional status comprises
of five independent groups, i.e., student, employee, laborer, housewife, and own business,
soKruskal-Wallis H test is used, the results are as under.
Table 26
Differences in Mean Perception of all Variables Based on Professional Status
Sr.
No.
Variables Demographics
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Caste System
Professional
Status
Student 157.69
0.105 No Difference
Employee 168.52
Laborer 185.03
Housewife 197.14
Own
Business
197.07
2 Caste Emotions
Student 163.17
0.464 No Difference
Employee 181.33
Laborer 167.45
Housewife 184.06
Own
Business
196.29
3 Election Perceptions
Student 149.51
0.015* Difference
Employee 191.87
Laborer 178.40
Housewife 161.19
Own 206.06
201
Business
4
Voting Behavior
Perceptions
Student 149.51
0.619 No Difference
Employee 191.87
Laborer 178.40
Housewife 161.19
Own
Business
206.06
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 26 above shows there is a significant difference (p-value<0.05) in the perceptions
of participants having different professional status about election perceptions with a mean
rank higher for those who have own business.
5.4.12 Difference in the Mean Perception of all variables based on Monthly Income
In order to examine the differences in the variables of interest among the
participants based on monthly income Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since monthly
income comprises of four independent groups, i.e., below Rs. 15000, Rs. 15001-30000,
Rs, 30001-50000 and above Rs. 50000. SoKruskal-Wallis H test is used. The results are
as under.
202
Table 27
Differences in Mean Perception of all Variables Based on Monthly Status
Sr.
No.
Variables Demographics
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Caste System
Monthly
Income
Below Rs.
15000
129.86
0.312 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
121.65
Rs. 30001-
50000
103.43
Above Rs.
50000
121.65
2 Caste Emotions
Below Rs.
15000
115.84
0.707 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
127.18
Rs. 30001-
50000
119.61
Above Rs.
50000
127.31
3 Election Perceptions
Below Rs.
15000
109.97
0.138 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
133.00
Rs. 30001-
50000 125.90
203
Above Rs.
50000
121.52
4
Voting Behavior
Perceptions
Below Rs.
15000 109.67
0.187 No Difference
Rs. 15001-
30000
132.22
Rs. 30001-
50000
122.53
Above Rs.
50000 126.31
Table 27 above shows no significant difference in the opinion of participants having a
different monthly income.
5.4.13 Difference in the Mean Perception of all variables based on Education Status
In order to examine the differences in the variables of interest among the
participants based on education status Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since education
status comprises of five independent groups, i.e., illiterate, primary to middle school,
matriculation, intermediate, and bachelors or above soKruskal-Wallis H test is used. The
results are as under.
204
Table 28
Differences in Mean Perception of all Variables Based on Education Status
Sr.
No.
Variables Demographics
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Caste System
Education
Illiterate 222.34
0.011* Difference
Primary to
Middle
193.63
Matriculation 189.51
Intermediate 184.97
Bachelors or
above
157.57
2 Caste Emotions
Illiterate 198.13
0.870 No Difference
Primary to
Middle
176.84
Matriculation 183.56
Intermediate 179.06
Bachelors or
above
176.47
3 Election Perceptions
Illiterate 217.13
0.183 No Difference
Primary to
Middle
176.32
Matriculation 164.80
Intermediate 178.41
Bachelors or
above
184.73
205
4
Voting Behavior
Perceptions
Illiterate 201.18
0.331 No Difference
Primary to
Middle
165.08
Matriculation 181.30
Intermediate 197.89
Bachelors or
above
173.67
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 28 above shows a significant difference (p-value<0.05) in the opinions of
participants possessing different education status with the highest mean rank of illiterate
participants relating to the variable of the caste system.
5.4.14 Difference in the Mean Perception of all variables based on Parents’
Education Status
In order to examine the differences in the variables of interest among the
participants based on parents’ education status Kruskal-Wallis H test was applied. Since
parents’ education status comprises of three independent groups, i.e., illiterate, both
literate and either of the two literate soKruskal-Wallis H test is used, the results are as
under.
206
Table 29
Differences in Mean Perception of all Variables Based on Parents’ Education Status
Sr.
No.
Variables Demographics
Mean
Ranks
P-
values
Interpretation
1 Caste System
Parents’
Education
Illiterate 190.47
0.014* Difference
Literate 163.25
Either of the
two Literate
193.54
2 Caste Emotions
Illiterate 185.99
0.087 No Difference
Literate 166.25
Either of the
two Literate
196.92
3 Election Perceptions
Illiterate 183.97
0.283 No Difference Literate 170.48
Either of the
two Literate
192.86
4
Voting Behavior
Perceptions
Illiterate 181.38
0.724 No Difference
Literate 175.83
Either of the
two Literate
187.76
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
* Significant at 5% Level of Significance
Table 29 above shows that there is a significant difference (p-value<0.05) in the opinions
of those participants who have different education status of their parents in connection to
207
the caste system. Moreover, the mean rank is higher for those participants whose either of
the parents is literate.
5.5 Psychometric Properties of the Items of the Variables of Interest
Before testing the conceptual model of the study the first step is to test the
reliability and establish the validity of the items used to measure each variable. To
accomplish this purpose, the data were analyzed by using Partial Least Square (PLS)
Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) 3.2 software. This software uses the nonparametric
procedure for analyzing the data and is appropriate to use when the data is nonnormal.
Since the data gathered for the current study is skewed so PLS SEM software is
appropriate for further testing.
So to assess the reliability, convergent and discriminant validity of the items used
to tap different variable PLS Algorithm was applied to the data. The results about the
reliability, composite reliability, convergent validity i.e. average variance extracted
(AVE) and Hetrotrait Monotrait (HTMT) values are given in the table below.
Table 30
Outer loadings, Cronbach’s Alpha, Composite Reliability, and Convergent Validity
Results
Variables Items Outerloadings
Cronbach’s
Alpha
Composite
Reliability
Convergent
Validity
Average Variance
Extracted (AVE)
Caste System CS1 0.569 0.542 0.772 0.305
CS2 0.493
208
CS3 0.529
CS4 0.532
CS5 0.537
CS6 0.511
CS7 0.604
Caste Emotions CE1 0.628
0.599 0.742 0.292
CE2 0.503
CE5 0.564
CE6 0.467
CE7 0.497
CE8 0.629
Elections Perceptions EP1 0.604
0.589 0.763 0.449
EP2 0.680
EP3 0.781
EP4 0.600
Voting Behavior
Intentions
VBI1
0.506
0.650 0.765 0.292
VBI2 0.550
VBI5 0.527
VBI9 0.505
VBI10 0.612
VBI12 0.405
VBI13 0.623
VBI16 0.562
Table 30 above shows the results relating to the outer loadings, Cronbach’s alpha,
composite reliability and average variance extracted (AVE) values to assess the
209
convergent validity. The outer loadings of the items relating to the variables show that
most of the loadings are closer to 0.60 while few are lesser than the recommended value
(Hair , Hult, Ringle, & Sarstedt, 2014). The reason can be due to a new measure
developed to record the information relating to the variables of interest.
In order to test the internal consistency of the items used to tap the variables
different ways of examining reliability is used. The first way consists of calculating the
Cronbach’alpha. The values reveal weak Cronbach’s Alpha as the acceptable value for an
exploratory study where the items are used for the first time should be around 0.70.
However a Cronbach’s alpha even below 0.50 may be due to the sensitivity of the issue
where participants may be reluctant to respond. However, there is another way to test the
internal consistency of the items used to tap the variables that is, composite reliability.
The values estimated in the above Table 30 shows satisfactory findings with all the
values higher than 0.70.
However, as far as convergent validity is concerned the average variance
extracted (AVE) are less than the recommended values of 0.5 and above (Hair et al.,
2014). The reason for such low values may account for a new measure used for gathering
data. Although some items were removed from the measure to improve the AVE values
still some items were essential to keep owing to their importance for the study.
Furthermore, discriminant validity of the variables were also tested. The results are as
under.
210
Table 31
Discriminant Validity
Variables Hetrotrait Monotrait Correlations
CE ---- CS 1.007
CE ---- EP 1.058
CE ---- VBI 1.164
CS ---- EP 0.948
CS ---- VBI 0.977
EP ---- VBI 0.929
Table 31 above shows the discriminant validity of the items used for gathering data
relating to the variables caste emotions (CE), caste systems (CS), elections perceptions
(EP) and voting behavior intentions(VBI). Discriminant validity is established to assess
whether the constructs in the structural model are distinct from each other or not.
Hetrotrait Monotrait Method (HTMT) is used to test the discriminant validity (Hair, Hult,
Ringle, & Sarstedt, 2017; Henseler, Ringle, & Sarstedt, 2015). Moreover, it can be
examined by observing low correlations among the constructs. The suggested threshold
by most researchers is that the value of HTMT should be less than 0.90. The results in the
above table 18 show that the HTMT correlation values are slightly above than the
threshold of 0.90 (Hair et al., 2017; Henseler et al., 2015). Such values may account for
due to a new measure used to tap constructs that is exploratory.
211
5.6 Correlational Analysis
Correlational analysis is conducted to calculate the relationship among the variables used
in the study. The results of the analysis are as under.
Table 32
Correlation Matrix
Sr. No 1 2 3 4
1 Caste Systems 1
2 Caste Emotions 0.574** 1
3 Elections Perception 0.560** 0.600** 1
4 Voting Behavior Intentions 0.609** 0.693** 0.571** 1
** Significant at 1% Level of Significance
Table 32 shows that all the independant variables (caste system r = 0.609, p-value <0.01;
caste emotions r = 0.693, p-value <0.01; and elections perceptions r = 0.571, p-
value<0.01) have a highly significant positive relationships with voting behavior
perceptions (dependant variable).
212
5.7 Structural Model Assessment
After examining the psychometric properties of the measure developed for gathering data
relating to the variables of interest to the study, the structural model is examined. While
examining the structural model, all the relationships of the exogenous (independent)
variables, i.e, caste emotions, caste system, and election perception are examined with the
endogenous (dependent) variable i.e.voting behavior intensions . Therefore, to examine
the goodness of fit, PLSBootstrapping procedure is applied in the PLS-SEM software.
The value of Standardized Root Mean Square (SRMR) indicates how much the model is
fit. For the present structural model, the value of SRMR is 0.077 that is slightly less than
0.08 recommended by (Hooper, Coughlan, & Mullen, 2008), thus indicating a reasonable
fit. Moreover, the values of path coefficients and p-values can be observed in the figure
below.
213
Figure 16PLS Structural Model
Figure 16 above shows that all the exogenous (i.e. independent variables) such as caste
emotions (β= 0.440, p-value < 0.01), caste systems (β= 0.277, p-value < 0.01) and
elections perceptions (β= 0.162, p-value < 0.01) have a highly significant impact on
voting behavior intentions of the participants. The results also reveal that all the
hypotheses (H1, H2, and H3) are accepted. This means that there is a highly significant
positive effect of caste emotions, caste systems and elections perceptions on the voting
behavior intentions among the potential voters.
Moreover, the predictive accuracy of the model also requires further assessment.
To accomplish this purpose, the bootstrapping procedure also generates the coefficients
of determination by calculating R2values. The R2value reveals the combined effect of all
the exogenous variables on the endogenous variables (Hair, Hult, Ringle, & Sarstedt,
2013). Additionally, in order to cross-validate the predictive accuracy the value of Stone-
214
GiesserQ2 is also calculated. The results to cross validate the combined effect are as
under.
Table 33
Findings of R2and Q2values
Variables R2
Adjusted
R2
Q2 Effect Size
Voting Behavior Intentions 0.578 0.575 0.155 Medium
Small: 0.0 < Q2 effect size < 0.15; Medium: 0.15 < Q2 effect size < 0.35; Large: Q2 effect size > 0.35
Table 33 above shows that since the value of Q2is higher than zero so this confirms the
predictive relevance of the model and the combined effect size of all the exogenous
variables (caste emotions, caste system, and elections perceptions) is medium on the
endogenous variable (Voting behavior intentions).
Furthermore, another way to examine the substantial impact of latent (exogenous)
variables on the endogenous variable is by calculating the value of f 2. This value is
generated when the bootstrapping procedure is applied in PLS-SEM. The results of the
values are as under.
215
Table 34
Results of Path Coefficients and f2
Endogenous Latent Variable
Voting Behavior Intentions
Path Coefficients f 2
Exogenous Latent Variables
Caste Emotions 0.440*** 0.245
Caste Systems 0.277*** 0.106
Elections Perceptions 0.162*** 0.035
Small: 0.0 <f 2 effect size < 0.15; Medium: 0.15 <f 2 effect size < 0.35; Large: f 2 effect size > 0.35
*** Highly Significant at 0.01 level of significance
Table 34 above shows that all the exogenous variables have a highly significant positive
impact on the voting behavior intentions of the potential voters. Moreover, the values of f
2= 0.245 reveal a medium effect of caste emotions while and small effects can be
observed of caste systems (f 2= 0.106) and elections perceptions (f 2= 0.035) on the voting
behavior intentions of the potential voters.
216
5.8 Importance Performance Matrix Analysis (IPMA)
Researchers use the IPMA tool helps to identify those constructs that reveal
significant importance and performance of each exogenous variable (Martilla & James,
1977; Slack, 1994). Moreover, it helps in examining that which exogenous variable are
important that may affect the endogenous variables significantly and performs well to
predict the endogenous variable. The results of this matrix are shown in the figure below.
Figure 17 IPMA Map
Figure 17 shows the results of performance on the y-axis while the results of importance
on the x-axis. The exogenous variables are represented by different mathematical shapes
such as caste emotions are shown by the symbol ‘■,’ caste system by the symbol ‘●,’ and
election perceptions by the symbol ‘▲.’ The results in the above figure show that all the
exogenous variables, i.e. caste emotions, caste systems and election perceptions are
equally performing with a slightly higher value of elections perceptions (▲) on the y-
217
axis. Interestingly, on the x-axis, the figure reveals that in terms of importance amongst
all the exogenous variables the construct of caste emotions (■) is the most important
followed by caste systems (●) and the least important is the elections perceptions (▲). So
in light of the results shown in the above figure, it can be inferred that caste emotions and
caste systems are important drivers to predict voting behavior intentions of the potential
voters.
