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 1 A PRIMER ON THE FOREST RESOURCES BILL Haribon Foundation INTRODUCTION A history of forest policy The regulation, centralization, and inequality of forest policy, as described by Sajise (1998), goes way back during the colonial period, when the ownership of all the lands and resources of what would become the Philippines was stripped from the people and claimed by the Spanish crown through the regalian doctrine. This concept of state ownership was embodied even in the succeeding American and post-colonial administrations, down to our present Constitution. The Forest Service was established in 1863, according to Pulhin and Pulhin (2002), while Garrity and his colleagues (as cited in Fernando, 2005) estimated that 68% of our lands were covered in forests during 1876. Forest policy remained highly regulatory and cent ralized throughout the American period and most of the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos (Fernando 2005). It was the Americans who allowed large areas of our lands to be o pened for commercial logging, and who also enacted the 1904 Forest Act , our very first basis of forest legislation. After the independence, the forest industry further grew while more and more trees were felled, and by the 1950s logging conc essions covered 25% of the total public forest land. These concessions were granted both for national development and for the  political favors benefitting multinational corporations and the ruling class (Vitug 2000). But it was also around that time when the seeds of sustainable forest management (SFM) were  planted   the Philippine Selective Logging System was introduced in 1953. The system advocated SFM, including the regulation of timber harvesting procedures, but it was not successfully implemented (Fernando 2005). The Marcos years were said to be the peak of deforestation as more lo gging concessions were given to political allies, the market for what was touted as Philippine Mahogany grew even bigger, and the  population also increased, leading to the expansion of agriculture and infrastructure in the uplands (Pulhin 2002). Vit ug (2000) adds that policies were not heeded, the forest agency itself was both weak and corrupt, and the business costs were low enough to attract further exploitation of forest resources. The forest cover was estimated to have dropped to 35% by 1969 (Garrity et al. in Fernando 2005), which ushered in a new set of efforts toward SFM, particularly Community-Based Forest Management (CBFM). Community forestry programs were introduced in 1975 and integrated in 1982 through the Integrated Social Forestry Program (ISFP). The first comprehensive attempts to reform the long-standing 1904 Forest Act were also initiated during the same period through the 1974 Forestry Reform Code and the 1975 Revised Forestry Code. The EDSA Revolution and Cory Aquino's subsequent presidency signalled much needed changes in forest management, as the 1988 inve ntory of DENR (2004) showed that onl y 22% forest cover was left. The 1987 Constitution and National Reforestation Program took over from where ISFP left off and replaced concessions with management agreements with local communities, non-government organizations, and corporations. The Master Plan for Forestry Development was formulated in 1990. The Local Government Code was also passed during her term, in 1991, and devolved some forest management functions to local government units (LGUs).

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