MediterraneanArchaeologyandArchaeometry,Vol.9,No.2,pp.7185Copyright2009MAA

PrintedinGreece.Allrightsreserved.

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

N.Nerantzis

UniversityofSheffieldDepartmentofArchaeologyandPrehistoryNorthgateHouseWestStreetS14ETU.K.

Received:7/4/2008Accepted:17/2/2009

Correspondingauthor:nnerantzis2001@yahoo.co.uk

ABSTRACTTheOttomanEmpirewas forged overdisintegratingByzantium, stretching across

AnatoliaandtheBalkansandruledforalmostfivecenturies.Onecrucialparameterthatallowedforitsquickexpansionhasbeenacombinationofeconomicwealthandsuperiorityofarmedforces.TheOttomanssucceededinbothsectorsbypromotinginnovativetechnologyinthefieldofsilverandsteelproductionforsupplyingtheirmonetarysystem andweapons industry.Richmines and smeltingworkshops provided increasedoutputinmetals,allowingforquickexpansionandeconomicgrowth.Someofthemajorcentresforsilverandsteelproductionarebeingdiscussedinthispaperinconjunctionwithanalyticaldatafromsmeltingresidues.

KEYWORDS:mining,smelting,corve,samakov,foundry,slag,speiss

N.NERANTZIS72

1.INTRODUCTIONIntheearly14thcenturytheOttoman

state was a small principality on thefrontiers of the Islamic world, whichgradually conquered and absorbedformerByzantine territories inAnatoliaand the Balkans. Its rapid politicalgrowthwassuchthatinthe16thcenturyit formed a mature imperial structurewith its traditionsofstatecraft,administration,financialpolicies,landsystemsand military organisation fully developed (Inalcik 1973; Faroqhi 1999). Ottomanadministrationbasedonbureaucratic traditionswas implementedwiththe application of registration, and accounting systems aimed at increasingtheTreasuryrevenue.

Acrucialpointinneareasternpolitical theorywas toprotect thepeasantryfrom illegal taxationas all revenuederived from among those same taxpayers,therey.Itwasthesemeasuresthatdictatedtaxandpopulationsurveysforthe better enforcement of laws, whichusually did not abolish older customsand institutionsof conquered territory,hoping to avoid social unrests (Inalcik1973;Pamuk2000).Accumulatingrevenueinthestandardsofthemukataasystemwas crucial for the runningofOttoman administration and the army,while available technologies revolvedaround implementing an infrastructurefor the acquisition of wealth (Issawi1980). Such conditions favoured an increase in production and consumptionsystemsandcausedaboomingofmetallurgicalindustriesassociatedwiththewidespread use of hydraulic power inthe smelting furnaces. Silver for themintingofcoinsandironsteelfortoolsandweaponrywerehighlyvaluedandsystematically extracted from former

Byzantineminingdistricts (Inalcik andQuataert1994).

ThetransitionfromByzantinetoOttoman administration in Thrace andeastern Macedonia has been the outcomeofgradualchangeof themid14thcentury,predating the final collapseofcentralpoweratConstantinople foralmostonehundredyears (Vakalopoulos1996).PeasantcommunitiesinruralSerres, the plains around Drama andPhilippoiandthegrazingfieldsofPangaeon and Lekani became part of anintegrated economic model fuelled bytaxedagrariansurplusesthatwerepaidas revenue tonewly imposed localauthorities.Other sectors suchasmining,salt works and trade were under increasingstatecontrolsincerevenuewasextracted out of any commodity orcraftingprofession.Inherentwithinthisnew regime of administration was anurgetocontrolthemeansofproductionand encourage innovation that wouldcontributetoincreasesinproduction.

The current paper is an attempt toapproach issues ofmining and extraction ofmetals from their ores,mainlysilver and iron, duringOttoman timesbased on literary and archaeologicalevidence.A review of the relevant literature provides valuable informationon labour organization, administrativestructureandlogisticsintheminesandsmeltingworkshops across the empire(figure 1).Within such documentswefindawealthofinformationconcerningtheactualproductionsitesandtheoutput in extracted metals which whenseeninconjunctiontosurveys,archaeologicalandanalyticaldatacouldleadtocoherent conclusions on technology,economy and social orientations towards resource perception strategies.Chemical andmineralogical data have

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

73

been acquired frommetallurgical residues of Ottoman date deriving fromextensive slag heaps atMakrychori inMacedoniaandarepresentedhereinan

attempt to integratehistorical informationwithsolidevidenceonthetechnologyofironandsilverproduction.

Figure1Silverandsteelproductionsitesmentionedinthetext

2.1HISTORICALDOCUMENTATION

Contemporary documents, such asfiscal records and cadastral registersrepresentausefulsourceofinformationconcerning agricultural produce, craftwork and trade of finished productsacross several regions of the Empire.TheTahrirdefteriwereofficialcadastralregisterscompiledformostoftheterritoriesunderOttomanruleandthereareseveral of them recording transactionsrelatingtometals.TapuTahrirdefteri3compiledin14641465includesregistersfor Serres, Sidirokastro, Zihne, Dramaand Nevrokopi among others, whileTapuTahrirdefteri7compiled in1478includes subsections for Thessalonikiand eastern Macedonia (Lowry 1986,

24). Travelers accounts also providevaluableinformationandbasicdescriptions of the technical processes beingfollowedinvariouscrafts.