5.9 Summary
This chapter provides details of the analyses conducted for summarizing,
presenting and interpreting the findings in a comprehensible manner. The results reveal
that perceptions about caste emotions, caste system, and elections perception show a
highly significant effect on the voting behavior intentions of the potential voters.
Moreover, the findings also reveal that the variable, caste emotions is the most important
factor that influences the voting intentions of the voters. The following chapter shall
provide a detailed discussion of the findings revealed in this chapter.
218
5.10 Analysis of Findings on Percentage and Frequency
Basis
In the perspective of politics of emotions in the society of South Asia, caste is assumed
the strongest institution in social identification. It plays an important role in the grouping
of the people and in associating their loyalties with each other.The socio-cultural
emotions were transformed into political emotions and adherence of the local people to
caste institution in South Asia was manipulated while establishing democratic institutions
at national and local levels. The social institution entered in political sphere and turned
into political institution of caste politics generating a phenomenon of ‘Politics of
emotions’. The caste emotions have played a significant role in the establishment and
development of democratic institution and process in Pakistan and predominantly in
Punjab. So politics of emotions is a persistence phenomenon affecting process of
democracy in Pakistan. An empirical and pragmatic study has been conducted to find out
how democratic process has been affected by caste emotions and how latter has affected
political participation and mobilization of the masses in the elections. How the caste
emotions shape the voting behavior of the people in electoral process. Whether
development of democratic process has been hampered by caste emotions or not? To
answer all these queries, a survey was conducted through a structured questionnaire the
PEQ (Politics of Emotions Questionnaire, see Appendix).The PEQ was divided into two
parts, close ended questions and questions using a Likert- scale, to collect the data by the
researcher from the field. Following is the percentage basis analysis of collected data
from the respondents using Likert scale. It further helps to investigate the hypothesis of
research.
219
Table 35
The inherent affiliation with caste shape out caste emotions
Category Frequency Percent
NR 27 7.5
SD 51 14.2
D 76 21.1
A 176 48.9
S A 30 8.3
Total 360 100.0
NR ( no response), SD (strongly disagree), D (disagree), A (agree), SA( strongly agree)
The table exhibits the views of the majority respondents who believe that the caste
emotions are shaped by the inherent affiliation with that caste. The overall result on this
statement depicts that 48.9% people agreed and 8.3% strongly agreed with the statement
that “the inherent affiliation with caste shape out caste emotions”. Whereas 21.1% has
disagreed and 14.2% respondents has strongly disagreed with the opinion that caste
emotions are controlled by inheritance. 7.5 % people have neutral opinion about this
statement. Overall, 57.2 % people agree with this statement and 35.3 % people disagree
with this statement.
Table 36
Caste alliance has a stronger emotional bond than any other ideological (political
and religious) alliance
Category Frequency Percent
NR 45 12.5
220
SD 34 9.4
D 82 22.8
A 153 42.5
SA 46 12.8
Total 360 100.0
In Punjabi society people also have alliance with other political and religious factors that
are active in politics. Among these different factors, the caste alliance has a dominant
position. The above table indicates respondent’s views about the statement that the caste
alliance is a stronger emotional bond than any other ideological alliance. To this, 55.3 %
people agreed (12.8% strongly agreed and 42.5% agreed) that the caste alliance is a
stronger emotional bond, whereas 32.2 % people disagreed (22.8% disagreed and 9.4%
strongly disagreed) with this fact. These people are of the opinion that caste alliance is
not a stronger bond and other ideological affiliations also play an important role.
However, 12.5 % people were unsure about the statement and gave a neutral response.
Table 37
Emotions strongly influence an individual’s choice to vote
Category Frequency Percent
NR 32 8.9
SD 16 4.4
D 68 18.9
A 169 46.9
SA 75 20.8
Total 360 100.0
An individual’s choice to vote is influenced by many social, economic and political
aspects and consciously or unconsciously, his/her choice is subjugated by emotions
221
during elections in the form of caste identity or political affiliation.A question related to
that emotions strongly influenced an individual’s choice to vote was asked. In the above
mentioned question, 46.9 % people agreed that emotions strongly affect a person’s choice
to vote, and 20.8 % people strongly agreed with this statement. In comparison, 18.9 %
disagreed and 4.4 % respondents strongly disagreed with the statement, and rejected the
point that individual’s vote choice is strongly directed by the emotions. Whereas, 8.9 %
respondents gave a neutral response, as they believed that statement is true with some
people but not applicable to others. Majority of the respondents ,67.7%( 46.9% agree and
20.8% strongly agree) support the view that emotions strongly influenced an individual’s
choice to vote.
Table 38
Caste is used as a tool to get power and control the economy of the state
Category Frequency Percent
NR 43 11.9
SD 47 13.1
D 66 18.3
A 161 44.7
SA 43 11.9
Total 360 100.0
Caste as an institution is also responsible for security of its caste group members.It
provides financial help to its members and in return achieves their favor to come into
power to control economic resources of state. The table depicts the responses of the
people on the question about whether the caste is used as a tool for power gain or not.
Majority (56.6% agree and strongly agrees) respondents support the view that caste is
used as a tool to get power and wants to control the economy of the state. About 44.7%
222
people agreed and 11.9 % people strongly agreed with the fact that caste is used as a tool
for economy control and power gain. On the other hand, 18.3 % respondents disagreed
and 13.1 % strongly disagreed with this statement. 11.9 % people were unsure and gave a
neutral reply.
Table 39
Caste has an important role in power dynamics
Category Frequency Percent
NR 27 7.5
SD 32 8.9
D 93 25.8
A 168 46.7
SA 40 11.1
Total 360 100.0
The significance of caste system in power dynamics is considered a strong role by 11.1 %
of respondents and 46.7 % simply agreed with it. Whereas overall 34.7 % respondents
disagreed out of which 8.9% strongly disagreed that the caste has an important role in
power dynamics. 7.5 % neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement and responded
neutrally. Majority percentage agrees that caste plays an important role in power
dynamics in Punjab.
Table 40
Caste perceptions play an important role in local and national politics
Category Frequency Percent
NR 45 12.5
SD 20 5.6
D 58 16.1
223
A 176 48.9
SA 61 16.9
Total 360 100.0
The upper table specifies the percentage of the assumptions that caste perception has an
important role in local and national politics. The table indicates that overall 65.8 %
people approved with this statement (48.9% agreed and 16.9% strongly agreed) and 21.7
% people disagreed (16.1% disagreed and 5.6% strongly disagreed). On the other hand,
12.5 % people preferred to give a neutral response on this assumption.
Table 41
Caste system influences politics in Punjab
Category Frequency Percent
NR 33 9.2
SD 21 5.8
D 41 11.4
A 206 57.2
SA 59 16.4
Total 360 100.0
The above mentioned table indicates the responses of people to the assumption that the
caste system influences politics in Punjab. This assumption is specifically talking about
the Punjab province and asking for people’s views that whether in Punjab the politics is
under caste influence or not. 16.4% people strongly agreed and 57.2 % people simply
agreed that the Punjab politics is influenced by the Caste system. On the other hand, 5.8%
224
percent people strongly disagreed and 11.4 % people simply denied the influence of caste
system on the politics of Punjab. Only 9.2% people were unsure about the role of caste
politics in Punjab and responded neutral.
Table 42
Gender/male/female plays an important role in determining Caste emotions as a
voting behavior
Category Frequency Percent
NR 32 8.9
SD 24 6.7
D 82 22.8
A 181 50.3
SA 41 11.4
Total 360 100.0
The above mentioned table depicts the opinions of respondents about the gender roles in
determining caste emotions as a voting behavior. The statement portrays that the male
and female plays an equally important role in determining caste emotions as a voting
behavior. Overall, 61.7 % people agreed and accepted the importance of the role of both
genders, while 29.5% people disagreed and suggested that the gender has no role in
determining caste emotions as voting behavior. 8.9% respondents were unsure about their
opinion on this statement.
Table 43
Caste institution is effective to solve disputes.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 28 7.8
SD 36 10.0
D 89 24.7
A 158 43.9
SA 49 13.6
Total 360 100.0
225
People were asked about their judgment on the assumption that “caste institution is
effective to solve disputes”. Here the statement is referring to domestic level disputes.
13.6 % respondents strongly agreed with this statement and 43.9 % simply agreed. 24.7%
people disagreed and 10% strongly disagreed. Thus, overall 34.7% respondents rejected
to accept that caste institution is helpful in resolving disputes, but 57.5% has accepted the
importance of caste institution in this regard. However, 7.8% respondents neither agreed
nor disagreed and gave a neutral response. They were either not sure of the statement or
they believed that the caste is sometimes helpful and sometimes not helpful in resolving
issues.
Table 44
Men are more conscious about caste system in voting behavior than women
Category Frequency Percent
NR 51 14.2
SD 19 5.3
D 47 13.1
A 193 53.6
SA 50 13.9
Total 360 100.0
The statement compares the sentiments of men and women regarding the caste emotions,
suggesting that men are more concerned about caste while giving votes in elections.
67.5% respondents agreed, out of which 13.9% strongly agreed to this stance. Around
18.4% negated this stance, whereas 14.2% respondents answered in neutral option. From
the response, it can be interpreted that majority respondents believe that while casting
votes, men are more conscious about caste system as compared to women.
226
Table 45
Education has no effect on caste passions in people
Category Frequency Percent
NR 35 9.7
SD 56 15.6
D 118 32.8
A 107 29.7
SA 44 12.2
Total 360 100.0
Education plays a significant role in shaping the views, opinion, and ideas of the people.
It makes them more vigilant and responsible in their duties. The educated people become
more aware about their rights in a democratic society and enable them to take decision on
reasoning. Education may or may not wipe out the emotions of the people and make the
people to think irrespective of caste passions.The upper table depicts the percentages of
the assumption that education has no effect on caste passions in people. To this, 41.9%
respondents agreed, 48.4% strongly disagreed and 9.7% responded neutral. The results of
the table suggest that majority respondents believe that acquiring more education does
minimize the caste passion in people. However, there is a slight difference in the
percentages of agreement and disagreement.
227
Table 46
Lack of education increases caste passions among the people
Category Frequency Percent
NR 21 5.8
SD 29 8.1
D 46 12.8
A 206 57.2
SA 58 16.1
Total 360 100.0
Relating to the effects of education on the caste passions, a similar question was asked to
the respondents. This question was presented in a different dimension in order to check
the strength of response from the respondent. According to the results depicted in above
mentioned table, 73.3% respondents agreed that lack of education increases caste
emotions. While, 20.9% respondents disagreed with the stance and believed that lack of
education doesn’t increase caste passions among people. 5.8% respondents were
uncertain about their opinion on this statement and replied in neutral. It depicts that
education is an effective factor to minimize or maximize the caste passions among the
people in Punjab.
Table 47
Caste sentiments are difficult to ignore while giving vote to a candidate
Category Frequency Percent
NR 28 7.8
SD 39 10.8
228
D 83 23.1
A 169 46.9
SA 41 11.4
Total 360 100.0
Emotions and sentiments deeply affect activities of an individual throughout its life.
Sometimes it becomes difficult to draw a line between emotions and non-sentiment
activity. An election isone such political activity during which it becomes difficult to
control emotions and to ignore it while giving preferences for a candidate. The above
table depicts the results of the responses of the argument that caste sentiments are
difficult to ignore while giving vote to a candidate. In support of this argument, 46.9%
respondents selected the agreed option and 11.4% strongly agreed to it. In total, 33.9%
disagreed with the statement, whereas, 7.8% selected a neutral response. Thus, majority
respondents believed that caste emotions are difficult to ignore during the voting process
and likeness, selection or rejection, and preferences for a candidate are shaped under
influence of caste emotions.
Table 48
Weak political leadership stimulates caste politics
Category Frequency Percent
NR 36 10.0
SD 37 10.3
D 69 19.2
A 176 48.9
SA 42 11.7
Total 360 100.0
229
Political leadership is necessary for efficient working of political system in democracy. A
strong political leadership minimizes the role of caste institution in politics and if
political leadership is not so effective, then it is replaced by caste institution. The above
table14 depicts the responses of the people on the assumption that weak political
leadership stimulates caste politics. Total 60.6% supported this assumption and agreed to
it. On the other hand 29.5% disagreed with this assumption and 10.0% respondents
replied in neutral. They were unsure about their views regarding this assumption. Thus
one of many factors in motivating caste politics is weak political leadership in Punjab.
Table 49
Weak political institutions stimulate caste politics.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 53 14.7
SD 36 10.0
D 62 17.2
A 167 46.4
SA 42 11.7
Total 360 100.0
Like political leadership, another factor that is significant in politics is political
institution. The stability and strength of political system depends upon its political
institutions. The above data table portrays the results of the responses of the assumption
that weak political institutions stimulate caste politics. In favor of this assumption 46.4%
respondents selected the agreed option and 11.7% strongly agreed with it. 17.2% selected
the disagreed option and 10.0% strongly disagreed with it. 14.7% respondents selected
230
the neutral choice. Overall, majority of 58.1% respondents agreed with the assumption,
whereas total 27.2% respondents disagreed. Thus caste politics gets more space in the
political process if its political institutions are not stable.
Table 50
Economic prosperity may weak the caste emotions
Category Frequency Percent
NR 38 10.6
SD 34 9.4
D 79 21.9
A 151 41.9
SA 58 16.1
Total 360 100.0
The above data signifies the results of the replies of the argument that economic
prosperity may weak the caste emotions. There are 58% respondents in favor of the
argument out of whom 16.1% selected the strongly agreed option. 10.6% people selected
the neutral option as they were not certain about their perception over this statement.
Total 31.3% respondents were not in favor of the argument and among them 9.4%
strongly disagreed with the assumption that economic prosperity may weaken the caste
emotions.
