Parallel Session F - Universitas Indonesiastaff.ui.ac.id/system/files/users/evawani.ellisa/publication/arte... · The Grameen Bank or Amanah Ikhtiar micro-credit system is an instrument

Parallel Session FPlanning & policy Development

for Creative Communities

Empowering Community throughPoverty Reduction Programmes:

Confirmation of Determinants

Enhancing Creativity in Planning:Dynamic Visioning as a Catalyst for Change

The Bandung Creative City Movement:An Exploration of the Social and Spatial Implications

of Policy Transfer

Land-Use Regulation: A Key Factor in the Relationship

Strategy of Urban Upgrading in Informal Settlementsby Transforming Spatial Experiences of Urban Poor

Urban Redevelopment for Creative Community of Binong Jati

Recovering Shrinking Core Citythrough Urban Revitalization Projects

Low-Income Society's Preference on Living Placein Creative Industry Area of Shirts

and Screen Printing, Bandung

Puziah AHMAD, Dasimah OMAR & Noor Rahamah ABU BAKAR F-003

Louis ALBRECHTS F-012

Kristin ANDERSON, Dan COHEN, Alexis KANE-SPEER,Michael NOBLE & Morgan SKOWRONSKI F-022

between Creative Communities and Place-MakingTeguh U. ATMOKO F-032

Paulus BAWOLE F-037

Yenny T. DWININGSIH, Dian ROSNAWATI, Andi Tenri DIO,Nunik HASRIYANTI & MEDTRY F-045

Evawani ELLISA F-053

Lulut INDRIANINGRUM, Indrabakti SANGALANG & Ayu P.P. LESTARI F-063

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Creativity as a Means for Urban Survival

Addressing Creative Planning Imperatives

A Cradle for Creativity

Cultural-Based Economic Activities and Transformationof Tebet, South Jakarta

Transformation vs Living Heritage:Value Space Regeneration for George Town City

Commodification and Nationalizationof Land Matters across the Nusantara: The Case of Bali

Thirdspace, Urban Informality and Creative Communities:Redefining Café in Contemporary Bandung

Bowls of Creation

Miya IRAWATI & Wicaksono SAROSA F-071

Rodney JENSEN F-076

Miel KARTHAUS & Martijn DE GIER F-084

Wita SIMATUPANG F-093

Robert SITORUS, Sibarani SOFIAN & Chris YOSHII F-100

G. Ayu. M. SUARTIKA F-111

A. Rida SOEMARDI & RR. Dhian DAMAJANI F-123

Ramalis SUBANDI F-124

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EMPOWERING COMMUNITY THROUGH POVERTYREDUCTION PROGRAMMES: CONFIRMATION OFDETERMINANTS

PuziahAHMAD

Dr. Dasimah OMAR

Noor RahamahABU BAKAR

ABSTRACT

Faculty ofArchitecture, Planning and Surveying,University Technology MARA - MALAYSIA

Associate Professor - Faculty ofArchitecture, Planning and Surveying,University Technology MARA - MALAYSIA

Associate Professor - Faculty of Social Science and Humanity,National University of Malaysia - MALAYSIA

[email protected]

[email protected]

[email protected]

Community development and empowerment are two maindetermining factors in any successful development programs. There are threemain segments of empowering community that embody 'pushing' factors ofcontributing a successful programme of poverty alleviation.; 1)humanedimensions that include individual motivation, knowledge, zeal, continuousefforts, unfailing determination ; 2) Organizational structure include socialcapital network, space for participation in the programme, continuos support,monitoring system, an avenue for an open feed-back system and continuousskill development ; 3) Role of community and others are meant for facilitating,networking, and space for inter-cooperation.Empowering community through development means the community is givenopportunities and avenues to increase their standard of living. Members of thecommunity are participants and agents of change in the developmentprogramme. Poverty reduction programmes are programmes that tailored forcommunity development and socio-economic uplifting through avenues andfacilities such as loan, financial aid and housing scheme. Participants of theprogramme involve themselves in economic development projects.The paper investigates the issues of empowering community through three tiersystem of individual, organisation and community. It will look at qualitativeand quantitative data of poverty related organizations in Selangor, Malaysia.Itinvestigates the literature, conducting interviews of stakeholders and aquestionnaire survey of general perception of the targeted population. Thefindings show some parallels in its inclination towards the reconfirmation oftested determinants in literature, interviews and participants' perception.However, in reality the application of empowerment factors are varies and thedegree of its success does depend on the implementation of the determinantsin the poverty reduction programmes.Keywords: community empowerment, poverty reduction, povertydeterminants

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INTRODUCTION

DETERMINANTS OF EMPOWERMENT IN POVERTY REDUCTION

Poverty is a world-wide phenomenon that becomes a plague and an indicator of imbalanceddevelopment which needs to be rectified. Poverty is considered a persistent global reality(Dixon, 1998) and a world-wide agenda for developed, underdeveloped and developing nations.At the same time, physical and socio-economic development have been recognized as tools ofuplifting human well-being (Todaro, 1995).

Entering the 1990s there was a pattern established that partnership has been recognized as anact of empowerment for the community and ordinary citizens. Friedmann(1992) expresses theview that empowerment as alternative development is a direct(unmediated) community-basedstruggles. In discussing community empowerment, Craig and Mayo (1995) discussed the issueof community participation and empowerment as a case of “structural adjustment” and“democratic transformation”. They emphasize the positive potential of promoting communityparticipation and empowerment within a wider framework. This strategy will “promotesustainable, people-centred development, equal opportunities and “social justice: in a globalcontext of responding to poverty and underdevelopment. It is an emphasis of a developmentfrom the bottom ladder. Craig and Mayo (1995) also contend that institutional support ofcommunity participation as “cost-saving”, “project efficiency” and “self-help”. The support gainedcan be seen as forms of recognition in relation to strategies for empowerment framework.

Gaventa (1995) in Craig and Mayo (eds)(1995) argued that the 'empowerment zone/enterprise-community' initiative would allow communities to do their own assessment of their own needsand strength with the four key initiative goals of “economic opportunity, sustainable communitydevelopment, community-based partnerships and a strategic vision for change”. The writer alsostressed that the empowerment initiative aimed at promoting fundamental change through aholistic approach to improving physical, social and economic conditions and suchcomprehensive community initiatives emphasize the intricate ties among individuals, families,and communities.

This paper investigates the determinants of empowerment mechanism at three levels ofindividual, community and organization through qualitative and quantitative methods. The paperalso aimed of outlining a framework of empowerment mechanism at the end.

Field (2003) provides the following the explain the interconnected of social capital to humanbeings development;

The essence of social capital is people's networks and a set of shared value that binds peopletogether and working together to achieve a set goal. From the literature, the determinants ofcommunity empowerment can be listed as followings; participation, partnership, enablingenvironment, institutional and community network.

“The theory of social capital is, at heart, most straightforward. Its central thesis canbe summed up in two words: relationship matter. By making connections wit oneanother, and keeping them going over time, people are able to work together toachieve things that they either could not achieve by themselves, or could onlyachieve with great difficulty. People connect through a series of networks and theytend to share common values with other members of these networks; to the extentthat these networks constitute a resource, they can be seen as forming a kind ofcapital. As well as being useful in its immediate context, this stock of capital canoften be drawn on in other settings. In general, then it follows that the more peopleyou know, and the more you share a common outlook with them, the richer you are insocial capital.”

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POPULATION MEMBERS OF POVERTY REDUCTION PROGRAMMES

Yayasan Basmi Kemiskinan Selangor(YBK)

Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM)

There were three organizations in the study of which members of the organization are subjectsfor data analysis of the determinants of empowerment mechanism.