Further informationcouldbegainedfrom fiscal documents recording thesources of revenue,whichwas fundamental for theOttoman stateeconomicpolicy. Laonikos Chalcocondyles, aByzantine historian of the Palaeologanperiod, informsus that the total imperial revenue from European Ottomanprovincesreached900.000statersinmid15th century (Laonici Chalcocondylae historiarum demonstrations I, 1922). Thesame author describes various taxessuchastheharacandtaxationforherding and transporting of agrarian produce. Inadditionwe find references to

N.NERANTZIS74

duties for hiring pack animals (horsesand camels) reaching 300.000 staters,ferrydutiesaround200.000 statersandduties for rice transporting about200.000 staters (Zografopoulos2002). Itisinterestingtonotethatduringthe16thcentury thedutypaid for the transportationofmetals reached100.000 staterswhich is significantly lower than agricultural produce and animal hiring,whichmight suggest reduced costs fortheshippingofvaluablematerialssuchasmineralsormetalsforreasonsofefficiencyinproduction.

2.2MINEADMINISTRATIONANDDIVISIONOFLABOUR

Mineadministratorsof theOttomanstatedidnotmakeanybasicchangesinthe productionmethods or technologyin themines,which came under theircontrol.Theirpolicyonmineswassimplyatranslationofthepreviousregulations in which the original German(Saxon) terminology was preserved(InalcikandQuataert1994,59)butJewish communities played an importantrole infinancingandcoordinatingsuchundertakings (Rozen 1993). Tax registersfromtheregionsbeingstudiedrefertominers either as kureci or simply asbeing taxexemptpersons,muafs (Faroqhi 1999). The organization ofmineralexploitationfromthe16thtothe18thcentury had a uniform character inmostplaces of the Pontus region forwhichmostrecordsexistandthatwasalsothecase formostmining regions inGreeceand theBalkans.The internalorganizationoftheChaldianmetallurgistsclassdid not show considerable changes inany of themining colonies outside theregionofChaldia.GeorgiosTh.Kandilaptis,a scholar fromChanes,providesdetailed informationconcerning thedi

visionof labour,wages,workingmethodsandnamesoftheGeneralDirectorsofminingregions(Kandilaptis1929).

InchargeofallmineswastheRoyalCommissioner forMines (MadenEmin)assisted by a number of Greek chiefsmelters ( or )whocoordinatedmining activity and ore transportation toGumushane where the local commanderhadhis seat (Kandilaptis1929;Vakalopoulos 1973). The local commander, representative of the sultanhad the right to strike silver coins,collectedprovincialtaxesandsafeguardedsilver, copper and lead exportation totheimperialtreasuryatConstantinople.With thehelpofchiefsmelters they investigatedthepossibilitiesforprospecting, initiating new shafts and appointingworkers.

The basic pertinence of the chiefsmelters, apart from directing miningoperations, was the coordination ofprospecting fornewmineralveins andtheexpansionofactivitiestonewareas.According toOttoman legislation eachoneof themhad the right,after receivingpermissionfromthestate,toundertake exploration.Whenever a new deposit was discovered the Royal Commissioner forMines (MadenEmin)wascalledupon todeclare the site as stateproperty and name it after the closestvillage,streamormountainname.Permission for exploitation was given tothe chiefsmelterwhile the initiationofworkings started with a ceremonywhich often included a sacrifice. Accordingtotraditionatrampledmassofclaywas leftonacrackofrock foronenight uponwhich itwas believed theminedemonwould leave the footprintoftheanimalwhichhadtobesacrificedthenextday(Kandilaptis1929).

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

75

Thelabourforceconsistedofspecialized units such asminers: (madentsides),workerswhocrushedtheoreintothinpowder:(tsaoultsides), orewashers: (galtsides), smelters: or (parastates or fournaroi) andthose responsible for providing timberforfuelandforthetimberingofmininggalleries: (baltatzides)(Vakalopoulos1973,109).TheregionofChaldiawas rich in timber andwas amajorsourceofsupplyforsmeltingactivities. Its inhabitants formed a largeunitof lumberjacksand those involvedwith charcoal preparation and bothgroups shared the samebenefitsof taxexemptions as the metalworkers. Ingeneral terms local authorities complemented specific regulations that protected most workers associated withminingandmetallurgicalactivitiesandexempted them frompaying taxes andleviesmainly theharac.Theywere tiedto the work and were not allowed topursue a different profession, dug outvarious ore types under harsh conditionswhilst facinghighmortality rateswithin collapsing galleries (Chatzikyriakidis1999).

Miningwasundertakenbyfollowingthemineralveinsandlightingwasprovidedwithtorchesandlamps.Breakingoftheorewasconductedbyhandpick,hammersand fuse leversandoccasionallybytheuseofgunpowderorfiresetting. The heating of exposed orewithbonfiresfollowedbyimmediatecoolingwithwaterwascommonpracticewhenall othermethods failed.The extractedorewascarriedinsacksandhandwagons andwas handed over to those responsible for sorting and crushing.Washing and enrichment was the responsibility of a different group the

galtsides. Flooding of the gallerieswascommon and wooden ladders wereusedtoreachdeeperlevels.Kandilaptis(1929)mentions thatwater from insidethe floodedmineswas somehowchannelled throughandpumpedout to thesurfacewhereitwasusedforthewashingofcrushedore.