Table 51
Education can lessen intensity of caste emotions in an individual
Category Frequency Percent
NR 34 9.4
231
SD 24 6.7
D 61 16.9
A 174 48.3
SA 67 18.6
Total 360 100.0
An individual’s behavior is deeply under guidance of emotions and sentiments. There
must be some ways, methods and factors that can reduce their impact on individual’s
activities. Education is considered one such factor that can minimize the strength of
passions. The table 17 indicates the percentile of responses to the notion that education
can lessen intensity of caste emotions in an individual. 48.3% agreed respondents agreed
with this notion and 18.6% strongly agreed with it (total 66.9%). 16.9% respondents
denied the notion and 6.7% strongly disagreed (23.6% in total). 9.4% respondents
preferred to respond neutrally on this stance. Thus, majority respondents were in the
favor that education can lessen the intensity of caste emotions in an individual.
Table 52
Caste politics protects economic interests of biradary/family group
Category Frequency Percent
NR 45 12.5
SD 31 8.6
D 73 20.3
A 163 45.3
SA 48 13.3
Total 360 100.0
232
The above table illustrates the percentile of the responses of the respondents on the
argument that caste politics protects economic interests of biradri/family group. Total
58.6% respondents were in favor of this argument and among them 13.3% strongly
agreed with this statement. 12.5% respondents responded to the neutral option, whereas
20.3% disagreed and 8.6% strongly disagreed with the statement (28.9%). Overall more
people were in favor of this assumption.
Table 53
Caste emotions are dominant than financial status of contesting candidates
Category Frequency Percent
NR 40 11.1
SD 38 10.6
D 90 25.0
A 143 39.7
SA 49 13.6
Total 360 100.0
The table exhibits that 53.3% respondents believe that caste emotions are dominant than
financial status of contesting candidates, as 39.7% responded to agree and 13.6%
responded to strongly agree. On the other hand,total 35.6% disagreed, while 11.1%
respondents replied in neutral as they were either indecisive or failed to completely relate
to the assumption.
233
Table 54
Land plays an important role in instigating politics of caste emotions
Category Frequency Percent
NR 54 15.0
SD 43 11.9
D 96 26.7
A 128 35.6
SA 39 10.8
Total 360 100.0
Punjab is an agricultural land and its about 70% area is consisted of rural agricultural
land. In the rural areas, most of the land is controlled by Zamindar and Landlords. These
landlords belong to strong caste groups who are also influential in politics. During
elections these landlords pressurize their group members to vote in their favor under the
cover of caste identification. So in way or the other they are prompting the politics of
emotions in Punjab. One such question relating to the role of land in encouraging the
caste emotions during electoral process was presented to the respondents. The above
mentioned table depicts the results of responses on the argument that land plays a
significant role in instigating politics of caste emotions. 35.6% respondents agreed and
10.8% strongly agreed with the statement (total 46.4%). 26.7% respondents disagreed
and 11.9% strongly denied the role of lands in prompting politics of caste emotions (total
38.6%). While more people agreed with this belief, 15.0% respondents chose to give a
neutral response. Land in the rural areas in Punjab stimulates the caste emotions at the
time of elections.
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Table 55
At the time of elections, caste sentiments becomes prominent
Category Frequency Percent
NR 27 7.5
SD 22 6.1
D 38 10.6
A 212 58.9
SA 61 16.9
Total 360 100.0
For the successful development of democracy, one of perquisite is to held elections from
time to time. During elections, people get a chance to express their choices about the
candidates. Their likeness and selections work under the passion of caste which becomes
prominent during electoral process. The table 21 displays the findings of the proposition
of the respondents; to what extent they agree or disagree with the opinion that caste
sentiments become prominent during the time of elections. In total, 58.9% and out of
them 16.9% strongly agreed with the statement. 7.5% respondents opted the neutral
option and total 16.7% respondents denied that caste emotions become prominent during
elections. However, majority were in the approval of the statement.
Table 56
In elections, candidates use caste emotions to get vote
Category Frequency Percent
NR 23 6.4
SD 24 6.7
235
D 64 17.8
A 202 56.1
SA 47 13.1
Total 360 100.0
The election process is a very enthusiastic activity and candidates make every effort to
increase their vote bank. The cultural setup of Punjabi society is based on caste
affiliations so candidates try to cash the emotional attachment of voters with caste group.
Voters are directed, pressurized, or emotionally black mailed to vote to candidate who
belongs to respective caste group.The above table 22 illustrates the percentage of
responses on the supposition that caste emotions are manipulated by the candidates
during elections to get vote. Most of the respondents agreed with this supposition i.e.
56.1% agreed and 13.1% strongly agreed (total 69.2%). 24.5% respondents denied the
idea and out of them 6.7 strongly disagreed. 6.4% were unsure about their views and
chose the neutral choice.
Table 57
Political parties also use caste emotions card in elections to give party ticket to a
candidate who belongs to an influential caste group with large vote bank.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 40 11.1
SD 20 5.6
D 47 13.1
A 179 49.7
SA 74 20.6
Total 360 100.0
236
During elections, political parties also become active to get more favor from voters.
Before allotting party ticket to a candidate, they analyze whether caste group is influential
or not. They allocate party ticket to a candidate whose caste group is strong and have a
heavy vote bank. The above table depicts the percentile of responses towards the
judgment that political parties use caste emotion’s card in elections to give party ticket to
an influential caste group candidate. According to the results, 49.7% agreed and 20.6%
strongly agreed with the stance (total 70.3%). On the other hand, 18.7% were not in the
favor and among them 5.6% strongly denied that political parties use any such
techniques. 11.1% people responded to the neutral option as either they lacked
information on this judgment or some of them were unable to understand the in depth
meaning of this stance.
Table 58
During elections, pattern of mobilization and participation is influenced by caste
emotions.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 52 14.4
SD 27 7.5
D 83 23.1
A 158 43.9
SA 40 11.1
Total 360 100.0
237
Political participation and mobilization is an important feature of democracy. In the
electoral process, the political participation of the people through voting is also affected
by caste association and it sets the pattern of political participation of people in elections.
It was asked to the respondents that” during elections, pattern of mobilization and
participation is influenced by caste emotions”. According to the above mentioned table,
collectively 55% respondents agree that pattern of emotions and participation during
elections is influenced by caste emotions (11.1% strongly agree and 43.9% agree). Total
30.6% respondents disagreed (7.5% strongly disagreed) with the statement and 14.4%
respondents selected the neutral option.
Table 59
Non-party elections promote politics of caste emotions
Category Frequency Percent
NR 75 20.8
SD 24 6.7
D 70 19.4
A 150 41.7
SA 41 11.4
Total 360 100.0
Representative democracy work with the help of political parties which provides a
platform for the people to select their representatives. Without political parties
representative democracy cannot work. Democratic elections are held on party basis in
which political parties participates in elections through their candidates. People show
238
their loyalties to one or other political party by selecting or rejecting their candidates.
Sometimes in elections political parties are not allowed to take part in elections.
Candidates participate in elections as independent candidate without any party affiliation
and at that moment caste affiliations are considered by voters. Such environment
encourages the caste emotions to propagate in politics.According to the illustrations of
table no 25, total 53.1% respondents agreed and among them 11.4% strongly agreed that
non-party elections promote politics of caste emotions. Whereas, total 26.1% respondents
disagreed (6.7% strongly disagreed) and 20.8% were uncertain about their views, thus
giving a neutral response.
Table 60
Elections on party basis promotes politics of caste emotions
Category Frequency Percent
NR 63 17.5
SD 30 8.3
D 76 21.1
A 156 43.3
SA 35 9.7
Total 360 100.0
To get a clear view of relation between elections on party- basis and its effect on caste
emotions same question was asked but from a different angle. It was done to examine
whether party and non- party elections minimize caste emotions or maximize them. The
table specifies that total 53% respondents agreed with the stance that elections on party
239
bases promote politics of caste emotions. Total 29.4% respondents disagree with this
statement and 17.5% were unsure about their decision and selected neutral option. The
results of table 25 and 26 show that caste emotions remain active in elections- both party
basis elections and non-party elections.
Table 61
An individual’s likeness and dis likeness about candidate in elections is
manipulated by caste emotions.
The table illustrates the views of the people on the argument that an individual’s likeness
and dis likeness about candidate is manipulated by caste emotions during the elections.
Total 48.3% respondents were in the favor of this argument and among them 8.6%
strongly agreed. Whereas, total 40.8% were not in the favor of this argument and among
them 14.4% respondents strongly denied it. 10.8% preferred to stay neutral as they
believed that it sometimes happen and sometimes not.
Table 62
Under strong caste affiliations, an individual’s free will is not expressed
Category Frequency Percent
NR 31 8.6
SD 28 7.8
D 93 25.8
Category Frequency Percent
NR 39 10.8
SD 52 14.4
D 95 26.4
A 143 39.7
SA 31 8.6
Total 360 100.0
240
A 157 43.6
SA 51 14.2
Total 360 100.0
The spirit of democracy is to provide autonomy to an individual and he/she should be
free to express its opinion. There should be no influence and pressure of any kind while
giving vote in elections. The strong affiliation of an individual with caste group certainly
affects its free will, and right to give opinion unrestrained by any kind of influences.
When an individual gives vote under pressure then its autonomy is affected.The table
depicts that total 57.8% respondents agree that a person’s free will is not expressed under
strong caste affiliations (14.2% strongly agreed). Total 33.6% disagreed with this
statement (7.8% strongly disagreed) and 8.6% were neutral in their views.
Table 63
You feel disappointed when you give vote against your will
Category Frequency Percent
NR 54 15.0
SD 31 8.6
D 68 18.9
A 140 38.9
SA 67 18.6
Total 360 100.0
When the autonomy of an individual is affected and he/she is not allowed to express its
views or preferences in elections, it would certainly disturb its mood. A question in order
to check the intensity of mood of a person, when he/she is not allowed to give vote
241
according to its will was presented before respondents. The results are shown in above
table 29.According to the table, 57.5% agreed that they felt disappointed while giving
vote against their will and 27.5% respondents disagreed and believed that they do not feel
disappointed while giving vote against their will. 15.0% respondents were uncertain and
selected neutral option. A majority of respondents was not happy when they were not
allowed to cast vote as they wanted or wished.
Table 64
You feel unhappy when give vote to an incompetent candidate with a dominant
Caste group
Category Frequency Percent
NR 47 13.1
SD 85 23.6
D 81 22.5
A 111 30.8
SA 36 10.0
Total 360 100.0
An individual feel happy or unhappy was further confirmed or analyzed by presenting a
supplementary question. It was related to how he/she feels when they are asked or
pressurized to vote to an incompetent candidate. The above table 30 mentions the
percentile of the responses on the statement that giving vote to the incompetent candidate
causes unhappiness. To this, total 48% respondents agreed (30.8% agreed and 10%
strongly agreed), and total 46.1% respondents disagreed (22.5% disagreed and 23.6%
strongly disagreed). 13.1% respondents were of neutral views. Table 29 and 30 depicts
242
that an individual’s behavior and inner feelings, mood when one has to sacrifice its
autonomy.
Table 65
In development of democracy, caste emotions are affecting liberty of individual to
give vote independently.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 24 6.7
SD 30 8.3
D 70 19.4
A 189 52.5
SA 47 13.1
Total 360 100.0
For efficient working of democracy, a person should be allowed to express his choices
and preferences independently. In the environment, many factors are also working on the
voting intensions of a person and which in turn affect the process of democracy in
Punjab. Caste emotions are one of various factors that affect the liberty of an individual
to vote independently. In the questionnaire the respondents were asked their opinion
about the above mentioned statement. The responses are indicated in the above table that
52.5% agreed with the statement and 13.1% strongly agreed (total 65.6%). Total 27.7%
negated the statement and 6.7% preferred to give a neutral response. According to the
results, majority respondents agreed that caste emotions are affecting the liberty of
individuals to caste vote independently and thus affecting the process of democracy.
243
Table 66
Caste emotions’ politics affects process of democracy in the perspective of political
Participation and mobilization of individual
Category Frequency Percent
NR 64 17.8
SD 25 6.9
D 75 20.8
A 164 45.6
SA 32 8.9
Total 360 100.0
One on many perquisites of democracy is political participation and mobilization of
people. There are different modes of political participation and in this research political
participation is through vote in elections. In democracy, people are allowed political
participation without any restriction. In Punjab politics, caste emotions hinder the
political participation of people and hampered the progress of democracy.The above table
32 postulates the percentages of the supposition that caste emotions hinder the process of
democracy in the perspective of political participation and mobilization of individual.
45.6% respondents agreed and 8.9% strongly disagreed (total 54.5) with the assumption.
On the other hand total 27.7% disagreed with the assumption and out of them 6.9%
strongly disagreed. 17.8% respondents selected neutral option. Thus, majority
respondents were in the favor of the assumption.
244
Table 67
To promote process of democracy, people should participate in elections by freeing
themselves of caste emotions/ feelings/affiliations.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 19 5.3
SD 20 5.6
D 29 8.1
A 180 50.0
SA 112 31.1
Total 360 100.0
In order to promote the process of democracy, people should be free from caste chains
and affiliations so that they can vote freely. It is essential for democracy to grow.People
were asked that whether they agree or disagree that people should participate in elections
independent of their caste emotions in order to promote democracy. To this, 50.0%
agreed and 31.1% strongly agreed (total 81%). Total 13.7% were not in the favor and out
of them 5.6% strongly disagreed and preferred that caste affiliations must be taken into
consideration while participating in elections (casting votes). However, majority of the
respondents agreed with the proposition.
Table 68
Caste pressure persuades individual to participate in elections against his
judgment/opinion
Category Frequency Percent
NR 42 11.7
245
SD 33 9.2
D 72 20.0
A 165 45.8
SA 48 13.3
Total 360 100.0
A person participates in elections under caste pressure and makes decision against his
judgment. Caste pressure persuade individual to participate in elections against his
opinion. According to the above mentioned table, 45.8% respondents agreed and 13.3%
strongly agreed (total 59.1%) with the statement that caste pressure persuades individual
to participate in elections against his own judgment. Total 29.2% respondents disagreed
and out of them 9.2% strongly disagreed with this statement. 11.7% respondents were
neutral in their opinion. Thus, most of the respondents agreed that caste pressure
persuades individual to participate in elections against his judgment.