YBK is an non-governmental organisation and established in April 1990. The main aim of itsestablishment is to help the government tackling the poverty issue amongst the people throughsocial development programme, training and education. It was registered under the FoundationAct Ordinance 1952. It was launched in April 1996 by Tan Sri Dato' Hj. Muhammad bin Hj.MuhdTaib, of which its main target to free hard-core poverty by 2005. The basic measurement ofpoverty line index used is in accordance with the Economic Planning Unit Figure, with additionsof extra criteria such as ; staying in poor housing conditions and no proper basic facilities, poorhealth status, being poor due to natural disaster, lack of education, knowledge, skill andmotivation. Main programmes are on socio-economic development and education. Thestrategies of the foundation are aimed the hard-core poor and poor families. At the same time,the foundation continues establishing a good rapport with government agencies, non-governmental organisations, private sectors, and policy makers. Some of the socialdevelopment programmes are rebuilding houses for the hard-core poor families, education andtraining programme that tailored on the drop-outs among the poor family members, and skillenhancement programmes.

Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia was established with the aim of reducing poverty in Malaysia bygiving micro-credit to the eligible poor people. Orginally it was a pilot testing project done in 1986by Prof.David Gibbons and Associate Prof. Shukor Kasim of University Science Malaysia. Theproject replicated the model of micro-credit pioneered by Prof.Muhammad Yunus inBangladesh called Grameen Bank. The noble aim of the establishment of the organization is tohelp the poor by providing avenue of getting money to rebuild their lives out of the misery ofpoverty by involving in an area of business or fields which they have skills or 'know how'procedures. It is not a giving out welfare scheme but an avenue to empower the poor in the ruralareas with their sheer determination and skills to come out from the life cycle of poverty.

The Grameen Bank or Amanah Ikhtiar micro-credit system is an instrument of empowermentwhich defies all the normal and complicated banking procedures in giving out loans to eligiblepoor. As an Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO), Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM) waspreviously known as a private trust fund which then was registered with Ministry of Judiciary in17th September 1987. It was sponsored by University Science Malaysia, Malaysian IslamicEconomic Development Foundation (YPEIM), The State of Selangor and Centre of Asia PacificDevelopment.

There are four main set of criteria for the unidentified poor to be part of “friends” of (AIM). First thehousehold income is in accordance with the Poverty Line Index and meeting other AIM criteriasuch as housing indicators and household facilites , ability to form a group which consists of 5people who are responsible and gender preference of women; ability to attend a course ofempowering (delegation of power process); and also an ability to attend a centralAIM meeting.The elements and set of criteria used in identifying members that are eligible for the micro-creditloan system has its own mechanism of using 'friends of AIM' network of empowerment whichenables the process of identifying, processing and giving a final decision on the entry of newmember and groups.

The multi-level of decision-making process does not involve of the top officials from the AIMorganization shows its independency from 'directed cause of action' from the top. Themanagement team of AIM organisation involves initially in confirming the eligibility of themembers through the process of identification of income and site visit as well as investigation ofthe potential members on-site house visit and background checking of the potential members.The amount of loan ranging from RM1000 to RM20000 as initial capital for business venture andother economic activities based onAIM friends' knowledge and skill.

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Lembaga Zakat Selangor

METHODS

RESULTS OF THE SURVEYS

1. Exploratory and Literature

2. The questionnaire survey

The organization was established in 1990s , and very much aligned with poverty polemic. Itcollects and distributes the alms to the eligible receivers among the eight groups of recipients asmentioned in the Al-Quran. The poor and destitutes are among the category are eligible to begiven material alms. It has helped out in distributing the collection of more than RM 100 millionper year among the eligible muslim in the state of Selangor with main aim of muslim socio-economic development in accordance to the Syariah (Islamic teachings). It is stated in itsorganizational objectives that 'handling and eradicating poverty' and socio-economicdevelopment of muslim community (ummah) as two main objectives. The administrativeorganization is also empowered to uplift the institution's roles with the support of 22 counters inthe state of Selangor.

The study used a combined method of qualitative and quantitative method data analysis. Theliterature and interviews are main sources of key findings of determinants of communityempowerment for poverty reduction programmes. A cross-sectional later was conducted togauge the perception of the community members who were part of the poverty reductionorganization.

A qualitative analysis by searching themes of the interviews and a comparative parallel analysisof the interviews were used. The cross-sectional questionnaire survey used statistical analysisof SPSS to reconfirm the determinants of the theme and determinants discovered earlier.

The results can be divided into two parts; 1. Exploratory and literature and ; 2. The questionnairesurvey.

The exploratory study was conducted in the state of Selangor,Malaysia. The first stage of thestudy involved interviews of four poverty related organizations. The interviews were conductedfor key informants of main management section in the organization whom held posts asAssistant Director, Manager and Senior Executives. Interviews were transcribed and codedaccordingly. The elements of empowerment gathered in the key references and literatures andgenerated themes of interviews were being constructed in the questionnaire design for thesecond stage of this study. It was constructed to gauge the real understanding and application inthe real context and was tested on the poverty programme stakeholders .Content analysis ofthe interviews and statistical analysis were used to seek a deeper context of empowerment andsocial capital.

The exploratory exercise and literature can be summarized as in the context of 'western views','world bank', 'developing countries' and Islamic perspectives'. 'Western views' covers views of'democratic transformation'. 'advocacy role', 'popular participation', 'citizen movement', 'bottomladder movement' and 'partnership in decision-making'. 'World bank' had the perspectives of'participation', 'empowerment as mechanism', 'choices of action', 'access to information','inclusion/participation', 'accountability' , and 'local organizational capacity'. Last but not least,'Islamic perspectives' showed the forms of 'universal concept', 'shariah compliance', 'vicegerentrole', 'the concept of falah', 'collective obligation', 'just and equitable' and 'fairness'.

Disproportionate stratified sampling method was conducted and used among the threeorganizations that is Yayasan Basmi Kemiskinan Selangor. Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia andLembaga Zakat Selangor. The period of data collection was from January to April 2008. Twoapproaches adopted in data collection. Face to face interview approach for respondents ofYayasan Basmi Kemiskinan and Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia. Whereas for Lembaga Zakat

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Selangor's respondents it was decided to use mail survey randomly due to its diverse coveragearea.

There were 154 (50.3%) respondents for Yayasan Basmi Kemiskinan (32.0%), Amanah IkhtiarMalaysia 98 respondents and Lembaga Zakat Selangor 54 17.6%) respondents. The frameworkofAnalysis was conducted accordingly as shown in Figure 1.

The data violated the stringent requirements of parametric test therefore a non-parametricapproach was undertaken. Tests used were frequencies, chi-square, crosstabs, Kruskal-Wallistest and Spearman's rank order correlation

Chi-square for nominal data to test for goodness of fit suitable for one categorical datarelatedness or independence;

Kruskal-Wallis test is equivalent to the one-way between groups ANOVA and therefore allowsdifference test between two or more groups to be studied.Spearman's rank order correlation is a non-parametric test equivalent to the parametric bivariatecorrelation.