3.1CENTERSOFSILVERANDIRONPRODUCTIONINMACEDONIA,GREECE

Chalkidikihasbeenundoubtedlythewealthiest andmost profitablemineralregion in Ottoman Rumelia and thusindustrial activity has been meticulously recorded in state documents ofthe time. The regions twelve villages,later known asMademochoria,were ahass (Ottoman administrative division)since the timeof their conquestandasmentionedintheTahrirdefteriforThessaloniki, they belonged to the sultan(Dimitriadis 1986).Theobligationsandrightsoftheminersareclearlyspecifiedin a ferman of 14751476 including themain duty of providing the ImperialTreasurywithacertainamountofsilvereach year and also a substitute to thesultanforthevarioustaxes(Dimitriadis1986,44).Miningand smeltingactivitybegan to flourish in 1536 during thereign of sultan Sleyman theMagnificentwhenagroupofHungarian Jews,experts in metallurgy settled atSidrekapsi, theoldByzantinemetallurgicalcentreofSiderokapsia.

Varioussources informus thatmoststate controlled enterprises were actually undertaken and managed by private contractors (Rozen 1993; Inalcikand Quataert 1994). It was these contractorsthatinvestedthecapitalneededforexploitationwhilstthestatecollaboratedthroughfindinglabour,protecting

N.NERANTZIS76

theprofitsandsecuringmonopoly.Forthe caseofSidrekapsiRozen (1993,37)informsusthatinordertoensureuninterruptedmining therulersof theEmpire imposed the obligation to operatethemon the JewsofThessaloniki, as acorve for all intents and purposes,whenever theywereunable to find anindividual willing to risk his capitalvoluntarily.Themine operator (sarraf)was awealthy individual, recruitedbythestate,whowasresponsibleformining and payment of the poll tax in awaythatoftenservedhisowninterests.Even though the taxwas imposed percapitaor as aglobalpayment the community often settled it through an internalassessmentmethodbywhichthewealthy paid the poll tax formany ofthe poor (Rozen 1993). Such transactionsweremadepossiblebytheimposition of the corvewhich automaticallyexempted them from all other taxes tothegovernment,butinthelongrunimpoverished the wealthy and underminedthecommunityssourceoffunds.

At the heyday of its output in themiddle of the 16th century Sidrekapsiemployed as many as 6.000 miners,owned numerous processing installations in the order of 500600 furnacesandbecame the largestMacedonian industrial complex andmost productiveof the Balkan centres (Vakalopoulos1996).According toofficial records theminerswere obliged to send their annual output of around 220 okas (= 347kg)ofsilvertotheTreasuryatConstantinople. Based on descriptions by theFrench traveller Piere Beln around1553 it is suggested that cosmeltingofpyrite and roasted galena was takingplace in one furnace from which theslag and speiss were tapped out firstand then the precious metalsrich Pb

layerwasrecovered (Photosetal1987).ArchaeometricresearchbyWagneretal(1986) confirmed that such activitydescribed in the sourceshas been showntobelongbetweenthe16thand18thcenturies by radiocarbon and thermoluminescencedatingonslag.

Sidrekapsi attracted a stream ofworkersfromfarandwide.Inadditionto theGreek labourers and Jewish sarrafs, therewereworkersofanastonishing variety of races: Bulgarians, Serbs,Turks,Albanians andGermans (Vakalopoulos1973,153).Apparentlyminerswere also called safi, allegedly derivingfromthewordforSaxons,wheretheminingtechniquescamefrombutdirecthistorical evidence for the presence ofGermans in Ottoman mines is weak(Anhegger1943).

Increased industrial activity of the18thcenturycalledforareorganisationofthe operating system and laws for conductinthemineralregionsofChalkidiki.By 1705 a sultans ferman granted theresidentswith therenewedrights toexploitingsilver from theminesof the region.Allminingactivitieswereassignedto a federation of twelve semiautonomous villages known as Mademochoria responsible for providing thework force and administrative staff forthe workings (Papaggelos 2003). Thesewere Galatista, Vavdos, Plana, Stanos,Varvara, Liaringovi (Arnaia),Novoselo,Mahalas (Stagira), Isvoro, Chorouda,Ravenikia (M.Panagia) and Ierissos.Atthe same time, a stateownedmintwasestablished at Mahalas the Mademochorianadministrativecentre.Followingthese changes production increased toreach 30.000 ducats per month fromwhich 1/3waspaid to the Sultan. FourGreek leaders, thevekilsandasecretaryundertook an administrative role and

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

77

judicial power of the federation. TheMadenEminand20soldiersrepresentedtheTurkish authorities, virtually implementingandvalidatingdecisionsof thevekils(Vakalopoulos1996).Astheoutputfrom mining gradually declined theMademochorianscontinuedsending theannualrevenueof220okas(=347kg)ofsilverbymeltingdownSpanishcoinage.