Table 69
Political participation and mobilization of an individual is essential for individual
autonomy or liberty
Category Frequency Percent
NR 24 6.7
SD 33 9.2
D 35 9.7
A 204 56.7
SA 64 17.8
Total 360 100.0
246
In democracy, liberty is provided to a person and liberty and autonomy is gained by
participating in political process. Political participation and mobilization of an individual
is essential for its liberty. The above table illustrates that 56.7% agreed and 17.8%
strongly agreed (74.5%) respondents agreed with the above mentioned statement.
Whereas, total 18.9% respondents denied and among them 9.2% strongly denied that
political participation of an individual is essential for individual autonomy. 6.7%
respondents were uncertain about their opinion, yet majority respondents agreed with the
statement.
Table 70
Politics of caste emotions hinders the political participation and mobilization of
individual in democracy
Category Frequency Percent
NR 27 7.5
SD 40 11.1
D 97 26.9
A 153 42.5
SA 43 11.9
Total 360 100.0
As political participation and mobilization of people is necessary for successful running
of democracy. The caste emotions hinder this participation and mobilization as a person
247
does not vote to a candidate who belongs to another caste group. According to the above
table, 42.5% agreed and 11.9% strongly agreed (total 54.4%) that politics of caste
emotions hinders thepolitical participation of individual in democracy. On the other hand,
26.9% disagreed and 11.1% strongly disagreed (total 38%) with this supposition.7.5%
were unsure about their views and remained neutral in this argument. However, majority
people are in favor of this statement.
Table 71
People do not participate in voting process if a candidate does not belong to their
caste group in their constituency.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 28 7.8
SD 66 18.3
D 137 38.1
A 108 30.0
SA 21 5.8
Total 360 100.0
The above table illustrates the results of the responses of the query that people do not
participate in voting if a candidate in their constituency does not belong to their caste
group. Total 35.8% respondents replied in favor and among them 5.8% strongly agreed
with the assumption. Total 56.4% respondents disagreed and among them 18.3% strongly
248
denied the above mentioned supposition. However, 7.8% replied in neutral. Thus
concluded, that majority people responded that they do participate in voting even if the
candidate in their constituency does not belong to their caste group.
Table 72
Do you think that to promote democracy, caste affiliation should not be considered
while casting vote
Category Frequency Percent
NR 35 9.7
SD 26 7.2
D 50 13.9
A 166 46.1
SA 83 23.1
Total 360 100.0
The table depicts the percentile of responses of people on the question that to promote
democracy, whether caste affiliations should be considered while casting vote. In
response 46.1% agreed and 23.1% strongly agreed (total 69.2%),that caste affiliations
should not be considered while casting vote, in order to promote democracy. Whereas
total 21.1% believed that caste affiliations mustnot be ignored while casting vote, as
13.9% disagreed and 7.2% strongly disagreed. 9.7% respondents were uncertain and
selected the neutral option.
249
Table 73
Caste emotions are effective in delimitation of constituencies to gain heavy vote
bank.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 55 15.3
SD 26 7.2
D 58 16.1
A 180 50.0
SA 41 11.4
Total 360 100.0
The table depicts that 50% respondents agreed and 11.4% strongly agreed that caste
emotions are effective in delimitation of constituencies to gain heavy vote bank. 16.1%
disagreed and 7.2% strongly disagreed with this stance. 15.3% replied in a neutral
manner. Overall more people replied in the favor of this statement (total 61.4% agreed) as
compared to the people who denied the statement (total 23.3% disagreed).
Table 74
Caste serves as an important pattern of voting behavior
Category Frequency Percent
NR 42 11.7
SD 44 12.2
D 77 21.4
A 157 43.6
250
SA 40 11.1
Total 360 100.0
The above table reveals the results of the responses of the argument that caste serves as
an important pattern of voting behavior. In favor of this argument 43.6% selected the
agreed option and 11.1% were strongly disagreed (total 54.7% agreed). 21.4%
respondents disagreed and 12.2% strongly denied (total 33.6% disagreed) that caste
serves as an important pattern of voting behavior. 11.7% selected the neutral option, thus,
majority people were in the favor as 54.7% agreed.
Table 75
Caste institution controls behaviors of family and individuals
Category Frequency Percent
NR 32 8.9
SD 40 11.1
D 88 24.4
A 164 45.6
SA 36 10.0
Total 360 100.0
Above table illustrates that total 45.6% agreed and 10% strongly agreed that caste
controls behavior of family individuals (total 55.6% agreed). 24.4% disagreed and 11.1%
strongly disagreed that caste institutions controls behavior (total 35.5%). 8.9%
respondents preferred to stay neutral in this matter. Thus, majority people were in favor
of this belief.
251
Table 76
Religiously sacred castes (Pir, SajjadaNishin, Naqshbandia etc) also put an effect on
the emotions of individual during elections and are very dominating in determining
voting behavior due to their status.
Category Frequency Percent
NR 37 10.3
SD 30 8.3
D 63 17.5
A 170 47.2
SA 60 16.7
Total 360 100.0
The table depicts the opinions of the people on the above mentioned statement. Total
63.9% respondents agreed and among them 16.7% strongly agreed that religiously sacred
castes do effect the emotions of individual and are dominating in determining voting
behavior. Total 25.8% respondents did not agree and among them 8.3% strongly
disagreed with this assumption. 10.3% were of neutral opinions. Thus, more people are in
favor of the above mentioned statement.
5. 11DISCUSSION
This research was made to investigate the role of emotions in politics and how it
affects the political participation of people through voting. It explores the correlation of
caste emotions, caste system, election perception and voting behavior intentions.
252
Moreover, this research studies their impact on the political participation and
mobilization of masses in elections, which in turn affects the process of democracy.
For that purpose, the variables of caste emotions, caste system and election
perception were taken as independent variable and voting behavior intention was chosen
as a dependent variable. The purpose of the study was to see whether the political
dimension of emotion in the form of caste emotions influences the voting behavior of
people or not. What is the impact of independent variable, exogenous variables, (caste
emotions, caste system, and elections’ perception) on dependent variable, endogenous,
(voting behavior intention)? It also investigates the correlation among these, variables as
well as the variable which is controlling the behavior of an individual more when he/she
participates in elections through voting. The research further answers the question that
whether caste emotions are affecting democratic process in the form of controlled
behavior or not. The implication of politics of emotions or caste emotions on political
participation in a pluralistic cultural society is also investigated in this research.
The results of data have been evaluated and interpreted. It is necessary to explain
the role of caste emotions and its implications on democratic process as hypothesis is also
supported by ‘Questionnaire Politics of Emotion’(QPE, See Appendix). Voting behavior
intentions are influenced by caste emotions and this politicization of emotions is
hindering the process of democracy (political development) in Pakistan and particularly
in Punjab. This research has explored many aspects of emotions and politics like
emotions, caste emotions, caste systems and voting behavior intentions through primary
data (collected through questionnaire).
253
The results of data and observation of respondents during research show that how
an individual is subjective to emotions and his/her political participation in election
works under caste emotions. According to the respondents, most of them never filled a
questionnaire before and majority of them mentioned that they never filled a
questionnaire on political views. Majority respondents confessed that they have never
thought much on these voting aspects asked in the questionnaire and stated that people
should deeply think on their decision while casting vote during elections. In Jhang
district, the females were less responsible and responsive towards filling the
questionnaires. Though they were educated but have never filled such questionnaire. The
literacy rate in this area is estimated to be 26% and local people are still engaged in
“peeri-mureedi”, “riayat”. The respondents were strongly controlled and brain washed
and they changed their opinion about whom to caste vote as per ordered by caste group.
In some villages, women were not allowed to caste vote under caste group
pressure(interview with Miss Shabnam, in charge of the vocational institute for women).
At some places, mostly at the rural areas, most females became worried about
what the questionnaire was and expressed hesitation to fill it saying that they first need to
ask permission from their husbands or family members. They further said that they
cannot fill the questionnaire without their family member’s opinions. All the female
members said that they cast vote as they believe it’s their duty to do so. They told us that
they cast vote in full confidentiality, on their own and without the interference or pressure
of any external person. However, they mentioned that theyonly vote to a candidate who is
favored by their family (i.e. even they cast vote on their own yet they are obeying their
family’s decision). They recognize the allotted symbol of the candidate like ball, bat,
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arrow, lion etc. and stamp that symbol as were told by their elders or husbands. The
female respondents also complained that the political candidates (MNA) come to their
constituencies during the election months only however, after that they would never visit
the area from where they win the elections.
Gillani and ‘Zameendar’ also control people’s minds and voting decisions and
‘Kami’ cannot dare to cast vote against ‘Zamendar’s’ will. All ‘mureed’ of a ‘peer’ cast
vote as ordered by their ‘peer’, In South Punjab ( RaheemYar Khan), two young female
voters told us that after completing education, there were no jobs for them therefore, most
of the girls joined law as professional lawyers. In Rahim Yar Khan, I (researcher) had to
face language problems as most of the women (besides the educated ones) were unable to
speak Urdu and could only communicate in ‘Siraiki’ which is their local language. The
young educated girls volunteered as translators to get these questionnaires filled by the
elder women who didn’t know Punjabi or Urdu.
The females respondents who casted vote on caste group basis mentioned that
they do not care whether the candidate has a good reputation or not, yet they will vote
only to their caste group candidate without any guilt. The educated female respondents
were not under the influence of any caste basis or family pressure. They were quite
satisfied while casting their vote and casted with their own free will. During this research
a new thing was noticed that there was a deviation of opinions among members in a
family. The elders voted for a different party, while the young members of the same
family voted for another party of their own choice. Thus, the members of the same family
voted under free will without the influence of the caste or elders. Some women were of
the view that casting vote is simply not a matter of concern as the politicians do nothing
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good for the public and they have to struggle and face hardships on their own to earn
food for their family. They believed that to vote a specific candidate brings no positive
change in a poor person’s life.
The illiterate voter cultured these political concepts from the discussions of other
people and televisions. When asked, how she/he decided to vote, the uneducated one
answered that she/he decided to vote according to her/his own opinion, but she/he got this
opinion from the influence of family, caste, friends and surrounding political
environment. All these things helped them to make a decision about whom to give vote.
The voters were unaware of the academic terminologies of politics, but they were aware
of the conditions and procedures of democracy; what is necessary for democratic process;
and how to run a democratic system. Thus, despite of having no education, they were
having political awareness, consciousness and vigilance.
In SheikhuPura district, the voters who were brought to fill questionnaire were
young and middle aged males and females. The female members were working as
employee in dengue mobile team, among whom one was a teacher in private school
named Miss Farah. Due to lack of education, their understanding of questionnaire was
weak and could not understand questions written in Urdu but their views and beliefs
about caste affiliation were strong. They follow caste’s rules and values. As compared to
females, the male respondents were little bit more confident irrespective of whether they
were literate or illiterate. In SheikhupuraNA 120, respondents were from rural areas.
Females were illiterate and were having lack of confidence, more obedient behavior,
inferiority complex, and were more inclined to take pictures with researchers. Atiya
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Iftikhar was nominated as MNA from PML-N political party on the seats reserved for
women.
In North Punjab district (Sargodha –NA-91, NA-92),the respondents, both male
and female, were educated and vigilant. The uneducated females were also aware of the
basic concept and purpose of questionnaire. Among the male respondents, educated male
were having a clear concept of questions and even the uneducated males were able to fill
the questionnaires without much guidance. The illiterate female respondents were also
aware of the concept of democratic process, vote casting, right to vote and the process of
constituency limitations before elections. Thus the voters are aware of the strong hold of
these emotions on choices, preferences, likeness, and rejection of a candidate during
electoral process, but unconsciously accept all these pressures.
An individual is under the grip of social identification feelings and a sense of
belonging to ‘whom’. Emotion is a strong affiliation of a person and this inherent
association with caste shapes out caste emotions. It strongly subjugates an individual’s
choice to vote and caste alliance is a stronger emotional bond than any other ideological
(political) alliance.
Caste is a kinship group and caste system acts as a primary institution in a
political culture of Punjab. In electoral process, caste institution influences the rural area
mostly and 57.5% of respondents also agree that caste system has its deep impact in rural
areas and 32.8 % are of the view that both rural and urban areas are influenced by caste
system (Table 11). Caste also has a significant role in power dynamics and is used as a
tool to get power and control economy of the state. Caste perceptions play an important
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part in local and national politics in Pakistan and particularly Punjab. Caste system or
institution is effective to solve disputes among people, remove their differences and to
help them financially within the caste group. Men are more conscious about caste system
than women and give it more importance while casting vote in elections. (Table 44)
In Punjab, the society is deeply affected by caste passions and it is difficult to
ignore them while giving vote to a candidate. During elections, the caste emotions
become dominant over the financial status or position of the contesting candidate. People
are deeply attached with caste emotions as caste protects the economic interests of family
group. In national politics, weak political leadership and institutions also stimulate caste
politics in the form of caste emotions. Lack of education in society (rural and urban
areas) increases caste sentiments and attachment among people, as caste gives security to
the people of its own group. Education can lessen the intensity of caste emotions in an
individual as an educated person is economically less dependent on the support of caste
group.
Caste emotions and system remain alive in the society and constantly rule over
the minds of the people. At the time of elections, these sentiments become prominent and
appear on the platform of politics. The contesting candidate use caste emotions to
increase its vote bank. Political parties also play caste emotion card in elections and give
party ticket to a candidate who belongs to an influential caste group or has a large vote
bank of caste group. During the elections, the pattern of political participation and
mobilization is influenced by caste emotions. An individual’s likeness, acceptance or
rejection of a candidate and preferences during electoral process is manipulated by caste
emotions. Under strong caste affiliation an individual’s free will is not expressed and
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he/she feels disappointed when cast vote against own choice or will. As 57.5% of
respondents have accepted that they feel disappointed when they voted against their will
(Table 63). Thus caste pressure persuades individuals to participate in elections by
voting against their own judgments or opinions and 59.1% have agreed with it (Table 68).
People also do not participate in voting process if a candidate does not belong to their
own caste group in the constituency. Caste emotions are effective in delimitation of
constituencies to manage heavy vote bank. Religiously sacred castes like peers, Sajada
Nashin, Syed, Shah, also put an effect on the emotions of the individuals during elections.