Krukalis-Wallis Test : Test of possible difference between the three organizations

Analysis - Test Conducted

Crosstabs Descriptive correlations for nominal and ordinal data

SECTION B : Perception and Understanding of Empowerment

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Mechanism of

Empowerment

Perception of

Empowerment

Self-development

and Organisation

Trust and

community network

Evaluation of

programme :

Individual,

community

and

Organisation

Tests

conductd :

frequencies,

chi-square,

Krukalis-

Wallis,

Spearman’s

rank order

correlation

F

R

A

M

E

W

O

R

K

Figure 1. Framework of Analysis: Tests of Effectiveness

RelationshipwithconcernedCommunity

Programme InvolvedcommunityRepresentatives

Ideas fromParticipantsandCommunity

Implementers takeaccountParticipant’sIdeas

Sameaspiration

Discussionbetweenstakeholders

Chi-Square

4.444 3.059 2.883 1.954 3.974 6.783

df 2 2 2 2 2 2Asymp.Sig.

.108 .217 .237 .376 .137 .034

TABLE 1. Statistic Tests(a,b)

a Kruskal Wallis Testb Grouping Variable: Types of programmes

The values do not show significant difference across the three programmes with all values arenot significant with P>.05 except for “discussion between stakeholders”.

Spearman's rank order correlation . The test of the relationship between overall satisfaction withdeterminants of perception of empowerment.

The test shows overall satisfaction with all above six factors as p <.05

Thus Section B shows participants/programme recipients agree with the basic concept ofempowerment as mentioned and relates to satisfaction.

1. Krukalis Wallis test of difference among the three programmes for eight variables as inthis group of determinant.

All variables show there are no possible difference between the three organizations(p>.0.5)except variable 7 “determination is very important for the programme's success shows there isdifference among the organizations.

2. Spearman's Rank Order Correlation : The test of Relationship between OverallSatisfaction with determinants of Self-Development and Organisation.Overall satisfaction shows there are significant relationship with the determinants (p<.05) except“not only depending on officers”

1. Krukalis Wallis Test of Difference.

The test shows “Relationship with community heads” Chi-Square value =16.178 and statisticallysignificant (p <0.05), “Importance of community leaders”, Chi-square value=13.524 ; p<0.05 and“ community leaders' role” Chi-square value = 15.976, p<0.05 . Thus these show there are

SECTION C : self-development and organisation

SECTION D : trust and community network

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Programmehelpsselfindependence

Determination to get outof poverty

Not onlydepending onofficers

Chance toself andfamilydevelopment

Ideasaccepted

Establishedrelationship betweenorganisation andparticipants

Determination veryimportant forprogramme’s success

Satisifedwith one’sparticipation inorganisation

Chi-Square

26.714 27.489 17.546 24.904 22.192 7.187 2.482 6.686

df 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2Asymp. Sig.

.000 .000 .000 .000 .000 .027 .289 .035

TABLE 2 : Test Statistics(a,b)


Relationship withCommunity Heads

Trusting theorganizer

LocalWorkingCulture

Participants likeFriends

Importance ofCommunityLeaders

Government Role

Importance ofOrganisation

CommunityLeaders’Role

Importance of AllLevels’Role

BelieveandTrust

Chi-Square

16.178 .343 4.730 1.789 13.524 3.643 3.581 15.976 4.318 .436

df 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2Asymp.Sig.

.000 .842 .094 .409 .001 .162 .167 .000 .115 .804


TABLE 3 : Test Statistics(a,b)

significant difference among the types of programme for this variable. The rest of other variablesdo not stistically differ for all the programmes. From the mean rank, the values show thesevariables are significantly differ for Yayasan Basmi Kemiskinan organisation.

1. Spearman's rank order correlation

The relationship is significantly correlated with ' community” for the types of programme. Thesevariables are : “ Relationship with community heads”, “Importance of community leaders” and“community leaders' role”.

The test shows all variables relate to overall satisfaction and significantly correlated (p<.05) withthe value of chi-square;i. relationship with community heads :.236ii. trusting the organizer :.226iii. local working culture :.255iv. participants like friend :.241v. importance of community leaders :.362vi. government role :.455vii. importance of organization : .294viii. community leader's role :.435ix. all level roles :.431x. believe and trust in the organization :.369

There was an established relationship of empowerment mechanism with the variables tested.The three levels of individual, community and organization are interrelated and related tosatisfaction.

Individual perception showed that programme recipients agreed with determinants ofempowerment mechanism. These were 'relationship with concerned community', 'programmeinvolved community representatives', 'ideas from participants and community', 'implementerstake account participant's ideas, 'same aspiration' and 'discussion between stakeholders'.

Individual empowering mechanism showed that 'programme helps self-independence''determination to get out of poverty' , 'chance to self and family development', 'ideas accepted','established relationship', 'determination to success' and 'satisfied with one's participation'. Itwas not significant for 'not only depending on officers'.

The mechanism of empowering community showed that relationship to 'relationship withcommunity heads', 'importance of community leaders' and 'community leader's role'. Thedeterminants were related very much to the traditional link of community cohesion through thecommunity leaders' role and leadership like function.

Organizational determinants related to its institutional function, working culture and trust.Specifically the empowering determinants related to 'trusting the organiser', 'local workingculture', 'participants like friend', 'government role', 'importance of organization', 'believe andtrust in the organisation' and 'all level roles'.

The test of Section D variables with the types of programmes

The Test of Section D with Overall satisfaction

DISCUSSION

Perception and understanding

Empowering individual

Empowering community

Empowering organization

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CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The determinants of the empowerment mechanism showed relationship toward all level ofempowerment either individual, community or organization. The confirmation of empowermentmechanism variables showed that satisfaction of the programme recipients must encompass allaspects of empowerment mechanism at the three level. The success of the programme couldalso depend on the determinants of the three level of empowerment mechanism. It can be said aframework of empowerment mechanism in the poverty reduction programme must incorporatethe determinants in the delivery system for an effective programme.

Abdul Ghani Mohd Noor. (1981). Poverty and its eradication. Michigan, Pittsburg.Abdullah YusofAli. The Translation of Holy Quran.Albin, S. P. (1978). Progress Without Poverty. New York: Basic Books Inc.Alcock, P. (1993). Understanding Poverty. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd.Arnsperger, C. (2004). Poverty and human rights : the issue of systemic economic discrimination

and some concrete proposals for refrom. International Social Science Journal, 56(2), 289-300.

Asan Ali Golam Hassan. (1999). Kemiskinan & Agihan Pendapatan di Tanah RancanganFELDA. Sintok Kedah: Universiti Utara Malaysia.

Asan Ali Golam Hassan. (2004). Growth, Structural Change and Regional Inequality inMalaysia. England:Ashgate Publishing Limited.

Assistant Director Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia. (2006). Program AIM. Taiping: Research andDevelopmentAmanah Ikhtiar Malaysia.

Bloor, M., Frankland, J., Thomas, M., & Robson, K. (2001). Focus Groups in Social Research.London: Sage Publications.

Bollens, A. S. (2002). Urban Planning and intergroup conflict : confronting a fractured publicinterest. Journal of theAmerican PlanningAssociation, 68(1), 21.

Dixon, J., Macarov, D., & (eds) (Eds.). (1998). Poverty :Apersistent global reality: RoutledgeLondon.Bowen, G.A. (2003). Social funds as a strategy for poverty reduction in Jamaica :An exploratory

study. Florida International University,AnnArbor.Braidotti, R. e. a. (1994). Women, the Environment and Sustainable Development : Towards a

Theoretical Synthesis. London: Zed Books.Brett, E. A. (2003). Participation and Accountability in Development Management. The Journal

of Development Studies, 40(2), 1-23.Castells, M. (1983). The city and the grassroots : A cross-cultural theory of Urban Social

Movements. London: EdwardArnold.Chamhuri, S. (2004). Pembangunan Mapan : Strategi 'Menang-menang' untuk Pembasmian

Kemiskinan dan Pemuliharaan Alam Sekitar. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti KebangsaanMalaysia.