Furtherevidenceforpreciousmetalsextraction in Macedonia comes fromLivadia southofNikisianionMt.Pangaeonwhere a smelting furnace datedto around 1550s has been located(KoukouliChrysanhtaki 1990). The excavation revealed a double furnace oftwo hearths reminiscent of Buchardsfurnace,widespread in the16thcenturyfor lead smelting. An illustration ofsuch an installation included in Tylecotes History of Metallurgy (1976, 99)showsapairofblastfurnacesabout2mhighoperatedbya setof fourbellows.Thearrangementofadoublefurnaceisdescribed by Georgius Agricola in histreatiseDeReMetallica (1556) in reference to silver refining methods.Through such a process lumps of impure native silver are cosmeltedwithpowdered litharge in theassay furnaceand the alloywhich settles at the bottomiscarriedtothecupellationfurnace(Hoover and Hoover 1950, 400). Suchpractice would leave behind remainssimilar to those found at Livadia andresidues such as litharge or speiss andcouldbe thusargued thatsilverextractionwastakingplaceonsiteinthemid16thcentury.

Centres of bloomery and cast ironproduction were established atDemirhisar (Sidirokastro),MadenKarain Palaea Kavala and EleutheroupolismentionedasPraviorPravista inOttoman sources. According to a Turkish

fermanof1583andthedescriptionsofatraveller, Christoforo Vallier, extensiveiron production is documented by theendof the16thcenturyatPravista (Anhegger 1943;Murphey 1980). Intensificationofproduction is evidencedwiththe establishmentof a foundry in 1698wherespecialisedproductionofcannonballsand iron forconstructionmaterialwastakingplace(Photos1987).Furthertheearliestevidence for theproductionofcast ironcomes from thesiteofAvlisuggesting theoperationofablast furnace in the 17th century. The metallicprills in the slag found at Avliwhichwas analysed by Photos (1987) werefound to be grey cast iron includinggraphite flakeswith silica, phosphorusand manganese. Such findings areclearly associatedwith certain steps ofcastironproductionfromwhitetogreycast iron (Kostoglou and Navasaitis2006).

Recent field surveys in easternMacedonia have shown that some of theancient and Byzantine miningmetallurgical centres close to highlandvillages yielded Ottoman surface pottery indicating theuseof locations thatwere suitable for smelting inpastperiods (Nerantzis 2006). There is no evidence to suggest uninterrupted continuation under the new Ottoman administration rather a reuse strategy ofsites that met all criteria for efficientiron smelting. Demirhisar (Sidirokastro),FaiaPetraandAngistroweremostprobably the reusedByzantineproduction sites inSerreswhile the large slagheapsatMadenKaraandMadenChiflik in PalaeaKavala probably resultedfrom attempts of resmelting ancientslag. The nature of the evidence suggests an increase in output as production was funded by the state, coordi

N.NERANTZIS78

nated by master smelters and undertakenbyspecialisedgroupsofsmelterswhoprovided revenue (mukataa) to theSultan. At sites in Serres iron sandshave been adiachronic source for rawmaterial, a traditionwhichwas apparentlyreproduced through timeassimilar practices were common until theearly1930s.SmithsfromVrontouusedthesameironsandsinadditiontomarcasitefrom ironpyritesasrawmaterialfor their products until 1913 (Samsaris1979). Chatzikyriakou writing in 1929described 8 surviving foundries andwaterpoweredfacilitiesfortheproduction of iron nails and other utensils atthevillageofVrontou(Samsaris1979).

3.2WORKSHOPSINANATOLIAANDTHEBALKANS

Although the 16th and 17th centurieswitnessedan increase inminingactivityacross formerByzantine territories suchas Chalkidiki, Eleutheroupolis and thePontic seaboard mainly Chalybia andChaldia,bythe18thcenturyalackinreformingmining operations led to a recessionofoutput.Variouscontemporaryand laterdocumentsdescribe the lifeofmining communities and the ways bywhich labour was organized (Felekis1907;Kandilaptis 1929). It is known forinstance from official Ottoman recordsthat vezir Kprl Zade Hussein attemptedareformationoftheoldminingsystem in themetals rich Chaldian region at a timewhen exhaustion of therichdepositsofGumushane(formerArgyroupolis)wasatastake(Vakalopoulos1973, 105). The privileges formerlygrantedtominersnolongerexistedanddue to a lack of state interest inmetallurgy numerous mines became privateproperty or were abandoned. Theseconditions caused immigrations of the

highland village dwellers and minerswho left theirhomes in search fornewworking opportunities. The waves ofimmigrationstartedinthemiddleofthe18th century and were continued wellwithin the 19th bywhich time technicalknowledge and oriental metallurgicaltraditions were transmitted to centraland southern Asia Minor, Thrace andMacedonia(Vakalopoulos1973).

Despite the exhaustionof somemajor deposits, the number of mines atPontuslistedbyCuinetin1890isastonishingly large (Turquie dAsie I, 5658,68). In the sancak of Trebizond,whichcomprises themodernTrebizond,Giresun and Ordu districts there were 21mines of argentiferous lead, 34 coppermines,3ofcopperand lead,2ofmanganese,10of ironand2of coal. In thesancak of Gumushane there were 37minesof argentiferous lead and 6 coppermineswhile the sancak of Samsunhad only 1mine of argentiferous lead(BryerandWinfield1985,3).