It’s a very dominating factor in determining voting behavior due to their religious status
particularly in South Punjab.( write observation of South Punjab respondent)
In the development of democracy, autonomy of individual is essential to vote
independently. “I had to vote for Javeed Warriach in this election (2018), though he has
done no progressive work in his constituency. But under caste influence, I had to give
vote to him(interview with a voter in South Punjab)”. He further told that they cannot
vote with their own will in privacy, as one person keeps an eye on the voter making sure
that the voter marks stamp on their desired candidate . Caste emotions’ politics affects the
process of democracy in the perspective of political participation and mobilization of a
person through voting. To promote the process of democracy in Pakistan (Punjab), people
should participate in elections by freeing themselves from the chain of caste emotions,
feelings and affiliations. Politics of caste emotions hinders political participation and
mobilization of an individual in democracy. It restricts the increased participation of
people in a representative democracy within a pluralistic culture. To promote democracy,
caste affiliations and emotions should not be considered while casting vote. Castes serve
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as important pattern of voting behavior. Caste institutions control behavior of family and
individual promoting the concept of controlled democracy. Though during elections,
people go to the polling stations to vote as they think that it is their right and
responsibility. However, they give vote on the basis of rationality and reasoning (Table 8)
and decide to choose a candidate on the criteria of a candidate’s character. After knowing
about candidate they decide themselves to whom to reject or select in the polling booths.
An individual thinks that he/she gives vote according to his/her personal choice (Table 5)
but at a same time they also admit that they want to break the emotional black mailing of
family caste and wish to vote according to their personal judgment (Table 15). It infers
that their personal choices are overtaken and subjugated by caste emotions strongly and it
becomes difficult for them to differentiate between personal judgment and caste pressure.
People in Punjabi society, vote under the pressure of caste emotions and are unable to
make a difference that they are supporting their castes in elections against their own state
of mind (Table 13).
The correlation of all dimensions (CE, CS, EP, VBI) shows that it is deeply
effecting the process of democracy as voting behavior intentions of the people are
generated from caste emotions (Table32). Punjabi societies are based on social
institutions of caste identity and it is a significant feature of politics in rural as well as
urban areas of Punjab. There are also religious influencers, like families with prevailing
religious history, which are considered as sacred families by people. Such as inJhang
district, religiously influence of‘peer Sialwai’ was dominant and the followers of the
‘peer Sialwi’cast vote to that candidate as ordered by their peer.
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Regression analysis has proved the hypothesis, “caste emotions restrict increased
political participation and mobilization of people in a multicultural society”. It indicates
that there is a strong relation between caste emotions and political participation and
process of democracy is deeply affected by caste identity behavior. According to Gallup
Pakistan Election Study,in 2008 elections, 9% votes were casted on caste basis and in
2013 elections it was increased to 12% votes casted on caste affiliations.
Political parties also play an important role in democracy and provide a platform
for the people to shape their political views, opinion and behavior. In comparison to a
political party, caste emotion is a more significant factor to determine and command the
voting behavior of individual. Voting behavior of people is trained by caste emotions – to
shape behavior through reinforcement methods. People are not free to choose a candidate
or to show their preferences in elections and are chained up by caste affiliation. They give
preferences to caste system over political party. As in the words of Andrew R. Wilder “ it
is commonly argued that ‘Primordial group identities’ such as family, kinship and caste,
or membership in a village faction play a more important role in determining voting
behavior……than individual preferences”. People prefer an incapable candidate of their
own caste over a capable candidate of a political party in election under the influence of
caste system. He/she sacrifices his/her choice or preference in election.
The roots of changing political party, ‘lotabazi’, can be traced back in 1946
elections in Punjab, when All India Muslim League made alliance with Unionist Party in
Punjab, under leadership of Khizer Hayat Twana and Khan sahib. British rulers
established a controlled voting behavior among Indian people. The people vote to a
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‘Lumnberdar’ or ‘Chauhdary’ to get power or as a symbol of personality and aim was not
to serve the local people, which is the objective of a democracy.
If a candidate changes the political party, it does not affect the loyalties of people
as people are more loyal to a person or candidate and have less affiliation to a political
party. In Punjab, political awareness or participation was started by creating loyalties or
affiliations to a person (candidate, zaat, cast, baradri) and the process of political
participation or mobilization was not started through a political party. Therefore, the
British colonial ruler initiated a political culture and behavior which strengthened their
rule in British India.
To conclude, caste emotions engulf an individual and don’t provide the autonomy
to take independent decisions. A person is bounded by caste systems in the society and
lives in the image of social identity. This phenomenon controls mind and behavior.
Unconsciously he/she takes decision under the influence of caste emotions, thinking
consciously that he/she is taking rational decisions. Psychology (Neuroscience) has also
proved that there is nothing called rational decision. Even rational decisions are not free
from emotions.
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CHAPTER VI
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CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION
In South Asia, contentious politics has been studied from many theoretical
frameworks like political, religious, cultural, and ideological dimension. Its emotional
theoretical dimension has yet to be explored despite the persuasive meaning of emotions
as love, hate, protest, hope, despair, anger, revenge, pride, and humiliation. Usually
emotions in politics are identified with protests, and it is an active role played by
emotions. However, emotions also have a passive role in politics which is observed
through voting. Following passive emotions, an individual becomes active in democracy
through its political participation. South Asian culture has an influence of emotions
which in turn affects its political culture and political system. In social movements of
1990’s, emotions are taken as protest dynamics. The emotional dynamics in political
mobilization and participation, to understand democratic system in South Asia, has been
neglected.
Being a part of society, an individual interacts with others in two capacities; as an
individual or self-regarding and as a member of a group or other regarding. Group
perception or identity creates a sense of cooperation in the individual to improve its
position as an individual and as a group member. The personal identity is overlapped by
social identity due to which individual identifies him through social categories to which
he belongs. In South Asia, social identification is called caste, zat or biradary and all
members belonging to one group of caste have a common ancestor. This social
identification has been politicized under certain conditions and turned into identity
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politics in South Asia. The identity politics is phenomenon in which political views,
ideas, opinion, perception and behavior of the people are shaped through the identity of
social organization. Social group identification is a subjective identification whereas
political identity or cohesion is an objective sense of identification. Political identity is a
derivative of social identity and becomes political by governing actions and entering into
the corridors of power.
The phenomenon of Caste Identity Group in South Asian politics is well
explained through Social Identity Theory. Caste Identity Group shows in-group
favoritism and cooperation within the group by casting vote to members of a group they
are aligned, or rejects a member of out-group in elections showing prejudice and
discrimination. Social Identity theory is significant or effective to describe inter-group
process (Caste identity Group) and inter-group relations while evaluating a candidate
during electoral process in South Asia particularly in Pakistan. It also unfolds the
phenomenon of democracy as well as intensions and motivations of political participation
by people during electoral process.
Emotions can be viewed as biological and socio-cultural in meaning. In this
research, emotions are primarily used in its socio-cultural aspect and are not turned out in
an affective dimension of social movement of hate (genocide in Bosnia and Rwanda),
hope (progressive social movement in Eastern Europe in late 80s’) anxiety, protest (Arab
Spring in Middle East), and fear (9/11 led West to invade in Iraq and Afghanistan).
Human feelings and emotions have played powerful role in political movements of 21st
century. In case of social caste system, emotions do not turn into affective dimension and
a political movement of protest which becomes difficult to control in political affairs.
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Emotions, passion and feelings are assets of an individual which are experienced
individually and are embodied in cultural organization and fabric of society. Socio-
cultural impact of caste emotions on political behavior, intentions, perceptions, and
decision making of an individual in elections has examined. It also describes the role that
caste emotions have played in the development of democracy in South Asia. Polit ical
participation and mobilization of people in The Third World and South Asia is also
analyzed through prism of politics of caste emotions.
An individual living on this earth is essentially a member of a group from the time
of its birth and that grouping is may be in the form of a family or peer groups. After its
birth, an individual becomes firstly a member of its family and then a member of a
number of groups existing in the society. Society itself is an aggregation of individuals
interacting with each other. Gathering or grouping of people provides associations in the
society. Being gregarious in nature, human beings live in groups and interact with each
other. And what is a group? A group is a space for an interaction of individuals in an
area.
Social grouping or division of human beings is in two dynamics i.e. caste and
class. It is differentiated from family, clan, race, and community. Family is basic and a
natural unit of social fabric or human gathering however, a clan is based on common
patriarchy within a community. Moreover, common forefathers, siblings and off springs
of same family are usually termed as clan. Another distinguished division of humans is
race which is based on biological similarities and inherited physical features usually
having a common ancestor such as Aryans, Negroid, Caucasoid, Mongloid, Austroloid,
Turks, Arabs, Asian, Africans, and Europeans. Community is grouping of interdependent
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families living in a mutually beneficial environment. People having shared interests
interact with each other like a village community or urban community. Individuals
having a specific religion, profession can be called community such as Muslim
community, teachers, doctors and students. A community is smaller than a society in size.
Society is a cluster or an aggregation of different communities and every individual is a
member of a society. Caste is also a form of social group or community so it can be said
that caste appeared with emergence of society on earth and in the words of Aristotle, “one
who lives alone is either a god or a beast! Man can’t live without society”.
Social stratification is the splitting up of human beings into ranks. People are
ranked according to age, sex, education, skill, color, religion, family, wealth, power and
prestige. It is a differentiation of population and society ranks people hierarchically. Such
differentiation is consisted of unequal distribution of rights and privileges along with
social power and influences among members of a society. Social stratification is usually
based on 3Ps; power, prestige, and property and society organize individuals keeping in
view this parameter. In every society throughout the world, human beings are categorized
into two major forms i.e. caste and class; two shades of same phenomenon. Thus, social
stratification depends upon class and caste and all kinds of human classifications are
covered in these two forms which elevate or reduce an individual or family in society.
Morris (1958) has classified it as Ascribed Status and Achieved Status. Ascribed status is
inherited one and cannot be changed according to orthodox theories. Caste is a form of
ascribed status in which social mobility of individual is impossible and is prevalent in
tribal and classical societies since ancient times such as Indian sub-continent and Africa.
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In South Asia, caste system is based on ancestor’s profession. Achieved status
ranking causes individual to achieve high or low position in the society through,
education, skill, wealth, power and reputation and an individual has a control on its
movement. This categorization allows horizontal movement and mobility. Class comes
under this social stratification which can be hereditary or non-hereditary. An individual
through wealth and power achieves a social status in the society, high or low depending
upon the economic conditions and social indicators. The developed societies of United
States of America and European Union are more prone to class social stratification which
is flexible and non-hereditary. Both, Caste and Class, have some homogeneity among
members who usually adopt same profession and have identical status in society.
Indian sub-continent has classical example of caste system and has extreme form
of population ranking based on caste because of religious and social inclinations. Human
being is subject to social discrimination of diverse kinds and of all social settings and
living patterns. India has long been reckoned as the most stratified of known societies in
the human history and sociologist and anthropologist has also agreed upon it. Hinduism is
one of the oldest religions so its caste system is itself the oldest one. Rig-Veda is one of
the oldest texts in Indo-European language and was composed in the north-western part
of Indian sub-continent. It has mentioned segmental division of society in two classes.
Afterwards, the Aryans brought with themselves their own classification and introduced
four famous Hindu castes. In the 4th and 6th century, landowner and landless classes
emerged in Indian society more clearly. British also patronized the caste system and
legalized it through legislation to strengthen their rule and to get support from dominant
castes in Indian sub-continent.
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Caste system is a social structure and its most striking feature is that it has little
social mobility. Each caste group is close to other caste group and has its own values,
language and customs which are differentiated from other caste group. The caste system
as a social structure exists throughout the world and it divides the society into groups,
community, priests, nobles, soldiers and craftsmen. Such social stratification and division
was common throughout the world’s societies before era of enlightenment and industrial
revolution. The inter-class relation makes it unique. The interclass relations are based on
a feeling of ‘being one’, ‘perception of being different from other caste’, ‘emotion of
brotherhood’, and ‘belonging to one family’. The inter-caste relations revolve around
‘caste emotions’ in a society. It is based on spirituality, motivations, emotions and
religion. Emotions play a very important role in the political culture, behavior and
attitude of people and political leadership of South Asia.
When British colonized Indian continent, they deeply analyzed the socio-cultural
milieu of Indian society. Indian continent has a heritage of different cultures and is a
pluralistic society. People belonging to unique racial, cultural, ethnic and religious
diversities live here and has a multicultural environment. The British rulers for the first
time prepared a report about social institutions and all castes existing in Punjab. Their
intension was to introduce a new political system to govern India, so they observed
Indian society from its grass root level before establishing democracy and initiating
political development.
The British imported westernized democratic system in Indian-continent after
making it a colony. The western democratic political system was inappropriate to socio-
political structure of Indian-continent. They established democratic institutions in a
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traditional and parochial society with the help of existing social institution of caste. They
were more concerned with strengthening their rule in India than to promote a democratic
system in real intensions. Such administrative policies and laws were adopted that
transformed the social identity institution of caste into political institution. Initially, caste
emotions entered into politics at district and village level and helped in the working
machinery of government. They deliberately used caste emotions and let an emotional
social structure to enter into politics while allowing political participation through vote
which was limited to a section of people who were loyal to British rulers. It has
undermined the development of democracy in pre and post-colonial era in the Indian
continent. The concept of political development to understand democratic system has
undergone a deficient conceptual framework when applied to developing countries of
South Asia and Third World. Generally, it is concerned with the operation of a political
system in terms of its increasing democratization. As the concept has been developed by
western writers like Anglo-American, naturally it describes the qualities of advanced
western countries where political participation and mobilization of people is made
possible. The basic concept of a democratic system is the political participation of the
people through electoral process so they could influence the decision making process of
government. A specific socio-political environment and culture is a perquisite for the
development of a successful democratic process and for participation of the people in the
system. The specific socio-political milieu and perquisites was lacking when British
established democratic institution in colonial India.
Participation is inevitable for an individual as a member of a society or a member
of any social group. Participation can be social participation and political participation.
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Social participation is indispensible to understand and conceptualize participation as an
activity, which places individual and social groups in socio- political environment. It
provides a lens to view people relations, existing social and political realities in the
society, to mediate people’s relation with socio-political world and to understand the
social and political identities. Political participation is a condition or is necessary for
membership of a socio-political group and is a characteristic of citizenship. Now
question arises what is political participation?