Chamhuri Siwar, & Mohd Haflah Piei (Eds.). (1988). Dasar dan Strategi PembasmianKemiskinan Kumpulan Rencana tentang Kemiskinan (Vol. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka).Kuala Lumpur.

Chapra, M. U. (1993). Islam and Economic Development. Kuala Lumpur Malaysia: PercetakanZafar Sdn Bhd.

Chen, H.-T. (2005). Practical Program Evaluation. California: Sage Publications, Inc.Craig, G., & Mayo, M. e. (1995). Community Empowerment : A Reader in Participation and

Development. London: Zed Books.Danziger, H. S., Weinberg, H. D., & (eds) (Eds.). (1986). Fighting Poverty : What works and what

doesn't: Harvard University Press, Cambridge.Field, J. (2003). Social capital. London and New York: Routledge.Doak, J., & Parker, G. (2005). Networked Space?The Challenge of Meaningful Participation and

the New Spatial Planning in England. Planning, Practice & Research, 20(1), 23-40.Dowding, K., & Hees, V. M. (2004). Poverty and the local contigency of universal rights.

International Social Science Journal, 56(2), 301-312.

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Executive Officer Yayasan Basmi Kemiskinan Selangor. (2006). Program YBK. Kelana Jaya:Yayasan Basmi Kemiskinan.

Field,Andy (2000).Discovering Statistics Using SPSS for Windows.London.Sage PublicationsFriedmann, J. (1992). Empowerment : The Politics ofAlternative Development. Cambridge: MA,

Blackwell.Ghani, M. N. b.A. (1981). Poverty and its Eradication. Unpublished partial requirement,Pittsburg, Michigan.Todaro, M. P. (1995). Economic development (5th edition ed.): Longman Singapore Publishers

(Pte) Ltd., Singapore.

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ENHANCING CREATIVITY IN PLANNING:DYNAMIC VISIONINGASACATALYST FOR CHANGE

LouisALBRECHTS

INTRODUCTION

Professor of Planning - Department of Architecture, Urbanism andPlanningLeuven University - BELGIUM

The change of social, economic, cultural and political contexts, thepace of change, but also challenges of bureaucracy, inflexibility, lack ofinnovativeness inherent in traditional planning have brought forwardthe need for spatial planning systems and practices to “renew”. Mostspatial planning is sparked by recognizing that a place faces a problem,is otherwise inadequate or that challenges arise that need to beaddressed. Without this, hardly political will or sense of urgency can begenerated to drive change. Experience shows that it is much moredifficult to generate or sustain change in successful situations whereeverything is seen to be satisfactory, which is why business hasdeveloped concepts such as total quality management, centered on thenotion of continuous improvement as a means of generatingchallenges internally(see Landry, 2000). Places could learn from thisconcept and adapt it to their needs. Indeed if we keep emphasizing theplanning enterprise as a pure regulatory and problem solving practice it

[email protected]

ABSTRACT

The paper argues that society as a whole and planning in particularneed more creative responses to problems and challenges they face. Assolutions/answers are not just 'out there', waiting to be discovered, we have toconstruct them. This is not a linear, but rather a dialectic (back casting andforecasting) process. Planning needs creativity to imagine and to construct(structurally) different futures. First the paper briefly analyses the Hasselt(Belgium) case as an example of creative transport planning and creative localgovernance. Then the paper questions the kind of planning creativity needsand looks for a systematic method. Within the construct of a 'new' strategicspatial planning the paper focuses on 'visioning', as a collective process. Itinvolves a dynamic interaction between all the participants rather than aunidirectional flow. It taps the public's knowledge and creativity. At its core,visioning is concerned with 'what should/ could be'. It breaks existingparadigms and forces citizens/politicians/planners to move outside their usualassumptions. It develops openness to new ideas and to understanding andaccepting the need and the opportunity for change and calls for a new type ofplanning. Envisioning reveals how things can be different, how things could betruly better, how people can be innovative, how we can unlock the naturalcreativity of the citizens to improve our cities and regions, how we canlegitimize these natural tendencies that are typically inhibited or suppressedby the daily demands of our governance systems. The final part of the papertouches briefly on some preconditions for creativity, on what creativity impliesin terms of skills and attitudes of planners and how realistic the discourse is.

envisioning, creativity, strategic planningKeywords:

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may lose its creative possibilities for structural change. I use the term structural change todescribe those innovative changes which contribute to more sustainable, qualitative, just andopen places.

The purpose of this paper is to reflect on creativity in and for planning. What kind of creativitydoes planning need and what kind of planning does creativity need? As governance andplanning are necessarily interlinked in society what kind of governance culture is needed tosupport creativity? How can planning become more innovative and more creative in its dealingwith places? I focus mainly on four questions: first what kind of planning embeds the challengesof creativity and innovation in its approach? Second what “techniques” enable structural changein terms of creating possible and desirable futures? Third what type of governance has thecapacity to strengthen creativity? Fourth what does this mean for planners in terms of attitudes,skills?

I start my reasoning not with an abstract idea of planning and governance but with concreteactivities of citizens, politicians and planners. For this purpose I draw on one case to illustratethat creativity and creativity enhancing techniques can be applied. The case provide a leg up to amore continuous, creative, proactive, enabling, flexible and open planning and governanceculture that provides focus, anticipates problems, sets new targets and generates its ownchallenges. Finally, I argue that this vision of planning and governance is not just a utopiandream.

Before embarking on a search for creativity in practice we have to know what we are looking for.Although there are numerous definitions of creativity for most of us it seems difficult to grasp itsessence. In the context of this paper I define creativity as a -individual or preferably social-process that stimulates the ability to view problems, situations and challenges in new anddifferent ways and to invent and develop original, imaginative futures as reaction to theseproblems, situations, and challenges. Ability focuses more on “how” to think instead of “what “tothink (see Michalko, 2001, p.13).

I draw on a case that deals with the development of creative transport planning, ditto localgovernance and the role of a key person (a champion in the terminology of Bryson) that allowsfor structural change.

Hasselt, a regional city in the North-East of Belgium, is a major commercial and service centrewith a population of 69,000 inhabitants. Like many cities it suffered from mounting costs ofexternalities caused by automobile travel: accidents, traffic jams, and environmental problems.These externalities had a negative impact on the liveability and the appeal of the city. Combinedwith other factors it resulted in a decreasing number of inhabitants. In the mid nineties the newlocal government (a coalition of socialists, the greens and conservatives) with a charismatic newmayor was placed in a dilemma: choosing for a third ring road or completely reverse the actualtransport policy. The socialist party organised meetings with local residents. In these meetingslocal traffic proved to be an important issue. In the mean time a temporary free shuttle busservice was introduced to compensate citizens for the nuisance caused by major local roadworks. This shuttle proved to be an enormous success. Although the intense discussions of the1970s (see Bologna) about free public transport was on the decline and even seemed todisappear, the mayor launched the pioneering idea to introduce free public transport for citizensand visitors (a broader relational perspective than just the internal travel patterns of its owncitizens) for the entire urban area. This is just one action from a much larger strategy of 22actions to be carried out in close cooperation with residents, companies, schools, public bodiesetc. The reasoning behind the idea of free public transport was that a considerable shift from carto public transport makes the construction of the third ring road unnecessary and that the firstring road can even be built back. When, in discussions with the public transport company, themayor found out that only 9% of the overall cost of public transport was covered by the sale oftickets he immediately offered to compensate the Bus Company for this loss. The cost for the city

CREATIVITY IN PRACTICE

Creative Planning and Governance in tackling a transport problem

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is approximately 1% of its annual budget or 15 euro per inhabitant per year. The savings resultingfrom not constructing the third ring road more than offset the subsidies for transit services thusleading to a positive financial net effect. The radical reconstruction of the first ring road narrowedcar lines and improved facilities for pedestrians -a nine meter wide pedestrian area bordered bya double row of trees-, cyclists and added considerably to the liveability and the overall quality ofthe urban environment. The results between mid 1997, when the scheme was introduced, and2002 are mixed: on the one hand an astonishing increase by 1,200% of the number of publictransport passengers and an increase of the number of bus routes from 1 to 9; on the other handthe number of cyclist decreased. But the most important results are the strengthening of thesocial tissue, the fact that the elderly became more mobile, that the discourse on public transportturned very positive and that the extreme right wing party did not gain a foothold in the citycouncil, this in sharp contrast with other similar cities.