TheminersofPontusandespeciallythosefromChaldianArgyroupoliswhospread acrossAsiaMinor and beyondbecame admirable prospectors. Thosewellknown miners searched for richdeposits beyond their homelands andestablished new metallurgical settlements(Bryer1983).Anexampleoftheiractivity is described in a documentdated 15 February 1774, according towhich twoGreekprospectors fromArgyroupolisandProusadiscoveredasilver bearing deposit on BithynianOlympus at the site of Maden Deresi(Vakalopoulos 1973, 107). A continuationofthistraditionisnotedduringtheexchange of populations in 1923whenprospectors from Pontus discoverednumerous metal bearing deposits inMacedonia.

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

79

Evlija Celebi, an Ottoman travellerwho has visited most of the majortownsinthesouthernBalkans,providessome information on the conditions ofmining in the 17th century.An important tradingindustrial centre wasSkopjewhere thesilverand leadminesprocuredabundantrawmaterialforthegrowing of local industries. TheminesatKratovo,nearSkopjeprosperedfromthe14th to themiddleof the17thcenturiesbutat the timewhenEvlijavisitedthetownmostofthedepositshadbeenalready exhausted (Dimitriadis 1973).According to the travellersdescriptionamilitarycorpslocatedintheregionofSkopje received each year theirwagesfrom themaden emin (minedirector)ofKratovo who commanded silver andiron mines in other regions as well(Dimitriadis1973).

3.3THETAURUSMINEINCAPPADOCIA(BUGAMADEN)

TheTaurusMine (BugaMaden)hasbeenoneofthemanymetallurgicalsettlements inAsiaMinorof the19th century. The prosperity of this southernmostCappadocian settlement, foundedbymetallurgists fromPontus has beenhighlighted by travellers such asH.H.Schweinitz and H. Grothe and represents one of the numerous miningcommunities in metal rich AnatolianregionssuchasAqDagMaden,DenekMaden, Ergani, Keban and Bereketli(Chatzikyriakidis1999).

According to Gustave de Pauliny,GeneralDirector of the TurkishMinesin1836allmineslackedmoderntechnological infrastructure and smeltingtechniques were obsolete leading to alossof1/3ofoverallproduction.Theorewas smelted in small furnaces whiletheir cooling was bellows generated

sincetheuseofwater insuch instanceswasunfamiliar. Ifreformsandupgrading had been conduced it is estimatedthat the silver output would have increasedby 40%while lead and copperoutput would have doubled (Chatzikyriakidis1999,76).Despitethenumerous shortcomings metallurgical operationswereamajorsourceofwealthforsettlementssuchasBugaMaden.

The wider region of Cappadocia includingtheTaurusandAntitaurusrangehadrichmineswhichaccordingtotraditionwereworkedby theancientPersiankingsand laterbyRomansand theByzantine Komnenoi of Trebizond. This issupported by Choutouriadis testimonythat the Genoese then the Arabs andlastly theChaldiansworked theseminesastestifiedbydumpedslaginlargeheapsatGumusAlamandKaraGumus(Bryer1983).ThereforewhentheChaldianminerssettledintheregioninthe1820stheyfoundenoughevidencetopursueaneconomicstrategyforexploitation.

The firstchiefsmelter (madentsibasis)wasChatziLeuterisApostologloufromKoronixa, Argyroupolis who established mining installations and commenced extracting argentiferous leadwhichwasrefinedtoproducesilverdespite theobsoletemeansavailable.TheOttoman ferman which authorised thefoundingof thesettlementandright toinitiate mining activity was issued in1826. As chief inspector of the mineApostologlou represented all metalworkerstotheTurkishauthoritiesuntilhis death in 1868 (Kandilaptis 1929;Chatzikyriakidis 1999, 77). In the firstyears of operation the miners constructed an extended road networkreachinga radial extentof400kmandopened a large number of galleries attheirownexpenditure.

N.NERANTZIS80

After 1873 the status of legal prescription was raised by the Ottomangovernment which proceeded to auctionthemineandforthatreasoncalledfor European engineers to evaluate itsoutput capacity.According to their reports themines annual profit reached40.00050.000poundsdespite the obsoletemethodsof exploitation.They alsosuggestedthatitappearedimpossibletofindabidderthroughauctionunlesstheaffiliation of the localminerswith theminewas terminated.The firstattemptforconcessionwasmade in1887whenBugaMadenwas commissioned to theKoroniou and Azarian Company buttherapidreactionof the localsfor theirunfair treatment reached the Sultan inIstanbul.

The resultingdecreeprescribed thatthecontractbetween theCompanyandtheminersshouldconsidertherightsofexploitation to the locals but due toproposed extortionate compensations,theCompanyabdicatedfrom itsclaims(Chatzikyriakidis 1999). The minersprivilegesremainedintactuntiltheoutbreakoftheBalkanWars,withonlyminorinterruptionswhenthegovernmentclaimed the whole annual output in1905.