Political participation is an explicit involvement in politics and electoral process.
In a broader perspective, political participation is a process or a way to which individual
and group forms, spreads, and resists views, ideas and beliefs. Political participation is
not only a communication of views through voting process or by active political behavior
such as a political campaign but participation can also be considered as a ‘power’ to
establish and communicate a particular representation. This type of power is usually
associated with groups of higher socio-political position. It is not static but dynamic
causing challenge and negotiation. Social Identification theory explains established
patterns of social and political relation as well as explains shifting of unequal patterns of
participation, political identity and social change.
System of social stratification into caste and classes in Pakistan-Punjab has its
roots in ancient Indian society whose religion is the most active proponent of caste
system. Indian society is divided into four main layers of society namely, Brahmans,
Khashtriyas, Vaishyas and Shudars whereas Harijans, also called untouchable, are
assigned the lowest rank in society that they seem to be out of caste system according to
Hindu teachings. They are treated as non-human-being entity and are denied any contact
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with other individuals. India is exceptional in the world with reference to strangest caste,
class and power hierarchy, differentiation and discrimination.
Thus, caste identification institution has remained in Indian continent land and
Punjab society from Aryans, Muslim Rulers and British Rulers. Only the British rulers
used caste feeling and politicized emotions of local people to rule over them and changed
social institution into a political identification for their own interests. They not only
strengthened the land caste by giving them land as a reward but also recognized it at state
level through law and created a conscious or controlled behavior about voting among
people in South Asia.
During British rule, political participation through election was based on caste,
biradary and tribe loyalties in rural areas. At that period, no political parties were present
in Punjab, so seeds of politics of caste, regional and group got favorable environment to
germinate. The distinguished groups were Fazal Hussain and Chootoo Ram rural
members group, Pertab Singh Punjab chief Association and Sikh national Board Party by
Sunnder Singh Majhethia. Besides these, other caste associations were also active such
as, All Punjab Non-Agricultural Association (1938) by Local Chand Narang, sir Chotoo
ram Jut Gazette, Muhamad Shafi Gujar Gazette, All India Jut Conference, All India
Rajput Conference and Biradary Associations (Rajput Association and Arian association)
which were very vigorous and played an active role to keep caste, feeling and emotions
alive and energetic. Resultantly, caste emotions and feelings helped to strengthen the
colonial rule instead of impeding its way.
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Before partition in Indian continent, the first political party was established
in1885 as Indian National Congress and it was considered as an entertainment forum of
Hindu industrialist for a long time. The caste identification of Indian society did not let
the people to join a political party. Hindu Jut did not join it as they considered it as a
party of industrialist and businessmen. Muslims kept themselves away from congress
thinking it a Hindu party. For Sikhs, congress was unable to protect their interests as a
Sikh identity, so they also refrained from joining congress political party. For local
people, caste organization was more reliable to protect their interests. In 1937 elections,
congress could win only 18 seats out of 175 in Punjab and successful candidate of
congress, Mian Iftkhar Deen Arian from Kasur, had won seat due to strong support of
Arian caste.
The second political party during colonial rule was All India Muslim League
founded in 1906 by Muslim leaders. It was claimed as the representative party of all
Muslims in the Indian continent but it did not get any support in Punjab. Rather, a
member of Rajput caste established Punjab Muslim League in 1907 in Punjab and in
competition a recognized Arian member, Shah Deen Arian a landlord of Lahore district,
founded Punjab Muslim League to represent Arian in Punjab. Shah Deen was president
and his relative brother Muhamad Shafi Arian became secretary of Punjab Muslim
League Arian. A caste competition between Rajput and Arian caste started in Punjab and
All India Muslim League could not become an influential political party at Punjab level.
In 1937 elections, All India Muslim League could get only two seats from Punjab. Malik
Barkat Ali and Raja Gazanfer Ali were successful candidates of Muslim League.
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Another important party in Punjab was Unionist party. It was also a caste based
party of land caste in Punjab, founded by the union of Rajput and Jut caste in 1923 by
Fazal Hussain Rajput and Chudhri Chootoo Ram Jut. Muslims, Hindu and Sikh landlords
in Punjab supported this party and colonial law and privileges for landlords further
strengthened the Unionist party. The Land Alienation Act 1901, the issuance of handbook
of landlord aristocratic caste, announcement of Rajput and Jut caste as ‘Martial Races’ by
British rulers, special privileges for cultivators and increase in their quota seats reserved
for them; all such acts and policies strengthened the social identity institution on political
basis under government shelter. For Jut caste identification, more compassionate policies
were adopted like announcement of increase in number of Jut employee by Sir Michal
Adware in 1915 and irrigation facilities for them. It resulted in slogan of ‘Juttism’ as a
strong political slogan and Chotoo Ram made it a base of its caste identification. The
strong Hindu Jut got control of Unionist party and in 1923 election its candidate got seat
on caste emotional identification. The Unionist party ruled Punjab from 1923 to 1946 and
in 1937 elections it obtained 96 seats out of 175 seats under umbrella of biradary and
caste affiliation. Raja Ghazanfer Ali also later on joined Unionist party. Two big
biradaris, Arian and Jut joined hands with Unionist political party in Punjab and in
Lyalpur and East Punjab those candidates were successful who were supported by strong
and big castes. Mian Noor ulah, as president of provincial Anjumni Arian, Chudhri Faqir
Hussain, and secretary Anjumni Punjab Rajput were successful candidate of Unionist
party in Lyalpur with other successful candidates of Unionist party from Lyalpuras Khaja
Gulam Hussain, PirNasirudin, Sad Ali Khral and Shahadat Kharal. In 1937 elections,
Unionist Party did not have any election campaign in Punjab like All Pakistan Muslim
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League and Congress party but it got majority seats in Punjab as it believed on Pir and
biradaries in Punjab so they easily got success. The 1937 elections deeply motivated the
political participation of individuals and voters on caste basis and affiliation and
identification.
Unionist party was identified as a landlord party in Punjab who used caste
emotions very tactfully in the elections and got majority seats as compared to Congress
and Muslim League. Its decline started in1942, as Sir Sikander Hiat joined Pakistan
Muslim League when Quiad e Azam visited Lyalpur. After the death of Sir Sikander Hiat
and Chotoo Ram in 1944, most of the members of Unionist party joined Muslim League.
About one third members of Unionist party joined Pakistan Muslim League along with
their large biradris and Castes like Hyat, Noon, Tawana, Doltana, Rajput, Arian and Pir
of Sha Juana. Therefore, Muslim League came under caste influence and affiliations. It
got majority seats in 1946 elections. It became popular in Punjab due to political
participation and joining of landlords caste otherwise before that it remained non popular
as heads or leaders of strong caste and biradary did not join it before.
In 1946 elections in Punjab, the main competition was between Muslim League
and Unionist party. All important candidates with strong caste and biradary joined
Muslim League and political party ignored the loyal party members and gave tickets to
candidates keeping in view their caste strength and kinship relations. Politics of caste
emotions was followed and party tickets were given to Arian caste in Lyalpur, Jut caste in
Gujranwala and Sialkot and Meo tribe in Gurr village. Caste identification and emotions
were used to motivate the voters in rural areas and people in favor of candidates and
those party candidates were expected to be successful in elections that were having strong
275
caste support. Caste organizations also announced to support Muslim League such as in
1946, at Lahore Gujjar conference, Chudhri Shamshair Ali Gujjar announced to support
Muslim League and denounced Muhamad Shafi Gujjar, a Unionist party candidate in
Ludhiana who belonged to Gujjar caste. However, Muhamad Shafi was the pioneer of
Gujjar Gazette. From Lyalpur, NoorUlah Arian registered eight thousand, 8000, new
voters and succeeded to defeat Unionist candidate, Peer Nasir Udin Shah on the basis of
caste emotions and caste politics.
Thus an analysis of pre-partition election, 1923, 1937 and 1946 in Punjab shows
that Muslim and non-Muslim society in Punjab was organized on caste institution and its
customs. The local people were under an emotional affiliation and identification. Political
parties were under influence of caste emotions and got majority seats in elections only
due to support of majority caste members. The voting behavior of people was determined
and controlled by caste group identification and it still can be observed in Pakistan’s
elections after 1947.
After partition, land lord families, Mamdoot, Qalizbash dominated politics in
Punjab. Mumataz Iftkhr Hussian Khan Mamdoot was appointed as first chief minister of
Punjab and Nawab Zafar Ali Khan Qazilbash became chief minister of Punjab after One
Unit. Arian and Kashmiri castes also dominated politics in Pakistan and Punjab. Arian
caste was also active in politics before partition, e.g. Mian Shah Din, Mian Muhamad
Shafi participated in Pakistan Movement and played a distinguished role in Muslim
League’s politics. Another renowned personality is Begum Shah Nawaz, who belonged
to Arian caste and was a famous female political figure in pre-partition Muslim politics.
She also remained active in politics after 1947 partition. Due to the support of Arian
276
caste, Mian Shuja-ur-Rehman was elected as Mayor of Lahore and his brother Mian
Zika-ur Rehman played an active role in Punjab politics. One more important Arian
figure in Punjab is Mian Azhar, the ex-governor of Punjab (1990-92), and also Mayor of
Lahore in 1987-1990. Most of the Arians were included in Agricultural caste.
The Kashmiris who migrated to Pakistan were non-Agricultural caste. With
reference to the caste politics at the national level, the strongest ‘Kashmiri’ was Mian
Salahudin whose father, Mian Ammir-udine got a seat in 1941 in Punjab Legislative
assembly and also served as Mayor of Lahore from 1947 to 1949. His brother Amin- u-
dine was appointed Governor of West Pakistan in 1951. This caste acted as a strong pillar
of Ayub regime and Salahudine was elected to the National Assembly in 1962 and 1965.
During Bhutto era, the emotional politics based on caste identification was
shattered and various caste elites joined Bhutto politics against Ayub. For instance, Mian
Arif Ifthikhar, Mian Manzar Bashir, Hanif Ramay, all belonged to Arian caste and they
responded to Bhutto’s call without any caste affiliation and emotions.
The caste emotions factor become more active and important, when elections are
held on non-party basis especially the local bodied elections. During Zia regime, the
element of caste emotion again entered into politics. During Zia era, as the elections were
held on non-party basis, this thing promoted the caste emotions and strengthened this
emotional politics at national, provincial and local level. Zia’s policy was to divide the
nation into groups so no one could question his power. Thus he manipulated the politics
of emotion and tilted it in his favor. Two Kashmiri brothers, Mian Nawaz Sharif and
Mian Shahbaz Sharif, entered into Pakistan’s politics.Mian Nawaz Sharif has been
277
elected thrice as a Prime Minister of Pakistan while Mian Shahbaz Sharif became Chief
Minister of Punjab due to emotional support of Kashmiri caste.
Pervaiz Musharaf followed the same pattern of emotional politics and local bodies
elections were held on non-party basis. Though from 1988 to 1997, the people
participated in the elections on party basis, but Ayub’s Basic system and Zia’s rootless
democracy strengthened the politics of emotions so deeply that afterwards the party basis
election could not wipe out it. In Bhutto government, Malik Meraj Khalid (Awans) and
Hanif Ramy (Arians) were appointed chief minister of Punjab. Later on, Meraj Khalid
was appointed acting prime minister of Pakistan in Nov 1996 to Feb1997 by President
Farooq Laghari. From 1988 to 1997, the results of four general elections for National
Assembly show that two major castes, Arians and Kashmiris, were very active in
Pakistan politics. In the elections of 2008, 2013, and 2018, caste emotions remained
dominant factor even though the elections were held on party basis.
During electoral process in Punjab, caste as a social identity institution plays a
vital role. A party or a candidate can’t win the election without the identification and
active participation of the caste. In case of Punjab, the important castes are Rajput,
Arians, Jatt, Syeds, Gujars and Bloch. Rajputs are dominant in the Northern Punjab; Jatts
are in majority in Central Punjab and also have some dominance in Southern Punjab.
Central Punjab is dominated by Arians while Southern Punjab is dominated by Bloch.
Such a division and grouping has affected the development of democratic system in
Pakistan. Caste identity promotes the local issues and loyalties in the politics. Political
loyalties and participation of individuals in electoral process are determined by castes and
an individual can’t dare to oppose its caste group. The spirit of democracy is the
278
autonomy of an individual, the free will to vote without any influence, under the guidance
of its conscience. The autonomy of an individual is lost somewhere in search of caste
identity and under pressure of caste emotions. The process of democracy in multicultural
society of Punjab has been affected by caste emotions’ politics. It restricts the increased
participation of people in electoral process and hinders the development of democratic
process in Pakistan. The voting behavior of people is caste-oriented which promotes the
concept of a controlled democracy in Punjab.
The research has focused on emotions, politics, social identity and political
responsibility. It helps to understand political belief, opinion, attitudes and behavior in a
multicultural society which has a legacy of parliamentary democracy. The level of social
identity either strengthens or weakens the political system. The dynamics of elections
decide the fate of electoral process as threatened or influenced. The vote determines
success of a democratic process and emotions related to an individual or a party.
Discussing this feature from another view point arise questions which might help in
understanding the role of emotions and influence of caste emotions in a parliamentary
democratic system.
Caste emotions overcome an individual’s mind and do not provide autonomy to
judge and make a decision independently. Caste system engulfs a person and makes him
to live in the image of social caste identity. Behavior of people, social or political, is
controlled and trained by caste emotions. While giving votes in elections, they are not
free and are chained by caste affiliation. People are bound to vote a candidate as per
decided by their caste group. Caste institution provides security and protects their
economic interests. After winning the election, the member of their respective caste
279
enjoys legislative and financial powers entering in the corridors of parliamentary
democracy and thus provides shelter to its caste group. Therefore, people are subjugated
to caste emotions and ‘Democracy’ is transformed into ‘Gulamcracy’.
6.1 How to tackle the prevailing circumstances?
As said by Albert Einstein, “Repeating the same procedures and expecting different
results”, is like living in fools’ paradise.
Therefore, if we want different results, it requires changing our methods and
procedures. If a democratic system is to be established effectively in Pakistan, there is a
need to adopt different methods, strategies, and procedures to achieve desired results.