In this case a problem -major road works- was turned into an asset -free shuttle bus. The problemof congestion was looked upon from different perspectives. Indeed in stead of the traditionalengineering logic “more traffic=more roads” the logics of the pedestrians, the elderly, publictransport and the overall liveability of the city were introduced. The mayor thought of a solution -free public transport- no one else was thinking about. Costs -constructing a third ring road- wereturned into net benefits despite the subsidies paid to the transport company. The liveability of thecity was enhanced by linking it to the traffic problem. It enhanced social capital and politicalcapital as citizens and local politicians pride upon “their” city as it became a best practice caseattracting visitor -governments, students, all kinds of specialists in transport etc- from all over theworld. The case also illustrates the impact of a leading person.Although the context was not veryinnovative (a traditional socialist party and an even so traditional engineer-led public worksdepartment) the mayor managed to make people think about new ideas and new solutions. Theproject resulted in a landslide election victory for the mayor and his party.

The question we have to address now is what kind of planning enables real creative change asreflected in the first case and avoid “distortion” and a “calculated” creativity as in the secondcase?

A positivist view of planning assumes that the one best future follows automatically if theanalytical and forecasting techniques are applied well. The same reasoning made modernistplanners believe that the future can be predicted and controlled (see Ogilvy, 2002). Problemsand challenges places are confronted with cannot be tackled and managed adequately with thisold intellectual apparatus and mind-set. Consequently we have to reflect creatively andinnovatively on the concepts and techniques we use and the logics we apply in tackling problemsand challenges. We have to think afresh and, as it were, reinvent our places to secure a betterfuture and to improve their quality. Therefore planning needs creativity to imagine (structurally)different futures, to bear on political decisions and their implementation. This implies thatcreativity is not limited to a particular stage of the planning process.

The kind of creativity I have in mind is a creativity that simply refuses to accept that the currentway is necessary the best way and breaks free from concepts, structures and ideas that are onlythere through the process of continuity. It is precisely discontinuity which forces us outside theusual boundaries of “reasonableness” (see de Bono, 1992). Discontinuity is at odds with aconcept of the future as an extended present.The challenge is to find a systematic method that provides a critical interpretation of existingreality, thinks creatively about possible futures, and how to get there. Indeed it is one thing toknow where you want a place to go; it's another thing to get the place to move in that direction.Scenario building turns out to be an excellent tool for conceiving possible futures and how to getfrom here to there, what has to be changed first, and what next.

BACK TO THE FUTURE

Reverse thinking

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Scenario Building

Values and Judgments

A scenario can be defined as a narrative description of a possible state of affairs or developmentover time of a place. As a narrative, scenarios connect very well with a tradition of stories inplanning (see Forester, 1989; Mandelbaum, 1991; Throgmorton, 1996; Sandercock, 1998,2003). Scenario derives from the observation that, given the impossibility of knowing preciselyhow the future will play out, a good decision or strategy to adopt is one that plays out well acrossseveral possible futures. To find that “robust” strategy, scenarios are, essentially, speciallyconstructed stories about the future, each one modelling a distinct, plausible place in which wemight someday have/want to live and work. It is about making forces that push the future indifferent directions visible, so that if they do happen, the planner/politician/civil society will atleast recognize them and may be better prepared to respond. It's about making better decisionstoday for the future. The technique seems particularly suited for visioning as it creates integratedimages that articulate the shared hopes and aspirations of places (a geography of the unknown,see Albrechts, 2005); stimulate sectors, organisations, groups who might be networked andcollaborative to network with others and find out how their joint future(s) might look like anddescribe a transition from the present to a future state. Hence the need to shift from analysis, thatseeks to discover a place that might exist, towards design that creates a place that would nototherwise be. This is somehow in line with Habermas' knowing (understand challenges andoptions available) and steering (capacity to take action to deal with challenges) (Habermas,1996). The steps required to deliver and to implement the wished-for spatial outcome varyaccording to the underlying structure. The visions are based on context, values, current driversand trends. The importance of the context is illustrated by the fact that some words (spatialquality), concepts (urban containment, liveability) do mean quite different things (see also Hajer,1995) in the two cases mentioned before. Scenarios augment understanding by helping to seewhat possible futures might look like. Scenarios help to think about how places/institutions willoperate under a variety of future possibilities and enable decision-makers/civil society to detectand explore all or as many as possible alternative futures so as to clarify present actions andsubsequent consequences. For Schwartz (1991, p.192) this is “rehearsing the future”. Moreoverscenarios are a way of understanding the dynamics at work shaping the future and are anattempt to identify the primary “driving forces” (social, economic, technological, cultural, political)at work in the present. Scenarios identify contingent decisions by exploring whatplaces/institutions might do if certain circumstances arise and reflect on a series of “what if“stories. Some of the driving forces are fixed in the sense that they are completely outside ourcontrol and will play out in any narrative about the future. Therefore the “possible futures” mustbe placed within a specific context (economic, social, cultural, political, and power), place, timeand scale regarding specific issues that are of interest and within a particular combination ofactors. The context provides the setting for the process but also takes form, undergoes changesin the process.

With visioning we have to focus on “what ought to be”. Without normative scenarios we riskadopting a pernicious relativism where anything goes (see Ogilvy, 2002). At the end we have tocome back to what “is” to present ideas, concepts that are solid, workable and of testable value.To get to those ideas we need both, the solidity of the analysis and the creativity of the design ofalternative futures. To avoid naïve utopian thinking all this must be rooted in an understanding ofthe basic processes that shape places. This must be done recognizing conditions of power,inequality and diversity. Whose vision is created remains a basic question to be asked.

Just as there are many traditions and collective practices, there are also many images of whatcommunities want to achieve (see Weeks, 1993). The power constellation in a place determineswhat the problems and challenges of a place are and how they are addressed. The new mayor inHasselt uses his authority to change the perception of the problem and challenges and how theyare dealt with. The opportunities for implementing images are not equal. Some individuals andgroups have more resources and more power, which allow them to pursue their images.Therefore power relations must be built into the conceptual framework of planning (Forester,1989; Sager, 1994; Healey, 1997; Friedmann, 1998) and must be looked at in a given context,

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place, time and scale, regarding specific issues and particular combinations of actors.

