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PHONOLOGICAL AND PHONETIC ASPECTS OF ENGGANO VOWELS
by
Brendon E. Yoder Bachelor of Arts, Moody Bible Institute, 2006
A Thesis
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the
University of North Dakota
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Master of Arts
Grand Forks, North Dakota August 2011
ii
Copyright 2011 Brendon Yoder
iii
This thesis, submitted by Brendon E. Yoder in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts from the University of North Dakota, has been read by the Faculty Advisory Committee under whom the work has been done and is hereby approved.
Chairperson
This thesis meets the standards for appearance, conforms to the style and format requirements of the Graduate School of the University of North Dakota, and is hereby approved.
Dean of the Graduate School
Date
iv
PERMISSION
Title Phonological and Phonetic Aspects of Enggano Vowels Department Linguistics Degree Master of Arts In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a graduate
degree from the University of North Dakota, I agree that the library of this University shall make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for extensive copying for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor who supervised my thesis work or, in his absence, by the chairperson of the department or the dean of the Graduate School. It is understood that any copying or publication or other use of this thesis or part thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of North Dakota in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis.
Signature ________________________________
Date ________________________________
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... vii
LIST OF TABLES.............................................................................................................ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................xi
ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................xii
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1
1.1. Historical, geographical and sociopolitical context ................................2
1.2. Previous research on Enggano................................................................6
2. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY .................................................... 12
3. OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY........................................................ 21
3.1. Consonants...........................................................................................21
3.2. Vowels .................................................................................................31
3.3. Syllable structure .................................................................................36
3.4. Stress pattern .......................................................................................37
4. SYLLABIFICATION OF VOCOID SEQUENCES.................................................. 41
4.1. Attested sequences ...............................................................................41
4.2. Syllabification......................................................................................44
4.3. Acoustic correlates of syllabification patterns ......................................49
4.4. Phonological analysis in Optimality Theory.........................................64
5. VOWEL QUALITY............................................................................................ 70
5.1. Methodology........................................................................................70
5.2. Results .................................................................................................72
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5.3. Discussion ............................................................................................74
6. VOWEL QUALITY TRANSITION IN VOCOID SEQUENCES .............................. 82
6.1. Methodology........................................................................................82
6.2. Results .................................................................................................85
6.3. Summary..............................................................................................94
7. CONCLUSION.................................................................................................. 95
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 98
REFERENCES.............................................................................................................. 145
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Enggano island in Indonesia.................................................................................. 1
2. Ethnologue language map of Sumatra ................................................................... 5
3. Villages on Enggano island.................................................................................... 6
4. Vowel quality of stressed and unstressed vowels..................................................39
5. Intensity contour of [ɘi] in [pɘis] ‘machete’ ...................................................... 50
6. Intensity contour of [oi] in [boh.oi] ‘rope’ ........................................................ 51
7. Intensity contour of [iɘ] in [pi.ɘh] ‘massage’..................................................... 52
8. Intensity contour of [iɨ] in [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’ .........................................................53
9. Intensity contour of [jõ] in [jĩhjõn] ‘type of tool’ .............................................. 54
10. Intensity contour of [oe] in [boh.oe] ‘wild’ ....................................................... 55
11. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables........................................... 59
12. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables......................................... 60
13. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables after glottal consonant............................................................................................................ 62
14. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables after glottal consonant.............................................................................................................63
15. Plotted oral vowels.............................................................................................. 72
16. Plotted nasal vowels.............................................................................................73
17. Average value of oral and nasal vowels............................................................... 74
18. Comparison of F1 ranges of oral and nasal vowels .............................................. 76
19. Comparison of F2 ranges of oral and nasal vowels .............................................. 77
20. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan........................................... 78
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21. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Josia .............................................................. 79
22. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Milson Kaitora............................................... 80
23. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Manogar RH .................................................. 80
24. Targets [u] and [a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’..................................................................... 84
25. Targets [a] and [ɨ] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘fence’.......................................................... 84
26. Disyllabic sequence [i.a] in [ki.ak] ‘blood’ ........................................................ 85
27. Disyllabic sequence [ɨ.a] in [pɨ.ah] ‘face’........................................................... 86
28. Disyllabic sequence [u.a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’ ........................................................... 87
29. Disyllabic sequence [i.u] in [hi.ur] ‘dust’ .......................................................... 88
30. Disyllabic sequence [u.i] in [kahəʔu.is] ‘sea crab’............................................. 88
31. Diphthong [ai] in [karaʔ.ai] ‘type of tree’ ......................................................... 89
32. Diphthong [aɨ] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘small fence’ ...................................................... 90
33. Diphthong [au] in [baʔ.au] ‘guava’ ................................................................... 91
34. Tautosyllabic diphthong [aɪ] in [paɪʔ] ‘throw’ ................................................... 92
35. Targets [a] and [ɪ] in [paɪʔ] ‘throw’................................................................... 92
36. Diphthong [aʊ] in [bah.aʊʔ] ‘heart’ ...................................................................93
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LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Consonant inventory from Nothofer (1992) .......................................................... 8
2. Difference between consonant inventories ............................................................ 8
3. Vowel inventory from Nothofer (1992)................................................................. 9
4. Difference between vowel inventories................................................................... 9
5. Enggano consonant phonemes............................................................................. 21
6. Consonant co-occurrences in underlying forms ................................................... 26
7. Contrast for /x/ ................................................................................................... 29
8. Enggano vowel phonemes ....................................................................................32
9. Syllable types in Enggano.....................................................................................36
10. Correlation of duration, intensity and pitch with word stress...............................38
11. Oral vocoid sequences ......................................................................................... 42
12. Nasal vocoid sequences ........................................................................................43
13. Syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences........................................................ 48
14. Final vocoid sequences for duration measurement .............................................. 57
15. /ʔa-piah/ [ʔa.pi.ah] ‘graze’............................................................................... 65
16. /ka-karai/ [ka.ka.rai] ‘chase’ ........................................................................... 65
17. /ki-deok/ *[ki.deok] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction ........................................ 66
18. /ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction............................................ 66
19. /karaʔai/ [ka.raʔ.ai] ‘type of tree’.................................................................... 66
20. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’ .................................................................................. 67
21. /koʔoeʔ/ [koʔ.oeʔ] ‘devil’................................................................................. 67
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22. /ki-deok/ *[kid.eok] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction ........................................ 67
23. /ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction............................................ 68
24. Summary of OT constraint ranking...................................................................... 69
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my appreciation to the people of Meok village on Enggano.
They graciously hosted me, showed me around their village and their island, and
patiently answered my endless stream of questions about their language. Special thanks
to my hosts Jhon Rafles K.N. and his wife. Thanks also to the other Meok residents who
participated in the research: Adam Kurniawan, Josia, Milson Kaitora, Marhelam,
Manogar R.H., and two anonymous participants.
Thanks to SIL Indonesia for covering transportation and housing costs, as well as
for providing logistical support throughout the research.
I am especially grateful for my thesis advisor Dr. John Clifton, who guided me
through the entire research project. My understanding of phonology has grown
tremendously as John has explained and applied concepts, taken my ideas apart and put
them back together again. I also owe a big thanks to my other committee members Dr.
Steve Marlett and Dr. David Weber, who provided invaluable insight as research
progressed.
My wife Naomi has been a great support to me, enduring my long absence during
research trips during our engagement, and long mental absence at home in front of the
computer screen. Thank you, and I love you.
Finally, I am grateful to God who gives wisdom, strength and life.
xii
ABSTRACT
The Enggano language has received little attention in Austronesian linguistics. It is
an isolate located geographically in a large area of related languages. A dedicated
description of Enggano phonology has never been undertaken before. This thesis
describes aspects of Enggano phonology and phonetics, primarily at the word level. It
focuses mainly on vowels and vocoid sequences.
As a starting point for analysis of Enggano phonemes, a list of phonemes was
compiled from previous research where phonemes are mentioned. For each reported
phoneme, words were elicited with the phoneme in initial, prestress and final (stressed)
position. An example word containing each vowel and consonant was recorded in
frames for acoustic analysis. Since sequences of two or more adjacent vocoids are
common, words containing examples of all vocoid sequences were recorded in frames as
well.
The Enggano phoneme inventory consists of twelve consonants and fourteen vowels
in a seven-vowel oral system and an analogous seven-vowel nasal system. There are
seven possible syllable types. Word stress is consistently final in both monomorphemic
and polymorphemic words. Acoustic measurements show that word stress is indicated
by intensity in closed syllables, and possibly by length and pitch in both open and
closed syllables.
There are a few allophonic processes in Enggano. An intrusive vowel (Hall 2006) is
inserted in consonant sequences beginning with /ʔ/. A tentative analysis of the fricative
/x/ is that it is realized as [x], [ç], or [s] depending on the context. The glottal stop is
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optionally palatalized after a high front vowel, and vowels are nasalized in words with
a nasal consonant.
Vocoid sequences syllabify based on the preceding environment and the relative
height of the two vocoids. Two-vocoid sequences after medial non-glottals are disyllabic
except sequences beginning with a lower vocoid and ending with a higher vocoid (low-
high and mid-high). These are realized as diphthongs. Vocoid sequences after medial
glottal consonants [ʔ] and [h] are realized differently. Glottal consonants syllabify in
the coda of the previous syllable. Syllable-initial vocoids in sequences that are not low-
high are realized in the onset of the syllable, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’. This
process does not affect low-high sequences, or sequences where the glottal consonant is
word-initial. Acoustic measurements show that the three syllabification patterns of
vocoid sequences (vowel-vowel, glide-vowel, vowel-glide) can be distinguished by both
intensity and overall duration of the sequences.
Nasal vowels have a much greater range in the vowel space than oral vowels, and
consequently there is much more overlap between adjacent vowels. This range can be
attributed to variation between speakers in articulation of nasal vowels. Vocoids in
sequences are very similar in place of articulation to their interconsonantal
counterparts. Vocoids in disyllabic sequences are generally in more extreme areas of the
vowel space, while vocoids in diphthongs are generally located in more central areas of
the vowel space than plain vowels.
1
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The Enggano [eno]1 language is an isolate spoken by about 1,500 people in
Indonesia (Lewis 2009). It is spoken only on the island of Enggano, which is about 80
miles (125 km) off the southwestern coast of Sumatra, Indonesia, in the Indian Ocean.
The island of Enggano is the southernmost of the Barrier Islands that extend along the
western coast of Sumatra. Figure 1 shows a map of Indonesia, with an arrow marking
Enggano.
Figure 1. Enggano island in Indonesia2
1 ISO 639-3 language identification codes are given in square brackets following language names.
2 Accessed on the Internet at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/maps/maptemplate_id.html. I added the marker for Enggano island.
2
Enggano is linguistically and geographically isolated from surrounding language groups.
Because of this and the small number of people who speak it, the language has received
little attention in the literature. This thesis, a description of Enggano word-level
phonology and phonetics, is the first research project dedicated to analyzing the
phonology of Enggano.
The thesis is laid out as follows. The first three chapters are introductory in nature,
giving background (Chapter 1) and methodology (Chapter 2), followed by an overview
of phonemes, allophonic processes, stress patterns, and syllable structure in Chapter 3.
Chapter 4 is dedicated to a discussion of vocoid sequences, focusing on syllabification
processes. Chapter 5 presents an acoustic analysis of vowel quality of single vowels,
while chapter 6 lays out an acoustic analysis of vowel quality transition in vocoid
sequences. Finally, conclusions are given in chapter 7.
1.1 Historical, geographical and sociopolitical context
Little is known about the island of Enggano or its people before the late nineteenth
century. The name Enggano is popularly thought to come from the Portuguese engano
‘deception, error’. A story, told by local Enggano people as well as outsiders, says that
the Portuguese explorers of the sixteenth century came upon Enggano from the West
and mistakenly thought that they had found Sumatra. In their disappointment at finding
that they had not arrived on Sumatra, they named the island Enggano. Any former
language-internal name for the Enggano people and language has been lost, as the
exonym Enggano is the only name that is known.
The Museum Volkenkunde in Leiden, The Netherlands, houses a collection of
artifacts and drawings from early explorers’ visits to Enggano (ter Keurs n.d.). Drawings
from Modigliani (1894) show Enggano people living a Stone Age-type existence with no
evidence of influence from the Malay and Javanese civilizations a few hundred miles
3
away. They lived in beehive-shaped houses similar to traditional houses of the
Andaman Islands of India 1,000 miles to the northwest in the Indian Ocean. The old
Malay name for the island of Enggano, Pulau Telanjang or Naked Island, reflects the
fact that the Enggano had a lifestyle very different from that of the larger people groups
of Sumatra and Java.
With the onset of contact with outsiders, the Enggano society went through major
upheaval. At some point between 1866 and 1884 the population of the island was
decimated, going from over 6,000 people in 1866 to 900 people in 1884 (Jaspan 1964,
110). Some authors believe that this was caused by cholera, venereal disease, and
induced abortion (Helfrich 1888).
Whatever the cause of the decimation of Enggano’s population, the effects were
devastating for the language. In his dictionary Kähler notes that when he conducted his
1937 field research on the island, only about 200 people still spoke Enggano as their
mother tongue, “which, however, in the case of the younger generation . . . was already
strongly influenced by Malay” (1987, 81). Concerning Enggano culture, Keuning (1955)
said that the traditional culture had almost completely disappeared by the middle of the
twentieth century. The Enggano culture and language were put in further jeopardy in
the early 1960s when the Indonesian government began relocating convicts from Java
and Sumatra to Enggano. By 1963 there were 2,600 offenders from other parts of
Indonesia on the island in addition to the 400 remaining Enggano people (Jaspan 1964,
110).
Contrary to predictions during the early 1900s, the Enggano population has
actually grown in the past fifty years, and the language is still in vigorous daily use.
Estimates of the number of Enggano speakers today range from 700 (Wurm 2000) to
1,500 (Lewis 2009). The total population of the island is around 2,000, with about half
4
of the population being native and the other half being people of outside descent,
mostly from Java and Sumatra.
Enggano has recently been heavily influenced by the culture, politics and languages
of Java and Sumatra. The languages most influential on Enggano are the Malay and
Indonesian language varieties spoken on Java and Sumatra. The nearest language is
Bengkulu Malay, spoken in and around the city of Bengkulu (classified in the
Ethnologue as a dialect of Central Malay [pse]). The only ferries connecting Enggano to
Sumatra go to Bengkulu, so there is much direct contact between that city and the
island. Minangkabau [min] is a regional trade language along the west coast of
Sumatra, and as such it also has influence on Enggano. The third prominent language
influencing Enggano is Standard Indonesian [ind], the official language of Indonesia
and the language of school, government, and all official business on Enggano. Figure 2
shows the Ethnologue language map of Sumatra. Enggano island is number 13 at the far
bottom, Central Malay is spoken in the area designated by number 10 in the southwest,
and Minangkabau is spoken in the area designated by number 28 along the western
coast.
5
Figure 2. Ethnologue language map of Sumatra
Bengkulu Malay, Minangkabau, and Indonesian are all closely related to each other.
It is often difficult to tell which one has caused a particular effect in Enggano.
Speakers of Bengkulu Malay, Minangkabau and Indonesian now live on Enggano
island, intermingled with the local Enggano population. Speakers of other languages,
including Batak and Javanese, live there as well. Since few of the immigrants speak
Enggano, most interethnic communication takes place in Indonesian or Bengkulu Malay.
Enggano speakers only use their language among themselves, although many
immigrants claim that they can understand some of the language.
There are six villages on Enggano island, all of them strung along the island’s only
road on the northeast coast. Figure 3 shows the villages on the island. The lines mark
the territorial boundaries of the villages, while the dots represent the residential area
for each village.
6
Figure 3. Villages on Enggano island3
The three central villages of Malakoni, Apoho and Meok have greater percentages
of native Enggano residents, while the outlying villages of Banjarsari, Kaana and
Kahayapu have larger immigrant populations. Ferries to Bengkulu depart from
Kahayapu and Malakoni.
1.2 Previous research on Enggano
The first substantial documentation of life on Enggano began when Enggano’s
contact with the outside world increased in the last half of the nineteenth century.
Dutch administrators and explorers made numerous trips to the island and published
several general reports on the people, culture and language. These include Boewang
(1854), van der Straaten and Severijn (1855), von Rosenberg (1855), Walland (1864),
van der Hoeven (1870), and Helfrich (1888). These reports culminated in an often cited
3 This map was created by SIL Indonesia and is used by permission. I added the points to represent the approximate place of each village’s residential area.
7
ethnographic description of the Enggano people, “The Island of Women”, by Italian
researcher E. Modigliani (1894). Ethnograpic work continued with more recent work by
Tichelman (1942), Keuning (1955), Amran (1979), and ter Keurs (2006).
The first linguistic records from Enggano are the brief wordlists found in van der
Straaten and Severijn (1855) and von Rosenberg (1855). Both of these wordlists were
recorded by non-linguists unfamiliar with the Enggano language, so their accuracy is
doubtful. Helfrich and Pieters (1891) published an extensive wordlist, with extensive
corrections and additions published a few years later (Helfrich 1916). The complete
wordlist contains over 1,000 items, with glosses in Malay and Dutch. Also available is
the Holle List for Enggano (Stokhof 1987), which was collected in 1895 and also
contains over 1,000 items. These two extended wordlists represent the first substantial
records of the Enggano language.
The first and only major linguistic analysis of Enggano was conducted by German
linguist Hans Kähler in 1937. The results of this research include a published grammar
(1940), dictionary (1987), and texts (1955; 1961; 1973; 1975). Kähler’s grammar and
dictionary are the sources for most typological and comparative work on Enggano.
While the grammar and dictionary are both extensive, the only mention of phonology in
either one is a list of consonant and vowel phonemes and a short paragraph describing
some basic features. The list of phonemes in the dictionary does not agree with the one
in the grammar, and some of the dictionary’s transcriptions are inconsistent. The font
used in the publication causes poor legibility for some words. Prentice (1989), among
others, questions the accuracy of the transcriptions.
The only literature that discusses Enggano phonology is Kähler’s grammar and
dictionary, along with Nothofer’s more recent paper on loanwords in Enggano, which
has a list of phonemes (Nothofer 1992). Table 1 shows Nothofer’s analysis of the
consonant phonemes.
8
Table 1. Consonant inventory from Nothofer (1992)
Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Stop p b t d k ʔ
Nasal m n
Trill r
Fricative h
Approximant w j
There are extensive differences between this analysis and Kähler’s. Kähler adds /ɲ/
and /x/ as phonemes but does not include /w/. He claims that /t/ and /r/ are marginal,
occurring only in certain dialects, adding /tʃ/,4 /dʒ/, /f/, and /l/ as marginal phonemes
as well. These differences are summarized in Table 2.
Table 2. Difference between consonant inventories
Kähler dictionary Kähler grammar Nothofer 1992 p √ √ √ b √ √ √ t marginal marginal √ d √ √ √ tʃ marginal √ --- dʒ marginal marginal --- k √ √ √ ʔ √ √ √ m √ √ √ n √ √ √ ɲ √ √ --- r marginal marginal √ f marginal marginal --- x √ √ --- h √ √ √ w --- --- √ j √ √ √ l marginal marginal ---
Table 3 shows Nothofer’s analysis of vowel phonemes.
4 Kähler’s dictionary indicates /tʃ/ is marginal, while his grammar indicates it is not.
9
Table 3. Vowel inventory from Nothofer (1992)
Front Central Back High i ĩ ɨ ɨ u ũ
Mid e ẽ ə ə o õ
Low a ã
As with the consonant phonemes, there are many differences between Nothofer’s
and Kähler’s analyses of vowel phonemes. Kähler’s dictionary does not include the high
central vowels /ɨ/ and /ɨ/. His grammar, on the other hand, includes a set of low mid
vowels /ɛ/, /ɛ/, /ɔ/, and /ɔ/ but does not include /ẽ/, /ə/, /ə/, or /õ/.
Table 4 shows the difference between the vowel inventories in the same sources.
Table 4. Difference between vowel inventories
Kähler dictionary Kähler grammar Nothofer 1992 i √ √ √ ĩ √ √ √ ɨ --- √ √ ɨ --- √ √ u √ √ √ ũ √ √ √ e √ √ √ ẽ √ --- √ ə √ --- √ ə √ --- √ o √ √ √ õ √ --- √ ɛ --- √ --- ɛ --- √ --- ɔ --- √ --- ɔ --- √ --- a √ √ √ ã √ √ √
The Kähler grammar also lists seventeen diphthongs as part of the phoneme
inventory. All the diphthongs go from low to high, beginning with /a/, /e/ or /o/ and
ending with /e/, /o/, /i/ or /u/. Diphthongs are not mentioned in any of the other
sources.
10
Besides Nothofer (1992), recent discussion of Enggano has mostly been limited to
brief mention of the language in historical comparative and typological work on
Austronesian languages. These begin with Dyen’s lexicostatistical analysis of
Austronesian wordlists (1965). Dyen’s analysis puts Enggano’s highest percentage of
shared vocabulary at 11% with Murut, a language of Borneo. While the lexicostatistical
method is not generally considered valid for determining language relationships,
Enggano’s extraordinarily low percentage of shared vocabulary still shows that it is not
closely related to any of the surrounding languages. The comparative work with the
most thorough discussion of Enggano is Nothofer’s article on the Sumatran Barrier
Islands languages (1986). Nothofer provides quantitative evidence for subgrouping
Sichule (Sikule), Nias, Mentawai, and Simalur (Simeulue). Enggano, however, is
included only as a possible member of the subgroup because it is so deviant from the
other languages in the Barrier Islands.
Other authors take widely differing approaches to Enggano’s classification. Mahdi
(1986) groups all Austronesian languages in Western and Eastern subgroups, with most
of the Barrier Islands languages in the Western subgroup and Enggano in the Eastern
subgroup. Capell (1982) takes a cautious approach, classifying Enggano as a non-
Austronesian isolate. He concludes, “Enggano does not in fact belong to the [Proto-
Austronesian] group” (p. 4). The Ethnologue summarizes the lack of consensus on
Enggano’s classification: “Not closely related to other languages. Not conclusively
established as an Austronesian language, rather than an isolate with Austronesian
loans.”
There are three other studies discussing other aspects of the Enggano language.
Nothofer (1992) lists sound changes that occurred in the adaptation of loanwords from
Malay/Indonesian and Minangkabau into Enggano. Schmidt (1988) discusses the sound
changes that occurred in Enggano over the past fifty years. Enggano is undergoing rapid
11
change under influence from Malay and Indonesian in its grammar, lexicon, phonology
and domains of use. A very recent study of bilingualism patterns among the Enggano
people by Simanjuntak (2009) shows that Enggano is still a vital language used in
conjunction with Standard Indonesian for daily life. Simanjuntak states that attitudes
toward both Enggano and Indonesian are positive.
12
CHAPTER 2
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
The goal of this research is a description of Enggano phonology and phonetics that
will be of typological interest and will be useful for language development, with a focus
on vocoids and vocoid sequences. To accomplish this, I take what is already known
about Enggano phonology and expand on that knowledge with original research. In this
chapter I summarize what has been previously published about Enggano phonology. I
then sketch out my objectives for further research and the methodology used to
accomplish the objectives.
As indicated in Chapter 1, the three publications that have information on Enggano
phonology are Kähler’s grammar and dictionary and Nothofer’s 1992 paper on
loanwords. Following is a summary of the analyses presented there.
(a) Phoneme inventory: twelve to seventeen consonants and six to eight oral
vowels with nasal counterparts. Kähler (1940) lists seventeen diphthongs in
the phoneme inventory while other sources do not list these.
(b) Syllable structure: CV and V. Kähler’s dictionary does not list any syllable
codas. There are many vowel sequences.
(c) Stress patterns: The discussion in the 1895 Holle list says, “word stress mostly
is on the penultimate syllable; if not it falls on the final syllable” (Stokhof
1987, 189). Kähler’s dictionary also states that stress is penultimate.
(d) Morphophonology: There are many prefixes and suffixes in the language. As
affixation is difficult to decipher in Kähler’s dictionary because of
13
typographical issues, it is difficult to tell whether there is any phonologically
conditioned alternation in derived forms.
(e) Dialects: The Kähler grammar lists a few phonological differences between
two dialects, and the older Dutch sources also list dialectal differences. There
were apparently different speech patterns on several small inhabited outlying
islands, especially Pulau Dua. Today the outlying islands are no longer
inhabited. In 2007 Enggano speakers informed a sociolinguistic survey team
that there was no dialect variation at all in the Enggano language (Aprilani
2007). The same was reported to me during my field research in 2010. Only
the northeastern coast of the island is now inhabited.
Based on the goal of a descriptive phonology that is of typological interest, and
based on what is already known from the literature, the following objectives guide the
research. The focus here is on vowels and vocoid sequences.
(a) Establish the phoneme inventory, specifically by resolving areas of
disagreement between the various published phoneme inventories.
(b) List and discuss basic phonological patterns including syllable structure, stress
patterns, allophonic processes and positional neutralization of contrast.
(c) List and discuss syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences.
(d) Provide a phonological analysis of syllabification patterns of vocoid
sequences.
(e) Show the acoustic correlates (duration, intensity, formants) of all
syllabification patterns of vocoid sequences.
(f) Show how the vowel system maps out acoustically in the vowel space.
Because of external factors, I was able to spend only two weeks doing intensive data
collection in Meok. I was able to collect a large amount of quality data during that time,
thanks to the guidance of my advisor and the generosity of my Enggano hosts. However,
14
two weeks is a very short time span for conducting field work, and there are several
areas of Enggano phonology that remain unclear because of a lack of time in field
research. If more extended visits to Enggano are undertaken in the future, researchers
will be able to build on the initial research presented here. I discuss in prose below the
methodologies used to accomplish the six objectives presented above.
The phoneme inventories in Kähler (1940; 1987) and Nothofer (1992) give a total
of fourteen vowels and eighteen consonants, including all of Kähler’s marginal
consonants. For each of the vowels and consonants, native speakers were asked to think
of words that contained that segment in various positions. Initially, the goal was to
obtain ten examples of each consonant in the onset of syllables in three positions:
initial, medial pre-stress, and stressed; as well as word-finally. This is shown in (1).