Some changes, according to the socio-cultural environment, in the political system are
mandatory to run a successful democratic system in Pakistan.
In this study, Social Identity Theory (SIT) has been used to understand political
participation and institutional change in a society. Social identity is a system that is based
on social practice and common-sense knowledge. It is a lens to view people's affiliation
with their socio-political environment and how they defend their identities; cultural and
political. SIT is a key to conceptualize participation-social or political- under such
condition or environment in which individuals and social groups (caste) are placed in
socio-political milieu.
As a member of a social group or a citizen of a civil society, a person has to
participate to communicate its view to society, group or to political establishment.
Participation is a communication of views, social or political ideas; inexplicit political
behavior for example through voting or explicit behavior as, attending political
280
procession and campaign, working for political party. It constructs social norms, values,
identities and knowledge as a symbol of power and marginalizes the alternative ways in
society and state. Such power is exhibited by groups who have a higher socio-political
status and is termed as group representation.
Participation and mobilization of voters in Pakistan is either enhanced or declined
due to role of group cohesion and decisiveness. It has also affected the voter turnout in
elections as voter turnout was increased in 2013 as compared to 2008 elections. The
average of vote cast on identity basis (caste basis) was increased in 2013 elections.
Democracy in identity based societies has a different pattern of political
competition that affects the feasibility of democracy. Elections are mandatory in
democracy as it brings political competition. There is no use to contest election when
voting process is based on group identity as same results are repeated. Electoral
competition becomes fake as no change of government occurs in real spirit. Group based
identity hampers such change through elections. When group based identity or caste
based identity participates in electoral process, the change in government becomes
difficult and it turns into autocracy rather than democracy.
Democracy has been undermined in Pakistan, a society that is based on group
identity which is recognized as caste identity. Group based identity impedes a democratic
change of government. The problem is how to make group identity consistent and reliable
with democracy.
There are proposals to switch from autocracy to democracy in a society with
social structure of group identity.
281
The social group identity (caste) is a significant factor in the identification of an
individual living in a society. It has its roots deep in the culture and is the effect of
centuries-old civilization. The social identification is a century’s long process,
transferring from forefathers down into generations. A change in social identity
institution is neither practicable and nor essential. The practical thing is to modify human
behavior through external variables that are acting in the political system. Political
institutions and systems are external variables and a change in the political system would
cause a change in voting behavior.
In the environment, many variables are working and have an effect on behavior.
Human behavior operates in the environment and in turn, environment operates on
human behavior in the form of reinforcement. These external variables control and
modify human behavior. External stimuli or rein forcers (Caste emotions, caste system,
election perception, and voting behavior intentions) gradually shape behavior and control
it. The external variables that determine the human behavior can be controlled and by
adopting certain strategies, the effect of these external variables can be diminished,
amplified or modified.
When the process of a parliamentary democratic system was initiated by British
rulers in South Asia, a controlled behavior was shaped through the Social Identity
institution of caste. Caste, as a strong social institution, shaped the voting behavior of the
local people. With the passage of time and through continued practice, the social
institution was transformed into political institutions. The voting behavior of people was
influenced by social identity institutions and they preferred to vote to candidates of their
own caste group, irrespective of any other criteria to select them.
282
The effect of democracy can be enhanced through reviewing the concept of
democracy. It is a mean to an end not an end itself. (Ahmad, 2012). It changes the
‘image’ of the political system and makes it more pragmatic. The change in the form of
the political system, from parliamentary to a presidential system, will bring the desired
change in the voting behavior of the people. It will influence the countries like Pakistan
where democracy is in transition. Pakistan is a multicultural and castes based society
which got influence from Hinduism.
Pakistan will be a successful state if it has a presidential system, it is a very
simple, better and ordinary change. Pakistan is a pluralistic cultural society, according to
Almond there are three types of orientation, parochial, participant, and subjective. This
kind of orientation clears out presidential and parliamentary system. There are two types
of group in the society; one is consisted of educated and expertise people and second
group consisted of general people or common people and no expertise. It further clears
out that among these two types of people, educated and expertise people group is good to
run the state. Presidential system is consisted of expertise, technocrats and advisers.
Parliamentary system in Pakistan is under influence of ‘Jagirdari’ system, caste
system, biradary system, from pre and post partition of India. The parliamentarians get
elected through biradary influence and other means like threat or buying votes. The duty
of parliamentarian or function of parliament is to make law and it is not the function of
parliament to rule or to govern the state. The state is ruled or run by cabinet and in
parliamentary system, the parliamentarian also become the members of cabinet as
ministers. They perform dual function as to make law while sitting in the parliament and
to govern state as members of cabinet.
283
If there is a presidential system then parliament will make only law and cabinet
will govern the state. Cabinet minister will be appointed by president. These cabinet
ministers will be educated, technocrats and experts individuals. Then caste system will be
devalued automatically. The parliamentarians peruse their own interests and are not
concerned with the welfare and wellbeing of the common people. They are corrupt and
misuse the developmental funds allocated to them for the progress and development of
their constituencies. The parliamentarian promotes nepotism, favoritism, and corruption,
while technocrats do not promote it as they are at the disposal of the president. The
technocrats do not need to bribe or to pressurize the people or influence them for their
selection as they are selected by the president and not elected by the people. A technocrat
is an educated man and is rational one. He will take rational decisions and will not be an
emotional entity. The state will progress and move towards development if rational
decisions are taken by government.
Political culture of Pakistan is pluralistic culture and can be divided into four
groups:
1. Ethno-regional.
2. Rural-urban.
3. Mass-elite.
4. Religio-sectarian.
Because of these eight distinctions of political culture, the orientation of political
culture in Pakistan is parochial, subjective and participant. These three orientations are
284
present in above mentioned eight distinct political culture of Pakistan. The dominant
orientation is subjective as people know what democracy is but they do no participate. In
democratic states the educated and active people participate in elections as a candidate
but unfortunately in Pakistan, the educated and active people do not participate in
elections as a candidate. Resultantly, Jagirdar, Zamindar, and biradary system participate
in elections and get elected to govern the state. This voting system corrupts the whole
parliament elected on corrosive means or biradary pressures and caste emotions. The
ministers for cabinet are selected from this parliament and that cabinet governs the state.
Such cabinet is consisted of parliamentarians who are elected on caste basis and
pressures. This cabinet is based on emotional values like nepotism, favoritism and
corruption as either they buy vote or get vote on caste basis or Jagiradri system. Such a
cabinet is corrupt cabinet.
But if there is presidential system, then parliament will make only law and
implementation of law will be through cabinet consisted of technocrats and experts.
Minister of each department will be an expert in its capabilities. He/she is neither a
Jagirdar, Zamindar, or selected on emotional pressures. Ministers are concerned only
with the task assigned them by president to run the state. They do not peruse personal
interest and work for the wellbeing of common man. They work irrespective of ethno-
regional, rural-urban, mass-elite, and religious sectarian political culture of Pakistan and
are not over weighted by these cultural distinctions. The emotional system, nepotism, or
corruption would not affect cabinet ministers in cabinet system.
The spirit or underline idea of a representative democratic system is to make
people to elect their representatives according to their own will. These representatives of
285
people make laws according to the wishes and demands of the people, acting as
legislators in the political system. Allocation of financial and legislative powers certainly
has to lead to misuse of caste emotions and right to vote which in turn affects the
development of democracy in Pakistan.
The process of democracy in Pakistan will evolve if the parliamentary system is
replaced by the presidential political system, in which the financial powers are separated
from legislative powers and a check and balance system is adopted for these two
important institutions of the political system. The union of economic and political powers
in one institution makes the politicians exploit the caste emotions of the people in the
general elections to get elected. They use all resources to promote the economic interests
of their respective caste groups, which in turn hampers the development of the
democratic processes in a multicultural society like Pakistan.
The image of a presidential democracy instead of a parliamentary will make
people retain their social group identity in the elections as well as they will be able to
vote a candidate who belongs to their respective caste. The presidential political system
to run a democratic government is best suited for a diversely cultural society based on
caste institutions. The image formation in local people minds will change and the
cognition process will stimulate them to change their behavior regarding political
participation and mobilization. It would cause an unconscious change in the voting
behavior of the people. They might or might not cast vote to a candidate of their
respective caste groups in the electoral process but it would not affect the development of
the democratic process.
286
The presidential democracy already exists in the society at the grass root level in
the community in the form of a caste institution. The decisions in the caste group
institution are taken by the ‘Head man’ of caste and other members proceed as said by
him. The presence of a presidential system at the center will create coordination between
political beliefs, thinking, opinion and ideas of the people at community level politics and
center politics. A group decision socio-political culture is already in practice at the village
and community stage, however, the introduction of the same setup in the form of a
presidential system will link the community with center politics. It would harmonize the
political beliefs, opinions, and thoughts of people through all layers of society and an
effective democracy would establish.
The caste emotions will not further be exploited for economic gains in the
presidential system but rather will only be served to promote a social group identity basis.
The caste-oriented behavior may likely to be seen in the electoral process but it would not
further control the behavior of an individual. It would promote the autonomy of an
individual, the free will to express in elections, which is the spirit of democracy and
individual will be free from ‘Ghulamcracy’ in Pakistan.
287
288
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304
ANNEXURES
List of Persons for Interview
Mr. Salman Ghani, Executive Director Group, Dunia News
Mr. Azam Sialvi, ADLG(Additional Director, Jhung )
Mr. Niaz Ahmad, ADLG( Additional Director, Raheem Yar Khan )
Ms. Shabnum, In charge of Vocational Institute for women in Jhung
Ms. Farah Tahir, Teacher in Private School, Sheikhu Pura
Ms. Attya Iftekhar, MNA in NA-120, Sheikhu Pura, on reserved seat for
women
Mr. Abid Hussain, Secretary Union Council, Okara
Mr. Saeed Anwer, DDLG, Jhung.
Mr. Muhamad Ilyas, DDLG, Sargodha.
Mr. Khursheed Ahmad, ADLG, Bahawalpur.
Mr. Shabir Mahmood,ADLG, Raheem Yar Khan.
305
QPE: Questionnaire: Politics of Emotions in South Asia: A Case Study of Punjab
(Pakistan) in the Perspective of Caste Emotions
**Information about Age, Income and education are needed to deeply interrogate
the research
Demographic Profile
Constituency Number________
Name_____________ Age______________ Gender______ Caste_________
Registered as voter ? Yes_____ No_____ Profession_______
Q.NO. Questions 1 2 3 4
1 Why do youvote?
As right and responsibility
Just following elders/biradary/others
To support my Biradary
Under Biradaremotions
2 While voting do you believe that
All parties are weak
No party that talks about people problem except their biradary
All parties are not same
Biradary is stronger than pol.party
3 Under which influences you caste vote
Personal choice
Politician’s Influence
Family discussions on politics while growing up
You follow an Ideology (economically, religiously, politically)
4 How did you decide to vote for any candidate
Knowing about candidate and decide myself
Sought other’s opinion and then vote
Vote to my Biradary candidate
5
How do you select or reject a candidate in election:
Strong caste group
Personal attribute ( like leadership, debating style)
financially strong family / religious family
Education
6 You cast vote on basis of
Emotions Rationality/Reasoning
Gender: Male /Female
Affiliation with group (caste, political party)
7 . What do you understand by word Caste
Political Party Kinship Group Pressure Group Economic Group
8 Caste system plays a role of primary institution in
the Punjab political culture.
Yes No May be No response
9 In elections, caste institution influences which area mostly
Rural Areas Urban Areas Both Does not influence
10 What do you understand by emotions
Affiliation Unavoidable feelings Irrational decision Anyother meaning
11
Have you ever supported your caste/ biradary in elections against your own state of mind?
Yes
No
Perhaps
Unable to recall
12 Voters reaction to political Caste feelings Ideology Personal anyother
306
Monthly Income ______ Education______
Father’s Education______ Mother’s Education______
**Tick one option only
campaign and candidate is based on
Judgement
13 What is your inner feelings (emotional response) when you caste vote under Biradary pressure
Want to be free from caste feelings/
affiliations/emotional bond
Want to give vote according to your personal judgment
Want to break emotional blackmailing of family caste
You never felt it as a pressure
No. Questions Strongly
not agreed
Not Agreed No
Response
Agreed Strongly Agreed
EMOTIONS Var. 1 2 0 3 4
The inheret affiliation with caste shape out caste emotions.
REMOVED
Caste alliance has a stronger emotional bond than any other ideological (political and religious) alliance.
REMOVED
Emotions strongly influence an individual’s choice to vote.
REMOVED
CASTE SYSTEM Var.
1 Caste is used as a tool to get power and control the economy of the state.
1
2 Caste has an important role in power dynamics . 2
3 Caste perceptions play an important role in local and national politics.
3
4 Caste system influence politics in the Punjab. 4
5 Gender/ male / female play an important role in determining caste emotions as a voting behavior.
5
6 Caste institution is effective to solve disputes. 6
7 Men are more conscious about caste system in voting behavior than women
7
CASTE EMOTIONS Var.
Education has no affect on caste passions in the people
REMOVED
1 Lack of education increases caste passions in the people.
8
2 Caste sentiment is difficult to ignore while giving vote to a candidate.
9
Weak political leadership stimulates caste politics. REMOVED
Weak political institutions stimulates caste politics. REMOVED
3 Economic prosperity may weak the caste emotions. 10
4 Education can lessen intensity of caste emotions in an individual.
11
5 Caste politics protects economic interests of biradary/family group.
12
6 Caste emotions are dominant than financial status of contesting candidate.
13
Land plays an important role in instigating politics of caste emotions.
REMOVED
307
ELECTIONS PERCEPTION
1 At the time of elections caste sentiments become prominent.
14
2 In elections, candidate uses caste emotions to get vote.
15
3 Political parties also use caste emotions card in elections to give party ticket to a candidate who belongs to an influential caste group with large vote bank.
16
4 During elections,pattern of mobilization and participation is influenced by caste emotions.
17
Non-party elections promote politics of caste emotions.