The future must symbolize some good, quality, virtues that the present lacks. Speaking ofquality, virtues, and values is a way of describing the sort of place we want to live in, or think weshould live in. The futures result from judgment and choices formed with reference to the idea ofdesirability and betterment. A central concept of our age -sustainability- provides a newlens/focus through which we can provide substance to desirability and betterment. It is a richconcept that needs to be stretched beyond environmentalism to reconfigure conceptions of theeconomy, the social, the cultural, the political and the spatial. Our concept of sustainabilitycannot be imagined without an acknowledgment of a politics of difference (introduction ofdifferent logics in Hasselt) and spatial quality. This implies a clear statement against any notionof a purely quantitative growth approach (see Hamilton, 2003) and, in contrast the need for a“just” use of resources and social cohabitation. If we look at plans today most -not to say all-embrace some unspecified notion of sustainability but almost none questions growth as such.

The values and images of what a society wants to achieve must be discussed in the planningprocess (value rationality). Values and images are not generated in isolation but are sociallyconstructed, given meaning and validated by traditions of belief and practice; they are reviewed,reconstructed and invented through collective experience (see Ozbekhan, 1969, but alsoFoucault, 1980, p.11; Hillier, 1999, 2002 and Elchardus et al., 2000, p.24). We must be aware ofthe impact on the social and psychological milieu of consumer society that teaches citizens howto think about themselves and their goals. Citizens' tastes, priorities and value systems are, to alarge degree, manipulated by the very markets that are supposed to serve them (Hamilton,2004, p.66). Within (and constrained by) this established frame of the market society, places andcommunities face the challenge to construct (or reject) and implement the discourses of culturaldiversity, sustainability and place quality and subsequently to creatively transform their ownfunctioning and practice. In the context of this paper the latter points to changes in governancereferring to current and historical relations of dominance and oppression (Young, 1990). Asplanning and governance cannot be looked upon as separate, autonomous spheres withinsociety I look, in the next session, for a type of governance that interlinks with the planningapproach outlined above.

There is a pervasive struggle in the terrain of governance between pluralistic democratictendencies, which seek to acknowledge a wide range of actors in policy-making and techno-corporate tendencies. The latter seek to keep control over the management of a place usingtools of technical analyses and management, following standardized rulebooks or recipes ofconventional collaboration between government, major business organizations and tradeunions (see Healey, 1997;Albrechts, 1999).

I argue that a feasible and efficient planning process should be centred on the elaboration of amutual beneficial dialectic between top-down structural policies and bottom-up localuniqueness. This dialectic constitutes the bare essence of multi-level governance.

Some politicians are reluctant to involve the public in decision-making, because it involves givingup some control, and people who hold power are usually not inclined to give it up or share it. Inother places there is a tendency to involve major actors in the process. As spatial planning hasalmost no potential for concretizing strategies, relevant actors needed for their substantivecontribution, their procedural competences and the role they might play in acceptance, in gettingbasic support and in providing ( a kind of) legitimacy are getting involved. But planning,potentially, has an impact on and links to a very wide range of issues (from citizens with interestsin a place to nature). These interests can be very diverse and conflicting. To overcome acommodified representation, nature must get a voice to reveal its intrinsic values (naturalstability in ecosystems, biodiversity) as well as the more intangible cultural (aesthetic, symbolic)values (see also Sachs & Esteva, 2003; Hillier, 1999). Citizens must claim a role in the political

GOVERNANCE

Pluralist and inter-culturalist places

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system (see Mathews, 1994). Some citizens have the knowledge, the skills, the power and thenetworks through which they are able to influence or even steer planning proposals and policydecisions. Others lack the means and the cultural codes to participate in the system. Their voicehas hardly any impact on decisions. Class, gender, race and religion do matter in terms ofwhether citizens are included in the process (Young, 1990). Creating futures must be done underconditions of inequality and diversity. Any change has to deal with issues of power andresistance, the irreconcilability of certain forms of interests. This requires a democratic politythat can encompass the realities of difference, inequality, etc., (Huxley, 2000). The core is ademocratic struggle for inclusiveness in democratic procedures, for transparency in governmenttransactions, for accountability of the state and planners to the citizens for whom they work, forthe right of citizens to be heard and to have a creative input in matters affecting their interests andconcerns at different scale levels and for reducing or eliminating unequal power structuresbetween social groups and classes (see also Friedman & Douglas, 1998). Pluralist democratictendencies are developing in the wake of a crisis of representative democracy and a demand totransform the state in ways that will serve all of its citizens and especially the least powerful. Outof this shift towards a more hybrid democracy in some places a type of governance has emergedthat expands practical democratic deliberations rather than restricts them, that encouragesdiverse citizens' voices rather than stifles them; that directs resources to basic needs rather thanto narrow private gain. This type of approach uses public involvement to present real politicalopportunities, learning from action not only what works but also what matters. Through theinvolvement of citizens (and especially weak groups) in socially and politically relevant actionssome degree of empowerment, ownership or acceptance is sought for these citizens (seeFriedmann 1992.

Increased personal mobility has made places more mixed. This can be seen as a threat or anopportunity. On the one hand it can destabilize a place as migrants bring in habits, attitudes andskills alien to the original society, on the other it can enrich and stimulate possibilities by creatinghybrids, crossovers and boundary blurring (Landry, 2000 p. 264). Places must be creative withmutual understanding between cultures and ideas of equity (this is nothing less than a claim tofull citizenship see Sandercock, 2003 p.98). Inter-culturalism (Landry, 2000) builds bridges,helps foster cohesion and conciliation and produces something new out of the multi-culturalpatchwork of places (Landry, 2000) so that views of a place of minority groups or otherwisesocially excluded are taken into account and their ideas are brought to change planning, politicaldecision-making and implementation.

Society as a whole (as well citizens as politicians) feels uneasy to think beyond the short term, toreflect on multiple futures, and it takes an unconsciously deterministic view of events. How toconvince citizens, politicians and planners that they can have meaningful choices and will nothave to be a complete prisoner of circumstances? How to make different groups in a place awarethat they are interdependent, -they share the same physical space, they may face similarproblems- and that they cannot solve some problems on their own? How to make them awarethat they may loose if they don't cooperate? How to convince them to consider the alternative towhat they felt in their hart? Yet when the sustainability, quality and equity of places is at stake thatis exactly what we may need to do: to imagine alternative futures to master change. Buildingscenarios can become a learning process if it looks in an open way to the future, if it integratesknowledge of what might happen with an understanding of the driving forces and a sense of whatit means to a place and its citizens. The active participation in a collective action of scenariobuilding may generate trust as participants in the process are likely to find -and why that is thecase- that some scenarios present a future that certain would like to inhabit while others areconsidered highly undesirable. The process helps the participants to think more broadly aboutthe future and its driving forces and to realize that their own actions may move a place towards aparticular kind of future. The process allows participants to step away from entrenched positionsand identify positive futures that they can work at creating. It allows for a high degree ofownership of the final product and illustrates that citizens do have a responsibility for the(ir)future. So the real test is, not whether one achieves the “conceived” future right, but whetheranyone changed his/her behaviour because he/she saw the future differently (see alsoSchwartz, 1991).

Learning Processes

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Institutionalisation

Multi-level governance

IMPACT FOR PLANNERS

Government systems for the development, control and regulation have often been fixed for along time, yet are not fundamentally reviewed and adapted to changing circumstances. The lifeof the institutions seems often to be more important than what it does. Hence the need to viewgovernance institutions not as a set of formal organizations and procedures established in lawand “followed through”, but as referring to norms, standards and mores of a society or socialgroup, which shape both formal and informal ways of thinking and ways of acting (see Healey,2004a p. 92). Also our notions of nature are inextricably entangled in different forms of social life(see Macnaghton & Urry, 1998). In some places the process of “discourse structuration” and itssubsequent “institutionalisation” becomes perhaps more important than the plan as such (seethe Hasselt case but also Albrechts, 1999, 2003a, b; Albrechts & Van den Broeck, 2004; Hajer,1995). In this way new discourses may become institutionalised, embedded in norms, ways ofdoing things, attitudes and practices and provide a basis for structural change. From there ashared stock of values, knowledge, information, sensitivity, mutual understanding may spreadand travel through an array of regional, provincial and local government arenas, sectordepartments and consultants. New approaches and new concepts can be sustainablyembedded via institutionalization (see Healey, 1997, Gualini, 2001). But this takes time anddedication. Government may call upon this intellectual capital (Innes et al, 1994) when using itscontrol function to re- frame ways of thinking.