(1) Four word positions for consonant elicitation (Example consonant: [p]) Initial /purik/ [purik] ‘grow’ Medial pre-stress /kĩpãʔĩõp/ [kĩpãʔjõp] ‘eight’ Stressed /hãpɘʔ/5 [hãpɘʔ] ‘breathe’ Final /kõp/ [kõp] ‘grave’
Each vowel was to be elicited in initial, stressed, and post-stress environments.
These parameters were set up with the assumption that, as per Kähler, stress was
penultimate and there were no syllable codas. When it became evident that stress was
final, elicitation for the post-stress position was discontinued. Since word-initial syllable
onsets are mandatory, elicitation for vowel-initial words was discontinued as well. The
word positions for vowel elicitation are shown in (2).
(2) Three word positions for vowel elicitation (Example vowel: [a]) Pre-stress / tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘write’ Final closed syllable /poraʔ/ [poraʔ] ‘split’
5 Formant measurements of the mid central vowel show that it is acoustically higher than the other mid vowels /e/ and /o/ (see section 5.2). Perceptually, the quality of this vowel sounds different from that of intrusive schwa (see section 3.3). So the high-mid vowel symbol [ɘ] is used for the mid central phoneme, while the schwa symbol with the breve [ə] is used for intrusive schwa.
15
Final open syllable / kitaha / [kitaha] ‘centipede’
It also became evident during elicitation that there were many syllable codas in the
language, including word-internal codas. This created the possibility of medial
consonant sequences across syllable boundaries. Medial consonant sequences are
common. Elicitation focused on consonant sequences was therefore not necessary since
there were many examples of the sequences in words elicited for other purposes.
Examples of each vocoid sequence6 were elicited as well. The goal was to obtain at
least five examples of all possible combinations, excluding homorganic sequences. The
surrounding environment was not specified as it was for consonants and vowels.
Speakers could only think of one or two examples of some of the rarer sequences,
especially the nasal and nasalized sequences.
A total of six men and two women, all from the village of Meok, participated in the
research. All had spent most of their lives in Meok. All were initially thought to be first-
language Enggano speakers, although I learned later that one of the women had learned
Indonesian as her first language and had learned Enggano while in elementary school.
Data contributed by this speaker was not removed from the database since everyone
agreed that she spoke Enggano no differently from anyone else, and had been fluent for
a very long time.
The speakers worked in small groups. Together they filled out paper forms that
listed a segment, a specific environment, and ten blank example spaces for examples.
The speakers worked in small groups to fill out the forms. One group member was
informally assigned as the transcriber. Standard Indonesian orthography was used for
6 In this thesis, the term vocoid sequence is used to denote a sequence of underlying vowels. Vocoid sequences have surface realization as either two vowels or a vowel and an approximant.
16
transcription, with the addition of the apostrophe <'> for glottal stop, schwa <ə> for
both central vowels, and tilde (e.g. <ã>) for vowel nasalization.
As lists of words were completed, all data was checked and reviewed with one of
the speakers, and then entered into a FieldWorks database.7 When all of the lists were
complete and entered into the database, one of the speakers made an audio recording of
the whole database. All recordings in the study were done on a Zoom H2 portable
digital recorder with an Audio Technica Pro 70 lapel microphone. Recordings were
made at 24 bit depth, 48 kHz sampling rate. The recordings were done in stereo mode,
with right gain turned to zero. Using Audacity (Audacity Team 2010), the right channel
was extracted and deleted, leaving a mono file. For the recording, I gave a prompt in
Indonesian and the speaker repeated the corresponding Enggano word twice. The only
problem with this method was that it yielded words with “list intonation” – the first
repeat of each word has a rising pitch and greater overall intensity, and the second has
a falling pitch with lower overall intensity. All words in the FieldWorks database were
later checked with the audio recordings to ensure phonetic accuracy.
The database resulting from this methodology contains 841 entries. 144 of these
are complex words, loanwords, or place names. These were removed for the basic
phonological analysis. The database of basic words for phonological analysis thus
contained 697 items.
The audio files resulting from the research will be archived online in SIL
International’s REAP archive. As of this writing, the REAP archive is still very new and
has not yet been made publicly available on the Internet. Plans are being developed to
make this data publicly available, however.
7 SIL International’s FLEx (FieldWorks Language Explorer) was used for the database of lexical items. SIL’s Phonology Assistant was used to analyze phonological patterns from the words in the corpus. Both programs are freely available on the Internet at http://fieldworks.sil.org/ and http://phonologyassistant.sil.org/.
17
Most Enggano verbs and adjectives have affixation. These words were included in
the basic database, while other complex and compound words were excluded. In the
analysis, care was taken to ensure all phenomena are attested within morphemes and
not only across morpheme boundaries. In verbs with affixation, it is not clear what form
of the verb is represented with the different affixed forms. Determining this would
require a morphological analysis, which was impossible due to time constraints. The
Kähler grammar would have likely been of great help in this area, but it was largely
inaccessible to me since it is written in German. All glosses of verbs, therefore, only
contain the basic sense of the words and do not show what form of the verb is
represented. Procedures for dividing morphophonological phenomena from
phonological phenomena are discussed in Appendix A, along with a brief overview of
affixation.
For each vocoid, consonant, and vocoid sequence, one example word was recorded
in the sentence frame [ʔu pe __ ʔan pe janik] ‘Say __ clearly’ for acoustic analysis.
Words recorded in frames with a vocoid in focus are shown in (3), while those with a
consonant in focus are shown in (4). The segment in focus is in bold.
(3) Vocoids recorded in frames8 /hɘdik/ [hɘdik] ‘turn around’ /kɨx/ [kɨx] ‘turtle’ /duduk/ [duduk] ‘burn’ /ka-rep/ [karep] ‘boil’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /kaʔ-tok/ [kaʔətok] ‘red’ /kak/ [kak] ‘person’ /kãʔ-kĩh/ [kãʔəkĩh] ‘dry’ /pɨʔ/ [pɨʔ] ‘fireplace’ /kũk/ [kũk] ‘back’ /kã-pẽp/ [kãpẽp] ‘shallow’
8 As discussed in sections 3.2 and 5.2 , the mid central vowel (represented as [ə] in other sources) is better represented as [ɘ] as it is acoustically higher than the other mid vowels. This convention is also useful to distinguish it from the schwa vowel inserted in consonant clusters, which I represent with the symbol [ə]. [x], [ç], and [s] were found to be allophones of /x/, as discussed in section 3.1.3.
18
/kãʔ-kɘh/ [kãʔəkɘh] ‘black’ /kõp/ [kõp] ‘grave’ /kãp/ [kãp] ‘traditional leader’ /ʔa-ioiaʔ/ [ʔajojaʔ] ‘pay out (a rope)’ /ʔauaʔ/ [ʔawaʔ] ‘mangrove’
(4) Consonants recorded in frames /ʔabeh/ [ʔabeh] ‘bamboo’ /batar/ [batar] ‘pillow’ /ka-der/ [kader] ‘soft’ /kabakeʔ/ [kabakeʔ] (a term of address) /baʔau/ [baʔ.au] ‘guava’ /ʔamak/ [ʔãmãk] ‘God’ /kanam/ [kãnãm] ‘salt’ /karah/ [karah] ‘body’ /pɘix/ [pɘis] ‘machete’ /karaix/ [karaç] ‘cup’ /kaʔ-daix/ [kaʔədaç] ‘white’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘write’ /ka-lel/ [kalel] ‘soft’
Words recorded in frames with a vocoid sequence in focus are shown in (5). Here
and throughout the thesis, syllable breaks between two vowels are marked with a
period. Glottal consonants syllabify with the preceding vowel (Chapter 4); these syllable
breaks are also marked.9 Syllable breaks not involving a vocoid sequence are unmarked.
Most of the sequences are sequences of two vowels, but several have a vowel and an
approximant. Because of time limitations, I was not able to record an exhaustive set of
vowel-vowel and vowel-approximant sequences.
(5) Vocoid sequences recorded in frames /hiur/ [hi.ur] ‘dust’ /ie/ [je] ‘vomit’ /hiɘr/ [hi.ɘr] ‘earthworm’ /kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’ /dudiar/ [dudi.ar] ‘durian fruit’ /ki-dadaʔɨɘh/ [kidadaʔ.ɨɘh] ‘care for deceased’s spouse’ /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔəhɨ.ɘ] ‘female leader’
9 This analysis of glottal consonant syllabification is necessary for the analysis of vocoid sequence syllabification presented in Chapter 4. I assume that there is no articulatory or perceptual difference between glottal consonant as coda (e.g. [bah.aʊʔ] and onset (e.g. [ba.haʊʔ]). These syllabification marks are part of the analysis rather than a reflection of actual articulation.
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/ka-kɨɘ/ [kakɨ.ɘ] ‘short’ /pɨah/ [pɨ.ah] ‘face’ /kahʔuis/ [kahəʔwis] ‘sea crab’ /ba-ʔueh/ [baʔweh] ‘sleep’ /ʔi-ʔuoʔ/ [ʔiʔwoʔ] ‘there’ /puak/ [pu.ak] ‘go’ /kikeor/ [kike.or] ‘lost’ /ki-deok/ [kide.ok] ‘pinched’ /pa-hitɘi/ [pahitɘi] ‘mock’ /koi/ [koi] ‘wild pig’ /bohoe/ [boh.oe] ‘wild’ /koar/ [ko.ar] ‘type of kitchen utensil’ /paido/ [paido] ‘cry’ /bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊʔ] ‘heart’ /beia/ [beja] ‘table’ /tauud/ [tawud] ‘year’
Words recorded in frames with a nasal or nasalized sequence in focus are shown in
(6).
(6) Nasal and nasalized sequences recorded in frames /hĩũk/ [hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’ /ki-hĩẽk/ [kĩhjẽk] ‘sit’ /kĩʔiɘkiʔiɘ/ [kĩʔjɘkiʔjɘ] ‘sea creature sp.’ /hion/ [hĩ.õn] ‘scratch’ /ki-hiam/ [kĩhjãm] ‘itchy’ /ĩũʔpɨaʔ/ [jũʔəpɨ.ãʔ] ‘fence’ /kũʔũĩ/ [kũʔwĩ] ‘great grandparent’ /kũhũẽ/ [kũhwẽ] ‘usefulness’ /muo/ [mũ.õ] ‘flower’ /kuan/ [kũ.ãn] ‘when’ /hẽõk/ [hẽ.õk] ‘cockroach’ /ʔẽãp/ [ʔẽ.ãp] ‘thick’ /ki-mɘmɘi/ [kĩmɘmɘi ] ‘overcast’ /pinohoi/ [pĩnõh.oi ] ‘naïve’ /koan/ [kõ.ãn] ‘Lord’ /ʔamahai/ [ʔãmãh.ai ] ‘bed’ /painɘn/ [pai nɘn] ‘feelings ‘ /kĩpãʔãũp/ [kĩpãʔ.aʊp] ‘ten’ /kãʔãũ/ [kãʔ.au] ‘fat (adj.)’
Six speakers were given the list of words written in five different orders on separate
sheets of paper. Each speaker went through the lists one at a time, repeating each word
in the frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔan pe janik] ‘Say ___ clearly’. For analysis I selected two
recordings each from four men, totaling eight tokens of each word. I chose the second
and third recordings from each speaker unless there was a problem with one of these
20
such as stuttering, stumbling or scrambling the words in the frame, a pause part way
through the frame phrase, or background noise. In these cases I selected the fourth
recording of the word unless it also was problematic, in which case I chose the first or
fifth one. I also recorded all the words from the entire database in list format with one
speaker. I spoke the Indonesian prompt once, and the speaker repeated the Enggano
word twice. When the words recorded in frames were not sufficient for acoustic
analysis, I used recordings of words from this comprehensive list.
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CHAPTER 3
OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY
This chapter presents a basic overview of Enggano phonology as a background for
the discussion of vowels and vocoid sequences in the remainder of the thesis. The
chapter discusses consonants and vowels, along with their distribution and related
allophonic processes. Syllable structure and stress patterns are also discussed.
3.1 Consonants
My analysis shows that Enggano has twelve consonant phonemes: six stops, two
nasals, a trill, two fricatives, and a lateral approximant. Table 5 shows the inventory of
consonant phonemes in Enggano. Evidence of contrast for the consonants is found in in
Appendix F, which lists examples of each consonant in initial, prestress medial, stressed,
and final positions.
Table 5. Enggano consonant phonemes
Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Stop p b t d k ʔ
Nasal m n
Rhotic r
Fricative x10 h
Lateral approximant
l11
Approximants: [j], [ɨ], [w], [e], [o]
10 I analyze surface [s], [ç], and [x] as allophones of /x/, although this analysis is tentative and awaits further study. See section 3.1.4 for a discussion.
11 Occurs in only a few words.
22
The glottal and velar stops are by far the most frequently occurring consonants in
Enggano.
Besides the consonants, many vocoids can occur in syllable onset position. These
include three high approximants [j], [ɨ] and [w], and two mid approximants [e] and
[o]. These are shown in (7).
(7) Underlying Surface Environment /i/ [j] onset /u/ [w] onset /ɨ/ [ɨ] onset (not word-initial) /e/ [e] onset (not word-initial) /o/ [o] onset (not word-initial)
All five approximants occur in syllable onsets that are not word initial, while only [j]
and [w] can occur word initially.12
3.1.1 Restrictions on distribution
Voiced oral consonants (/b/, /d/, /r/, and /l/) do not co-occur in the same word
with nasal consonants and vowels; that is, forms like */bãbã/ [bãbã] and */naba/
[nãbã] do not exist. I do not have an explanation for this. The single exception to this
is the word /parna/ [pãrnã] ‘paper’, where the sequence /rn/ occurs. This is probably
a loanword; see Sanskrit /patra/ ‘paper’. A sample of words containing voiced oral
consonants is shown in (8), while a sample of words with nasal consonants and vowels
is shown in (9).
(8) Words with voiced oral consonants /tabɨdaʔ/ [tabɨdaʔ] ‘jackfruit’ /ba/ [ba] ‘come’ /duduk/ [duduk] ‘burn (v.)’ /dix/ [diç] ‘earthquake’ /dɘr/ [dɘr] ‘river current’ /parur/ [parur] ‘festivity’
12 There does not seem to be a principled reason why mid approximants could not occur in word initial position since they do occur medially. This distribution could be evidence for a constraint against nonsyllabic mid vocoids in word initial position, separate from constraints against high vocoids in initial position and against high and mid vocoids in medial syllable onsets.
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/bero/ [bero] ‘river’ /pa-lauaʔ/ [palawaʔ] ‘spit (v.)’
(9) Words with nasal phonemes /pan/ [pãn] ‘nose’ /kahten/ [kãhtẽn] ‘disgusting’ /kĩk/ [kĩk] ‘necklace’ /kome/ [kõmẽ] ‘bridge’ /ʔãpũʔ/ [ʔãpũʔ] ‘snake’ /hion/ [hĩ.õn] ‘scratch’ /ʔẽp/ [ʔẽp] ‘left’ /ka-pẽʔ/ [kãpẽʔ] ‘slanted’
Besides the two categories shown above, there are also many words that have
neither voiced oral consonants nor nasal phonemes.
The consonant /t/ occurs mostly in loanwords. Out of 71 total occurrences of /t/ in
the data, it occurs in loanwords 47 times and in native vocabulary 24 times. Initial /t/
is found almost exclusively in loanwords. Thse words appear to be of Malay origin,
where the source consonant is initial /s/, /t/ or /tʃ/. For example, Malay
/sirih/→/tiri/ [tiri] ‘betel leaf’, Malay /tʃəŋkeh/→/teke/ [teke] ‘cloves’, and Malay
/tahun/→/tauud/ [tawud] ‘year’. There are three apparently native words with
initial /t/ in the data: /tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘stab’, /teʔ/ [teʔ] ‘there’ and /tabɨdaʔ/
[tabɨdaʔ] ‘jackfruit’.
The alveolar stops /t/ and /d/ rarely occur in final position. Final /t/ occurs only
after /i/, with seven instances in the data. Final /d/ only occurs in one native word:
/dahɨd/ [dahɨd] ‘lean’, and in four loanwords. The other alveolar consonants /n/ and
/r/ occur more freely in final position. /n/ occurs finally 38 times, following all vowels,
and final /r/ occurs 61 times after all oral vowels but /i/.
The rhotic consonant /r/ occurs initially in only one native word: /roro/ [roro]
‘pick up’. It occurs frequently in medial and final positions and is realized as either a
trill or a tap (section 3.1.6).
24
In a few words, /d/ and /r/ appear to be in free variation, as in [kader] ~
[karer] ‘soft’ and the loanword [dudiad] ~ [dudiar] ‘durian fruit’. Enggano speakers
report that older speakers tend to favor pronunciation with /d/, while younger speakers
favor pronunciation with /r/.13
The glottal stop occurs in all positions. It contrasts with other consonants initially
and finally, but it is somewhat predictable medially. In 87% of the instances of
intervocalic glottal stop in the data (113 out of 130), the vowels on either side of the
glottal stop are homorganic. Geminate vowels are rare in Enggano (with only one
attestation /kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’ in the data), while heterorganic vocoid sequences
are common. The glottal stop in these cases could then be analyzed as a surface
insertion between geminate vowels. The remaining 13% of occurrences of intervocalic
glottal stop do not fit this, however. These occurrences are between heterorganic vowels
and cannot be explained as surface insertions. There is no principled way of
distinguishing between heterorganic vowel sequences and sequences of heterorganic
vowels separated by a glottal stop, so all glottal stops must be regarded as phonemic.
The glottal stop also occurs word medially in consonant sequences, usually as the first
member of the sequence as in /doʔra/ [doʔəra] ‘sand’.14
The lateral approximant [l] is rare in Enggano. It occurs in only five words in the
data. They are listed in (10).
(10) /pa-lauaʔ/ [palawaʔ] ‘split (v.)’ /ka-lel/ [kalel] ‘soft’ /kaʔ-kaluʔ/ [kaʔəkaluʔ] ‘rumpled’ /ka-leʔleʔ/ [kaleʔəleʔ] ‘muddy’ /kaʔ-blau/ [kaʔəblau] ‘blue’
13 Some younger speakers also use the form [dudian] with final [n]. The use of final [n] is probably because of influence from the Malay/Indonesian form of the word [durian].
14 The inserted schwa in the surface form is predictable. See section 3.3 for a discussion.
25
The lateral approximant occurs intervocalically four times, finally one time, and
medially following another consonant two times. The word /kaʔ-blau/ ‘blue’ contains
the only underlying three-consonant sequence in the data. This is an assimilated
loanword, probably from Dutch /blau/ ‘blue’ and with the Enggano adjectival prefix
/kaʔ-/. The lateral approximant alternates with /d/ and /r/ in the word [kader] ~
[karer] ~ [kalel] ‘soft’.15
The fricative /x/ only occurs finally, in thirty-three words in the data. According to
my tentative analysis, it contrasts with other consonants in final position, as discussed
in section 3.1.3.
3.1.2 Consonant sequences
Sequences of two consonants are common in Enggano, but the range of consonants
that can occur in a sequence is restricted. Consonant sequences only occur word-
internally and are found most frequently at morpheme boundaries between a prefix and
stem. There are no tautosyllabic consonant sequences in native words. The first
consonant in a sequence is nearly always /ʔ/, /h/ or /r/. There are three consonant
sequences in the data whose first member is a different consonant. Two are reduplicated
forms: /kaʔ-riprip/ [kaʔəriprip] ‘muddy’ with the sequence /pr/ and /ka-bikbik/
[kabikbik] ‘muddy’ with the sequence /kb/. The third is the borrowed word /kaʔ-
blau/ [kaʔəblau] ‘green’ with the underlying three-consonant sequence /ʔbl/. Table 6
shows usual sequences attested in phonemic representations.
15 It is not clear whether these forms alternate based on speaker, or whether the same speaker uses different forms.
26
Table 6. Consonant co-occurrences in underlying forms
_p _b _t _d _k _ʔ _m _n _x _h _r _l ʔ √ √ √ √ √ --- √ √ --- √ √ √ h √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ --- --- √ --- r √ √ √ √ √ --- --- √ --- --- --- ---
Out of thirty-six possible consonant co-occurrences, twenty-five are attested and eleven
are not. The fact that there are no geminate sequences explains three gaps. /x/ does not
occur in sequences since its restriction to word-final position does not overlap with the
word-internal restriction of consonant sequences. This explains three more gaps. There
are no attestations of /hl/ or /rl/, presumably because /l/ is so rare in the language.
These can be considered accidental gaps. The sequence /rm/ is not attested, and this is
expected since voiced oral consonants do not co-occur with nasal consonants in the
same word. The sequence /rn/ is attested only in the borrowed word /parna/ [pãrnã]
‘paper’. The sequences /rh/ and /rʔ/ remain the only unexplained gaps in consonant co-
occurrences. It is possible that these are accidental gaps.
3.1.3 Vowel intrusion
In consonant sequences where the first consonant is a glottal stop, a short schwa
vowel [ə] is inserted between the two consonants of the sequence. This occurs both
morpheme-internally and at morpheme boundaries. Morpheme-internally, it occurs in
words such as /doʔra/ [doʔəra] ‘sand’ and /koʔma/ [kõʔəma] ‘porch’. At morpheme
boundaries it occurs in words like /kaʔ-tok/ [kaʔətok] ‘red’ and /kaʔ-he/ [kaʔəhe]
‘go octopus hunting’. Insertion only occurs in clusters involving a glottal stop and a true
consonant. There is no insertion between a glottal stop and a following surface
approximant; e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔjã] ‘melinjo nut’, or in consonant sequences that begin
with /h/ or /r/, as in /kah-mih/ [kãhmĩh] ‘squeeze’ and /ʔarkix/ [ʔarkiç] ‘rice’.
27
There is one occurrence of the sequence /hʔ/. Schwa insertion occurs in this sequence:
/kahʔuis/ [kahəʔu.is] ‘sea crab’.
Hall (2006) distinguishes between epenthetic vowels, which are phonologically
visible, and intrusive vowels, which are phonologically invisble. Epenthetic vowels can
be of any vowel quality and can occur in various types of consonant clusters, while
intrusive vowels are consistently schwa-like and only occur in heterorganic consonant
clusters.
Enggano inserted vowels have several of the properties of intrusive vowels. They
are schwa-like, and only occur in heterorganic consonant clusters. The inserted vowel
[ə] does not interact with stress patterns or syllable structure. Enggano secondary stress
is consistently placed on alternating syllables right to left (see section 3.4), regardless of
whether an inserted vowel is present or not. This is seen in the words /ʔanoʔon/
[ˌʔãnõʔˈõn] ‘heel’ and /koʔnene/ [ˌkoʔəne nẽ] ‘flirt’. The inserted vowel also does not
interact with syllable structure. There are several instances of a sequence of glottal
consonants followed by a sequence of vocoids; e.g. /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔə.hɨ.ɘ] ‘female
leader’ and /kahʔuix/ [kahəʔu.is] ‘sea crab’. High vocoids following post-vocalic
glottal consonants are nonsyllabic, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’ (see section 4.2). If
the inserted vowel were phonologically visible, the high vocoid following the second
glottal consonant should be nonsyllabic; e.g. *[kaʔ.əh.ɨɘ] and *[kah.əʔ.wis]. But
since the intrusive vowel is not phonologically visible, the glottal consonant before the
high vocoid is post-consonantal and the vocoid is consequently syllabic.
Representation of intrusive vowels in relation to syllable structure is a matter of
some controversy (Hall 2006, 397). Because the Enggano intrusive vowels vowels are
invisible to stress patterns, I follow Hall in not including such vowels in syllable
structure. I do not mark syllable boundaries in phonetic forms for the intrusive vowel,
assuming that the vowel does not belong to either syllable. For example, the word
28
/kõʔkõʔ/ [koʔəkoʔ] ‘sago palm’, while not marked for syllabicity, is assumed to have
two CVC syllables.
3.1.4 Place assimilation of /x/
The three fricatives [x], [ç], and [s] only occur word-finally. They appear to be in
complementary distribution. I present below an initial analysis based on the available
data. The analysis presented here is tentative since there are several factors related to
these segments that remain difficult to explain.
I analyze the three fricatives as allophones of the phoneme /x/. This phoneme is
realized as [x] after /ɨ/, /ɘ/, and /u/, as [ç] after /i/, /ai/ and /ãĩ/, and as [s] after
vocoid sequences ending in /i/, including /ai/. The distributions of [ç] and [s] overlap
after /ai/. The phoneme only occurs after these six vowels in its thirty-three
occurrences in the data. The three allophones of /x/ are shown in (11), (12), and (13).
(11) [x] after non-front vowels /ʔabɨx/ [ʔabɨx] ‘already’ /kɨx/ [kɨx] ‘turtle’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /ʔudɘx/ [ʔudɘx] ‘shampoo’ /ka-pux/ [kapux] ‘sick’
(12) [ç] after /i/, /ai/, /ãĩ/ /kaʔ-pix/ [kaʔəpiç] ‘sudsy’ /dix/ [diç] ‘earthquake’ /kaix/ [kaç] ‘box’ /pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’
(13) [s] after vocoid sequences ending in /i/: /ii/, /ai/, /ɘi/, /ui/ /iix/ [jis] ‘word’ /kaix/ [kais] ‘sound’ /pɘix/ [pɘis] ‘machete’ /kahʔuix/ [kahəʔu.is] ‘sea crab’ /juʔuix/ [juʔ.wis] ‘oar’
I analyze the sequence [aç] as coming from underlying [aix]. In several words, [ais]
alternates with [aç]; e.g. /kaix/ [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ and /maix/ [mãç] ~ [mãĩs]
‘gold’. There are some words ending in [aç] that have no known [ais] alternant (e.g.
29
/pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’ and /taix/ [taç] ‘bag’), but there are no known words ending in
[ais] that do not have an [aç] alternant. Alternatively, it could be argued that [aç] is
underlyingly /ax/, but it would be difficult to find a motivation for a process where /x/
becomes [ç] after /a/. The process /ix/→[ç] is phonetically grounded. The alternation
in words like [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ is straightforward if both are analyzed as
underlyingly /kaix/.