3.4SAMAKOVINEASTERNTHRACE

SamakovofeasternThrace lieswestoftheBlackSeaatshortdistancenortheastofVizyeclosetothebanksofTholos River. Itsmodern Turkish name isDemirky, literary meaning village ofiron.AccordingtoSavvasLakidesinhisHistory of Vizye and Medeia (1899) thesettlementwasfounded in the15thcenturyandderiveditsnamefromthenumeroussamakoviai.e.foundriesforcastingandforgingironfromtherichnear

by iron sand deposits. Local traditionsrefer to Serbian prospectorswho cameinsearchforminerals,inhabitedthevillage and collected the iron bearingsandsofTholosRiveracrossmostofitslength. In his book Lakides providessomeofthelocaltermsusedfortheironindustrywhichformedthebasicsubsistence for the locals up to the 19th century. Thus the mineral veins are described as (vignes), the furnacesas (odzakia), while the chargeconsisting of charcoal and iron sandwasknownas(pohonia)whichwas approximately 80100 okas (= c.130kg).Collectionofthesurfacesandswasachievedbychanneling the riverwaterinto large reservoirs of 500 tons in capacity. Through holes on the reservoirwalls the collected water rushed intowooden channels. During this processthe heavier iron particles formed sediments at the bottom of the channelswhileexcesswaterwaspouredintothefields(Apostolidis1944).

ThesmeltersofSamakovenjoyedtaxexemptionsup to theearly19thcenturywhen Turkish authorities levied theforge owners with a quantity of castironperyear for thestate factoriesatafixed price. The early furnaces of the17thand18th centurieswere small,providing lowoutput in ironandwere situated at half an hours distance fromthe villagewithin ravines of the rivervalley.UnderChatziYusufpasha,whowas appointed commander in 1810,Samakovwitnessedan increase inproduction as threemajor state foundrieswere established at its environs. MavrOdza Karhane was the state grandfoundry for thecastingofcannonballswhile in the valley to the east BuyukOdzak and DukyumHane producedcastironinlargequantities.

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

81

By 1830 the management of thefoundriespassedon toTahirpasawhorefurbishedand improvedthefacilities.Hedirected four samakovia for theproduction ofwrought ironwith two furnaces ineach.Foroneyearsoperationeach samakov expended roughly100.000200.000 okas (= 158.000316.000kg) of charcoal and 1.0002.000 kg ofironoreandpaidthesmelters68grosiaperkgoforeintotalof80okas,and68grosiaperkgofcharcoal intotalof100okas(Apostolidis1944).Basedonofficialdataitisestimatedthateachofthefourfoundriesproduced40.000okas(=63.000kg) of iron. The cannon ball foundrysneeds in charcoal and iron ore wasaround 700.000800.000 okas.Thedirectorhiredallworkerstobeengagedwithmining and smelting operations andexcluded them from any agriculturalwork.Recentarchaeologicalworkatthesiterevealedawealthofinformationonthe furnacesand leatsystems forwatermanagementatthesmeltingworkshopsand foundries (Danisman 2007). Theorganization of space with its labourdivision associations, ensuring efficientproduction, demonstrates how crucialstepsanddecisionaffectedthesmeltingorforgingprocess.

4.ANALYTICALRESULTSONSLAGFROMMAKRYCHORI,KAVALA

CompositionaldataonslagfromOttoman smelting sites is a rare occurrence as such technical residues aregenerally neglected during survey andexcavation at sites of the recent past.Large slag heapswhich resulted fromaccumulation through long periods ofmetallurgical activity are often problematic as regards chronology. TypicalOttoman pottery found among metal

lurgical debris is currently coming tolightinareaswhereancientandByzantine smelting has been confirmed(Chiotis et al 1996; Photos et al 1989;KoukouliChrysanthaki1990).Onesuchcase isMakrychori located at the foothillsofLekaniinKavala,whichshowsalonghistoryofmetalextractionthroughClassical,ByzantineandOttomantimesandhasalsoyieldedfindsbelongingto20thcenturyindustrialactivity.

Chemicalanalysisconductedonslagfrom eastern Macedonian sites of thelate Byzantine and Ottoman periodsrevealed the potential for discerningcertain smelting conditions (Nerantzis2007). The samples from Makrychorianalysed by Xray Fluorescence couldbe characterised as typically high temperatureproductsderiving fromprotoindustrial smelting operations whichunavoidably fallwithinOttoman timesas indicated by pottery sherds. Thesampled site produced highly alkalineand siliceous slag with low FeO contents which have been interpreted asbelonging to blast furnace operationsfor theproductionofcast iron. It is interesting to note that similar evidencecomes from Avli in Pangaeon wheregrey cast iron production is confirmedbyslaganalysis(Photos1987).Thehighmelting points above 1300C observedthrough ternary plots for slag fromMakrychoriarefurtherproof that thesearederivativesofan indirect reductionprocess.As shown in figure 2 the specimens form clusters away from thefayaliticregionandclose towherecristobalite is predominant indicative forhightemperatureblastfurnaceresidues.

Researchers have argued that evensmall charcoal fired furnaces fromwhichmoltenslag isdrawnoffhavetooperateatahightemperatureinthe

N.NERANTZIS82

Figure2TernaryplotofthesystemFeOCaOSiO2.SlagsamplesfromMakrychori(blackdots)

clusterinhightemperatureregions(highCaOSiO2)awayfromtypicalbloomeryslagcompositionswhichfallwithinthewstitefayaliteregionofthediagram.

blastzone(Bjorkenstam1985;Buchwald2005;Rehrenetal2007).