A multi-level governance approach would offer the potential to tease out causal linkagesbetween global, national, regional, metropolitan and local change, while also taking account ofthe highly diverse outcomes of such interactions The dialectic between shifts in institutionalsovereignty towards supranational regulatory systems ( in the Hasselt case the possible impactof European directives for deregulation of public transport) and the principle of subsidiarity,which entails the rooting of policy action in local initiatives and abilities, illustrates theembeddednes of place policy-making in multiple institutional domains and interaction arenaswhich blur the meaning of hierarchical settings in the development of policies (see Gualini,2001).

The idea of multi-level governance is very well represented in the Hasselt case. Concern abouttraffic problems at the very local level are linked to the public works department at the level of theFlemish government (subsidies for the reconstruction of the first ring road), the public transportcompany (free public transport) and the overall city finances (reconstruction of the first ring road,no third ring road and compensation for loss Bus Company). Political and civil servants networksof their own making were very instrumental in this process. This highlights the tensions thatoccur between the well-known scale and related government structure of a nested hierarchyfrom large to small or from top to bottom and scale in terms of the reach of relationships in timeand space (see Healey, 2004b;Albrechts & Liévois, 2004).

In a new governance culture the construction of arenas (who has to be involved, and what issuesmust be discussed), their timing (links to the strategic momentum), the definition of which arenasseem fixed and what issues in arenas seem fixed, the awareness that fixed may be relative insome contexts all need careful reflection and full attention.

Planners for too long have just been (still are?) trained to react to problems and difficulties, andare focused on reproducing answers on the basis of similar problems encountered in the past.They ask “what have I been taught in planning school or work that will solve this problem?” Thenthey analytically select the most promising approach based on past experiences excluding allother approaches, and work in the clearly defined direction toward the solution of the problem. Achange of this attitude is crucial for creativity. Planners must think productively (Michalko, 2001).Hence the need to challenge their “mental models” about places and lift the “blinders” that limit

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their creativity and resourcefulness can be used as a building block for designing, formulatingstructurally new concepts and discourses (see Schwartz, 1991). When confronted with aproblem planners have to ask themselves in how many different ways they can look at theproblem, how can they rethink it, and how many different ways they can tackle it, instead ofasking how they have been taught to solve it (see the Hasselt case). Planners must be able tograsp the momentum and they must try to come up with many different responses, some ofwhich are unconventional, and possibly unique (see Michalko, 2001 p.2). Hence planners needa mind-set that is willing to explore new concepts, new ideas and to look for alternatives (to thesettlement hierarchy, to a clear division between town and country). Alternatives meanstructurally different futures and not just variations on the same theme. That means that theplanner must look for an agenda (see Friedmann, 1987, p.389 for transformative theory andSandercock, 2003 pp 157-179 for transformative practices). This takes decision-makers,planners and citizens out of their comfort zones and compels them to confront the key-beliefs, tochallenge conventional wisdom, and to look at the prospects of “breaking-out-of-the-box”.

The preconditions below may not be looked upon in a linear way, they clearly interrelate.

In planning systems and governance structures a climate conducive to new ideas must becreated. Planners need to think beyond customary job descriptions, traditional governmentstructures, to address problems in new ways, and to accept that the past is no blue print for howto go forward. Governments and planners need to trust the creativity of residents, they mustacknowledge that there are multiple publics and that planning and governance in a new multi-cultural era requires a new kind of multicultural literacy and a new kind of democratic politics,more participative, more deliberative, more agonistic. In order to build trust and confidence in theplanning, decision-making and implementation process, an adequate and timely response isrequired to serious significant problems being faced by the community, seen as social entities ofcitizens who are engaged with their place ( see free shuttle bus in Hasselt as answer tohindrance by local road works). Creativity in the long-term perspective is important and possibleas long as it is combined with creativity in short-term actions. This combination of long-termperspective with short-term actions allows the community to react almost immediately to certainurgent problems with a clear perspective as to where it is going and what the likely impacts ofdecisions are. It also promotes the building of trust, understanding and confidence in the processand between the actors. This means that we need a vision that embodies what is willed (this isthe long-term strategy), concrete actions in response to the everyday problems, and longer-termactions for the realization of possible futures.

Planning is not an abstract analytical concept but a concrete socio-historical practice, which isindivisibly part of social reality. As such, planning is in politics (it is about making choices), andcannot escape politics (it must make values and ethics transparent) but is not politics (it does notmake the ultimate decisions). Since planning actions are clear proof that they are not onlyinstrumental, the implicit responsibility of planners can no longer simply be to “be efficient”, tofunction smoothly as neutral means of obtaining given and presumably well-defined ends.Planners must be more than navigators keeping their ship on course. They are necessarilyinvolved with formulating that course (see also Forester, 1989). To give power to the range ofimages in a planning process requires the capacity to listen, not just for an expression of materialinterest, but for what people care about, including the rage felt by many who have grown up in aworld of prejudice and exclusion, of being outside, being “the other” (Forester, 1989, Healey,1997). Forester (1989) stresses that planners must use the power available to them to anticipateand to counter the efforts of interests that threaten to make a mockery of a democratic planningprocess by misusing their power. It must be clear that planners can (and do) use their power alsoin the opposite way.

Landry (2000) and Michalko (2001) teach us that to create original ideas and creative solutionswe must use appropriate techniques. For Michalko (2001) these techniques vary from seeingwhat no one else is seeing to thinking what no one else is thinking. The first category involves

Preconditions for creativity

How to enhance creativity?

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knowing how to see and making thoughts visible. The second category involves: thinkingfluently, making novel combinations, connected the unconnected, looking at the other side,looking in other worlds, finding what you are not looking for and awakening the collaborativespirit. The first category brings us to look at problems, challenges from different perspectives: theperspectives of the elderly, youngsters, women, shopkeepers, business people etc. Turn aproblem -e.g. a cost- into an asset. Moreover offering the actors a possibility to expressthemselves in more than one language and communicative form (writing, oral, drawing, maps,music) could help to remove barriers for creativity when taking part in debates and decisionsabout places. The second category is about generating new and more ideas (usingbrainstorming), combining and recombining of ideas, images, thoughts into differentcombinations and focusing on the collective intelligence of a group as being larger than theintelligence of an individual.All these techniques match very well with the nature of scenarios.

The development of a planning and governance culture with the qualities summarised above is ademanding ambition for politicians, civil servants, citizens and planners. Are they a utopiandream? Are they feasible? I start to answer these questions by quoting a story Clive Hamilton(2004, p. 240) tells in his provocative book “Growth Fetish”. It is about a black South African hemet shortly after the fall of white rule. This man told him that he and his comrades had alwaysfeared the white government and system of apartheid as an enormous powerful and nearlyunbeatable force.As the system began to crumble in the early 1990s he began to see the regimeas more like “The Wizard of Oz”. When Dorothy first met the Wizard she quakes before atowering dark figure with a booming voice. But after a time she peeks behind a curtain to see afrail old man pedalling a machine that creates the illusion of a huge and terrifying wizard.Although The Wizard of Oz is good-natured Hamilton (2004, p. 240) concludes out of this storythat nothing is inevitable and no power is invincible.