Although /x/ only occurs finally, it contrasts with other consonants in this position.
There is contrast between /x/ and /h/, stops, and the absence of /x/. This is shown in
Table 7.
Table 7. Contrast for /x/
Example Contrast /x/ vs /k/ /ka-pux/ [kapux] ‘sick’ /puk/ [puk] ‘navel’ /x/ vs /k/ /ki-didix/ [kididiç] ‘too big (adj.)’ /ki-didik/ [kididik] ‘diligent’ /x/ vs /h/ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /kɘʔɘh/ [kɘʔɘh] ‘plant (n.)’ /x/ vs /t/ /iix/ [jis] ‘word’ /ʔit/ [ʔit] ‘banana’ /x/ vs ∅∅∅∅ /ʔabɨx/ [ʔabɨx] ‘already’ /kapɨ/ [kapɨ] ‘cold’ /x/ vs ∅∅∅∅ /kaix/ [kaç] ‘box’ /ʔeai/ [ʔe.ai] ‘fish’ /x/ vs ∅∅∅∅ /iix/ [jis] ‘word’ /ii/ [ji] ‘behavior’
The distribution of /x/ does not overlap with that of /t/. /x/ occurs as [s] only after a
vocoid sequence ending in /i/, while final /t/ only occurs after interconsonantal /i/.
Because the distributions of [s] and [t] do not overlap, they could be analyzed as
allophones of a single phoneme /t/. However, [s] is better regarded as an allophone of
/x/ since it is associated with /x/ in the alternation [aç] ~ [ais].
A problem with this analysis of the fricatives is their unusual distribution,
particularly the distribution of [ç] and [s] after post-consonantal and post-vocalic /i/.
Another problem is that they only occur word finally. This is an odd distribution for a
phoneme, and it remains unexplained why /x/ does not occur in word initial or medial
position. The inflected possessive form of words ending in [aç] may give a clue
30
regarding an alternate analysis. The word /tax/ [taç] ‘bag’ (probably from Malay /tas/
[tas] ‘bag’) has forms with a possessive suffix including the sequence [ahi], such as
[tahiʔ] ‘my bag’ and [tahib] ‘your (sg.) bag’. While the exact shape of the possessive
suffixes is not clear (see Appendix A), it may be significant that the final [ç] of the stem
is [h] or [hi] in suffixed forms. More research is needed in this area.
3.1.5 Glottal consonant palatalization
In some words, glottal stops are optionally palatalized in surface form. The
existence and duration of the palatal offglide varies, with some speakers completely
omitting palatalization and others producing a very short palatal glide. Examples (14),
(15) and (16) are verbs with optional prefix /ki-/, while (17) and (18) have the
obligatory locative prefix /ʔi-/.
(14) /ʔu/ [ʔu] ‘say’ /ki-ʔu/ [kiʔu] ~ [kiʔʲu] ‘say’
(15) /hẽk/ [hẽk] ‘sit’ /ki-hẽk/ [kĩhẽk] ~ [kĩhʲẽk] ‘sit’
(16) /hau/ [hau] ‘bite’ /ki-hau/ [kihau] ~ [kihʲau] ‘bite’
(17) /ʔi-ʔẽʔ/ [ʔĩʔẽʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲẽʔ] ‘here’
(18) /ʔi-ʔõʔ/ [ʔĩʔõʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲõʔ] ‘there’
Presumably, glottal consonant palatization occurs morpheme-internally as well. In
this environment it would be difficult to distinguish from a [iʔj] sequence, as in /kiʔia/
[kiʔja] ‘mosquito’, which could potentially be analyzed as /kiʔa/ [kiʔʲa]. However,
there are no words with the morpheme-internal [iʔj] sequence that have an alternate
form without the glide. Since the words in the data with this sequence do not appear to
have the alternate form without the palatal glide, I tentatively analyze them as having
the underlying post-glottal high vowel. Further research may reveal words where there
31
is optional palatization morpheme-internally. There are words where palatization of the
glottal consonant does not occur after /i/, as in /kiʔuɘi/ [kiʔwəi] (a term of address).
Labialization of the glottal stop occurs morpheme-internally in one word after a
high back vowel: /kũʔĩ/ [kũʔĩ] ~ [kũʔʷĩ] ‘great-grandparent’.
3.1.6 [r] and [ɾ] allophones of rhotic consonant
The consonant /r/ is realized as either a trill [r] or a tap [ɾ]. In word initial and
final positions it is realized as [r], as in /roro/ [roɾo] ‘pick up’ and /ʔadɘhɘr/
[ʔadɘhɘr] ‘grass’. In word medial position it is most often realized as a single tap [ɾ].
This is true in consonant sequences as in /iurpuʔ/ [juɾpuʔ] ‘knee’, as well as
intervocalically, as in /kare/ [kaɾe] ‘traditional dance’. But there is some variability in
word medial /r/, as some instances of the consonant have two taps rather than just one.
This variability is even present in different productions of the same words, as in
/ʔarop/ [ʔaɾop] ~ [ʔarop] ‘four’ and /roro/ [roɾo] ~ [roro] ‘pick up’. In summary,
word initial and word final /r/ are realized with two or more taps, while word medial
/r/ is realized with one or two taps. Since there is no straightforward way to transcribe
‘two or more taps’ as opposed to ‘one or two taps’ in phonetic transcriptions, I have
chosen to simply use the trill symbol [r] for phonetic representation of the rhotic
consonant in all word positions.
3.2 Vowels
Enggano has seven oral vowels and seven corresponding nasal vowels.16 Table 8
shows the inventory of vowel phonemes. Examples of each vowel in prestress, final
closed syllable, and absolute final positions are found in Appendix F.
16 As with consonants, previous authors do not agree on the number of vowel phonemes. Kähler’s dictionary lists six oral and six corresponding nasal vowels, apparently not distinguishing
32
Table 8. Enggano vowel phonemes
Front Central Back
High i ĩ ɨ ɨ u ũ
Mid e ẽ ɘ ɘ o õ
Low a ã
Diphthongs: /ai/, /aɨ/, /au/, /ei/, /ɘi/, /oi/
By far the most common vowel in the data is the low vowel /a/. The next most common
vowel /i/ occurs about half as frequently as /a/. The rarest of the vowels is the high
central nasal vowel /ɨ/. It occurs only three times, in the words /pɨʔ/ [pɨʔ] ‘fireplace’,
/ĩũʔpɨaʔ/ [jũʔəpɨ.ãʔ] ‘fence’, and /ka-ʔɨʔ/ [kãʔ.ɨʔ] ‘strong’. The second rarest vowel
/ɘ/ occurs eighteen times.
There are numerous surface diphthongs in Enggano. The vowel in the syllable
nucleus is always low or mid, followed by a mid or high offglide. There is no contrast
between mid and high offglides. Mid offglides only occur in closed syllables, while high
offglides only occur in open syllables. Diphthongs in open syllables are shown in (19),
while diphthongs in closed syllables are shown in (20).
(19) Diphthongs in open syllables /ai/ [ai] /aɨ/ [aɨ] /au/ [au] /ei/ [ei] /əi/ [əi] /oi/ [oi]
(20) Diphthongs in closed syllables /ai/ [aɪ] /au/ [aʊ] /oi/ [oɪ]
between the two central vowels [ɨ] and [ɘ]. Nothofer’s (1992) list is identical to mine, with seven oral and seven nasal vowels.
33
3.2.1 Vowel nasality
Oral and nasal vowels contrast in words containing only oral consonants. In words
with nasal consonants all the vowels in the word are nasalized, as in /ʔaken/ [ʔãkẽn]
‘shark’. Nasalization spreads across morpheme boundaries as well, as in /kaʔ-kĩh/
[kaʔəkih] ‘dry’. Vowels can be divided into three groups based on nasality: 1)
underlyingly oral vowels that remain oral (non-nasalized) in their surface form, 2)
underlyingly nasal vowels that retain nasality in their surface form, and 3) vowels that
are predictably nasalized from nasal consonants in the same word. The first two groups
of vowels only occur in words without nasal consonants. They are not influenced by
surrounding context and are unambiguously either oral or nasal. The third group of
vowels occurs in words with nasal consonants. The oral/nasal contrast is neutralized in
this environment. Vowels following the nasal consonant are heavily nasalized, while
vowels preceding the nasal consonant are more lightly nasalized. Examples (21), (22),
and (23) are of oral vowels, nasal vowels, and vowels whose nasalization is predictable
from context, respectively.
(21) Words with oral vowels /pap/ [pap] ‘cheek’ /ʔɨaʔ/ [ʔɨ.aʔ] ‘tie’ /kit/ [kit] ‘try’ /kudiʔ/ [kudiʔ] ‘belt’
(22) Words with nasal vowels /pĩh/ [pĩh] ‘squeeze’ /ka-ʔɨʔ/ [kãʔ.ɨʔ] ‘strong’ /kãp/ [kãp] ‘tribal head’ /kũkũ/ [kũkũ] ‘follow’
(23) Words with predictable vowels /mɘk/ [mɘk] ‘many’ /noʔoe/ [nõʔ.oe] ‘spilled’ /kin/ [kĩn] ‘tall’ /kumu/ [kũmũ] ‘well (n.)’
34
As these examples show, oral and nasal vowels occur in words with only oral
consonants. Nasality spreads from nasal consonants to all vowels in the word.
I analyze vowels in words with nasal consonants as underlyingly oral, based on two
pieces of evidence. First is the morphophonemic spreading of nasality. The nasality of
stem segments spreads leftwards across morpheme boundaries to the prefix vowel, as in
/kaʔ-kĩh/ [kãʔəkih] ‘dry’ and /kaʔ-man/ [kãʔəman] ‘fragrant’. The vowel of this
adjectival prefix is oral otherwise, as seen in /kaʔ-pix/ [kaʔəpiç] ‘sudsy’. Underlyingly
oral vowels are nasalized through nasal spreading. As nasal spreading is already present
in Enggano as a morphophonemic process, it may well apply as a phonological process
morpheme internally as well. Secondly, vowels preceding nasal consonants sound less
nasalized than those in words with no nasal consonants. This difference in surface form
could point to an underlying difference in the nasality of the two types of vowels.
Vowels in words with no nasal consonants are [+nasal] in underlying form and retain
this specification in surface form. Underlyingly oral vowels in words with nasal
consonants lose their [-nasal] specification and take on the [+nasal] specification of the
nasal consonant. Nasalization spread leftward is articulated less clearly than than right-
spreading nasalization and underlying nasality.
Underlyingly oral vowels could also be analyzed as underlyingly unspecified for
nasality, depending on the theoretical framework. In this case, all oral and predictably
nasalized vowels would have no specification for nasality in the underlying form. They
would receive the default specification of [-nasal] except when the [+nasal] feature
spreads from nasal consonants. Nasal vowels would be specified as [+nasal] in the
underlying form. The question of whether the oral vowels are underlyingly unspecified
or oral does not have direct relevance for the points pursued in this thesis. It will not be
pursued further here.
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3.2.2 Restrictions on distribution
All vowels occur in medial and final positions, both after consonants and after
other vowels. Only /i/, /ĩ/ and /u/ occur initially, and always as surface approximants.
Sequences of two vocoids can be analyzed as disyllabic sequences of vowels (e.g.
/kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’), diphthongs (e.g. /ka-karai/ [ka.ka.rai] ‘chase’), or sequences
of approximant and vowel (e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’). Chapter 4 discusses vocoid
sequences from the perspective of phonology while chapter 6 presents an acoustic
analysis of vocoid sequences. The remainder of this chapter is a discussion of
restrictions on the distribution of individual vowels.
There is no contrast between high vowels /i/, /u/ and mid vowels /e/, /o/ when
they are the second part of a diphthong in a word’s final syllable. These vowels in
closed syllables are realized as [ɪ] and [ʊ] as in /pãĩk/ [paɪ k] ‘river shrimp’ and
/bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊʔ] ‘heart’. In open syllables they are realized as [i] and [u] as in
/ka-karai/ [kakarai] ‘chase’ and /baʔau/ [baʔ.au] ‘guava’.
Examples of high vowel glide lowering are shown in (24), while the absence of the
process in plain vowels and diphthongs in open syllables is shown in (25).
(24) High vowel glide lowering in closed-syllable diphthongs /paiʔ/ [paɪʔ] ‘throw’ /iaiʔ/ [jaɪʔ] ‘sew’ /iaʔkaʔaiʔ/ [jaʔkaʔ.aɪʔ] ‘war’ /pãĩk/ [paɪ k] ‘shrimp’ /ʔaup/ [ʔaʊp] ‘four’ /bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊʔ] ‘heart’ /kĩpãʔãũp/ [kĩpãʔ.aʊp] ‘ten’
(25) No lowering in plain vowels or open syllables /kopiʔ/ [kopiʔ] ‘suck’ /iiʔ/ [jiʔ] ‘buttocks’ /nahai/ [nãh.ai ] ‘allow’ /ʔeai/ [ʔe.ai] ‘fish’ /ka-puʔ/ [kapuʔ] ‘collapsed’ /baʔau/ [baʔ.au] ‘guava’ /ki-hau/ [kihjau] ‘bite’
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3.3 Syllable structure
There are four main syllable types in Enggano: CV, CVC, CVV, and CVVC. Three
additional, vowel-initial syllable types (V, VC, and VV) occur after vowels. All
underlying vocoid-initial words have an initial approximant in surface form. There are
no surface vowel-initial words. Table 9 shows all seven types, along with examples of
each and an explanation of restrictions on syllable positions within words. The notation
LH refers to height specification of vocoids in sequences, where the first vocoid is lower
than the second.
Table 9. Syllable types in Enggano
Syllable type
Underlying Surface Gloss Environments
/be/ [be] ‘dog’ CV /kapa/ [kapa] ‘child’
All environments
/kũk/ [kũk] ‘back’ CVC /porpiʔ/ [porpiʔ] ‘cigarette
paper’
All environments
/pau/ [pau] ‘horizon’ CVV /painɘn/ [pai nɘn] ‘feelings’
All environments
/paiʔ/ [paɪʔ] ‘throw’ CVVC /pɘix/ [pɘis] ‘machete’
Only occurs in monosyllabic words; vocoid sequence LH
/mea/ [mẽ.ã] ‘cat’ V /ʔeaka/ [ʔe.aka] ‘crab sp.’
Only occurs in two-vocoid sequences (not LH)
/kããh/ [kã.ãh]17 ‘afraid’ VC /kiɘhɘr/ [ki.ɘh.ɘr] ‘shore crab’
Only occurs in two-vocoid sequences (not LH)
/buai/ [bu.ai] ‘crocodile’ VV /ʔeai/ [ʔe.ai] ‘fish’
only occurs finally in three-vocoid sequences
Only CV, CVC and CVV syllables occur in all environments. CVVC syllables occur only
finally, with the exception of /ko-koiʔea/ [ko.koɪʔ.ea] ‘lazy’ (see chapter 4 for a
discussion of syllabification of glottal consonants). The only environment where VV
17 This word contains the only homorganic vocoid sequence in the data. Phonetically the sequence is a very long vowel with a sharp increase in pitch midway through the vowel. Intensity dips briefly at the halfway point, then rises to a point higher than the previous steady state.
37
syllables occur is in three-vocoid sequences of the shape High-Low-High, which always
occur finally.
3.4 Stress pattern
Stress in Enggano falls on the final syllable of the word.18 Several of the most
common word shapes are shown in (26), with primary stress marked.
(26) /bibi/ [bi.ˈbi] ‘residence’ /hapɨʔ/ [ha.ˈpɨʔ] ‘day’ /pahpɨ/ [pah.ˈpɨ] ‘see’ /porpiʔ/ [por.ˈpiʔ] ‘cigarette paper’ /kiak/ [ki.ˈak] ‘blood’ /ʔɨdiaʔ/ [ʔɨ.di.ˈaʔ] ‘sell’ /paido/ [pai.ˈdo] ‘cry’ /ʔanɨkɘ/ [ʔã.nɨ.ˈkɘ] ‘caterpillar sp.’ /kabakeʔ/ [ka.ba.ˈkeʔ] ‘immediate family’ /karaʔai/ [ka.raʔ.ˈai] ‘tree sp.’
Secondary stress falls on alternating syllables from right to left. Therefore, in three-
and four-syllable words, secondary stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable, as in
/iaʔkeʔei/ [ˌjaʔ.keʔ.ˈei] ‘boil (n.)’ and /ʔakiʔakin/ [ʔã.ˌkĩʔ.ã.ˈkĩn] ‘six’.
Stress is also final in loanwords, both assimilated and otherwise unassimilated
words. This is seen in the assimilated loanword /tepaʔ/ [teˈpaʔ] ‘kick’ (probably from
Malay /sepak/ [ˈsepak] ~ [sepaʔ] ‘kick’) and in the otherwise unassimilated
loanword /tikus/ [tiˈkus] ‘rat’ (from Malay/Indonesian /tikus/ [ˈtikus] ‘rat’). In my
tentative analysis, the [s] in [tikus] should be [x], but it remains unassimilated. Strress,
however, has shifted from penultimate to final.
To measure the acoustic correlates of stress, thirteen disyllabic words of the shape
CVCV and CVCVC were selected with identical vowels in the first and second syllables.
18 In the introduction to his grammar, Kähler claims that Enggano stress is penultimate. He says, “In Enggano stress in principle occurs on the penultimate syllable. If a word is lengthened through suffixes, the stress is often laid on the vowel of the penultimate syllable, but sometimes may be placed on the original syllable” (1940, 84). It appears that the stress pattern has changed in the past eighty years since modern Enggano stress is clearly final.
38
Acoustic measurements of both the first and second vowels were taken, and then
compared. The words were recorded in isolation. This is problematic for measuring
vowel length since it is common for phrase-final vowels to be lengthened. However, no
words of suitable shape were recorded in frames. Measurements of both the first and
second vowel of the selected words in terms of duration, intensity, pitch, and first and
second formants are shown in Appendix C.
All seven oral vowels are represented in the closed-syllable words, and six of the
seven are represented in the open-syllable words. There were no examples of two high
central vowels /ɨ/ in a CVCV word. No underlying nasal vowels were included,
although in some of the words (e.g. /mama/ [mãmã] ‘chew’) both vowels are
nasalized in surface form.
Duration and pitch show a correlation with the stressed syllable. Intensity does not
show an overall correlation, although it is significant in closed syllables. Table 10 shows
the average of each group, as well as the results of a t-test (paired, 2-tailed) performed
on the values for each of the three groups.
Table 10. Correlation of duration, intensity and pitch with word stress
Duration (ms) Intensity (dB) Pitch (Hz)
1st 2nd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd
Average 133 271 74 77 109 165
T-test p = <0.01 p = 0.16 p = <0.01
With p values below 0.01, duration and pitch both appear to correlate strongly with
stress. However, neither duration nor pitch can be conclusively associated with stress
because of the type of recordings that were used. The measurements were taken from
the first of two repeats of words in isolation. The phrase-final position of the second
syllable could be the reason for the longer vowels there. This list intonation (first repeat
rising, second repeat falling) is likely the reason for at least some of the difference in
39
pitch between the first and second syllables.19 Intensity does not show a significant
difference in Table 10. However, further analysis shows that there is a difference
between closed syllable and open syllable words. Intensity between the two vowels in
almost all the open syllable words is the same, but is significantly higher in the final
syllable when it is a closed syllable. A paired, two-tailed t-test on only closed syllable
words yields a p value of 0.04, while the p value for open syllable words is 0.96.
The place of articulation of vowels does not correlate with stress. Figure 4 charts
the vowel quality of stressed and unstressed vowels, showing that the first and second
formants of stressed and unstressed vowels are very similar. In the figure, unstressed
vowels are represented by lowercase letters while stressed vowels are represented by
uppercase letters. The stressed high central vowel is represented by <$>, and the mid
central vowel by <&>. There are two unstressed and two stressed tokens of each
vowel except [ɨ], which has one token of each.
Figure 4. Vowel quality of stressed and unstressed vowels
19 I assume here that list intonation primarily affects the pitch contour and not duration or intensity. While auditorily this seems to be correct, it has not been proven.
40
The tokens of the two front vowels and three central vowels are very close together. The
tokens of the two back vowels are spread farther apart, but both have instances of
stressed and unstressed vowel very close to each other.
To summarize, intensity correlates with stress in closed syllables. It remains
unknown whether vowel length and pitch correlate with stress, even though the data
appears to show a correlation. Vowel quality does not correlate with stress.
The consistent final stress pattern is helpful in determining the status of vocoid
sequences as either tautosyllabic diphthongs or disyllabic sequences. For example, in
the form [ki.ˈak] ‘blood’ (< /kiak/), stress falls on the second vowel [a], while in
[paɪ k] ‘shrimp’ (< /paik/) it falls primarily on the first vowel [a]. This is the main
articulatory factor that forms the basis of the distinction between disyllabic and
tautosyllabic sequences discussed in chapter Chapter 4. This criterion is most helpful in
determining the status of final-syllable vocoid sequences since primary stress falls on
the final syllable.
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CHAPTER 4
SYLLABIFICATION OF VOCOID SEQUENCES
The syllabicity of all vocoids in Enggano is predictable by the phonological
environment in which they occur. This yields surface complementary distribution
between vowels and glides. In this thesis, I use the term vocoid to refer to underlying
forms. The terms vowel and approximant are used to refer to surface syllabic and
nonsyllabic vocoids, respectively.
Sequences of two or more vocoids are very frequent in Enggano. This chapter
discusses possible attested vocoid sequences (section 4.1), syllabification of vocoid
sequences (section 4.2), and the acoustic correlates of syllabification (section 4.3). The
chapter ends with a formal analysis of the facts in the framework of Optimality Theory
(section 4.4).
4.1 Attested sequences
Table 11 and Table 12 show all possible two-vocoid sequences in Enggano. Table
11 shows the oral sequences, while Table 12 shows the nasal sequences. Oral and nasal
vowels do not occur together in the same word. The two tables below reflect counts of
underlying forms. Vowels that receive nasalization in surface form from a nasal
consonant are included in Table 11. The tables also include syllable-initial high vocoids
that are glides in surface forms. Each cell gives one or two example words containing
42
the sequence, followed by a number indicating the total number of occurrences of the
sequence in the data.20
Table 11. Oral vocoid sequences
_i _ɨ _u _e _ɘ _o _a T
i_ [ji] ‘behavior’
4
[jɨɁ.ɨ.aɁ] ‘rope’ [hi.ɨr]
‘woman’ 6
[ju] ‘ocean’ [hi.ur] ‘dust’
12
[je] ‘vomit’
1
[jɘb] ‘fire’
[kari.ɘ] ‘work’
1
[joʔ.oʔ] ‘spear’
9
[jaʔ.a] ‘knife’ [pi.ak] ‘tired’
34
67
ɨ_ [kakɨ.ɘ] ‘short’
3
[ʔɨ.aʔ] ‘tie’ 13
16
u_ [juʔwis] ‘oar’
4
[ʔu.eh] ‘sleep’
1
[dawoh] ‘thunder’
2
[waʔ] ‘uncle’ [pu.ak]
‘go’ 10
17
e_ [jaʔəkeʔ.ei] ‘type of
boil’ 1
[ʔe.ok] ‘vein’
3
[ʔe.a] ‘bone’
18
22
ɘ_ [pɘis] ‘machete’ [kɘh.ɘi] ‘spilled’
3
3
o_ [koi] ‘pig’
[ʔajojaʔ] ‘pay out’
7
[boh.oe] ‘wild’
5
[do.ab] ‘lightning’
1
13
a_ [kais] ‘sound’
18
[jar.kɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘small fence’
1
[pau] ‘horizon’ [ʔawaʔ]
‘go’ 11
30
T 37 7 23 7 4 14 76 168
20 The total number of each type of sequence may be skewed since the source data is made up of words elicited for phonological features. It is most likely skewed in favor of the less common vocoid sequences since I elicited for at least five examples of all possible vocoid sequences.
43
Table 12. Nasal vocoid sequences
_ĩ _ɨ _ũ _ẽ _ɘ _õ _ã T
ĩ_ [jĩʔ.ĩ] ‘type of tool’
1
[jũʔ] ‘stem’
[hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’
5
[jɘh] ‘cold’
[kĩʔ.jɘ] ‘paralyzed’
4
[kãjõ] ‘straight’ [pãʔjõp]
‘hug’ 2
[kĩʔjãp] ‘grasshopper’
4 16
ɨ_ [jũʔəpɨ.ãʔ] ‘fence’
1 1 ũ_ [ʔũ.ẽ]
‘cry’ [kũh.wẽ]
‘usefulness’ 2
2 ẽ_ [ʔẽ.õ]
‘mud’ 4
4 ɘ_ 0 õ_ [pãkõʔ.oaʔ]
‘know’ 1 2
ã_ [kãjõ] ‘straight’ [paɪ k] ‘shrimp’
1
[kãʔ.au] ‘fat’
1
[kã.ãh] ‘afraid’
1 4
T 3 0 7 2 4 6 6 29
Out of 49 possible co-occurrences, 23 oral and 15 nasal sequences are attested. The
smaller number of nasal sequences is congruent with the distribution of oral and nasal
vowels in general, where oral vowels occur more frequently than nasal vowels. Nine
oral sequences do not have nasal counterparts: /iɨ/, /ie/, /ɨɘ/, /ui/, /uo/, /ei/, /ɘi/,
/oe/, and /aɨ/. The only nasal sequence with no attested oral counterpart is in the word
/kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’. This is the only homorganic vocoid sequence in the data.
Vowels at the edges of the vowel space tend to co-occur more frequently with other
vowels at opposite edges of the vowel space. This is the expected distribution since a
44
vowel transition moving across a large area of the vowel space is easier to recognize
than one in which there is little movement. However, there are some co-occurrences of
vowels rather close to each other, such as /iɨ/ in /hiɨr/ [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’, /ei/ in
/iaʔkeʔei/ [jaʔəkeʔei] ‘boil (n.)’, and /ɨɘ/ in /kakɨɘʔ/ [kakɨ.ɘʔ] ‘short’. These
sequences are less common than sequences stretching across the vowel space such as
/ia/, /iu/, and /au/. There are no low-mid sequences, although there are both low-high
and mid-high sequences.