REMOVED
Election on party basis promotes politics of caste emotions
REMOVED
VOTING BEHAVIOR INTENSIONS
1 An individual’s likeness and dis likeness about candidate in elections is manipulated by caste emotions.
18
2 Under strong caste affiliation, an individual’s free will is not expressed.
19
You feel disappointed when give vote against your
will .
REMOVED
You feel unhappy when give vote to an incompetent candidate with a dominant caste group
REMOVED
3 In development of democracy, caste emotions are affecting liberty of individual to give vote independently.
20
Caste emotions’ politics affects process of democracy in the perspective of political participation and mobilization of individual
REMOVED
To promote process of democracy, people should participate in elections by freeing themselves of caste emotions/ feelings/affiliations.
REMOVED
Caste/ Biradarypressure persuade individual to
participate in elections against his judgment/opinion.
REMOVED
4 Political participation and mobilization of an individual is essential for individual autnomy or liberty
21
5 Politics of caste emotions hinders the political participation and mobilization of individual in
democracy.
22
People do not participate in voting process if a candidate does not belong to their caste group in their constituency.
REMOVED
6 Do you thnk that to promote democracy, caste affiliation should not be considered while casting vote?
23
7 Catse emotions are effectie in delimitation of constituencies to gain heavy vote bank.
24
Caste serves as an important pattern of voting behavior.
REMOVED
Caste institution controls behaviors of family and individuals.
REMOVED
8 Religiously sacred castes (Pir, SajjadaNishin, Naqshbandiaetc) also put an effect on the emotions of individual during elections and are very dominating in determining voting behavior due to their status.
25
308
ذات کی سیاست کے ــــجنوبی ایشاء میں جذبات کی سیاست سوالنامہ:
پس منظر میں )پاکستان (پنجاب کا معاملہ
گہری تحقیق کے لیے مذہب ، عمر ، آمدنی اور تعلیم کے بارے
معلومات کی ضرورت ہے
حلقہ نمبر
ـــــــــــــــــــــــــــــــ
یونین آبادی پر وفائل
ــــــــــــــــــــــکونسل نمبر
صنف )عورت/مرد( ___________عمر ___________ نام
ہاں/نہیں رجسٹرڈ بطور ووٹر ___________ ذات
________________پیشہ
____________تعلیم ___________ماہانہ آمدنی
___________والدہ کی تعلیم ___________والد کی تعلیم
کا نشان لگائیں √صرف ایک پر
نمبر سوال
شمار
ystemCaste S
برادری جذبات کے
دباؤ میںاپنی برادری کا
ساتھ دینے کے
لیے۔
اپنے بزرگوں یا
برادری کی پیروی
۔کرتے ہوئے
ذمہ داری اورحق
سمجھتے ہوئے۔ کیوں ڈالتے ہیں۔آپ ووٹ
1
ذات/برادری
سیاسی جماعت ،
سے زیادہ مضبوط
ہے
تمام سیاسی
جماعتیں ایک
ہیںنہیں جیسی
کوئی جماعت لوگوں
کے مسائل کے
بارے میں بات نہیں
کرتی سوائے اپنی
برادری کے/ذات
تمام جماعتیں
کمزور ہیںووٹ ڈالتے وقت آپ کا خیال
ہے کہ؟2
کسی نظریے کے
)معاشی ، تحت
مذہبی، سیاسی(
گھر والوں کی
سیاسی بحث
کے زیر اثر
سیاست دانوں کے
زیر اثرذاتی رائے کے
تحتآپ کن اثرات کے زیر اثر
ووٹ ڈالتے ہیں؟3
309
امید وار کے کردار
کو مد نظر رکھتے
ہوئے ووٹ ڈالتے
ہیں
اپنی برادری
کے امید وار
کو ووٹ ڈالتے
ہیں
دوسروں کے رائے
فیصلہ سنتے اور
کرتے ہیں
امید وار کے
بارے مین جانتے
ہیں اور خود
فیصلہ کرتے ہیں
کسی امید وار کو ووٹ
دینے کا فیصلہ آپ کیسے
کرتے ہیں؟
4
دونوں میں اثر انداز نہیں کرتا
انتخابات میں ذات )برادری( دیہی علاقے میں شہری علاقے میں
کا ادارہ کن علاقوں میں
ہے۔زیادہ اثر انداز ہوتا
5
لفظ ذات )برادری ( سے آپ سیاسی جماعت رشتہ داری گروپ پریشر گروپ معاشی گروپ
کیا سمجھتے ہیں؟6
Emotions
کوئی اور مطلب
)آپ کے مطابق (غیر عقلی
فیصلے ناگزیر احساسات
جا نہ ) جس سے بچا
سکے(
جذبات سے آپ کیا مطلب وابستگی
لیتے ہیں۔7
ذات پا ت کا نظام پنجاب کی ہاں نہیں شاید کوئی جواب نہیں
سیاسی ثقافت مین بنیادی
ادارے کی حیثیت رکھتا ہے۔
8
کیا آپ نے انتخابات میں ہاں نہیں شاید یاد نہیں
کی اپنی برادری/ذات پات
حمایت اپنی سوچ کے خلاف
کی ہے؟
9
ذاتی فیصلہ کوئی اور وجہ
رائے/ ذات /برادری ( نظریہ
کے جذباتووٹر کا امیدوار اور سیاسی
سوچ میں مہم کےبارے
کی وجہ یہ ہے
10
اپنی ذات /برادری
کو ووٹ ڈالنا آ پ
نے کبھی دباؤ نہیں
سمجھا
خاندان برادری
یکی جذبات
بلیک میلنگ کو
توڑنا چاہتے
ہیں
اپنے فیصلے کے
مطابق ووٹ ڈالنا
چاہتے ہیں
ذات کی وابستگی
جذبات احساسات /
سے آزاد ہو
چاہتے ہیںنا
جب آپ انتخابات میں اپنی
ذات
برادری کے دباؤ میں ووٹ
ڈالتے ہیں تو آپ کے
کیا اندرونی احساسات
ہوتے ہیں
11
مذہبی یاامیر تعلیم کی بناء پر
خاندان سے
تعلق کی بناء
پر
یخصوصیات کی ذات
بناء پر )تقریرکا انداز
،
کارکردگی، قابلیت
وغیرہ(
مضبوط ذات
)برادری( گروپ
کی وجہ سے
انتخابات میں ایک
امید وار کو آپ مسترد یا
منتخب کس بناء پر کرتے
ہیں
12
سیاسی یا ذات پات
گروپ سے کے
ی وابستگ
صنف کی وجہ
سے )مرد
عورت(/
عقل پر
آپ کس بنیاد پر ووٹ ڈالتے جذبات پر
ہیں
13
310
کیاآپ سمجھتے ہیں کہ!
بہت
زیادہ
اتفاق
کرتےہیں
4
اتفاق
کرتے
ہیں
3
کوئی
جواب
نہیں
0
اتفاق
نہیں
کرتے
2
بالکل
اتفاق
نہیں
کرتے
1
سوالنمبر
شمار
۔ذات/برادری کے ساتھ وابستگی جذباتی شکل اختیار کر لیتا ہے 14
فرد کی ذاتی پسند اور میں ،انتخابات میں ، امید وار کے بارے
ناپسند کو ذات برادری کنٹرول کرتی ہے15
ادری ریاست کی معیشت اور طاقت کو حاصل کرنے کےلیے ذات /بر
استعمال کیا جاتا ہے پررکو ایک ہتھیار یا آلہ کے طو 16
قہ ہےیبنانے میں ایک اہم طر ےذات ووٹ ڈالنے کے روی 17
سیاسی حرکیات )تبدیلیاں( میں ذات برادری ایک اہم کردار
ادا کرتی ہے18
ذات بطور ادارہ خاندان اور فرد کے رویوں کو اپنے قابو میں
رکھتا ہے۔19
کی آزادی پر ذات /برادری کے ووٹ ڈالنے جمہوریت کے عمل میں
جذبات اثر کرتے ہیں20
ذات/برادری سے متعلق احساسات/جذبات پر تعلیم اثر لوگوں کے
ہے نہیں کرتی 21
تعلیم کی کمی لوگوں کے ذات برادری سے متعلق احساسات /جذبات
کو بڑھاتی ہے 22
انتخابات کے موقع پر ذات برادری سے متعلق جذبات /احساسات
نمایاں ہو جاتے ہیں23
ڈالتے وقت ذات برادری سے متعلق جذبات کو نظر امید وار کو ووٹ
انداز کرنا مشکل ہوتا ہے 24
ہے کمزور سیاسی قیادت ذات برادری کی سیاست کو ابھارتی 25
ہیںو ابھارتےکمزور سیاسی ادارے ذات برادری کی سیاست ک 26
ہے۔ قومی اور مقامی سیاست میں ذات برادری اہم کردار ادا کرتا 27
پنجاب میں سیاست پر ذات برادری کا نظام اثر انداز ہوتا
ہے۔28
ذات پات کا اتحاد کسی بھی دوسرے نظریاتی اتحاد )سیاسی/مذہبی(
رشتہ ہے یسے زیادہ مضبوط جذبات 29
30 معاشی خوشحالی ذات برادری کے جذبات کو کمزور کر سکتی ہے
فرد کے ذات برادری سے متعلق احساسات کی شدت کو تعلیم ایک
کم کرسکتی ہے31
رہ کافی پر اثر ہےحل کرنے کے لیے ذات برادری کا ادا مسائل کو 32
ایک فرد اپنی آزادانہ ذات برادری سے پختہ وابستگی کی وجہ سے
خواہش کا اظہار نہیں کرسکتا33
ذات برادری کی سیاست اپنی برادری یا خاندانی گروہ کے مفادات 34
311
بہت
زیادہ
اتفاق
کرتےہیں
4
اتفاق
کرتے
ہیں
3
کوئی
جواب
نہیں
0
اتفاق
نہیں
کرتے
2
بالکل
اتفاق
نہیں
کرتے
1
سوالنمبر
شمار
کی حفاظت کرتی ہے
متحرک ہونے کے پرایک فرد کی سیاسی شرکت اور سیاسی طور
وریت کے عمل مہحوالے سے ذات/برادری کے جذبات کی سیاست ج
پر اثر انداز ہوتی ہے
35
امید وار ووٹ حاصل کرنے کے انتخابات میں ذات برادری جذبات کو
لیے استعمال کرتا ہے36
سیاسی جماعتیں بھی برادری جذبات کی بنیاد پر پارٹی ٹکٹ اس
امیدوار کو دیتی ہیں جس کا تعلق با اثر ذات گروپ اور وسیع ووٹ
بنک سے ہو۔
37
کے فروغ کے لیے انتخابات میں لوگوں کو ذات/برادری جمہوریت
جذبات کے اثر سے آزاد ہو کر حصہ لینا چاہیے 38
انتخابات کے دوران سیاسی شرکت اور محرکات کا انداز برادری کے
جذبات سے متاثر ہوتا ہے39
فرد کو اکساتا ہے کہ وہ انتخابات میں اپنی ؤبرادری کا دبا،ذات
سمجھ اور رائے کے برعکس حصہ لے۔40
41 غیر جماعتی انتخابات ذات جذبات کی سیاست کو فروغ دیتے ہیں
42 جماعتی بنیادوں پر انتخابات ذات کے احساسات کو فروغ دیتے ہیں
ہوتے ہیں اپنی مرضی کے خلاف ووٹ دیتے ہوئے آپ مایوس 43
نمایاں ذات گروپ رکھنے والے نا اہل امیدوار کو ووٹ ڈالتے وقت
ہیں۔آپ خوشی محسوس کرتے 44
سیاسی شمولیت اور شرکت ایک فرد کی آزادی کے لیےضروری
ہے۔45
ایک فرد کے ووٹ ڈالنے کی پسند پر جذبات بہت زیادہ اثر انداز
ہوتے ہیں46
جمہوریت میں ایک فرد کی سیاسی شرکت پر ذات برادری کی
سیاست رکاوٹ ڈالتی ہے47
سے زیادہ نمایاں سٹیٹس انتخابات لڑنے والے امیدوارکے معاشی
ذات پات کے جذبات ہیں48
49 مرد اور عورت دونوں ذات برادری کے جذبات کا خیال رکھتے ہیں۔
بارے میں مرد عورتوں سے زیادہ فکر مند ذات پات کے نظام کے
ہوتے ہیں50
مذہبی قابل احترام جذباتانتخابات کے دوران فرد کے
ہیں۔ ) پیر، سید، سجادہ، نشین اور وغیرہ( زیادہ اثر کرتے گروپ 51
اگر امید وار متعلقہ حلقہ میں اس ووٹر کی ذات /برادری سے تعلق
ووٹنگ کے عمل میں شرکت نہیں کرتےنہ رکھتا ہو تو لوگ 52
کیا آپ محسوس کرتے ہیں جمہوریت کے فروغ ک لیے ووٹ ڈالتے
؟وقت ذات پات سے وابستگی کو اہمیت نہیں دینی چاہیے 53
312
بہت
زیادہ
اتفاق
کرتےہیں
4
اتفاق
کرتے
ہیں
3
کوئی
جواب
نہیں
0
اتفاق
نہیں
کرتے
2
بالکل
اتفاق
نہیں
کرتے
1
سوالنمبر
شمار
ذات پات کے جذبات کی سیاست کو اکسانے میں زمین )جاگیر (
ایک اہم کرار ادا کرتی ہے54
میں ووٹ بینک حاصل کرنے کے لیے حلقہ بندیوں میں زیادہ تعداد
ذات پات کے جذبات اثر انداز ہوتے ہیں55
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Glossary
Biradary: Lineage group, Kin group.
Chaudhry: A land owner to whom a large piece of land was given at the time of
settlement of the village in Indian continent.
Kammi: Artisan caste ranking below zamindar (land owner).
Lambardar: The village headman appointed by colonial rulers for revenue collection,
regulation of village affairs, and to act as intermediate between the rulers and villagers.
Pir: A living saint, usually descendant of a renowned Sufi saint.
Shajra-i-nasab: Government document that recorded genealogies.
Sajjada nashin: Care taker of a Sufi shrine.
Tehsil: An administrative unit of district (District, Tehsil, Union).
Zail: An administrative unit consisted of five to forty villages.
Zaildar: A person who has assisted the colonial administration and revenue collection.
Zamindar: The landlord caste in rural areas.