It has been shown by experimentsthat in small blast furnaceshigher siliceous contentswere found in the ironformedabove theblastzonewhile lowsilicon contents were observed in theproducediron.Thereasonforextremelylow wstite contents in blast furnaceoperations could be the silicon reductionofslagwstite(Bjorkenstam1985).Thepresenceofalkalisisalsoimportantas such compounds accelerate the reductionofFeOandSiO2.Clayfromtherefractory furnacematerial clearly contributes to the formation of iron. Both

characteristics of blast furnace slag i.e.lowwstitecontentsandhighcontentsof alkalis have been found inMakrychorislagandcouldbethereforecharacterised as such. Appreciable silver contents (up to 57.32 ppm) werenotedwithinPbrichslagwhile thenumerousspeissfragmentsretrievedfromthefield indicatesomesortofsilverrefining being undertaken on the samesiteinadditiontoironproduction.

5.CONCLUSIONAn inherent centralisation of Otto

man administration and the far

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

83

reaching taxing system modified production and consumption strategiesacross the empire leaving producerspreoccupied with the necessity to increaseyieldandhencemetaloutputatall costs (Nerantzis 2006). It should benoted that instead of seeing devolvedcontrolweseemorecentralisationduringthe16thcenturywhenproductionoffoodstuffs, tools, weapons and commoditiesmighthaveincreasedbutonlywith the subjugation of the populous.At timeswhen taxation intensifiedandagriculture or herdingwould not supplysufficient income,metalproductionincreased but the reward to those engagedintheactivitywasoftenminimal(Rozen1993;Murphey1980).

Basedonasynthesisofdocumentaryinformationandtheavailableanalyticaldata onmetallurgical residues it couldbe concluded that although metalworkers experienced control from central authorities theywere at the sametime taxexempt persons with certainvaluedspecialisedskills.Withregardtosocioeconomicorientationssuchhighlyspecialized communities would havebeen involved in mining and metallurgy full time for most of the yearsduration.Being secluded from farmingorherding,theirbasicsubsistenceneedswere provided for through exchangewith other groups or a coordinatingcentralpowersuchasthestate.

Within this economic context basedon generating revenue for the state,

mining communities adopted a resiliencystrategywhichpromoted innovativetechnologyfromexperimentationtoadapt to the given circumstances(Edmondson1989;PalmerandNeaverson 1998). Thus the appearance of theblastfurnaceinthewiderKavalaregionatPravista,AvliandMakrychoriwasanoutcome of adaptation to minimisemetallurgical costs and increase efficiency inproduction, at a time of constant demand for iron and steel in theguns and weapons industry (Photos1987).The roleof iron toolsandweaponsinthe1550swasimportantanddemandwasrelatedtoapressureformaking superior properties and thus provideda stimulus to technological innovation.Gun foundingandammunitionproductionwouldhavebeenamatterofpriorityatsitesclosetothefrontierzoneto facilitate immediate supply for theexpansion of theOttomans in the central Balkans. Further the high inflationthroughoutEuropecausedbytheinfluxofAmericansilver led to redoubledeffortstomaximizetheoutputofpreciousmetals from the Empires own naturalresources (Rozen 1993). The smeltingevidence discussed testifies to highlyinnovative technology applied in bothfields of iron and silver production inresponse to sociopolitical factors andorientationtowardsincreasedoutputinthe productive sector across the Ottomanrealm.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

IwouldliketoexpressmygratitudetoDrR.C.P.DoonanforsupervisingtheprojectandDrY.Bassiakosforhelpinthelaboratory.SpecialmeritshouldbegrantedtoProfJ.Stratisfortheconductofcompositionalanalysis.IalsothankDr.Tsourisforindispensablehelponfieldworkandsamplingslagdeposits.

N.NERANTZIS84

REFERENCESAnheggerR.(1943)BeitrgezurGeschichtedesBergbausimOsmanischenReich,IstanbulApostolidisK.(1944)ToSamakovikaitametalleiatou,Thrakika,19,178183BelonP.(1588)LesobservationsdeplusierssingularitezchosesmemorablestrouvesalaGrce,

ParisBjorkenstamN.(1985)PrehistoricandMedievalIronProduction,Reactionprocessesin

theproductionofironoresinlowshaftfurnaces,JournaloftheHistoricalMetallurgySociety,19(2),186192

BryerA.A.M. (1983) The question of Byzantinemines in the Pontos:Chalybian iron,Chaldiansilver,KoloneianalumandthemummyofCheriana,AnatolianStudies32,133150

BryerA.A.M.andWinfieldD.(1985)TheByzantineMonumentsandTopographyofthePontos,Vol1,DumbartonOaksResearchLibraryandCollection,WashingtonD.C.