Vocoid sequences tend strongly to occur in final stressed position. HL and LH
sequences are also more common than same height sequences. There are no same-
height sequences in non-final position.
Besides two-vocoid sequences, there are also sequences of three and five vocoids in
Enggano such as /iapaʔioi/ [japaʔ.joi] ‘traditional wedding’ and /ʔaioiaʔ/ [ʔajojaʔ]
‘pay out (a rope)’. There are no four-vocoid sequences in the data, although this is
assumed to be an accidental gap. Syllabification of three or more vocoids is discussed at
the end of the discussion of two-vocoid sequence syllabification below.
4.2 Syllabification
Vocoid sequences are classified here based on relative height in the vowel space:
LH (lower vocoid followed by higher vocoid), HL (higher vocoid followed by lower
vocoid), and SH (two vocoids of the same height). LH sequences include both low-high
and mid-high sequences, while HL sequences include high-low, high-mid, and mid-low
sequences. SH sequences are high-high, mid-mid, and low-low. Below I discuss
syllabification of vocoid sequences in three environments: word initial, non-initial, and
following a glottal consonant.
45
Word initial high vocoids, which are always followed by another vocoid, are
realized as the onset of the initial syllable. Example word-initial vocoid sequences are
shown in (27).21
(27) /uaʔ/ [waʔ] ‘uncle’ /iaʔkaʔaiʔ/ [jaʔəkaʔ.aɪʔ] ‘war’ /ie/ [je] ‘vomit’ /iohor/ [joh.or] ‘song’ /iɘb/ [jɘb] ‘fire’ /iiʔ/ [jiʔ] ‘buttocks’ /ium/ [jũm] ‘fly (n.)’ /iɨʔɨaʔ/ [jɨʔ.ɨ.aʔ] ‘rope’
The only Enggano vocoids occurring word initially are /i/, /ĩ/ and /u/. The word
/uaʔ/ [waʔ] ‘uncle’ is the only monomorphemic word in the data with initial /u/.
Initial /u/ also occurs stem-initially in prefixed forms like /ka-uaua/ [ka-wawa]
‘open’ and /pa-uap/ [pawap] ‘yawn’. The absence of /ũ/ is either an accidental gap or
simply unattested because initial high back vocoids are so rare.
In non-initial sequences of the shape HL and SH, both vocoids are realized as
separate syllable peaks. This is shown in (28) and (29).
(28) HL sequences (VHVL→Vσ.Vσ) /jukua/ [juku.a] ‘pole’ /hion/ [hĩ.õn] ‘scratch’ /kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’ /ka-kɨɘʔ/ [kakɨ.ɘʔ] ‘short’ /ʔeaka/ [ʔe.aka] ‘close’
(29) SH sequences (ViVi→Vσ.Vσ) /hĩũ/ [hĩ.ũ] ‘fruit’ /bui/ [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’ /ki-keor/ [kike.or] ‘lost’ /kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’
LH sequences are realized as a vowel followed by an offglide. Examples are shown
in (30).
21 Syllabification as marked here is based on subjective perception. The acoustic study in section 4.3 quantifies syllabification patterns.
46
(30) LH seequences(VLVH→VσVAPPROX) /kaix/ [kais] ‘sound’ /paido/ [pai.do] ‘cry’ /kakarai/ [ka.ka.rai] ‘chase’ /ʔaup/ [ʔaʊp] ‘four’ /paiʔ/ [paɪʔ] ‘throw’
As shown in the above examples, the syllablfication patterns are the same in all non-
initial positions. LH sequences are tautosyllabic while HL and SH sequences are
disyllabic.
Vocoid sequences have a different syllabification pattern after non-initial glottal
consonants /ʔ/ and /h/. In HL and SH sequences, the first vocoid is realized in the onset
of the syllable while the second vocoid receives syllable prominence. This is shown in
(31) and (32).
(31) HL sequences after glottal consonant (VHVL→VAPPROXVσ) /ʔaraʔiah/ [ʔaraʔjah] ‘livestock’ /kuʔiaʔ/ [kuʔjaʔ] ‘push’ /kaʔ-nihia/ [kaʔənihjã] ‘dream (v.)’ /ki-ʔiɘ/ [kĩʔjɘ] ‘paralyzed’
(32) SH sequences after glottal consonant (ViVi→VAPPROXVσ) /iuʔuis/ [juʔwis] ‘oar’ /bohoe/ [boh.oe] ‘wild’ /ʔa-ʔiur/ [ʔaʔjur] ‘progress (v)’ /kehiɨ/ [kehjɨ] ‘thirsty’
LH sequences are phonetically realized the same as LH sequences in other
environments, that is, as a vowel followed by an offglide. Examples in (33) show LH
sequences in this environment.
(33) LH sequences after glottal consonant (VLVH→VσVAPPROX) /iaʔkaʔaiʔ/ [jaʔəkaʔ.aɪʔ] ‘war’ /kahaiʔ/ [kah.aɪʔ] ‘one’ /nahai/ [nãh.ai ] ‘allow’ /kɘhɘi/ [kɘh.ɘi] ‘spilled’
After a non-initial glottal consonant, LH sequences are realized as a vowel followed
by an offglide while HL and SH sequences are realized as an onglide followed by a
vowel. The contrast between the two syllabification patterns is seen in the difference
47
between the LH sequence in /bohoi/ [boh.oi] ‘rope’ (shown in Figure 6 on page 51)
and the SH sequence in /bohoe/ [boh.oe] ‘wild’ (shown in Figure 10 on page 55). The
two words sound very similar in terms of vowel quality. However, the sequence in
[boh.oi] is syllabified as a LH sequence, with word stress falling on the [o] and the
final [i] being realized as an offglide. The sequence in [boh.oe] is syllabified as a SH
sequence. The initial [o] is realized as an onglide, and word stress falls on the final
vowel [e].
Vocoid sequences following initial glottal consonants follow the syllabification
pattern of sequences following other consonants, as in /ʔiah/ [ʔi.ah] *[ʔjah] ‘what’
and /hĩũ/ [hĩ.ũ] *[hjũ] ‘fruit’.
When a consonant sequence ending in a glottal consonant comes before a high
vocoid, the vocoid is syllabic rather than nonsyllabic as it is after intervocalic glottal
consonants; e.g. /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔəhɨ.ɘ] *[kaʔəh.ɨɘ] ‘female leader’ and /kahʔuix/
[kahəʔu.is] *[kahəʔ.wis] ‘crab sp.’. Since the inserted schwa is invisible to
phonological rules (see section 3.3), a nonsyllabic high vocoid here would create a
sequence of three consonants. Three-consonant sequences are not attested in Enggano.
In summary, word-initial sequences are always HL, where the H vocoid is in the
syllable onset. LH sequences are always realized as a vowel followed by an offglide.
Non-initial HL and SH sequences syllabify differently depending on the preceding
consonant. If the segment preceding the sequence is any consonant but glottal /ʔ/ or
/h/, both vocoids are realized as separate syllable peaks. If the preceding consonant is
/ʔ/ or /h/, HL and SH sequences are realized as an onglide followed by a vowel. Table
13 summarizes these patterns.
48
Table 13. Syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences
LH HL SH After non-initial /ʔ/, /h/ VσVAPPROX VAPPROXVσ VAPPROXVσ Elsewhere VσVAPPROX Vσ.Vσ Vσ.Vσ
Sequences of three or more vocoids follow similar syllabification patterns. There
are two main types of sequences: those beginning and ending with a low vowel, (shown
in (34)), and those beginning and ending with a high vowel (shown in (35)).
(34) LHL Sequences (…VLVHVL…) /nanaiaʔ/ [nãnãjãʔ] ‘ruin’ /ʔauah/ [ʔawah] ‘go’ /kaio/ [kajo] ‘straight’ /keier/ [kejer] ‘water plant sp.’ /dauoh/ [dawoh] ‘thunder’ /doioʔ/ [dojoʔ] ‘pot’ /ka- uaua/ [kawawa] ‘open (adj.)’ /ʔa-ioiaʔ/ [ʔajojaʔ] ‘pay out (a rope)’
(35) HLH Sequence (…VHVLVH…) /iapaʔioi/ [japaʔjoi] ‘traditional wedding’ /kiʔuɘi/ [kiʔwɘi] (a term of address for young girl) /kaʔ-dɨhɨai/ [kaʔədɨh.ɨai] ‘bitter’ /ʔeai/ [ʔe.ai] ‘fish’
There is a single word with a LHH sequence, /tauud/ [tawud] ‘year’, which is a
loanword.
All these sequences can be explained with phonological processes already discussed
for two-vocoid sequences. In LHL sequences, the middle H vowel is nonsyllabic as in LH
sequences, and is realized as the onset of the following syllable. The five-vocoid LHLHL
sequences are simply longer sequences where the same process occurs. The LHH
sequence is a LH sequence followed by a SH sequence. The generalization that SH
sequences after non-glottals are two syllables does not apply here. However, SH
sequences in word initial position are tautosyllabic, as in /ii/ [ji] ‘behavior’. This
generalization can be extended here to say that a high vocoid before V is nonsyllabic
initially or after V.
49
Three of the HLH sequences are word-final and are preceded by a glottal
consonant. The first H vowel is nonsyllabic because of the preceding glottal consonant,
and the last is nonsyllabic because it is the second part of a LH sequence. The sequence
is thus realized as a L vowel with a H onglide and a H offglide. In the word /ʔeai/
[ʔe.ai] ‘fish’ the first vowel remains syllabic as there is no vowel before the preceding
consonant, and it is the first vowel in the word.
4.3 Acoustic correlates of syllabification patterns
This section presents acoustic findings that reinforce the perceptual judgements in
section 4.2. In section 4.3.1 I show the differences in intensity between different types
of vocoid sequences, while in section 4.3.2 I discuss duration differences between the
different types.
4.3.1 Intensity
In vowel-glide sequences, the first vowel is articulated with more intensity, and the
intensity drops off for the glide. In sequences with separate syllable peaks, intensity
rises to a peak midway between the two vowels and tapers off again. In onglide-vowel
sequences the onglide is short, with intensity rising steeply through the onglide to a
peak in the following vowel. Below I show two examples of each syllabification pattern,
one example from each of the cells in Table 13. Figure 5 shows the LH sequence in
/pɘis/ [pɘis] ‘machete’.
50
Figure 5. Intensity contour of [ɘi] in [pɘis] ‘machete’
The intensity of the first vowel in the LH sequence is much greater than that of the
second. This is the typical shape of intensity contours in LH sequences. Figure 6 shows a
LH sequence following /h/ in the word /bohoi/ [boh.oi] ‘rope’.
51
Figure 6. Intensity contour of [oi] in [boh.oi] ‘rope’
The intensity contour of [oi] in Figure 6 looks very similar to that of [ɘi] in Figure 5.
The first vowel has greater intensity than the second vowel, whose intensity drops off to
the end. The spectrogram shows that the transition from one vocoid to the next takes
place about halfway through the sequence.
In contrast to the vowel-offglide sequences shown above, sequences that syllabify
as separate syllable peaks have an intensity contour that rises more gradually and
reaches a peak midway through the sequence. The HL sequence in /piɘh/ [pi.ɘh]
‘massage’ is shown below in Figure 7.
52
Figure 7. Intensity contour of [iɘ] in [pi.ɘh] ‘massage’
The HL sequence here has most intensity in the middle of the transition between
vowels, with a gradual rise to it and gradual tapering off after it. An example of a SH
sequence with the same syllabification is shown in Figure 8 below, in the word /hiɨr/
[hi.ɨr] ‘woman’.
53
Figure 8. Intensity contour of [iɨ] in [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’
As with the HL sequence in Figure 6, the SH sequence here has most intensity in the
middle of the transition between vowels, with gradual rise to it and gradual tapering off
after it.
Sequences of an onglide followed by a vowel are characterized primarily by the
short duration of the onglide. Intensity rises through the onglide to reach a peak in the
following vowel. The HL sequence in /iihion/ [jĩh.jõn] ‘type of tool’ in Figure 9
illustrates this.
54
Figure 9. Intensity contour of [jõ] in [jĩhjõn] ‘type of tool’
The SH sequence in /bohoe/ [boh.oe] ‘wild’ in Figure 10 below has a similar
pattern.
55
Figure 10. Intensity contour of [oe] in [boh.oe] ‘wild’
In this sequence, the [o] is very short in duration, transitioning quickly into the [e]. The
[o] has lower intensity than the [e], whose greatest intensity is at the beginning of its
articulation. There is a great difference in segment duration and pitch contour between
the sequence [oe] shown in Figure 10 and the sequence [oi] shown in Figure 6. The
only other pair of words in the data that share this contrast, /kõʔõĩʔ/ [kõʔ.oi ʔ] ‘gray’
and /koʔoeʔ/ [koʔ.oeʔ] ‘devil’, show spectrograms and intensity contours that are
nearly identical to the ones above.
To summarize the findings, intensity contours are different in vowel-offglide,
vowel-vowel, and onglide-vowel sequences. Disyllabic vowel-vowel sequences have
greatest intensity in the middle of the vowel transition. Vowels with offglides have
greatest intensity in the vowel, with intensity tapering off at the end. Vowels with
56
onglides have a short transition into the vowel, with intensity rising through the onglide
to reach a peak in the following vowel.
4.3.2 Duration
Auditorily, sequences of vowels with separate syllable peaks sound longer in
duration than vowels with onglides and offglides. To test my auditory perception,
several sequences of each type were measured for duration. Since sequences occur most
frequently in final position, only final sequences were chosen for analysis. Closed and
open syllables were separated since this affects duration of vowels. Words with a medial
glottal consonant were separated from those with none. This gave a four-way
distinction. Combined with the three-way height distinction (LH, HL, SH), this gave
twelve categories for final vocoid sequences. The words selected for each of the twelve
categories are shown in Table 14.
57
Table 14. Final vocoid sequences for duration measurement
No preceding glottal /ʔ/ or /h/ Preceding /ʔ/ or /h/ Closed Open Closed Open
LH [jaɪʔ] ‘sew’ [paɪ k] ‘shrimp’ [kais] ‘sound’ [ʔaʊp] ‘four’ [pɘis] ‘machete’
[kakarai] ‘chase’ [kõʔəmai ] ‘immigrant’ [kãnai ] ‘all gone’ [joroi] ‘husk’ [ʔihtɘi] ‘mock’ [kakɘi] ‘nearly breaking’ [kĩmɘmɘi ] ‘overcast’
[jaʔəkaʔ.aɪʔ] ‘war’ [kah.aɪʔ] ‘one’ [kabakah.aɪʔ] ‘nine’ [bah.aʊʔ] ‘heart’ [pãmãh.aʊm] ‘afternoon’ [kipaʔ.aʊp] ‘ten’ [kõʔ.oɪ ʔ] ‘gray hair’
[karaʔ.ai] ‘tree sp.’ [ʔãmãh.ai ] ‘bed’ [nãh.ai ] ‘allow’ [baʔ.au] ‘guava’ [haʔ.au] ‘ocean’ [mãʔ.au] ‘local people’ [jaʔəkeʔ.ei] ‘type of boil’ [pajɘʔ.oi] ‘nauseous’ [pĩnõh.oi ] ‘naïve’ [kɘh.ɘi] ‘spilled’
HL [ʔapi.ah] ‘graze’ [ʔɨdi.aʔ] ‘sell’ [pi.ak] ‘tired’ [karu.aʔ] ‘go first’ [pu.ak] ‘go’ [pu.ah] ‘stir’ [ʔõnẽ.ãʔ] ‘go together’ [kapare.ak] ‘banana leaf’ [do.ab] ‘lightning’ [ko.ar] ‘type of utensil’ [kõ.ãn] ‘The Lord’ [pi.ɘh] ‘massage’
[karo.a] ‘pants’ [juku.a] ‘pole’ [kore.a] ‘gull’ [karo.a] ‘pants’ [kari.ɘ] ‘work’
[ʔaraʔjah] ‘livestock of deceased’ [kuʔjaʔ] ‘push’ [kĩʔjãp] ‘grasshopper’ [kũʔwãh] ‘vehicle’ [koh.eaʔ] ‘hut’ [paʔ.oaʔ] ‘shout’ [karkoʔ.oaç] ‘night’ [jamakaʔ.oaʔ] ‘thought’ [ʔĩʔjẽʔ] ‘here’ [kiʔjop] ‘face down’ [ʔĩʔjõʔ] ‘there’ [jĩhjõn] ‘type of tool’ [kipehjɘr] ‘deaf’
[kiʔja] ‘mosquito’ [kõʔjã] ‘goiter’ [kãʔənihjã] ‘dream’ [kokoɪʔ.ea] ‘lazy’ [kaʔeaʔ.ea] ‘skinny’ [pahkoʔ.oa] ‘love’ [doh.oa] ‘boat’ [kokoʔ.oa] ‘love’ [kĩʔjɘ] ‘paralyzed’ [kĩʔjɘkiʔjɘ] ‘sea creature sp.’
SH [kide.ok] ‘pinched’ [kike.or] ‘lost’
[bu.i] ‘prison’ [ʔaʔjur] ‘progress’ [juʔwis] ‘oar’ [kahəʔu.is] ‘crab sp.’ [koʔ.oeʔ] ‘devil’
[keh.jɨ] ‘thirsty’ [boh.oe] ‘wild’ [joʔəho.e] ‘bed’ [nõʔ.oe] ‘spilled’
Most words used for analysis are disyllabic or monosyllabic, with a few three- and four-
syllable words.
58
Final vowels in monosyllabic words tend to be longer than final vowels in disyllabic
words. Fourteen vowels in monosyllabic words were compared with fourteen vowels in
comparable disyllabic words. The vowels in monosyllabic words were an average of 37
ms longer than in disyllabic words. While word length does have an influence on final
vowel length, it was not possible to control for this since some categories had only
monosyllabic or only multisyllabic words. The possible ramifications of this are dealt
with in the discussion of results below.
Final plain vowels (i.e. vowels not in sequences) were also measured in both open
and closed syllables to compare with the vocoid sequences. These are shown in (36) and
(37). All duration measurements for both vocoid sequences and plain vowels are found
in Appendix C.
(36) Plain vowels in closed syllables /pik/ [pik] ‘open’ /pẽʔ/ [pẽʔ] ‘frog’ /kak/ [kak] ‘person’ /kɨʔɨk/ [kɨʔɨk] ‘narrow’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /jũkũʔ/ [jũkũʔ] ‘wall’ /kõʔkõʔ/ [kõʔəkõʔ] ‘sago palm’
(37) Plain vowels in open syllables /ʔɨki/ [ʔɨki] ‘mango’ /ke/ [ke] ‘throwup’ /baʔa/ [baʔa] ‘die’ /pɨ/ [pɨ] ‘see’ /ka-pɘpɘ/ [kãpɘpɘ] ‘foggy’ /kĩ-kãʔũ/ [kĩkãʔũ] ‘nearly fainted’ /ʔẽnõ/ [ʔẽnõ] ‘dig’
The results are presented in the box plots below. Each box plot shows LH, HL, and
SH sequences in one of the four environments. The leftmost entry in each figure shows
the duration of plain vowels in the same environment. The horizontal line across each
box represents the median of the duration measurements, while the short dash in the
center shows the mean. The bottom and top of each box represent the lower and upper
quartiles, and the ends of the whiskers represent the minimum and maximum of all the
59
data. Diamonds represent outliers that are more than three times the inter-quartile
range.
Figure 11 shows duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables.
Figure 11. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables
The syllabification processes above predict that the LH sequences will be shorter, while
the other sequences will be longer. LH sequences are indeed very close to the duration
of plain vowels, while both HL and SH sequences are much longer.
Figure 12 shows duration of sequences in final closed syllables.
60
Figure 12. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables
The HL and SH sequences are, as predicted, substantially longer than plain vowels in
the same environment. LH sequences fall somewhere between the two, but closer to the
disyllabic sequences than expected since they are predicted to be tautosyllabic while the
others are disyllabic. HL sequences range from 250-400 ms, while LH sequences range
from 250-300 ms. The mean and median of the HL is quite a bit higher than for the LH,
and the quartile below the median is considerably more spread out than the quartile
above the median. The lower range of the HL sequences overlaps completely with the
range of the LH sequences. One possible explanation for the extra length in LH
sequences is that vowels in closed syllables are shorter than those in open syllables. A
sequence of two vocoids is more difficult to pronounce in this more restricted
environment, so they are phonetically longer than plain vowels although not as long as
HL and SH sequences in the same environment.
61
There are four HL sequences whose duration overlaps with that of the LH
sequences. These are in the words [pu.ah] ‘stir’ (< /puah/) with duration of 250 ms,
[ʔapi.ah] ‘graze’ (< /ʔapiah/) with a duration of 255 ms, [ʔɨdi.aʔ] ‘sell’ (<
/ʔɨdiaʔ/) with a duration of 285 ms, and [ʔõnẽ.ãʔ] ‘go together’ (< /ʔoneaʔ/), with a
duration of 280 ms. Of these four, the two sequences with the shortest duration are
both preceded by a labial consonant. It is possible that there is a phonetic shortening
process after labial consonnts. However, if this is the case, the shortening process is
optional since [pu.ak] ‘go’ (< /puak/) has a midrange duration of 330 ms. The short
duration of the two sequences above not preceded by labials might simply be due to
quick speech. They are both preceded by a separate syllable. Plain vowels in final
syllables preceded by another syllable are shorter than those not preceded by another
syllable. By comparison, vocoid sequences in this environment are likely shorter as well.
If these four sequences with short duration are removed, there is no overlap between
the duration of the remaining eight HL sequences and the LH sequences in closed
syllables.
Vocoid sequences following a medial glottal consonant syllabify differently from
other sequences. All sequences in this environment syllabify as a single syllable. LH
sequences are realized as a vowel with an offglide as they are after non-glottals. All
other sequences are realized as an onglide and a following vowel. Therefore, all
sequences are expected to be only slightly longer than plain vowels in this position, as
shown in Figure 13 for open syllables.
62
Figure 13. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables after glottal consonant
As predicted, all the vocoid sequences in this environment are slightly longer than
corresponding simple vowels. The HL sequences here are much shorter than the HL
sequences in the same position preceded by a non-glottal consonant, while the other
three types are quite similar (Figure 11). This evidence supports the claim that HL
sequences are tautosyllabic after glottals. There are only a handful of examples of SH
vocoid sequences, but they fall where expected. There are some very short HL
sequences, even shorter than the corresponding plain vowels. The shortest are [kõʔ.jã]
‘tree sp.’ (< /kõʔĩã/) with a duration of 360 ms and [ko.koɪʔ.ea] ‘lazy’ with a
duration of 385 ms. As with the HL sequences in Figure 12 above, this may be the result
of a fast-speech phenomenon where longer words are spoken more quickly.
There are similar results for sequences in closed syllables, shown in Figure 14
below.
63
Figure 14. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables after glottal consonant
All sequences are only slightly longer than corresponding plain vowels. This supports
the claim that these sequences are tautosyllabic.
In summary, duration and intensity data support the claims about syllabification of
vocoid sequences made in section 4.2. LH sequences are only slightly longer in duration
than plain vowels in the same environment, which supports their analysis as
tautosyllabic sequences. HL and SH sequences are much longer than corresponding
plain vowels when preceded by a non-glottal consonant, but are only slightly longer
than corresponding plain vowels when preceded by a glottal consonant. This supports
their analysis as disyllabic after non-glottal consonants, and tautosyllabic after glottal
consonants.
Intensity contours also support the claims about syllabification. Sequences claimed
to be disyllabic have greatest intensity in the middle of the vowel transition. Sequences
claimed to be vowels with offglides have greatest intensity in the vowel, with intensity
64
tapering off at the end. Sequences claimed to be vowels with onglides have a short
transition into the vowel, with intensity rising through the onglide to reach a peak in
the following vowel.
4.4 Phonological analysis in Optimality Theory
This section presents a phonological analysis of syllabification of vocoid sequences
within Optimality Theory.
In Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993), underlying forms are evaluated
by a ranked set of constraints in order to achieve an optimal surface form. In order to
find the necessary constraints, the phonological processes are stated below in OT-
friendly descriptive generalizations (McCarthy 2008), with an eye toward the ultimate
constraints.
(38) Syllables must have onsets (e.g. /ka-karai/ [kakarai] ‘chase’, /iok/ [jok] ‘shore’), except those beginning with the second vowel in a non-LH sequence (e.g. /kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’). This requirement is enforced by requiring that vocoids in initial position are nonsyllabic.
(39) Vocoid sequences are always disyllabic (e.g. /ki-deok/ [kide.ok] ‘pinched’) except when the sequence is LH (e.g. /ʔamahai/ [ʔãmãh.ai ] ‘bed’). In this case the second vocoid is nonsyllabic.
(40) The first vocoid in a sequence following a non-initial glottal consonant /ʔ/ or /h/ must be in the syllable onset (e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’) except when the sequence is LH (e.g. /bohoi/ [boh.oi] ‘rope’). This requirement is enforced by a requirement that the first vocoid be nonsyllabic.
The first descriptive generalization suggests a constraint against initial vowels. The
constraint Onset, a very commonly invoked constraint in OT, is repeated here from
Prince and Smolensky (1993).
(41) Onset: syllables must have onsets.
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The exception clause in (38) suggests a constraint against certain kinds of
diphthongs. All but LH sequences are disyllabic. Rosenthall (1994) proposes a constraint
SonFall, which disallows rising sonority in a diphthong.
(42) SonFall: sonority may not rise in a diphthong.
This constraint presupposes ranking of vocoids in a sonority hierarchy, where low
vocoids are the most sonorous, followed by mid vocoids and then high vocoids (see
Parker (2002)). SonFall thus disallows a higher vocoid from preceding a lower vocoid in
a diphthong.
Along with this, generalization (39) suggests a markedness constraint requiring
vocoids to occupy syllable nuclei. This constraint is violated in LH sequences.
(43) V(mora): [-cons] segments must be moraic in the output.
Table 15 and Table 16 show the crucial ranking SonFall » Onset » V(mora) for HL
and LH sequences. Each asterisk * marks one violation of a constraint. The exclamation
point marks where a candidate loses against another more optimal candidate.
Table 15. /ʔa-piah/ [ʔa.pi.ah] ‘graze’
/ʔa-piah/ SonFall Onset V(mora) →ʔa.pi.ah *
ʔa.piah *! *
Table 16. /ka-karai/ [ka.ka.rai] ‘chase’
/kakarai/ SonFall Onset V(mora) →ka.ka.rai * ka.ka.ra.i *!
Since SonFall disallows rising sonority in a diphthong, a SH diphthong would not
violate the constraint. This predicts incorrect syllabification of SH sequences, as shown
in Table 17.
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Table 17. /ki-deok/ *[ki.deok] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction
/ki-deok/ SonFall Onset V(mora) × ki.deok * ki.de.ok *!
To correctly predict Enggano SH sequences, SonFall has to be revised to require
rising sonority rather than disallowing falling sonority.
(44) SonFall (revised): sonority must fall in a diphthong.
The revised version of SonFall requires the more sonorous vocoid to be first in a
diphthong.With the revised version of SonFall, SH sequences are correctly predicted to
syllabify as separate syllable peaks, grouping with the HL sequences rather than the LH
sequences. This is shown in Table 18.
Table 18. /ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction
/ki-deok/ SonFall Onset V(mora) →ki.de.ok *
ki.deok *! *
The third descriptive generalization in (40) above suggests that glottal consonants
syllabify as the coda of the previous syllable, causing the following vocoid in non-LH
sequences to be nonsyllabic to satisfy Onset. This constraint is formulated in (45).
(45) *[σʔ,h: glottal consonants cannot be in syllable onsets.
This constraint crucially dominates V(mora), as seen in the LH sequence in Table 19.
Table 19. /karaʔai/ [ka.raʔ.ai] ‘type of tree’
/karaʔai/ *[σʔ,h SonFall Onset V(mora) →ka.raʔ.ai * * ka.raʔ.a.i **! ka.ra.ʔa.i *! *
Table 20 shows a HL sequence and the correctly predicted output form. *[σʔ,h,
SonFall and Onset all crucially dominate V(mora).
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Table 20. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’
/kõʔĩã/ *[σʔ,h SonFall Onset V(mora) →kõʔ.jã * kõʔ.ĩ.ã *!* kõʔ.ĩã *! * kõ.ʔĩ.ã *! *
Table 21 shows a SH sequence, whose syllabification is the same as that of the HL
sequence.
Table 21. /koʔoeʔ/ [koʔ.oeʔ] ‘devil’
/koʔoeʔ/ *[σʔ,h SonFall Onset V(mora) →koʔ.oeʔ * koʔ.o.eʔ *!* koʔ.oeʔ *! * ko.ʔo.eʔ *! *
Returning now to vocoid sequences following non-glottal consonants, the current
constraint hierarchy predicts that the first vocoid in a HL or SH sequence is nonsyllabic.
This incorrect prediction is shown in Table 22.
Table 22. /ki-deok/ *[kid.eok] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction
/ki-deok/ *[σʔ,h SonFall Onset V(mora) × kid.eok * ki.de.ok *!
The incorrectly predicted form has more codas than the correct form. The markedness
constraint NoCoda (Prince and Smolensky 1993) appeals to the universal dispreference
for syllable codas.
(46) NoCoda: syllable codas prohibited.
NoCoda is crucially ranked above Onset to predict the correct form, as shown in Table
23.
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Table 23. /ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction
/ki-deok/ *[σʔ,h SonFall NoCoda Onset V(mora) →ki.de.ok * *
kid.eok **! *
Glottal consonants syllabify as codas in spite of the constraint NoCoda, so *[σʔ,h
crucialy dominates NoCoda.
The complete constraint ranking is *[σʔ,h, SonFall » NoCoda » Onset » V(mora).
This ranking correctly predicts all attested syllabification patterns of vocoid sequences.
Table 24 summarizes the constraint ranking as it applies to the various vocoid
sequences.
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Table 24. Summary of OT constraint ranking
*[σʔ,h SonFall NoCoda Onset V(mora)
/ʔa-piah/ →ʔa.pi.ah * *
ʔa.piah *! * ʔap.jah **! *
/ka-karai/ →ka.ka.rai * ka.ka.ra.i *! ka.kar.ai *! * *
/ki-deok/ →ki.de.ok * *
ki.deok *! * kid.eok **! *
/karaʔai/ →ka.raʔ.ai * * * ka.raʔ.a.i * **! ka.ra.ʔa.i *! * ka.ra.ʔai *! *
/kõʔĩã/ →kõʔ.jã * * kõʔ.ĩ.ã * *!* kõʔ.ĩã *! * * kõ.ʔĩ.ã *! *
/koʔoeʔ/ →koʔ.oeʔ ** * koʔ.o.eʔ ** *!* koʔ.oeʔ *! ** * ko.ʔo.eʔ *! * *
/iɘb/ →jɘb * iɘb *! * i.ɘb *!*
Using constraints already proposed in the literature on OT with some modifications, this
analysis correctly predicts syllabification of Enggano vocoid sequences.
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CHAPTER 5
VOWEL QUALITY
This chapter presents an acoustic analysis of the positions of Enggano vowels, using
measurements of the first and second formants. An analysis of vowel position is
undertaken here for reasons of typological interest. Enggano’s seven-vowel system is
larger than the basic five-vowel system found in many Austronesian languages. The
placement of the vowels, particularly the high and mid central vowels, is therefore of
interest. It is also of interest to see how the place of oral vowels compares with their
nasal counterparts.
The results show that the oral vowels can be readily grouped into high, mid and
low vowels, as well as front, central and back vowels. There is more inter-speaker
variation in formants of the nasal vowels. Section 5.1 discusses the methodology used in
the study, followed by the results in section 5.2, and a discussion of the results in
section 5.3.
5.1 Methodology
Examples of all seven oral vowels and six of the nasal vowels were recorded in the
frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔãn pe janik] ‘Please say ___ again’. Two tokens of each word from
four speakers were selected for acoustic analysis, yielding eight tokens of each vowel.
Each word selected has the target vowel in a closed stressed (final) syllable. Vowels
between voiceless stops were chosen whenever possible for maximum differentiation
between the vowel and the surrounding segments. If there was no such word in the
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data, the word most closely matching these criteria was chosen. The words selected for
analysis are listed in (47).
(47) Vowels for acoustic analysis /hɘdik/ [hɘdik] ‘turn around’ /kɨx/ [kɨx] ‘turtle’ /duduk/ [duduk] ‘burn’ /karep/ [karep] ‘boil’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /kaʔ-tok/ [kaʔətok] ‘red’ /kak/ [kak] ‘person’ /kãʔ-kĩh/ [kãʔəkĩh] ‘dry’ /pɨʔ/ [pɨʔ] ‘fireplace’ /kũk/ [kũk] ‘back’ /kã-pẽp/ [kãpẽp] ‘shallow’ /kãʔ-kɘh/ [kãʔəkɘh] ‘black’ /kõp/ [kõp] ‘grave’ /kãp/ [kãp] ‘traditional leader’ /ʔa-ioiaʔ/ [ʔajojaʔ] ‘pay out (a rope)’ /ʔauaʔ/ [ʔawaʔ] ‘mangrove’
I failed to record the vowel [ɘ] in a frame. In order to include this vowel in the
study, I took four words from the main wordlist where two repeats of each word were
recorded in isolation, and used the eight recordings for analysis. The selected words are
shown in (48). All tokens for these words are from the same speaker.
(48) Words with mid central vowel, said in isolation /pɘʔ/ [pɘʔ] ‘shoot’ /pɘʔ/ [pɘʔ] (a village name) /hãpɘʔ/ [hãpɘʔ] ‘breathe’ /ki-pɘʔ/ [kĩpɘʔ] ‘weave’
I measured the first and second formants of each vowel. Using Praat, I first marked
the beginning and ending boundaries of the vowel. I then took formant readings in the
center of the vowel. All formant measurements were rounded to the nearest five hertz
(Hz), and are found in Appendix D.
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5.2 Results
The oral vowels show consistency in their places of articulation in the vowel space,
both between utterances of the same speaker and between speakers. The positions of
the oral vowels are charted below in Figure 15.
Figure 15. Plotted oral vowels22
All seven vowels are in the general areas expected, with some variations. In terms of
height distinction, the high vowels [i], [ɨ] and [u] have a fairly uniform F1 of 250-400
Hz. The mid vowels [e] and [o] have an F1 of 450-600 Hz while the mid central vowel
[ɘ] is higher, with an F1 of 350-475 Hz. The mid and high central vowels [ɨ] and [ɘ]
are very close together in height, but the height for each does not vary much. The lower
limit of the F1 of [ɨ] is 350 Hz, while 350 Hz is the upper limit of the F1 of [ɘ].23 While
the height range of [ɘ] overlaps considerably with the height ranges of [i] and [u], it
does not overlap with that of [ɨ]. So height here is relative, being different for central
vowels than for front and back vowels.
22 I used JPlotFormants (Billerey-Mosier 2001) for all the vowel plot diagrams in the thesis. 23 The mid central vowel is acoustically a high-mid central vowel, as reflected in its IPA
representation [ɘ].
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The low vowel [a] has an F1 value of 700-900 Hz. There is no height overlap
between mid and low vowels. There is very little variation in the place of articulation of
[a].
In terms of backness, the back vowels [u] and [o] have a narrow range, with F2
readings between 700-1000 Hz. The central vowels [ɨ] and [ɘ] a have F2 readings of
1100-1700 Hz, while the front vowels [i] and [e] have F2 values of 1700-2600 Hz. The
ranges of front and central vowels come very close to each other, with near overlap in
the ranges of [e] and [ɘ].24
Compared to the relatively neat distribution of the oral vowels, the nasal vowels
have a considerably larger spread. The vowel space of adjacent vowels often overlaps as
seen in the position of the nasal vowels charted below in Figure 16.
Figure 16. Plotted nasal vowels
The low vowel [ã] is the only one with a clearly defined space distinct from all the
other vowels. For all other vowels, both F1 and F2 ranges overlap in each adjacent pair.
24 While the ellipses encircling the ranges of [e] a nd [ɘ] overlap, the actual F2 values do not overlap.
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F1 ranges overlap between [ĩ] and [ẽ]; [ɨ] and [ɘ]; and [ũ] and [õ]. F2 ranges overlap
between [ĩ] and [ɨ]; [ẽ] and [ɘ]; [ɨ] and [ũ]; and [ɘ] and [õ].
5.3 Discussion
The placement of oral vowels is relatively straightforward. All the vowels fall
neatly into three degrees of backness (front, central, back) and three heights (high, mid,
low) except for the mid central vowel, which is phonetically high-mid central. The nasal
vowels, while occupying similar places to their oral counterparts, show substantially
greater spread in the vowel space and much greater overlap in formant values between
adjacent vowels. In order to explain this difference, I first compare the mean values of
oral and nasal vowels to show that the central area in the vowel space is the same for
both. I then show that individual speaker variance can account for the variation in the
nasal vowels.
The mean F1 and F2 values of the oral and nasal counterparts for each vowel were
compared. Figure 17 shows the results. Each symbol represents the mean formant
values of that vowel’s eight tokens.
Figure 17. Average value of oral and nasal vowels
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All seven of the nasal vowels have a higher mean F1 than their oral counterparts, and
all but the low nasalized vowel have a lower F2 mean value. This suggests that the
nasal vowels are articulated lower and farther back in the vowel space. The low vowel
shows the least distance between mean values of the oral and nasal vowels. The mid
front and back vowels have more distance between their oral and nasal counterparts,
while the mid central vowel and all three high vowels have the greatest discrepancy
between the nasal and oral counterparts. The greatest distance is between the F2 values
of the high back vowel. The mean F2 of [u] is 929 Hz, while the mean F2 of [ũ] is 574
Hz.
While the means of oral and nasal vowels are systematically related, oral vowels
show comparatively less variation in their formant values than do nasal vowels, where
the ranges of adjacent vowels often overlap. Below I further analyze the difference
between the ranges of oral and nasal vowels, making separate comparisons of F1 and F2
values. Figure 18 compares the spread of F1 values for oral and nasal vowels.
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Figure 18. Comparison of F1 ranges of oral and nasal vowels
0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 800 900
F1 (Hz)
ã
a
õ
o
ɘ
ɘ
ẽ
e
ũ
u
ɨ
ɨ
ĩ
i
The range of F1 of the nasal vowels (represented by dark bars) is much greater than
that of the oral vowels (represented by light bars). This is particularly true of [i] ~ [ĩ],
[e] ~ [ẽ], and [o] ~ [õ]. Since the first formant is inversely correlated with vowel
height, the high nasal vowels are lower than their oral counterparts and thus potentially
overlapping with the F1 space of the mid vowels. All of the nasal vowels except low [ã]
and mid central [ɘ] have part of their F1 range between 400 and 500 Hz.
The second formant correlates with backness. We expect to see [i] and [e] group
together as front vowels, [ɨ], [ɘ] and [a] as central vowels, and [u] and [o] as back
vowels. Figure 19 compares the spread of the F2 values.
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Figure 19. Comparison of F2 ranges of oral and nasal vowels
0 500 1,000 1,500 2,000 2,500
F2 (Hz)
õ
o
ũ
u
ã
a
ɘ
ɘ
ɨ
ɨ
ẽ
e
ĩ
i
The distinction between front, central and back vowels is quite clear in both the oral
and nasal vowels. The F2 values between oral and nasal counterparts are quite similar
for five of the vowels, while two show considerable variation. The F2 of [ĩ] shares the
same high range as [i], but also ranges much lower, into the space also occupied by
central vowels. The F2 of [ũ] is extremely low, far lower than the other back vowels.
This may help compensate for the overlap in height range between [ũ] and the central
nasal vowel [ɨ].
While it is expected that the first formant would distinguish between high and mid
vowels as well as mid and low vowels, it does not distinguish between either the front
or back high and mid vowels. The first formant is higher in nasal vowels than in their
oral counterparts, meaning that they are very close to the mid nasal vowels.
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Unexpectedly, the second formant distinguishes between the high and mid back vowels,
with [ũ] having a lower F2 than [õ].
The second formant would be expected to distinguish between front and central
vowels as well as between central and back vowels. However, it fails to distinguish
between the front and central high vowels. The ranges of both F1 and F2 for these two
vowels overlap so much that they cannot be used to distinguish between them.
When taken together, the eight tokens of a given nasal vowel can often not be
identified distinctly from the eight tokens of adjacent nasal vowels. But when the
pronunciations of individual speakers are separated, a distinct pattern can be seen for
each speaker. Figure 20 through Figure 23 show the articulation of the nasal vowels by
individual speaker. The data from Figure 16 is divided here between the four figures,
with two tokens of each vowel per speaker. The mid central vowel [ɘ] is not included
here since all tokens were from a different speaker. Figure 20 shows the distribution of
nasal vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan.
Figure 20. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan
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The vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan show a clear three-way height distinction.
There is also a three-way backness distinction, although the mid vowels [ẽ] and [õ] are
more centralized than the high vowels [ĩ] and [ũ].
Figure 21 shows the distribution of the vowels as spoken by Josia.25
Figure 21. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Josia
The distribution of Josia’s nasal vowels is very different from that of Adam Kurniawan’s.
The only clear height distinction is between low and non-low vowels, although high
back [ũ] is slightly higher than [õ]. All the non-low vowels, however, show non-
overlapping backness with [ũ] farthest back, followed by [õ], [ɨ], [ẽ], and finally [ĩ].
Figure 22 shows the distribution of the vowels as spoken by Milson Kaitora.
25 Like many Indonesians, Josia has only one name.
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Figure 22. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Milson Kaitora
Here, the front vowels [ĩ] and [ẽ] have different height but the same backness. The non-
front vowels [ɨ], [ũ] and [õ] have the same height but different backness.
Figure 23 shows the distribution of the vowels as spoken by Manogar RH.
Figure 23. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Manogar RH
The distribution here is very similar to that in Figure 20, with a distinction between
high and mid vowels and a definite backness distinction. One pronunciation of [ĩ] is
81
very centralized, although it has a much higher F2 than either token of the high central
vowel [ɨ]. Of the mid vowels, [ẽ] is very close to high [ĩ], while the F1 of [õ] overlaps
with the F1 of the low vowel [ã].
The four speakers vary widely in their pronunciations of all mid and high nasal
vowels, although each speaker is generally consistent in his own pronunciation. For all
speakers but Josia (Figure 21) there is a general three-way height distinction, but there
is no consistency on which vowels are at which height. All speakers have a general
front/central/back distinction.
In summary, oral vowels in Enggano are clearly distinguished by unique ranges of
the first and second formants. This is true across different speakers. Nasal vowels do not
show the same consistency. There is inter-speaker variation in the distribution of nasal
vowels. Individual speaker differences in the pronunciation of these vowels make it
impossible to generalize about the differences between them over the whole set of data.
However, the mean place of articulation of nasal vowels is consistently a little lower
and a little farther forward than that of their oral counterparts. While these vowels have
distinct centers or ideal articulations, their range varies greatly from speaker to speaker
and cannot be predicted by other factors.
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CHAPTER 6
VOWEL QUALITY TRANSITION IN VOCOID SEQUENCES
As an extension of the study of vowel quality in Chapter 5, this chapter discusses
vowel quality in vocoid sequences – the movement across the vowel space from one
vocoid to the next – using the same general approach employed in chapter Chapter 5.
The distinction between disyllabic and tautosyllabic sequences is especially interesting
here. Disyllabic sequences are expected to be produced at further extremities of the
vowel space than tautosyllabic sequences because disyllabic sequences contain two
separate syllable peaks and thus more space for the phonemes to be realized, while
tautosyllabic sequences are in a more confined space and reduction of some kind is
likely. Similarly, vocoids in open syllables may be different from those in closed
syllables. The position of the two vocoids in both types of sequences are also compared
with the place of plain vowels. Only oral sequences are included in this study.
6.1 Methodology
Examples of most vocoid sequences were recorded in the frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔãn pe
janik] ‘Please say ___’. The scope of this thesis does not allow an analysis of all the
sequences, so only sequences at the extremities of the vowel space were chosen for
analysis: those with the vowels [i], [ɨ], [u], and [a]. Two tokens of each sequence were
chosen from four speakers, for a total of eight tokens per sequence. The sequences
selected for analysis are listed in (49).
(49) Vocoid sequences in the frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔãn pe janik] ‘Please say ___’ /kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’ /pɨah/ [pɨ.ah] ‘face’
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/puak/ [pu.ak] ‘go’ /bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊʔ] ‘heart’ /hiur/ [hi.ur] ‘dust’ /kahʔuis/ [kahəʔu.is] ‘sea crab’
Some LH sequences were missed when recording frames, so words from another
speaker said in isolation had to be substituted. Two instances of these words repeated in
isolation were used for analysis. These words are shown in (50).
(50) Vocoid sequences in isolation /karaʔai/ [karaʔ.ai] ‘type of tree’ /iarkɨaʔaɨ/ [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘small fence’ /baʔau/ [baʔ.au] ‘guava’ /paiʔ/ [paɪʔ] ‘throw’
Ren (1986, 12) found that in Chinese the second formant correlates with diphthong
transition rate more closely than the first or third formant. Based on this, for all
sequences where the first and second vocoid differed in backness, I measured the two
targets of the vocoid sequences based on F2 rather than F1. Following Ren, I defined the
two target points of the sequences as the highest and lowest points of the F2 trajectory
within the bounds of the sequence. For example, in the sequence [u.a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’
(< /puak/), the first target was placed at the lowest point on the F2 trajectory, and the
second target at the highest point of the F2 trajectory, at the point where it reaches a
steady state. This is shown in Figure 24.
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Figure 24. Targets [u] and [a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’
F1 measurements were taken at these same positions. For the sequences [aɨ] and
[ɨ.a] where the F2 remains relatively steady between the first and second vocoid, I
defined the two target points as the highest and lowest points in the F1 trajectory
within the bounds of the sequence. This is shown in Figure 25. Here the F2 fluctuates
slightly, but there is no definite trajectory. The F2 values at the beginning and end of
the sequence are nearly identical.
Figure 25. Targets [a] and [ɨ] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘fence’
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All formant measurements were rounded to the nearest five hertz and are found in
Appendix E.
6.2 Results
The first three figures below chart the place of the disyllabic HL sequences [i.a],
[ɨ.a], and [u.a]. Since both vocoids are stand-alone syllable nuclei, they are expected to
be very close in place to their interconsonantal counterparts. The findings here confirm
this. The small lowercase letters in each figure represent the value of each instance of
the sequence, while the large lowercase letters represent the mean value. The large
uppercase letters in each figure represent the mean place of the plain vowels
corresponding to each vocoid in the sequence. Dashed lines represent vocoid transition
across syllable boundaries while solid lines represent tautosyllabic vocoid transition.
Most of the figures show the F1 value on the vertical axis from 200 to 900 Hz, and the
F2 value on the horizontal axis from 500 to 2300 Hz. In Figure 26, the F2 axis is
extended to 2700 Hz to show the extreme vowel placement of [i].
Figure 26. Disyllabic sequence [i.a] in [ki.ak] ‘blood’
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The position of the vocoids in the [i.a] sequence are close to those of the plain vowels
[i] and [a], although the [i] in the sequence is slightly higher and farther forward than
plain vowel [i].
Figure 27 shows the sequence [ɨ.a].
Figure 27. Disyllabic sequence [ɨ.a] in [pɨ.ah] ‘face’
The vowel transition in [ɨ.a] is not a straight high to low movement, but moves
substantially from back to front as well. The [a] has a much larger range than found in
monophthongal low vowel or the low vowels in any of the other sequences.
Figure 28 shows the sequence [u.a].
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Figure 28. Disyllabic sequence [u.a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’
The two vocoids in the sequence [u.a] are produced farther back than plain vowels [u]
or [a]. This is comparable to the place of [i] in Figure 26, although it is more
pronounced here. A motivation for this could be to maintain contrast between [u.a] and
[ɨ.a], which have the same general trajectory of high back to low central.
Same-height sequences syllabify like disyllabic HL sequences. As with HL
sequences, the beginning and end targets are expected to be at similar places as their
plain vowel counterparts. Figure 29 shows the sequence [i.u], while Figure 30 shows
the sequence [u.i]. In both figures the F2 axis has been extended to 2700 Hz to
accommodate extreme pronunciations of [i].
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Figure 29. Disyllabic sequence [i.u] in [hi.ur] ‘dust’
Figure 30. Disyllabic sequence [u.i] in [kahəʔu.is] ‘sea crab’
For both [i.u] and [u.i], the targets are in nearly the same place of articulation as the
plain vowels. The [u] is slightly farther back than interconsonantal [u], just like the [u]
in the HL sequence [u.a] (Figure 28). The [i] is is slightly higher and farther forward
than plain vowel [i], again paralleling the HL sequence [i.a] (Figure 26).
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We now turn to the diphthongs [ai], [aɨ] and [au]. Figure 31 shows the diphthong
[ai].
Figure 31. Diphthong [ai] in [karaʔ.ai] ‘type of tree’
The high segment of tautosyllabic [ai] is not quite as high in the vowel space as the
high segment of disyllabic [i.a]. This is in spite of the fact that [i.a] is in a closed
syllable while [ai] is in an open syllable.
Figure 32 shows the diphthong [aɨ].
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Figure 32. Diphthong [aɨ] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘small fence’
The [ɨ] in [aɨ] is not as high as plain vowel [ɨ] in spite of the fact that it is in an open
final syllable. The contrast between [ɨ.a] in Figure 27 and [aɨ] in Figure 32 is striking.
In the HL sequence, the high segment is more front while the low segment is more back.
In the LH sequence, the reverse is true with the high segment slightly more back and
the low segment slightly more front.
The diphthong [au] is shown below in Figure 33.
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Figure 33. Diphthong [au] in [baʔ.au] ‘guava’
The placement of both segments in diphthong [au] is nearly identical to those in the
[u.a] sequence in Figure 28. They are slightly farther back than plain vowels [a] and
[u].
While the previous three examples were in open syllables, the following two
examples show [aɪ] and [aʊ] in closed syllables. High vowel glide lowering takes place
in this environment (section 3.2), so the high segment of each diphthong is predicted to
be lower than its plain vowel counterpart. Figure 34 shows diphthong [aɪ] in a closed
syllable. High offglides in LH sequences in closed syllables are lowered; therefore, both
interconsonantal [i] and [e] are included here for comparison. The curved arrow in the
figure is an estimation depicting the formant movement.
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Figure 34. Tautosyllabic diphthong [aɪ] in [paɪʔ] ‘throw’
The placement of both ends of [aɪ] in the vowel space is very different from that of the
plain vowels [a] and [i]. The sequence looks more like [oa] until we look at the formant
movements within the sequence, shown here in Figure 35.
Figure 35. Targets [a] and [ɪ] in [paɪʔ] ‘throw’
The first formant rises quickly from around 600 to about 850, very close to where the
plain vowel [a] is located in the vowel space. Following the conventions for marking
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the two target segments in the sequence, [a] is placed at the lowest point in the F2
trajectory. However, the initial low F1 is probably due to the preceding labial consonant
[p]. In this environment, the tongue moves from a high back position for articulation of
labial [p] to a low central position for articulation of [a]. The stop is released and
periodicity begins well before this transition is completed. Because of this, the target [a]
would be better placed 50-100 ms after where it is placed in Figure 35.
The trajectory does not go very high or front after reaching the [a]. From a
phonological perspective it is not necessary to distinguish between vowel qualities in
this area since the only two diphthongs in closed syllables are /ai/ and /au/. Therefore,
the only important movement is the F2 rise for /ai/ versus the F2 fall for /au/.
Figure 36 shows the sequence [aʊ] in a closed syllable. Both plain vowels [u] and
[o] are included here for comparison.
Figure 36. Diphthong [aʊ] in [bah.aʊʔ] ‘heart’
The [aʊ] sequence, like the [aɪ] sequence above, does not move very far in the vowel
space. The [a] is farther back than plain vowel [a], and the [ʊ] stops at roughly the
place of articulation of plain vowel [o].