Buchwald V. F. (2005) Iron and Steel in Ancient Times, Copenhagen, Det Kongelige:DanskeVidenskabernesSelskab

ChatzikyriakidisK.(1999)ToMetalleioTaurou(BugaMaden)18261924,EkdotikosOikosAdelfonKyriakidi

ChiotisE.,KoukouzasC. andPapadimitriouG. (1996)Oldmining andmetallurgicalactivities inAngistronSerresMacedonia,Proceedings of the2ndSymposium oftheHellenicArchaeometricSociety,Thessaloniki,7789

DanismanH.H.G(2007)Ottomanminingandmetalworking in theBalkans:Its impactonfirearmstechnologyofsoutheastEurope(15th17thcenturies),FoundationforScienceTechnologyandCivilisation

DimitriadisV.(1973)IkentrikikaidytikiMakedoniakatatonEvlijaCelebi,MakedonikiBibliotheki39,Thessaloniki

DimitriadisV.(1986)OttomanChalkidiki:Anareaintransition,InBryerA.andLowryH.(eds.)ContinuityandChangeinLateByzantineandEarlyOttomanSociety,PapersgivenataSymposiumatDumbartonOaks,May1982,3950

EdmondsonJ.C.(1989)Mining in theLaterRomanEmpireandBeyond:ContinuityorDisruption,TheJournalofRomanStudies,79,84102

FaroqhiS.(1999)ApproachingOttomanHistory,an introductiontothesources,CambridgeUniversityPress

FelekisC. (1907)TopographiametalleiouBulgar tis eparchiasChaldias,Xenophanes4,346351

InalcikH.(1973)TheOttomanEmpire,TheClassicalAge13001600,PhoenixInalcikH.andQuataertD. 1994AnEconomic andSocialHistory of theOttomanEmpire

13001914,Vol.I,CambridgeUniversityPressIssawiC.(1980)TheEconomicHistoryofTurkey18001914,ChicagoandLondonKandilaptisG.(1929)OiarchimetallourgoitouPontoukaitoethnikonergonauton,Alexan

droupolisKostoglouM.andNavasaitisJ.(2006)CastironinancientGreece:mythorfact?Journal

ofMediterraneanArchaeologyandArchaeometry6,2,5356KoukouliChrysanthakiC. (1990)Ta metalla tisThasiakisPeraias,MnimiD.Lazaridi:

PoliskaiChorastinarchaiaMakedoniakaiThraki,PraktikaArchaeologikouSynedriou,Kavala1986,EllinogallikesEreunesI,Thessaloniki,493514

PILLARSOFPOWER:SILVERANDSTEELOFTHEOTTOMANEMPIRE

85

LakidesS.(1899)HistoriaVizyeskaiMedeias,IstanbulLowryH.(1986)ChangesinfifteenthcenturyOttomanpeasanttaxation:Thecasestudy

ofRadilofo,InBryerA.andLowryH.(eds.)ContinuityandChangeinLateByzantineandEarlyOttomanSociety,PapersgivenataSymposiumatDumbartonOaks,May1982,2337

MurpheyR.(1980)SilverProductioninRumeliaaccordingtoanofficialOttomanReportcirca1600,SudostForschungen33,75104

NerantzisN.(2006)MetalproductiontowardstheendofByzantineruleinEasternMacedonia,JournalofMediterraneanArchaeologyandArchaeometry,Vol.6,No2,5763

NerantzisN.(2007)HByzantinimetalleytikikaimetallourgiastinanatolikiMakedonia,ArchaeologiakaiTechnes103,7076

Palmer M. and Neaverson P. (1998) Industrial Archaeology, Principles and Practice,Routledge,LondonandNewYork

PamukS.(2000)AMonetaryHistoryoftheOttomanEmpire,CambridgeUniversityPressPapaggelos I.A.2003 IOthomanikiKyriarchia,Kathimerini,Epta Imeres,1st June2003,

2021PhotosE. (1987)EarlyExtractive IronMetallurgy inN.Greece:AUnifiedApproach toRe

gionalArchaeometallurgy,PhDDissertation,UniversityofLondonPhotosE.,KoukouliChrysanthakiC.,TylecoteR.F. andGialoglouG. (1989)Precious

MetalsExtraction inPalaiaKavala,NEGreece,AnArchaeometallurgicalAttempttoLocateSkapteHyle,InternationalOldWorldArchaeometallurgyConference,MaxPlankInstitutfurKernPhysik,Heidelberg,179190

RehrenT.,CharltonM.,ChrikureS.,Hamphris J., IgeA.andVeldhuijzenA.H. (2007)DecisionssetinslagthehumanfactorinAfricanironsmelting,InS.LaNiece,D.HookandP.Craddock(eds.)MetalsandMinesStudiesinArchaeometallurgy,Archetype,London,211218

RozenM.(1993)ThecorveofoperatingtheminesinSiderokapisianditseffectsontheJewishcommunityofThessalonikiinthe16thcentury,BalkanStudies34,2947

Vakalopoulos K. (1973)History ofMacedonia, 13541833, Institute for Balkan Studies,Thessaloniki

VakalopoulosK.(1996)IstoriatouBoriouEllinismou,Makedonia,ThessalonikiWagner G. A., Pernicka E., Vavelidis M., Baranyl I. and Bassiakos I. (1986) Ar

chaeometallurgischeUntersuchungenaufChalkidiki,DerAnschnitt38,56ZografopoulosK. (2002)O LaonikosChalcocondylis kai oi apopseis toy gia tousTourkous,

EkdoseisSpanidi,Xanthi