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6.3 Summary
The place of articulation of the two targets in vocoid sequences is quite similar to
their plain vowel counterparts. In both disyllabic sequences and diphthongs, /u/ is
articulated slightly farther back than /u/ as a plain vowel. /i/ in disyllabic sequences is
articulated slightly higher and farther forward than plain vowel /i/, but is at the same
place of articulation as plain vowel /i/ when it is part of a diphthong. Both /u/ and /i/
are lowered a great deal in diphthongs in closed syllables, with /u/ being articulated
close to the place of plain vowel /o/, and /i/ being even lower than plain vowel /e/.
The high central vowel [ɨ] shows an unusual pattern in sequences. In the disyllabic
sequence [ɨ.a], it is farther back than plain vowel [ɨ], while in the diphthong [aɨ] it is
farther forward than plain vowel [ɨ].
All the data fits well with the syllabification patterns discussed in chapter 4. High
vocoids in disyllabic sequences occupy the same vowel space or a more extreme vowel
space than their plain vowel counterparts, while the same vocoids in diphthongs occupy
a place that is either the same or more centralized. With small variations, [a] occupies
the same place in all environments as it does not have a nonsyllabic realization and
always maintains prominence in the syllable nucleus.
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CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
The Enggano phoneme inventory consists of twelve consonants and fourteen vowels
in a seven-vowel oral system and an analogous seven-vowel nasal system. There are
seven possible syllable types. In contrast to earlier sources which stated that Enggano
stress is penultimate (Stokhof 1987; Kähler 1940), word stress was found to be
consistently final in both monomorphemic and polymorphemic words. Acoustic
measurements show that word stress is indicated by intensity in closed syllables. It is
not yet known whether duration or pitch plays a role in stress production and
perception in Enggano.
Allophonic processes include vowel intrusion in consonant clusters, place
assimilation of the fricative /x/, glottal consonant palatalization, and vowel
nasalization. Vowel intrusion occurs between consonants in sequences where the first
consonant of the sequence is a glottal stop. According to my analysis, the fricative /x/,
which only occurs finally, is realized as [x], [ç], or [s] depending on the preceding
vowel. My analysis of the fricatives is tentative and awaits further study. Glottal
consonants are optionally palatalized following a high front vowel. High vocoids in LH
glides are lowered in closed syllables, neutralizing contrast between high and mid
vowels in this position. Oral vowels are nasalized from adjoining nasal consonants.
Contrast between oral and nasal vowels is therefore neutralized in words with nasal
consonants.
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Vocoid sequences syllabify based on the preceding environment and the relative
height of the vocoids in the sequence. Two-vocoid sequences are disyllabic except LH
sequences, which are realized as diphthongs. Acoustic evidence shows that these two
types can be distinguished by overall duration of the sequences. Vocoid sequences after
medial glottal consonants [ʔ] and [h] are realized differently. Glottal consonants
syllabify in the coda of the previous syllable. Syllable-initial vocoids in non-LH
sequences are nonsyllabic onsets of the syllable, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’. This
process does not affect LH sequences, or sequences where the preceding glottal
consonant is word initial.
Nasal vowels show a much greater range in the vowel space than oral vowels, and
consequently there is much more overlap between adjacent vowels. This range can be
attributed to variation between speakers in pronunciation of nasal vowels. Vocoids in
sequences are very similar in place of articulation to their plain vowel counterparts.
Vocoids in disyllabic sequences are generally in more extreme areas of the vowel space,
while those in diphthongs are more centralized than plain vowels.
There are several areas where further research in Enggano phonology is needed.
The fricatives [x], [ç] and [s] should be analyzed further, either to find the motivation
behind their seemingly odd distribution, or to find an alternative analysis that better
explains the data. Optional glottal consonant palatalization after /i/ is expected
morpheme-internally, but no definite examples have been established. If this is indeed a
gap, an explanation for the gap is needed. Beyond these specific issues, research in
Enggano morphophonology is likely to yield important insights into the basic
phonology as well.
Since it started coming into contact with other languages around one hundred years
ago, Enggano has since been greatly influenced by surrounding languages. Enggano
now has many loanwords, many of which have undergone extensive assimilation and
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are difficult to distinguish from native vocabulary. Newer loans adopt Enggano final
stress, but otherwise remain unassimilated. The Enggano people have maintained their
language with surprising resilience in the past fifty years. The language may well
continue to flourish in the next period of its history. It is hoped that this thesis will be a
small contribution to the ongoing study and development of the Enggano language.
APPENDICES
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Appendix A
Morphology
Verbs and adjectives are frequently inflected in Enggano. While this study does not
cover Enggano morphology, care must be taken to ensure that morphemic structure
does not account for any of the phonological phenomena discussed in the thesis. In this
appendix I present a preliminary analysis of affixes in the Enggano data to justify the
presentation in the body of the thesis as purely phonology and not morphophonology.
In finding affixation, I assume that words are monomorphemic unless there is
evidence otherwise. Of the 102 adjectives in the data, 69 of them begin [ka], [kaʔ], or
[ki] (or nasalized [kã], [kãʔ], or [kĩ] in words with nasal segments). I analyze these as
obligatory prefixes. There is independent evidence for /ka-/ and /kaʔ-/ as derivational
adjectival prefixes, as they can attach to verbs and nouns. This is shown in (1) and (2).
The affixed form is shown first, followed by the stem.
(1) /kapik/ [ka-pik] ‘torn’ /pik/ [pik] ‘open (v)’
(2) /kaʔ-hop/ [kaʔəhop] ‘having a hole’ /hop/ [hop] ‘hole’
The prefix /kaʔ-/ also attaches to borrowed words, as shown in (3) and (4).
(3) /kaʔ-kuniʔ/ [kãʔəkuniʔ] ‘yellow’ /kuniŋ/ ‘yellow’ (Malay/Indonesian)
(4) /kaʔblau/ [kaʔəblau]’ ‘blue’ /blau/ ‘blue’ (Dutch)
Although there is no independent evidence for /ki-/ as an adjectival prefix, I analyze it
as such by analogy with the /ka-/ and /kaʔ-/ prefixes. Many adjectives in the data
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begin with [ki], and many appear to have some type of reduplication of the stem as
with /ka-/ and /kaʔ-/ adjectives. A few examples are shown in (5).
(5) /ka-pɘpɘ/ [kãpɘpɘ] ‘foggy’ /kaʔ-bubu/ [kaʔəbubu] ‘round’ /ki-nenen/ [kĩnẽnẽn] ‘burned’ /ki-nanap/ [kĩnãnãp] ‘smooth’
The adjectives that do not have one of these three prefixes do not appear to have
affixation at all.
Verbs generally have one or two prefixes, and occasionally a suffix. All verbal
prefixes for which there is independent evidence in the data are shown in (6). For each
prefix, an example of the prefix on a verb is given, followed by an example of either the
verb stem on its own or the verb stem with another prefix.
(6) Prefix Example ba- /ba-bɘr/ [babɘr] ‘buy’ /bɘr/ [bɘr] ‘buy’ baʔ- /baʔ-he/ [baʔəhe] ‘hunt octopus’ /he/ [he] ‘octopus’ ia- /ia-kitaʔ/ [jakitaʔ] ‘remember’ /ba-kitaʔ/ [bakitaʔ] ‘remember’ iah- /iah-roʔoa/ [jahroʔ.oa] ‘pray’ /ko-koʔoa/ [kokoʔ.oa] ‘pray’ ka- /ka-bak/ [kabak] ‘close eyes’ /bak/ [bak] ‘eyes’ kaʔ- /kaʔ-he] [kaʔəhe] ‘hunt octopus’ /he/ [he] ‘octopus’ kah- /kah-mih/ [kãhmĩh] ‘squeeze’ /pĩh/ [pĩh] ‘squeeze’ ki- /ki-baba/ [kibaba] ‘come’ /ba/ [ba] ‘come’ kir- /kir-bɘr/ [kirbɘr] ‘buy’ /bɘr/ [bɘr] ‘buy’ ko- /ko-koʔoa/ [kokoʔ.oa] ‘pray’ /pah-koʔoa/ [pahkoʔ.oa] ‘pray’ pa- /pa-dɘhɘ/ [padɘhɘ] ‘hear’ /dɘhɘ/ [dɘhɘ] ‘hear’ pah- /pah-koʔoa/ [pahkoʔ.oa] ‘pray’ /ko-koʔoa/ [kokoʔ.oa] ‘pray’ ʔa- /ʔa-ba/ [ʔaba] ‘come’ /ba/ [ba] ‘come’
The prefixes /ki-/ and /pa-/ can occur together or separately, as shown in (7).
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(7) /ki-pa-pe/ [kipape] ‘give’ /ki-pe/ [kipe] ‘give’ /pa-pe/ [pa-pe] ‘give’ /pe/ [pe] ‘give’
Besides the examples given here, there are many other verbs in the data that
contain these prefixes. The glosses for the various forms of the verbs are identical since
this is how they were given during elicitation. There is not enough information in the
data to determine what the prefixes are.
There are three verbal suffixes in the data. These were determined to be suffixes
since there are verbs that occur both with and without the suffixes. They are shown in
(8).
(8) –i /pɨnaha-i/ [pɨnahai ] ‘shake’ /pɨnaha/ [pɨnaha] ‘shake’ -ar /ʔu-ar/ [ʔu.ar] ‘say’ /ʔu/ [ʔu] ‘say’ -aʔ /dahɨd-aʔ/ [dahɨdaʔ] ‘lean’ /dahɨd/ [dahɨd] ‘lean’
Besides the affixes discussed above, there are also inflectional possessive suffixes.
The exact shape of these suffixes is difficult to determine. Table 1 shows the phonetic
form of all possessed nouns in the data.
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Table 1. Possessive suffixes on nouns
stem 1s 'my' 2s 'your' 3s 'his/her' 1p 'our' 2p 'your' 3p 'their' English gloss
taç tahiʔ tahib tahid(e) tahik tahidu tahid(e) bag
ʔiʔ ʔib ʔid(e) ʔik ʔidu ʔid(e) livestock
ʔũmũnũʔ ʔũmũnũm ʔũmũrki age
ʔẽ.ãm ʔãmĩʔ ʔãmĩk fishing rod
pãĩnɘn pãĩnɘnɘʔ feeling
dar daruʔ husband
kũʔwãh kũ.ãhãʔ vehicle
karaç karahaɪʔ cup
biç biçʔu bee
maç mahiʔ gold
pi pi.aʔ pi.ak garden
haruʔ harub haruk belonging to
dar daruʔ dãrũm husband
While the shape of these suffixes is not obvious from these few forms, this is not of
immediate concern since these forms are not incorporated into the analysis. Inflections
of stems ending in [ç] are potentially interesting for shedding further light on the
nature of this segment.
The phonological analysis in this thesis is based entirely on morpheme-internal
phenomena. All phonemes contrast within morphemes. Most vocoid sequences occur
morpheme-internally rather than across morpheme boundaries, and the analysis is
based only on these forms. Examples in the text are monomorphemic words whenever
possible. But since a large percentage of the words in the data contain affixation, this is
often not possible. When affixed words are used in examples, the phenomenon being
discussed is always within the stem and not adjacent to the affix. In summary, I can
state with reasonable confidence that the phonological phenomena discussed in the
thesis are not determined by morphemic structure.
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Appendix B
Complete wordlist
All the words used in the study are listed below. The underlying and surface forms
of each word are given, with glosses in English and Indonesian. The Indonesian gloss is
included because this was the original gloss given by the speakers, who were bilingual
in Enggano and Indonesian. The comment column indicates words which are loanwords
(loan) or complex words (comp). A thorough morphological analysis was not
undertaken in this research, so the indication that a word is inflected is based on the
very preliminary analysis in Appendix A. Indications of morpheme boundaries should
be considered approximations, subject to further analysis. Inflected forms are marked as
‘comp’ only when a morpheme break is not indicated in the underlying form.
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Complete Enggano wordlist
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ba ba come datang ba ba cassava sp. ubi jalar ba-bip babip to jab, slash membacok babu babu maid pembantu rumah
tangga loan
ba-bɘr babɘr buy membeli bahauʔ bah.aʊʔ heart hati baiu baju shirt baju loan bakaui bakawi Jakarta Jakarta loan bakaʔaur bakaʔ.aʊr Bengkulu Bengkulu ba-kitaʔ bakitaʔ remember mengingat barera barera flag bendera loan batar batar pillow bantal loan ba-ʔa baʔ.a die mati baʔau baʔ.au guava jambu baʔ-he baʔəhe go octopus hunting mencari gurita di laut baʔki baʔəki few sedikit bah bah liver hati bak bak eye mata bak kahaʔ bak kah.aʔ clock jam comp ba-ʔueh baʔweh sleep tidur be be dog anjing be be broth kuah beia beja table meja loan bero bero river sungai bed bed Dutch (or
European in general)
Belanda
bibi bibi residence tempat/alamat tinggal bibi bibi diarrhea mencret biti biti iron besi loan bip bip slash, jab (mem)bacok bix biç bee lebah bohoi boh.oi rope made of
melinjo tali dari melinjo
bohoe boh.oe wild liar buai bu.ai crocodile buaya loan buber buber climb up a tree memanjat pohon bui bu.i prison penjara bɘ bɘ water air
105
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment bɘr bɘr buy membeli dadɘ dadɘ chili pepper cabe dahɨd-aʔ dah.ɨdaʔ lean menyandar dahɨd dah.ɨd lean menyandar dapah dapah spices rempah loan dapiʔ dapiʔ mat tikar darum dãrũm your husband suami kamu comp daruʔ daruʔ my husband suami saya comp dauoh dawoh thunder petir daʔarah daʔ.arah orphan yatim piatu daʔikah daʔ.ikah two days in the
future lusa (akan datang)
daʔkiar daʔəki.ar all of them semuanya comp dab dab right kanan dak dak mortar lesung dap dap fall jatuh dar dar husband suami deda deda window jendela loan der der climb up a tree memanjat di di tongue lidah dibu dibu thousand ribu loan didu didu winnow menampi loan didu didu flat basket for rice nyiru loan dit dit there situ dix diç young leaf daun muda dix diç earthquake gempa bumi doab do.ab lightning kilat dohoa doh.oa small boat perahu kecil doioʔ dojoʔ pot cumbung doʔra doʔəra sand pasir dop dop earth bumi dudiad dudi.ad durian fruit durian loan duduk duduk burn bakar dupi dupi money duit loan duri duri thorn duri loan dɘhɘ dɘh.ɘ hear mendengar dɘb dɘb goods barang dɘr dɘr hold memegang dɘr dɘr river current arus air sungai dɨa dɨ.a emerge in water timbul dalam air hapɨʔ hapɨʔ day hari hare hare long ago dulu
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment harub harub yours punya kamu comp haruk haruk ours punya kita comp haruʔ haruʔ mine punya saya comp haʔau haʔ.au ocean laut haʔku haʔəku jungle hutan hau hau bite gigit hau hau man laki-laki hã hã who siapa hamɘʔ hãmɘʔ they mereka hanuʔ hãnũʔ throat leher hãpɘʔ hãpɘʔ breathe nafas he he instrument for
octopus hunting alat untuk mencari gurita
her her meat daging hẽ hẽ stairs tangga hẽkũ hẽkũ place to sit tempat duduk hẽõk hẽõk cockroach kecoa hẽk hẽk sit duduk hiur hiur dust debu hiɘr hiɘr earthworm cacing tanah hiɨr hiɨr woman perempuan hion hĩõn scratch menggaruk hĩũ hĩũ fruit buah hĩũk hĩũk louse kutu ho ho in dalam ho ho already sudah hop hop hole lubang hɘdik hɘdik turn around berputar hɨk hɨk cut potong hɨn hɨn wife istri iabaʔa jabaʔ.a death kematian iaheʔ jah.eʔ ginger jahe loan ia-kitaʔ jakitaʔ remember mengingat iakoro jakoro reconcilement perdamaian iakoʔoi jakoʔ.oi skin disease
around the eye penyakit yang tumbuh di kulit mata
iakuru jakuru home of the deceased
rumah orang yang sudah menginggal
ianome janõmẽ stream siring kecil iapaʔioi japaʔjoi traditional
wedding kawin adat
iaru jaru needle jarum loan
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment iatapux jatapux sickness penyakitan iaʔa jaʔ.a knife pisau ia-ʔitar jaʔ.itar play (ber)main iaʔdɘb jaʔədɘb old lama iaʔkaʔaiʔ jaʔəkaʔ.aɪʔ war perang iaʔkeʔei jaʔəkeʔ.ei a kind of boil penyakit sejenis bisul iahmiʔ jãhmĩʔ punishment hukuman iah-roʔoa jahroʔ.oa pray berdoa iar jar don't jangan iarkɨaʔaɨ jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ small fence pagar usuk, samping iaiʔ jaɪʔ sew menjahit ĩãkõ jãkõ corn jagung loan iamakaʔoaʔ jãmãkãʔ.oaʔ thought pikiran ie je vomit muntah ii ji behavior tingkah laku iis jis word kata iiʔ jiʔ buttocks pantat ĩĩʔĩ jĩʔ.ĩ device for shaving
coconut alat untuk mengukur kelapa
iihion jĩhjõn device for shaving coconut
alat untuk mengukur kelapa
iohor joh.or song nyanyian iohom jõh.õm in a house dalam rumah ioko joko device for peeling
coconut alat untuk mengupas kelapa
ioroi joroi husk sabut ioʔoʔ joʔ.oʔ spear galah untuk menjolot ioʔoʔ joʔ.oʔ fruits buah-buah ioʔhoe joʔəho.e bed tempat tidur iok jok shore pantai iu ju ocean laut iubaʔ jubaʔ my house rumah saya iukua juku.a pole galah iumuh jũmũh lid, plug tutup, penyumbat iub jub house rumah iuk juk skin kulit iuk juk money uang iur jur head kepala iurpuʔ jurpuʔ knee lutut iuʔuis juʔwis oar dayung ĩũkũʔ jũkũʔ wall dinding ĩũʔũ jũʔ.ũ middle tengah
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ĩũʔpɨaʔ jũʔəpɨ.ãʔ fence pagar ium jũm fly lalat ĩũʔ jũʔ stem gagang iɘ jɘ a kind of fruit tree satu jenis buah kayu iɘmɘʔ jɘmɘʔ sweat keringat iɘb jɘb fire api iɘr jɘr price harga iɘnɘn jɘnɘn a kind of sap sejenis getah iɘh jɘh cold dingin iɨdaʔ jɨdaʔ life kehidupan iɨʔɨaʔ jɨʔ.ɨaʔ rope tali iɨhɨan jɨh.ɨ an broom sapu ka ka come datang ka ka close tutup ka ka feces kotoran kaba kahaiʔ kaba kah.aɪʔ nine sembilan comp kabakeʔ kabakeʔ a term of reference
for immediate family
istilah untuk keluarga dekat
kabarar kabarar photo, picture foto, gambar loan ka-bak kabak close eyes tutup mata ka-beh kabeh steal mencuri ka-beʔ kabeʔ stand berdiri ka-bobohok kaboboh.ok exaggerate melebih-lebihkan
cerita
ka-bɨaʔ kabɨ.aʔ hatch menetas ka-bɨx kabɨx cook masak ka-der kader soft lembek kadi kadi rope tali loan ka-diɨʔ kadi.ɨʔ cut down grass menebas rumput ka-dit kadit boil mendidih kaduʔ kaduʔ horn tanduk loan kahaiʔ dibu kah.aʔ.ɪ dibu one thousand seribu comp kahaiʔ kak kah.aʔ.ɪ kak twenty dua puluh comp kahaiʔ mɘh kah.aʔ.ɪ mɘh other lain comp kahaiʔ ratuh kah.aʔ.ɪ
ratuh one hundred seratus comp
kahaiʔ kah.aɪʔ one satu kahaʔ kah.aʔ heat of the sun panas matahari kahenu kãh.ẽnũ long ago dulu ka-hiken kãh.ĩkẽn bite gigit ka-hik kah.ik drizzle gerimis
109
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ka-hũ kãh.ũ dull tumpul ka-hɘʔ kah.ɘʔ leaning condong kahɨr kah.ɨr women (pl.) perempuan kahʔuis kahəʔu.is sea crab kepiting laut kakabak kakabak a term of reference
for someone who has died
sebutan untuk orang yang sudah meninggal dunia
ka-karai kakarai chase mengusir ka-kãʔõ kãkãʔ.õ daydream melamun kakeʔep kakeʔ.ep chalk kapur sirih ka-kitaʔ kakitaʔ remember mengingat kakore kakore the name of an
Enggano clan nama salah satu suku di Enggano
ka-kɘ kakɘ broken patah ka-kɘi kakɘi in danger of
breaking akan patah
ka-kɨɘʔ kakɨ.ɘʔ short pendek ka-leʔleʔ kaleʔəleʔ muddy becek (sawah) kami kãmĩ snail shell horn for
calling a traditional assembly
alat untuk memanggil masyarakat
ka-mɘn kãmɘn sweet manis ka-nen kãnẽn thin tipis kanimuʔ kãnĩmũʔ sarong sarung ka-nih kãnĩh fast cepat ka-nik kãnĩk light terang ka-niʔ kãnĩʔ shy, bashful malu ka-no kãnõ eat makan kano kãnõ smoke asap ka-nɨ kãnɨ heavy berat kanɨa kãnɨ.ã moon bulan kapa kapa child anak kapareak kapare.ak dead banana
leaves daun pisang mati
kaper kaper papaya pepaya kapi kapi cow sapi loan ka-pik kapik torn sobek ka-pux kapux sick sakit ka-puʔ kapuʔ collapsed roboh ka-pɘpɘ kãpɘpɘ foggy kabut ka-pɨ kapɨ cold dingin
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment karaʔai karaʔ.ai a kind of tree sejenis kayu karah karah body badan karah ʔeap karah ʔe.ap ring cincin comp ka-rahrah karahrah rough, unfinished berigi-rigi karaix karaç porcelain cup gelas beling kare kare traditional dance tarian adat kare kare aluminium kaleng loan ka-rep karep boil bisul ka-rer karer full stomach kenyang ka-riɘ kariɘ work bekerja karix kariç ear telinga ka-ro karo spoiled busuk karoa karo.a pants celana ka-ropiʔ karopiʔ suck mengisap ka-ruaʔ karu.aʔ go first duluan ka-rɘʔ karɘʔ plant menanam ka-uaua kawawa open (adj.) terbuka ka-ʔa kaʔ.a die mati kaʔah kaʔ.ah kind of fragrant
tree kayu kasai
ka-ʔam kãʔ.ãm forget lupa kaʔe kaʔ.e stone batu kaʔikah kaʔ.ikah yesterday kemarin ka-ʔok kaʔ.ok hard keras ka-ʔu kaʔ.u good bagus kaʔudar kaʔ.udar residential area in
village pemukiman masyarakat
kaʔɘk kaʔ.ɘk low tide air surut ka-ʔɘr kaʔ.ɘr sharp tajam kaʔ-bari kaʔəbari drizzle gerimis kaʔ-be kaʔəbe wet basah kaʔ-bibik kaʔəbibik muddy becek (sawah) kaʔ-blau kaʔəblau green hijau kaʔ-bubu kaʔəbubu round bulat kaʔ-daix kaʔədaç white putih kaʔ-dɨhɨai kaʔədɨh.ɨai bitter pahit kaʔ-he kaʔəhe go octopus hunting mencari gurita di laut kaʔ-hori kaʔəhori handicapped cacat kaʔ-hop kaʔəhop having a hole berlubang kaʔ-kaluʔ kaʔəkaluʔ rumpled kumal kaʔken kãʔəken eye infection bisul mata kaʔ-kokohoi kaʔəkokoh.oi old buruk, keriput
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment kaʔ-kuniʔ kãʔəkuniʔ yellow kuning kaʔ-kɘh kãʔəkɘh black hitam kaʔ-man kãʔəman fragrant harum kaʔ-niʔi kãʔəniʔ.ĩ unsure ragu-ragu kaʔ-nihia kãʔənihja dream bermimpi kaʔ-noke kãʔənoke dance berjoget kaʔ-nuʔ kãʔənuʔ deep dalam kaʔnɘm kãʔənɘm friend kawan kaʔ-pix kaʔəpiç sudsy berbuih kaʔ-riprip kaʔəriprip muddy keruh kaʔruru kaʔəruru extra high tide air pasang full kaʔ-tahur kaʔətah.ur hot (water) panas (air) kaʔ-tok kaʔətok red merah kaʔhɨɘ kaʔəh.ɨɘ a woman holding a
position in traditional affairs
perempuan berjasa di adat
kah kah go, invite pergi, mengajak kah-dih kahdih clear a new field menebas kebun baru kah-dɨaʔ kahdɨ.aʔ sell menjual kah-mih kãhmĩh squeeze memeras kah-ne kãhnẽ wipe mengelap kah-nene kãhnẽnẽ flirt menggoda kah-pɘʔ kahpɘʔ breathe bernafas kah-re kahre kill membunuh kah-roʔoa kahroʔ.oa pray berdoa kahten kãhtẽn disgusting jijik kah-ʔapɨaʔ kahʔapɨ.aʔ wave breaking ombak pecah kais kais sound bunyi kaiteʔ kaiteʔ good-bye selamat tinggal comp kak kak person orang karbo karbo water buffalo kerbau loan karkoʔoaix karkoʔ.oaç night malam karneno kãrnẽnõ smooth licin karnomeaʔ kãrnõmẽ.ãʔ crawl, creep menjalar karnomeh kãrnõmẽh greedy rakus karpe karpe handker-cheif sapu tangan kaix kaç box kotak kaʔ kaʔ mouth mulut ka-ʔeaʔea kaʔ.eaʔ.ea skinny kurus ka-ʔuar kaʔwar healthy sehat kããh kã.ãh afraid takut ka-ham kãh.ãm fish (v.) memancing
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ka-ham kãh.ãm fly (v.) terbang kãhẽ kãh.ẽ a sea creature binatang laut kãhĩp kãh.ĩp small wound, bite gigitan kecil yang ada
bisa
ka-hõk kãh.õk dry over fire mengeringkan dengan api
ka-ĩõ kãjõ straight lurus kãkõ kãkõ kangkung kangkung loan kãkõʔĩã kãkõʔjã the name of a
village nama kampung
kanaʔinɘ kãnãʔ.ĩnɘ the name of a village
nama kampung
kanaʔoa kãnãʔ.oa the name of a village
nama kampung
ka-nai kanai all gone habis kanam kãnãm salt garam loan ka-pẽp kãpẽp shallow dangkal ka-pẽʔ kãpẽʔ slanted miring kãtã kãtã nut kacang loan ka-ʔãũ kãʔ.au fat gemuk kãʔẽ kãʔ.ẽ land given in place
of salary bengkok
kã-ʔĩ kãʔ.ĩ fast cepat ka-ʔɨʔ kãʔ.ɨʔ strong kuat kaʔ-kĩh kãʔəkih dry kering kaʔ-kũãʔ kãʔəkũ.ãʔ seed biji kãp kãp tribal head kepala suku ke ke vomit muntah keier kejer edible river plant genjer loan kekeʔ kekeʔ pound rice menumbuk kemaha kẽmãh.ã hammock ayunan terbuat dari
tali
kemahaʔ kẽmãh.ãʔ count menghitung keʔem kẽʔ.ẽm hide bersembunyi keʔep keʔ.ep bird burung keʔpan kẽʔəpan not bukan kehiɨ kehjɨ thirsty haus keʔ keʔ no tidak keam kẽ.ãm is not tidak ada kẽʔẽh kẽʔ.ẽh cough batuk ken kẽn abcess mata bisul kẽp kẽp island pulau
113
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ki ki he, she dia ki ki wind angin kiak ki.ak blood darah kiar ki.ar stay tinggal kiar ki.ar all semua ki-baba kibaba coming sedang datang ki-bibi kibibi have diarrhea mencret ki-bibiʔ kibibiʔ squirt mencrot, menyembur ki-dadaʔɨɘh kidadaʔ.ɨɘh care for spouse of
deceased menjaga suami/istri orang meninggal
ki-didik kididik diligent rajin ki-didix kididiç clothes too big pakaian kebesaran ki-dɨa kidɨ.a emerge in the
water timbul dalam air
ki-ka kika he comes dia datang ki-kãʔũ kĩkãʔ.ũ nearly fainted setengah pingsan ki-keor kikeor lost hilang ki-ki kiki to be ada kiki kiki at di ki-kiar kiki.ar stay tinggal ki-kitix kikitiç step on menginjak ki-kiʔ kikiʔ surprised terkejut ki-koh kikoh cassava ubi kayu ki-kɘhɘi kikɘh.ɘi spilled tumpah kikɨhɨr kikɨh.ɨr high tide air pasang ki-mama kĩmãmã chew mengunyah ki-memek kĩmẽmẽk defecate beol ki-mɘ kĩmɘ give birth melahirkan ki-mɘmɘi kĩmɘmɘi overcast mendung ki-nanap kĩnãnãp flat, smooth, level datar, rata kinaʔah kĩnãʔ.ãh like this begini comp ki-nenen kĩnẽnẽn burned hangus ki-nono kĩnõnõ eat makan ki-nonon kĩnõnõn miscarriage keguguran ki-nok kĩnõk dive menyelam ki-noʔoe kĩnõʔ.oe spilled tumpah kinu kĩnũ a kind of fish nama ikan laut ki-pa-pe kipape give memberikan ki-pahnauaʔ kĩpãhnãwãʔ hold a discussion bermusyawarah ki-paido kipaido cry menangis ki-pam kĩpãm full penuh ki-pe kipe give memberi
114
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ki-pehiɘr kipehjɘr deaf tuli ki-pokah kipokah will go mau pergi ki-pop kipop bubble (v.) menggelembung ki-pu kipu run berlari kĩ-pɘʔ kĩpɘʔ weave menganyam kita kita stomach perut kitaha kitah.a centipede lipan ki-tahaʔ kitah.aʔ stab menikam kite kite a kind of tree kayu merbau kiɘhɘr ki.ɘh.ɘr shore crab kepiting pantai kiʔaru kiʔ.aru and dan comp kiʔnen kĩʔənen be lined up berjajar ki-deok kide.ok pinched terjepit ki-hiau kihjau bite gigit kir-bɘr kirbɘr buy membeli kir-dɘr kirdɘr buy membeli kir-koniʔi kĩrkõnĩʔ.ĩ tickle menggeli-gelikan kir-ʔu kirʔju say bilang kit kit try coba kit kit shark ikan hiu kiʔ kiʔ squirt mencrot, menyembur kiʔia kiʔja mosquito nyamuk ki-ʔiai kiʔjai can't reach tidak sampai ki-ʔiop kiʔjop face downwards telungkup ki-ʔu kiʔju say bilang kiʔiɘi kiʔjɘi the name of a
village nama kampung
kiʔuɘi kiʔwɘi term of address for young girl
nok
kĩhĩ kĩh.ĩ small pieces of rattan
rotan halus
kĩkẽʔ kĩkẽʔ a kind of sea snail kucing-kucing kĩpãʔãũp kĩpãʔ.aʊp ten sepuluh kĩpãʔĩõp kĩpãʔjõp eight delapan kiʔ-kẽʔ kĩʔəkeʔ chop mencincang ki-hiam kĩhjãm itchy gatal ki-hĩẽk kĩhjẽk sit duduk kĩhkõʔ kĩhkõʔ urinate on mengencingi kĩk kĩk necklace kalung kin kĩn tall tinggi kĩʔ kĩʔ slap menampar kĩʔ kĩʔ chin dagu
115
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment kĩ-ʔĩãk kĩʔjãk swim berenang kĩʔĩãp kĩʔjãp grasshopper belalang kĩ-ʔiɘ kĩʔjɘ paralyzed lumpuh kĩʔiɘkiʔiɘ kĩʔjɘkiʔjɘ a kind of sea
creature satu jenis binatang laut
ko ko hungry lapar koar ko.ar type of kitchen
utensil
kokoʔoa kokoʔ.oa love for someone sayang/kasih pada seseorang
kokoiʔea kokoɪʔ.ea lazy malas kome kõmẽ bridge jembatan koniʔi kõnĩʔ.ĩ ticklish geli kopiʔ kopiʔ suck mengisap korea kore.a seagull burung camar koʔma kõʔəma porch teras koʔmai kõʔəmai immigrant pendatang koʔmim kõʔəmim star bintang koʔnene kõʔənene flirt menggoda koheaʔ koh.eaʔ small hut pondok kecil koi koi pig babi kok kok breast dada perempuan kor kor lift angkat korti korti chair kursi loan koʔoeʔ koʔ.oeʔ devil setan koan kõ.ãn The Lord Tuhan kokon kõkõn visible nampak kone kõnẽ flirt menggoda kõʔõĩʔ kõʔ.oɪ ʔ gray hair uban kõʔkõʔ kõʔəkoʔ sago palm rumbia kõp kõp grave kubur kõʔ kõʔ traditional head
scarf ikat kepala (bahasa adat)
kõʔĩã kõʔjã goiter bagok, tangkil kõʔĩã kõʔjã nut tree sp. melinjo ku ku wood, tree kayu kuaʔ ku.aʔ bark (v.) menggonggong kudaʔai kudaʔ.ai preach khotbah kudiʔ kudiʔ belt ikat pinggang kunuʔun kũnũʔ.ũn fingernail kuku kupar kupar fence pagar kuruh kuruh skinny kurus loan
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment kuti kuti key kunci loan kud kud horse kuda loan kup kup swell bengkak kurdi kurdi facing outwards tunggit kuʔiaʔ kuʔjaʔ push dorong kũ kũ count hitung kũãhãʔ kũ.ãh.ãʔ count berhitung kũãhãʔ kũ.ãh.ãʔ my vehicle kendaraan saya comp kuan kũ.ãn when kapan kũkũ kũkũ follow ikutan kumu kũmũ well sumur loan kũʔĩ kũʔ.ĩ great grandparent orang tua dari nenek kũhũẽ kũhwẽ usefulness kegunaan kũk kũk pass gas keluar angin kũk kũk back punggung kun kũn correct benar kũʔ kũʔ climb onto naik kendaraan kũʔũãh kũʔwãh vehicle kendaraan kɘ kɘ edible tuber ubi-ubian yang bisa
dimakan
kɘhɘi kɘh.ɘi spilled tumpah kɘkɘ kɘkɘ go, travel jalan-jalan kɘʔɘh kɘʔ.ɘh plant tanaman kɘr kɘr swallow menelan kɘx kɘx mountain gunung kɘʔ kɘʔ plant menanam kɘ kɘ measure ukur kɘ kɘ try coba kɨdaʔ kɨdaʔ tell beritakan, sampaikan kɨʔɨk kɨʔ.ɨk narrow sempit kɨʔdɨx kɨʔədɨx surprised terkejut kɨʔkah kɨʔəkah laugh tertawa kɨr kɨr life kehidupan kɨx kɨx turtle penyu labalaba labalaba spider laba-laba loan maha mãh.ã do not know tidak tahu maham mãh.ãm fish (me)mancing makoʔ mãkõʔ cup cangkir terbuat dari
kaleng atau plastik loan
mama mãmã chew mengunyah mamek mãmẽk defecate buang air besar mamik mãmĩk urinate buang air kecil
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment maʔau mãʔ.au local people masyarakat setempat man mãn man laki-laki maix mãç gold emas loan maʔ mãʔ mother ibu me mẽ why mengapa mea mẽ.ã cat kucing meh mẽh food makanan mimi mĩmĩ far jauh minuʔ mĩnũʔ smell mencium moʔni mõʔəni where mana muo mũõ flower bunga loan mɘ mɘ be born lahir mɘk mɘk many banyak nahai nãh.ai allow biar namutan nãmũtãn rambutan rambutan loan nanaiaʔ nãnãjãʔ ruin merusak nanau nanau lake danau loan napu nãpũ lamp lampu loan naua nãwã big toe jempol kaki naʔah nãʔ.ãh like that begitu naʔan nãʔ.ãn later nanti naʔau nãʔ.ãũ climb naik naʔinɘ nãʔ.ĩnɘ a kind of tree putat (nama sejenis
kayu)
nahʔem nãhʔẽm later nanti dulu naʔ nãʔ get ambil ne nẽ flu flu nene nẽnẽ bait umpan neneʔem nẽnẽʔ.ẽm your grandmother nenek kamu comp neneʔ nẽnẽʔ grandmother nenek loan nepe nẽpẽ a kind of cake sejenis kue ni nĩ name nama nipon nĩpõn Japanese (or Asian
in general) Jepang loan
nipɘʔ nĩpɘʔ weave menganyam no nõ eat makan nomeʔ nõmẽʔ dig out a hole mengorek-orek lobang note nõtẽ bell lonceng loan noʔoe nõʔ.oe spilled tumpah noʔman nõʔəman tomorrow besok noh nõh food makanan noh nõh trash can tempat sampah
118
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment nukoʔ nũkõʔ cigarette rokok loan nuʔik nũʔ.ĩk small kecil nuʔik nuʔ nũʔ.ĩk nũʔ short pendek comp nɘʔɘn nɘʔ.ɘn now sekarang pa pa youth anak muda pabuʔui pabuʔwi the name of a
village nama kampung
padi padi field rice padi loan pa-dɘhɘ padɘh.ɘ hear mendengar pa-hahre pah.ahre kill membunuh pa-himɘ pãh.ĩmɘ peer mengintai pa-hito pah.ito spit meludah pa-hitɘi pah.itɘi mock mengejek pa-hobeʔ pah.obeʔ date (v.) pacaran pahu pah.u angry marah pa-hɘdik pah.ɘdik turn berbelok paiɘʔoi pajɘʔ.oi nauseous mual pa-keʔem pakeʔ.em hide (trans.) menyembunyikan pa-ki paki hide (trans.) menyembunyikan pa-kikitix pakikitiç step on menginjak-injak pa-kõʔõãʔ pãkõʔ.oaʔ know tahu pa-lauaʔ palawaʔ split membelah pamahaum pãmãh.aʊm afternoon sore pa-pe pape give memberi pa-pur papur fight berkelahi pa-pɨaʔ papɨ.aʔ I see saya melihat pa-riʔ pariʔ make buat parur parur celebration pesta pa-tuʔ patuʔ throw away membuang pa-uap pawap yawn menguap pa-ʔitɘʔ paʔ.itɘʔ throw melempar pa-ʔoaʔ paʔ.oaʔ shout berteriak paʔpɘhɘr paʔəpɘh.ɘr bad jahat pah-bɘ pahbɘ hit memukul pah-koʔoa pahkoʔ.oa love someone sayang/kasih pada
seseorang
pahnamik pãhnãmĩk hardly visible antara nampak dan tidak
pah-nuaʔ pãhnũ.ãʔ hunt berburu pah-pɨ pahpɨ see melihat paido paido cry menangis painɘn pai nɘn feelings perasaan
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment pap pap cheek pipi parna pãrnã paper kertas loan pau pau horizon (sea) permukaan laut yang
jauh
paix paç ash abu paiʔ paɪʔ throw melempar paʔ paʔ father bapak paʔob paʔ.ob meet bertemu pahuman pãh.ũmãn morning pagi pãĩõ pãjõ straight lurus pãĩũ pãjũ umbrella payung pa-kanaʔ pãkãnãʔ separate berpisah pa-na pãnã speak bicara pa-nauaʔ pãnãwãʔ discuss musyawarah pane pãnẽ close dekat pãʔĩ pãʔ.ĩ fast cepat pãʔõ pãʔ.õ silent, quiet diam pãʔõpã pãʔ.õpã lined up bersusun pãĩk paɪ k river shrimp udang sungai pan pãn nose hidung pãĩx pãç pestle alu pãʔĩõp pãʔjõp hug pelukan pe pe give memberi pẽʔẽ pẽʔ.ẽ land crab kepiting darat pẽʔẽʔ pẽʔ.ẽʔ this ini pẽʔ pẽʔ frog katak pi pi garden kebun piak pi.ak our garden kebun kita comp piak pi.ak tired letih, lesu piar pi.ar leave meninggalkan piaʔ pi.aʔ my garden kebun saya comp pina pĩnã betel nut pinang loan pinohoi pĩnõh.oi naïve pandir piri piri plate piring loan pitoroʔ pitoroʔ pencil pensil piɘh pi.ɘh massage mengurut pik pik open buka pĩ pĩ jungle snail sejenis keong hutan pĩh pĩh squeeze memeras po po coconut kelapa loan poraʔ poraʔ split membelah poro poro lie bohong
120
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment porpiʔ porpiʔ cigarette paper
from nipa palm leaves
bungkusan untuk rokok dari daun nipa
pu pu run lari pu pu male genitalia kelamin laki-laki puah pu.ah stir mengaduk puak pu.ak go pergi puka puka open membuka loan purik purik grow tumbuh pururu pururu hair bulu puk puk navel pusat pur pur boil merebus pur pur kill membunuh purdu purdu roof atap pɘʔɘk pɘʔ.ɘk shoot tembak pɘix pɘis Padang (place,
people) Padang
pɘix pɘis machete parang pɘk pɘk dig a hole melobangi pɘʔ pɘʔ shoot menembak pɘʔ pɘʔ the name of a
village nama kampung
pɨ pɨ see melihat pɨah pɨ.ah face wajah pɨnaha pɨnah.ã shake menggoyangkan pɨnahai pɨnah.ai shake menggoyangkan pɨʔɨaʔ pɨʔ.ɨaʔ large rattan pieces rotan kasar pɨhɨaʔ pɨh.ɨaʔ able bisa pɨʔ pɨʔ fireplace tempat masak rakit rakit raft rakit loan ratuh ratuh hundred ratus loan roro roro pick up pungut rusa rusa deer rusa loan tabɨdaʔ tabɨdaʔ jackfruit nangka tahiʔ tah.iʔ my bag tas saya comp tanaia tãnãjã naked telanjang taru taru eggplant terong loan tauah tawah rice field sawah loan tauud tawud year tahun loan tahaʔ tah.aʔ write menulis taix taç bag tas loan tãpũ tãpũ flour tepung terigu loan
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment teke teke cloves cengkeh loan tena tẽnã happy senang loan tepaʔ tepaʔ kick tendang, sepak loan tereʔ tereʔ tea kettle ceret loan teror teror egg telur loan teter teter flashlight senter loan teʔ teʔ here sini tẽ tẽ metal roofing seng loan tikus tikus rat tikus loan tipiʔ tipiʔ tweezers, pincers sepit loan tiri tiri betel leaf daun sirih loan tokoʔ tokoʔ hat topi tubuʔ tubuʔ hit with fist (men)tinju tuo tu.o old tua loan tutiʔ tutiʔ inject suntik loan tuʔiah tuʔjah for what untuk apa comp uaʔ waʔ uncle paman ʔa ʔa we kita/kami ʔa-ba ʔaba come datang ʔa-beh ʔabeh steal mencuri ʔabeh ʔabeh bamboo bambu ʔa-beʔ ʔabeʔ stand berdiri ʔa-buaʔ ʔabu.aʔ wear, use memakai ʔa-bɘ ʔabɘ hit memukul ʔabɨx ʔabɨx already sudah ʔa-diɨʔ ʔadi.ɨʔ cut down grass menebas ʔaduʔ ʔaduʔ towel handuk loan ʔadɘhɘr ʔadɘh.ɘr grass rumput ʔa-hẽ ʔãh.ẽ wipe mengelap ʔa-hit ʔah.it spit meludah ʔa-ioiaʔ ʔajojaʔ pay out (a rope) ulur ʔa-kenah ʔãkẽnãh choose memilih ʔa-kitaʔ ʔakitaʔ think pikir ʔakɘr ʔakɘr three tiga ʔakɨrib ʔakɨrib lips bibir ʔamik ʔãmĩk our fishing rod pancing (kepunyaan
bersama)
ʔa-nok ʔãnõk wash mencuci ʔãpẽʔẽãp ʔãpẽʔ.eap wing sayap ʔa-piah ʔapi.ah graze merumput ʔapiah ʔapi.ah how many berapa ʔa-po ʔapo blow bertiup
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Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ʔapɘh ʔapɘh a term for someone
who has died kata ganti untuk orang yang sudah meninggal
ʔaraʔiah ʔaraʔjah the livestock of a deceased person
ternak peliharaan orang yang sudah meninggal
ʔareʔ ʔareʔ let's ayo ʔari ʔari you (pl.) kalian ʔarib ʔarib five lima ʔarib he ʔaru ʔarib he ʔaru seven tujuh comp ʔarop ʔarop underarm ketiak ʔaru ʔaru two dua ʔarɘ ʔarɘ how bagaimana ʔarɘh ʔarɘh fever demam ʔa-uah ʔawah go pergi ʔauan ʔãwãn cloud awan loan ʔauaʔ ʔawaʔ mangrove bakau ʔahdih ʔahdih clear a new field menebas kebun baru ʔainɘn ʔai nɘn feel merasa ʔainɘn ʔai nɘn silent, quiet diam ʔar ʔar close quarters himpit ʔarkix ʔarkiç rice beras, nasi ʔau ʔau agape nganga ʔaup ʔaʊp four empat ʔa-ʔia ʔaʔja descend turun ʔa-ʔiur ʔaʔjur progress maju ʔaiam ʔãjãm chicken ayam loan ʔaken ʔãkẽn shark ikan hiu ʔakiʔakin ʔãkĩʔ.ãkĩn six enam ʔamahai ʔãmãh.ai bed ranjang ʔamak ʔãmãk God Allah ʔame ʔãmẽ a kind of sea
mollusk jenis kerang laut
ʔamiʔ ʔãmĩʔ my fishing rod pancing (kepunyaan sendiri)
comp
ʔamiʔ ʔãmĩʔ punishment hukuman ʔamiʔiam ʔãmĩʔjãm shoulder bahu ʔamuh ʔãmũh big besar ʔamuh nuʔ ʔãmũh nũʔ long, wide panjang, lebar comp ʔanima ʔãnĩmã pandanus pandan ʔanoʔon ʔãnõʔ.õn heel tumit
123
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ʔanoʔ ʔãnõʔ name of a sub-
village in Malakoni village
nama dusun di desa Malakoni
ʔanuʔun ʔãnũʔ.ũn turtle kura-kura ʔanɘk ʔãnɘk guest tamu ʔanɘʔ ʔãnɘʔ friend teman ʔanɨkɘ ʔãnɨkɘ a kind of
caterpillar nama sejenis ulat
ʔanɨk ʔãnɨk pull menarik ʔanɨʔ ʔãnɨʔ outside of Enggano di luar pulau Enggano ʔãpũʔ ʔãpũʔ snake ular ʔatam ʔãtãm sour asam loan ʔam ʔãm father bapak ʔãʔkũhũãʔ ʔãʔəkuhwãʔ dry menjemur ʔe ʔe stone batu ʔe ʔe female genitalia kelamin perempuan ʔea ʔe.a bone tulang ʔea kak ʔe.a kak hand planer ketam, sugu comp ʔeaka ʔe.aka close tutup ʔeai ʔe.ai fish ikan ʔeap ʔe.ap hand/arm tangan ʔeaudauoh ʔe.audawoh sky langit ʔeber ʔeber washbasin baskom loan ʔeiɘp ʔẽjɘp grass rumput ʔekaʔ ʔekaʔ tooth gigi ʔeko ʔeko road jalan ʔekoʔanu ʔẽkõʔ.ãnũ shore crab umang-umang ʔeno ʔẽnõ dig menggali ʔeok ʔe.ok vein urat ʔeok ʔe.ok hard keras ʔek ʔek bathe mandi ʔer ʔer climb up a tree memanjat ʔeʔea ʔeʔ.ea bone tulang ʔẽ ʔẽ shove singkir ʔeam ʔẽ.ãm fishing rod pancing ʔẽãp ʔẽ.ãp root akar ʔẽãp ʔẽ.ãp thick tebal ʔẽõ ʔẽ.õ mud lumpur ʔẽõ ʔẽ.õ a kind of sea snail sejenis keong ʔẽõʔ ʔẽ.õʔ that itu ʔẽk ʔẽk defecate buang air besar ʔẽp ʔẽp left kiri
124
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ʔẽʔ ʔẽʔ this ini ʔi ʔi pedal pijak ʔiah ʔi.ah what apa ʔinu ʔĩnũ small bowl with
water for washing mangkuk kecil untuk mencuci tangan
ʔi-tem ʔĩtẽm above di atas ʔi-top ʔitop below di bawah ʔitɘʔ ʔitɘʔ throw melempar ʔiʔmɘ ʔĩʔəmɘ peer mengintai ʔihtɘi ʔihtɘi mock mengejek ʔik ʔik we kita ʔik ʔik our livestock ternak kita comp ʔit ʔit drink minum ʔit ʔit banana pisang ʔiʔ ʔiʔ my livestock ternak saya comp ʔi-ʔiah ʔiʔjah where di mana ʔi-ʔuoʔ ʔiʔwoʔ there di sana ʔĩk ʔĩk urinate buang air kecil ʔĩʔĩãk ʔĩʔjãk swim berenang ʔi-ʔĩẽʔ ʔĩʔjẽʔ here di sini ʔi-ʔĩõʔ ʔĩʔjõʔ there di situ ʔohmeʔ ʔõhmẽʔ bore a hole mengorek-orek lobang ʔok ʔok withdraw cabut ʔor ʔor pull tarik ʔõ ʔõ yes iya ʔoneaʔ ʔõnẽ.ãʔ go together pergi sama-sama ʔu ʔu say bilang ʔu ʔu I saya ʔu-ar ʔu.ar say mengatakan ʔubeʔ ʔubeʔ medicine obat ʔubiʔ ʔubiʔ a kind of snakeskin
fruit nama sejenis salak
ʔudɘp ʔudɘp taro talas ʔudɘx ʔudɘx shampoo sampo ʔueh ʔu.eh sleep tidur ʔumaha ʔũmãh.ã do not know tidak tahu ʔũ ʔũ touch senggol ʔũẽ ʔũ.ẽ cry menangis ʔumunum ʔũmũnũm your (sg) age umur kamu comp,
loan ʔumunuʔ ʔũmũnũʔ my age umur saya comp,
loan
125
Underlying Surface English Indonesian Comment ʔũp ʔũp grandparent nenek ʔɘ ʔɘ draw water menimba ʔɘi ʔɘi OK iya ʔɘi ʔɘi a call (hey!) kata yang dipakai
dengan orang jauh tidak dikenal
ʔɘr ʔɘr buy membeli ʔɘʔ ʔɘʔ you (sg) kamu ʔɘm ʔɘm wait tunggu ʔɘm ʔɘm do, carry out
(imperative) buat, melakukan
ʔɘmduparauʔ ʔɘmduparaʊʔ be careful berhati-hatilah comp ʔɨaʔ ʔɨ.aʔ tie mengikat ʔɨdiaʔ ʔɨdi.aʔ sell menjual ʔɨki ʔɨki mango mangga ʔɨʔkah ʔɨʔəkah laugh tertawa
126
Appendix C
Duration of vowels and vocoid sequences
Table 1. Duration, intensity, pitch, and formants of stressed and unstressed vowels
Word Duration (ms) Intensity (dB) Pitch (Hz) F1 (Hz) F2 (Hz)
1st 2nd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd 1st 2nd
/tipiʔ/ [tipiʔ] 90 175 75 79 110 170 310 375 2100 2175
/kɨʔɨk/ [kɨʔɨk] 115 255 75 81 130 200 340 355 1525 1490
/tubuʔ/ [tubuʔ] 150 205 72 75 110 155 400 405 700 680
/kekeʔ/ [kekeʔ] 105 175 71 78 105 140 465 530 2135 2115
/kɘʔɘh/ [kɘʔɘh] 95 215 81 87 115 170 420 430 1360 1355
/kokon/ [kõkõn] 140 190 68 74 105 165 740 810 850 985
/dapah/ [dapah] 145 140 71 76 95 135 790 825 1285 1230
/bibi/ [bibi] 140 360 73 74 105 160 290 315 2110 2210
/kumu/ [kũmũ] 140 310 69 69 115 177 390 595 760 620
/nene/ [nẽnẽ] 170 385 71 71 105 165 560 560 2085 2195
/kɘkɘ/ [kɘkɘ] 130 345 85 85 115 185 425 460 1390 1325
/roro/ [roro] 180 375 80 80 115 175 580 630 980 985
/mama/ [mãmã] 130 390 76 76 90 150 820 805 1260 1345
127
Table 2. Duration of HL and LH vocoid sequences in final position (ms)
Closed HL Closed LH Open HL Open LH
ia ʔapi.ah 255 ai jaiʔ 250 ia ai kakarai 405
ʔɨdi.aʔ 285 pai k 300 kõʔəmai 380
pi.ak 345 kais 295 kanai 395
ua karu.aʔ 400 au ʔaʊp 295 ua juku.a 445 au
pu.ak 330
pu.ah 250 `
ea ʔone.aʔ 280 ea kore.a 525
kapare.ak 335
oa do.ab 360 ao oa karo.a 615 ao
ko.ar 385
kõ.ãn 345
io oi io oi joroi 430
iɘ pi.ɘh 300 ɘi pɘis 275 iɘ kari.ɘ 565 ɘi ʔihtɘi 475
kakɘi 425
kĩmɘmɘi 400
128
Table 3. Duration of HL and LH vocoid sequences in final position after glottal
consonant (ms)
Closed HL Closed LH Open HL Open LH
ia ʔaraʔjah 255 ai jaʔkaʔ.aiʔ 210 ia kiʔja 420 ai karaʔ.ai 405
kuʔjaʔ 330 kah.aiʔ 265 kõʔjã 360 ʔãmãh.ai 495
kĩʔjãp 225 kabakah.aiʔ 185 kãʔənihjã 390 nãh.ai 475
ua kũʔwãh 280 au bah.aʊʔ 265 ua au baʔ.au 495
pãmãh.aʊm 260 haʔ.au 480
kĩpãʔ.aʊp 225 maʔ.au 470
ea koh.eaʔ 285 ea kokoiʔ.ea 385
kaʔ.eaʔ.ea 390
oa paʔ.oaʔ 255 ao oa pahkoʔ.oa 490 ao
karkoʔ.oaç 240 doh.oa 400
jamakaʔ.oaʔ 225 kokoʔ.oa 445
ie ʔĩʔjẽʔ 245 ei ie ei jaʔəkeʔ.ei 425
io kiʔjop 285 oi kõʔ.oi ʔ 265 io oi pajɘʔ.oi 435
ʔĩʔjõʔ 270
jĩhjõn 235 pinoh.oi 480
iɘ kipehjɘr 310 ɘi iɘ kĩʔjɘ 520 ɘi kɘh.ɘi 405
kĩʔjɘkiʔjɘ 445
Table 4. Duration of same-height vocoid sequences in final position (ms)
Closed Closed Post-Glottal Open Open Post-Glottal
iu ʔaʔjur 320
iɨ kehjɨ 430
eo kide.ok 320
kike.or 335
ui juʔwis 295 bu.i 495
kahəʔwis 250
oe koʔ.oeʔ 305 boh.oe 435
joʔəhoe 430
nõʔ.oe 440
129
Table 5. Duration of plain vowels in closed and open final position
Plain vowels in closed syllables Plain vowels in open syllables
i pik 195 ʔɨki 440
ɨ kɨʔ.ɨk 255 pɨ 400
ũ jũkũʔ 230 kikãʔ.ũ 390
ẽ pẽʔ 220 ke 410
ɘ kɘx 210 kapɘpɘ 405
õ kõʔəkoʔ 200 ʔẽnõ 395
a kak 245 baʔa 415
130
Appendix D
Vowel formant measurements
Table 1. F1 of oral vowels (Hz)
Word hɘdik kɨx duduk karep kɘx kaʔətok kak
Vowel i ɨ u e ɘ o a
AK1 390 300 340 485 470 550 810
AK2 390 315 355 480 470 515 785
JS1 295 330 395 545 410 625 895
JS2 330 345 385 570 450 595 860
MK1 295 270 315 480 370 520 740
MK2 290 285 310 455 365 515 720
MR1 360 300 370 490 375 530 870
MR2 355 325 360 500 395 550 880
Table 2. F2 of oral vowels (Hz)
Word hɘdik kɨx duduk karep kɘx kaʔətok kak
Vowel i ɨ u e ɘ o a
AK1 2120 1355 885 2030 1365 855 1460
AK2 2155 1100 910 1675 1325 770 1440
JS1 2130 1675 1020 1910 1570 1015 1475
JS2 2185 1165 940 1795 1580 910 1465
MK1 2360 1150 890 1945 1430 835 1365
MK2 2240 1380 925 1905 1225 865 1350
MR1 2450 1165 930 2270 1110 1005 1265
MR2 2460 1195 935 2045 1170 985 1455
131
Table 3. F1 of nasal vowels (Hz)26
Word kãʔəkih pɨʔ kũk kãʔəpẽp kãʔəkɘh pɘʔ kõp kãp
Vowel ĩ ɨ ũ ẽ ɘ ɘ õ ã
AK1 580 430 485 545 500 600 580 790
AK2 560 455 495 555 485 640 565 805
JS1 415 385 485 705 430 575 755 835
JS2 430 450 485 610 515 610 725 885
MK1 330 375 390 565 435 565 410 690
MK2 315 395 415 590 400 555 380 720
MR1 380 400 350 520 385 590 675 665
MR2 430 380 410 475 390 600 640 845
Table 4. F2 of nasal vowels (Hz)
Word kãʔəkih pɨʔ kũk kãʔəpep kãʔəkɘh pɘʔ kõp kãp
Vowel ĩ ɨ ũ ẽ ɘ ɘ õ ã
AK1 2270 985 580 1820 1180 1255 725 1425
AK2 2225 1050 575 1580 1240 1295 725 1365
JS1 2245 1685 700 1880 1590 1225 895 1390
JS2 2260 1190 695 1750 1670 1225 1020 1485
MK1 1735 1000 450 2000 1345 1280 745 1390
MK2 1970 1190 445 1735 1215 1215 785 1465
MR1 1565 965 450 2115 1195 1250 800 1380
MR2 2450 1180 700 2300 1200 1300 730 1415
26 All instances of [pɘʔ] come from speaker RJ, repeated in isolation.
132
Appendix E
Vocoid sequence formant measurements
Table 1. F1 of vocoid sequences in frames (Hz)
ki.ak pɨ.ah pu.ak bah.aʊʔ hi.ur kahəʔwis
AK1 F1 1st 265 270 315 780 290 320
F1 2nd 695 860 800 645 300 320
AK2 F1 1st 255 260 335 730 360 305
F1 2nd 720 625 710 665 370 340
JS1 F1 1st 270 280 390 790 235 415
F1 2nd 825 950 810 550 350 330
JS2 F1 1st 330 295 420 935 280 390
F1 2nd 750 955 785 605 355 340
MK1 F1 1st 210 295 320 845 210 365
F1 2nd 750 530 695 640 310 185
MK2 F1 1st 245 275 330 750 215 360
F1 2nd 745 505 740 690 315 295
MR1 F1 1st 340 275 410 750 315 345
F1 2nd 845 765 750 485 370 365
MR2 F1 1st 345 315 345 715 350 335
F1 2nd 800 810 825 375 365 365
133
Table 2. F2 of vocoid sequences in frames (Hz)
ki.ak pɨ.ah pu.ak bah.aʊʔ hi.ur kahəʔwis
AK1 F2 1st 2355 1120 715 1150 2280 660
F2 2nd 1365 1675 1220 960 740 2345
AK2 F2 1st 2245 1145 645 1105 2255 730
F2 2nd 1295 1345 1210 945 760 2185
JS1 F2 1st 2165 935 720 1110 2110 450
F2 2nd 1480 1730 1315 795 800 2215
JS2 F2 1st 2225 930 480 1250 2275 570
F2 2nd 1510 1630 1275 915 780 2205
MK1 F2 1st 2470 1120 645 1300 2595 725
F2 2nd 1375 1590 1270 980 650 2060
MK2 F2 1st 2640 1080 660 1280 2665 775
F2 2nd 1410 1560 1245 770 705 2320
MR1 F2 1st 2680 845 630 1120 2530 705
F2 2nd 1390 1380 1125 875 875 2455
MR2 F2 1st 2665 840 625 1120 2505 740
F2 2nd 1350 1435 1235 755 765 2475
Table 3. F1 of vocoid sequences in isolation (Hz)
karaʔ.ai jarkɨaʔ.aɨ baʔ.au paɪʔ
RJ1 F1 1st 870 770 755 570
F1 2nd 455 425 445 765
RJ2 F1 1st 775 735 780 605
F1 2nd 350 380 275 740
Table 4. F2 of vocoid sequences in isolation (Hz)
karaʔ.ai jarkɨaʔ.aɨ baʔ.au paɪʔ
RJ1 F2 1st 1405 1305 1205 950
F2 2nd 2290 1415 830 1715
RJ2 F2 1st 1395 1365 1240 1030
F2 2nd 2280 1405 845 1605
134
Appendix F
Tables of phonemes
Each phoneme is listed in a separate table below. Examples of each consonant are
given in initial, prestress, stressed and final position. Exmaples of each vowel are given
in prestress, final closed syllable, and final open syllable position. For all phonemes,
attempt is made to list include examples with oral, nasal and surface nasalized vowels.
When a phoneme is not attested in a certain context, the space for it is removed. Voiced
stops, for example, only occur in words with oral vowels. Only two examples are given
in each position rather than the usual four. Many consonants occur after another
consonant only across a morpheme boundary. When no morpheme-internal example of
a consonant cluster is attested, I include an example in a prefixed word.
Table 1. Phoneme /p/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /paix/ [paç] ‘ash’ /pɨ/ [pɨ] ‘see’ /pãĩk/ [paɪ k] ‘river shrimp’
Initial
/pinohoi/ [pĩnõh.oi ] ‘naïve’ /kĩpãʔĩõp/ [kipaʔjõp] ‘eight’ /kã-pɘpɘ/ [kapɘpɘ] ‘foggy’
Prestress
/paʔpɘhɘr/ [paʔəpɘhɘr] ‘bad’ /ʔapo/ [ʔapo] ‘blow’ /pã-ʔõpã/ [pãʔ.õpã] ‘lined up’ /karpe/ [karpe] ‘handkercheif’
Stressed
/kaʔ-pẽp/ [kãʔəpep] ‘shallow’ /pauap/ [pawap] ‘yawn’ /bip/ [bip] ‘slash’ /kĩʔĩãp/ [kĩʔjãp] ‘grasshopper’
Final
/ʔũp/ [ʔũp] ‘grandparent’
135
Table 2. Phoneme /b/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss bak bak ‘eye’ Initial bix biç ‘bee’
Prestress tabɨdaʔ tabɨdaʔ ‘jackfruit’ ʔabeh ʔabeh ‘bamboo’ Stressed kir-bɘr kirbɘr ‘buy’ dab dab ‘right’ Final ʔakɨrib ʔakɨrib ‘lips’
Table 3. Phoneme /t/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘stab’ /tutiʔ/ [tutiʔ] ‘inject’ (loan) /tãpũ/ [tãpũ] ‘flour’ (loan)
Initial
/tẽ/ [tẽ] ‘metal roofing’ (loan)
/kitaha/ [kitaha] ‘centipede’ Prestress /kaʔ-tahur/ [kaʔətah.ur] ‘hot’ /kite/ [kite] ‘Mollucan
ironwood’ (tree) /kãtã/ [kãtã] ‘nut’ (loan) /korti/ [korti] ‘chair’ (loan)
Stressed
/kahten/ [kãhtẽn] ‘repulsive’ Final /ʔit/ [ʔit] ‘drink’
Table 4. Phoneme /d/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /dauoh/ [dawoh] ‘thunder’ Initial /duduk/ [duduk] ‘burn’ /ʔadɘhɘr/ [ʔadɘhɘr] ‘grass’ Prestress /kudaʔai/ [kudaʔ.ai] ‘preach’ /dadɘ/ [dadɘ] ‘pepper’ Stressed /ʔahdih/ [ʔahdih] ‘clear a field’ /dudiad/ [dudi.ad] ‘durian’ Final /dahɨd/ [dahɨd] ‘lean’
136
Table 5. Phoneme /k/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /karah/ [karah] ‘body’ /kite/ [kite] ‘type of tree’ /kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’
Initial
/kũʔũãh/ [kũʔwãh] ‘transportation’ /jakuru/ [jakuru] ‘home of
deceased’ /ĩãmãkãʔõãʔ/ [jãmãkãʔ.oaʔ] ‘thought’ /iarkɨaʔaɨ/ [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘small fence’
Prestress
/ʔãʔkũhũãʔ/ [ʔãʔəkuhwaʔ] ‘dry (v.)’ /kikoh/ [kikoh] ‘type of tuber’ /kĩkẽʔ/ [kĩkẽʔ] ‘sea snail’ /ʔɨʔkah/ [ʔɨʔəkah] ‘laugh’
Stressed
/kĩʔkẽʔ/ [kĩʔəkeʔ] ‘chop’ /bak/ [bak] ‘eye’ /hɘdik/ [hɘdik] ‘turn around’ /ʔi-ʔĩãk/ [ʔĩʔjãk] ‘swim’
Final
/hĩũk/ [hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’
Table 6. Phoneme /ʔ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /ʔauaʔ/ [ʔawaʔ] ‘mangrove’ /ʔɨaʔ/ [ʔɨ.aʔ] ‘tie’ /ʔãpũʔ/ [ʔãpũʔ] ‘snake’
Initial
/ʔũp/ [ʔũp] ‘grandparent’ /daʔikah/ [daʔikah] ‘day after
tomorrow’ /kĩʔiɘkiʔiɘ/ [kĩʔjɘkiʔjɘ] ‘kind of sea
creature’
Prestress
/kah-ʔapɨaʔ/ [kahʔapɨ.aʔ] ‘wave breaking’ /keʔep/ [keʔ.ep] ‘bird’ /kãʔẽ/ [kãʔ.ẽ] ‘village
employees’ land’ /kahʔuis/ [kahəʔwis] ‘sea crab’
Stressed
/nãhʔẽm/ [nãhʔẽm] ‘later’ /ʔa-kitaʔ/ [ʔakitaʔ] ‘think’ /porpiʔ/ [porpiʔ] ‘cigarette paper’ /ĩũʔpɨaʔ/ [jũʔəpɨ.ãʔ] ‘fence’
Final
/ʔãpũʔ/ [ʔãpũʔ] ‘snake’
137
Table 7. Phoneme /m/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /maʔau/ [mãʔ.au] ‘local people’ Initial /mimi/ [mĩmĩ] ‘far’
Prestress /ʔamiʔiam/ [ʔãmĩʔjãm] ‘shoulder’ /ʔohmeʔ/ [ʔõhmẽʔ] ‘bore a hole’ Stressed /ianome/ [jãnõmẽ] ‘stream’ /kipam/ [kĩpãm] ‘full’ Final /ium/ [jũm] ‘fly (n.)’
Table 8. Phoneme /n/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /naʔau/ [nãʔãũ] ‘climb’ Initial /ni/ [nĩ] ‘name’ /karnomeh/ [kãrnõmẽh] ‘greedy’ Prestress /ʔanuʔun/ [ʔãnũʔũn] ‘turtle’ /parna/ [pãrnã] ‘paper’ (loan) Stressed /ʔoneaʔ/ [ʔõnẽ.ãʔ] ‘go together’ /nɘʔɘn/ [nɘʔɘn] ‘now’ Final /kin/ [kĩn] ‘tall’
Table 9. Phoneme /x/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /kaix/ [kaç] ‘box’ /kɨx/ [kɨx] ‘turtle’
Final
/pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’
138
Table 10. Phoneme /h/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /hau/ [hau] ‘bite’ /hɨk/ [hɨk] ‘cut’ /hã/ [hã] ‘who’
Initial
/hɨn/ [hɨn] ‘wife’ /ʔadɘhɘr/ [ʔadɘh.ɘr] ‘grass’ /pahuman/ [pãh.ũmãn] ‘morning’
Prestress
/kaʔ-hori/ [kaʔəhori] ‘handicapped’ /dahɨd/ [dahɨd] ‘lean’ /pamahaum/ [pãmãh.aʊm] ‘afternoon’
Stressed
/kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔəhɨ.ɘ] ‘female leader’ /pɨah/ [pɨ.ah] ‘face’ /ʔah-dih/ [ʔahdih] ‘clear a field’ /kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’
Final
/pĩh/ [pĩh] ‘squeeze’
Table 11. Phoneme /r/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /ratuh/ [ratuh] ‘hundred’ (loan) Initial /roro/ [roro] ‘pick up’ /ʔaraʔiah/ [ʔaraʔjah] ‘livestock of
deceased’ Prestress
/iah-roʔoa/ [jahroʔ.oa] ‘pray’ /bero/ [bero] ‘river’ Stressed /kah-re/ [kahre] ‘kill’ /dar/ [dar] ‘husband’ Final /kɨr/ [kɨr] ‘life’
Table 12. Phoneme /l/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss Prestress /pa-lawaʔ/ [palawaʔ] ‘split’
/kaʔ-kaluʔ/ [kaʔəkaluʔ] ‘rumpled’ Stressed /ka-leʔleʔ/ [kaleʔəleʔ] ‘muddy’
139
Table 13. Phoneme /i/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /bibi/ [bibi] ‘residence’ /nipɘʔ/ [nĩpɘʔ] ‘weave’ /kokoiʔea/ [kokoɪʔ.ea] ‘lazy’
Prestress
/kiɘhɘr/ [ki.ɘh.ɘr] ‘shore crab’ /ʔakɨrib/ [ʔakɨrib] ‘lips’ /kanik/ [kãnĩk] ‘light’ /iuʔuix/ [juʔwis] ‘oar’
Final (closed)
/kaix/ [kais] ‘sound’ /bibi/ [bibi] ‘diarrhea’ /ni/ [nĩ] ‘name’ /iaʔkeʔei/ [jaʔəkeʔ.ei] ‘kind of boil’
Final (open)
/koi/ [koi] ‘pig’
Table 14. Phoneme /ɨ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /pɨʔɨaʔ/ [pɨʔ.ɨaʔ] ‘large rattan
pieces’ /ʔanɨkɘ/ [ʔãnɨkɘ] ‘type of
caterpillar’ /pɨah/ [pɨ.ah] ‘face’
Prestress
/iarkɨaʔaɨ/ [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ] ‘small fence’ /ʔabɨx/ [ʔabɨx] ‘already’ /kɨx/ [kɨx] ‘turtle’
Final (closed)
/hiɨr/ [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’ /pɨ/ [pɨ] ‘see’ Final
(open) /iarkɨaʔaɨ/ [jarkɨ.aʔaɨ] ‘small fence’
140
Table 15. Phoneme /u/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /purdu/ [purdu] ‘roof’ /nukiʔ/ [nũkĩʔ] ‘small’ /puah/ [pu.ah] ‘stir’
Prestress
/ʔeaudauoh/ [ʔe.audawoh] ‘sky’ /kapuʔ/ [kapuʔ] ‘collapsed’ /ʔamuh/ [ʔãmũh] ‘money’
Final (closed)
/hiur/ [hi.ur] ‘dust’ /ʔaru/ [ʔaru] ‘two’ /kinu/ [kĩnũ] ‘angry’ /pau/ [pau] ‘distant horizon’
Final (open)
/baʔau/ [baʔ.au] ‘guava’
Table 16. Phoneme /e/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss Prestress /bero/ [bero] ‘river’ /kemaha/ [kẽmãhã] ‘hammock’ /kideok/ [kide.ok] ‘pinched (adj.)’ /ka-ʔeaʔea/ [kaʔ.eaʔ.ea] ‘skinny’
/kaper/ [kaper] ‘papaya’ /nomeʔ/ [nõmẽʔ] ‘dig out a hole’
Final (closed)
/ʔueh/ [ʔu.eh] ‘sleep’ /ke/ [ke] ‘vomit’ /nene/ [nẽnẽ] ‘bait’ /bohoe/ [boh.oe] ‘wild’
Final (open)
/ioʔhoe/ [joʔəho.e] ‘bed’
141
Table 17. Phoneme /ɘ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /hɘdik/ [hɘdik] ‘turn (v.)’ /iɘmɘʔ/ [jɘmɘʔ] ‘sweat (n.)’
Prestress
/kiɘhɘr/ [ki.ɘh.ɘr] ‘shore crab’ /ʔanɘʔ/ [ʔãnɘʔ] ‘friend’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /kakɨɘʔ/ [kakɨ.ɘʔ] ‘short’
Final (closed)
/pɘix/ [pɘis] ‘machete’ /bɘ/ [bɘ] ‘water’ /naʔinɘ/ [nãʔĩnɘ] ‘hear’ /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔəhɨ.ɘ] ‘female leader’
Final (open)
/kariɘ/ [kari.ɘ] ‘work (n.)’
Table 18. Phoneme /o/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /kome/ [kõmẽ] ‘bridge’ /doʔra/ [doʔəra] ‘sand’ /doab/ [do.ab] ‘lightning’
Prestress
/kokoiʔea/ [kokoɪʔ.ea] ‘lazy’ /noh/ [nõh] ‘food’ /ʔarop/ [ʔarop] ‘underarm’
Final (closed)
/kikeor/ [kike.or] ‘lost’ /ʔeno/ [ʔẽnõ] ‘dig’ /ko/ [ko] ‘hungry’
Final (open)
/tuo/ [tu.o] ‘old’ (loan)
142
Table 19. Phoneme /a/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /kano/ [kãnõ] ‘smoke’ /haʔau/ [haʔ.au] ‘ocean’ /ʔeaka/ [ʔe.aka] ‘close (v.)’
Prestress
/paido/ [paido] ‘cry’ /pan/ [pãn] ‘nose’ /kɨʔkah/ [kɨʔəkah] ‘laugh’ /ʔabuaʔ/ [ʔabu.aʔ] ‘wear’
Final (closed)
/kaix/ [kais] ‘sound’ /ba/ [ba] ‘come’ /mama/ [mãmã] ‘chew’ /dɨa/ [dɨ.a] ‘emerge’
Final (open)
/iukua/ [juku.a] ‘pole’
Table 20. Phoneme /ĩ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /kĩkẽʔ/ [kĩkẽʔ] ‘sea snail’ /ĩĩʔĩ/ [jĩʔ.ĩ] ‘type of tool’ /hĩũk/ [hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’
Prestress
/kĩʔĩɘkĩʔĩɘ/ [kĩʔjɘkĩʔjɘ] ‘type of sea creature’
/kĩʔ/ [kĩʔ] ‘chin’ Final (closed) /kãhĩp/ [kãh.ĩp] ‘small wound’ Final (open)
/kãʔĩ/ [kãʔ.ĩ] ‘fast’
Table 21. Phoneme /ɨ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss Prestress /ĩũʔpɨaʔ/ [jũʔəpɨ.ãʔ] ‘fence’ Final (closed)
/pɨʔ/ [pɨʔ] ‘fireplace’
143
Table 22. Phoneme /ũ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /kũʔĩ/ [kũʔ.ĩ] ‘great
grandparent’ /ʔãʔkũhũãʔ/ [ʔãʔəkuh.wãʔ] ‘dry (v.)’
Prestress
/kũãhãʔ/ [kũ.ãh.ãʔ] ‘count’ /kũk/ [kũk] ‘back’ /ʔãpũʔ/ [ʔãpũʔ] ‘snake’ /hĩũk/ [hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’
Final (closed)
/kũʔũãh/ [kũʔ.wãh] ‘vehicle’ /kũkũ/ [kũkũ] ‘follow’ /hĩũ/ [hĩ.ũ] ‘fruit’
Final (open)
/kãʔãũ/ [kãʔ.au] ‘fat (adj.)’
Table 23. Phoneme /ẽ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss Prestress /kẽʔẽh/ [kẽʔ.ẽh] ‘cough’ /hẽõk/ [hẽ.õk] ‘cockroach’ /pẽʔẽ/ [pẽʔ.ẽ] ‘land crab’
/kẽp/ [kẽp] ‘island’ Final (closed) /kiʔ-kẽʔ/ [kĩʔəkeʔ] ‘chop’
/kãhẽ/ [kãh.ẽ] ‘sea creature’ /ʔũẽ/ [ʔũ.ẽ] ‘cry’
Final (open)
/kũhũẽ/ [kũh.wẽ] ‘usefulness’
Table 24. Phoneme /ɘ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /ka-pɘpɘ/ [kãpɘpɘ] ‘foggy’ Prestress /kĩʔĩɘkĩʔĩɘ/ [kĩʔjɘkiʔjɘ] ‘kind of sea
creature’ /kaʔ-kɘh/ [kãʔəkɘh] ‘black’ /pɘʔ/ [pɘʔ] ‘shoot’
Final (closed)
/ʔeiɘp/ [ʔẽjɘp] ‘grass’ /kɘ/ [kɘ] ‘try’ Final
(open) /kĩʔĩɘkĩʔĩɘ/ [kĩʔjɘkiʔjɘ] ‘kind of sea creature’
144
Table 25. Phoneme /õ/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔjã] ‘goiter’ Prestress /kõʔkõʔ/ [kõʔəkoʔ] ‘sago palm’ /kõp/ [kõp] ‘grave’ /kã-hõk/ [kãh.õk] ‘dry over fire’ /pa-ʔĩõp/ [pãʔjõp] ‘hug (v.)’
Final (closed)
/kõʔõĩʔ/ [kõʔ.oɪ ʔ] ‘gray hair’ /pãʔõ/ [pãʔ.õ] ‘silent’ Final
(open) /ʔẽõ/ [ʔẽ.õ] ‘mud’
Table 26. Phoneme /ã/
Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss /kĩpãʔãũp/ [kĩpãʔ.aʊp] ‘ten’ /kãpẽp/ [kãpẽp] ‘shallow’ /kũãhãʔ/ [kũ.ãh.ãʔ] ‘count’
Prestress
/kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’ /pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’ /kãp/ [kãp] ‘tribal head’ /ʔẽãp/ [ʔẽ.ãp] ‘thick’
Final (closed)
/pãĩk/ [paɪ k] ‘river shrimp’ /pã-ʔõpã/ [pãʔ.õpã] ‘lined up’ /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔjã] ‘goiter’
Final (open)
/kãkõʔĩã/ [kãkõʔjã] (a village name)
145
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