So what kinds of “powers” need to be addressed? Anxiety about the “other” strengthens right-wing, anti-immigrant parties in most European cities (see Albrechts, 2003; Sandercock, 2003).There is growing evidence that the current pattern of material consumption is environmentallyunsustainable and that more economic growth and more technology will not solve this problem(see Mishan, 1967; Sachs & Esteva, 2003; Hamilton, 2004). For Hamilton (2004) growthfetishism and the predominantly market-led society lie at the hart of these ills. Concepts ofsustainability and multi-cultural society applauded in many government reports cannot beachieved with more market (Sachs & Esteva, 2003; Hamilton, 2004), by extrapolating the pastand the present, by simply relying on economic growth (Mishan, 1967; Hamilton, 2004), bykeeping to vested concepts, discourses and practices.As society is not a prisoner of its past anddoes have a responsibility for the future it is doomed to find alternatives, to study the forces ofchange and look for means and instruments to make this change happen. This means that weneed to structurally transform our attitudes to the natural environment and our relationships withothers (especially “the other”). This needs structural reforms in power relationships to tackle theoverpowering dominance of the market and institutional reform. There are strong manifestos forchange, for reconsidering the absolute faith in economic growth (Mishan, 1967; Hamilton,2004), for living inter-culturally (Landry, 2000; Sandercock, 1998, 2003), and for a moresustainable society (Sachs & Esteva, 2003). What can planning and planners contribute in thisrespect? Planners have to grasp the momentum; they have to lure citizens and politiciansoutside the comfort and familiarity of their traditional mindset, concepts and mode of operation.They have to explore with them a set of distinctive, plausible and sustainable (in the broadestsense) futures that could unfold. This demands creativity and a thorough understanding andanalysis of the driving forces of change and of what might be. Hence the need for a type ofplanning that embraces creativity and critical analysis. This kind of planning is very muchconcerned with “possibilities”, and “what ought to be”. In creativity there is a dimension of “new”,a dimension of bringing something into being and a dimension of values.

I come now back to my four initial questions. First, I presented a planning approach that avoidstwo traps planning is usually confronted with: the trap of linearity and the trap of being stuck in

EPILOGUE

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regulations. This planning approach combines, behind creativity the strategic force of reversethinking with a critical analysis of the driving forces at work in present. It constructs “better”futures for overcoming the resistance of the established powers in the realization of desiredoutcomes. Second, scenarios match seamless with our planning approach. They have thepotential to open up the minds of people and can serve as learning devices for rehearsingqualitative and sustainable futures and how to get there. Third, the proposed governance cultureopts for a more hybrid mode of democracy open to diversity and structural change embedded innorms, attitudes and practices. This culture makes it possible for ideas, concepts and discoursesto travel to other departments, consultants, agencies, political levels, citizens' associations etc.Fourth, the plea for a transformative agenda challenges existing knowledge, conventionalwisdom and practices, attitudes and skills of planners.

For a full list of references quoted in the text see:ALBRECHTS, L., (2004): Strategic (Spatial) Planning Reexamined Environment and Planning

B 31: 743-758ALBRECHTS, L., (2005): Creativity as a drive for change. Planning Theory 4(2): 247-269ALBRECHTS, L., Creativity in and for planning. DISP 169(3): 14 -25ALBRECHTS, L., (2006): Shifts in Strategic Spatial Planning: Some evidence from Europe and

Australia. Environment & PlanningA38(6):1149-1170ALBRECHTS, L., (2008): Strategic Spatial Planning. Van den Broeck, J. Moulaert, F.,

Oosterlynck, S., (Eds) Empowering the Planning Fields.Acco, Leuven: 227-248

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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THE BANDUNG CREATIVE CITY MOVEMENT:AN EXPLORATION OF THE SOCIAL AND SPATIALIMPLICATIONS OF POLICYTRANSFER

Post-graduate Student - Department of Geography and Planning,University of Toronto - CANADA



Post-graduate Student - Department of Geography and Planning,University of Toronto - [email protected]

Morgan SKOWRONSKIPost-graduate Student - Department of Geography and Planning,University of Toronto - CANADA

KristinANDERSON

Dan COHEN

Alexis KANE-SPEER

Michael NOBLE

ABSTRACT

[email protected]

[email protected]

[email protected]

[email protected]

Many cities in the western world have adopted Creative City policiesas a strategy for encouraging economic growth. The Creative City discourse,as pioneered by economic geographer and policy guru Richard Florida (2002),was developed within a Western context and has been scrutinized as an elitistview of the city by many scholars (for an example see Peck, 2005). Recently,the Creative City discourse has begun to spread into the developing world and,as a result, the city government of Bandung is in the early stages of fashioninga policy focused on becoming a Creative City. In light of the criticisms ofCreative City policies in the West, and the historical problems associated withpolicy transfer between countries, this exploratory study asks how the CreativeCity movement is different in the context of a developing country and how thisdifference should be considered when formulating a strategy for the creativeeconomy.

This paper explores the initial discussions surrounding a Creative Citypolicy for Bandung as well as examining its existing creative economy,infrastructure and talent. Different viewpoints on what role creativity currentlyplays in Bandung are explored as well as the potential negative consequencesof a Creative City policy. The paper concludes by identifying how the CreativeCity discourse must be adapted to the Bandung context; this includesaddressing challenges such as a different socio-economic environment andthe need to acknowledge small-scale actors and the informal sector. There isalso recognition of Bandung's potential to foster a creative economy due to its

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existing creative infrastructure and talent. These findings are an examination of how the Creative Citydiscourse must adapt to fit within a developing world context.

creative city, policy transfer, Bandung, Indonesia, British Council, creative class,social implications of space, regional economic development

Keywords:

INTRODUCTION

Context

Literature Review

Policy Transfer

The city government of Bandung has recently begun fashioning a policy focused on helpingBandung become a Creative City and has gone as far as changing its English motto to “home ofcreative minds”. This new policy is indirectly inspired by the “creative city” discourse, as termedby economic geographer and policy guru Richard Florida (2002) and developed within aWestern context. The Creative City discourse has, in that context, been scrutinized as an elitistview of the city by many scholars (Peck, 2005). In light of such criticisms, this exploratory studymakes use of observations and interviews in order to ask the question of how Creative Citydiscourse traveled to Bandung and the implications of transferring such ideas to a developingnation.

Bandung's context must be understood in order to frame the development of its Creative Citystrategy, which articulates the promotion of creativity as an important city goal. Although manyresidents have long considered Bandung a creative place, it is only recently that the city hasmade creativity an important and explicit policy goal. Indeed, the development of the policy is inits earliest stages and few concrete steps have been taken by the city as of yet. The developmentof a Creative City policy follows several events which have driven the development of theCreative City movement in Bandung. These include the naming of Bandung residents asIndonesia's Young Entrepreneur of the Year in both 2006 and 2007, as well as the city beingselected by the British Council as the home of a three-year pilot project on creative cities inAsia.

The Bandung Planning Board (BAPEDA), as well as some of the city's academics, artists,business people, and citizen groups, are currently engaged in formulating and executing aCreative City strategy for Bandung. The first step of this has been to map creative spaces in thecity. Given the momentum of the Creative City movement in Bandung, it is valuable to examinethe relevance and applicability of such a strategy in Bandung and ask: how should theinternational discourse of creative cities be adapted to serve the local needs of the city?

The theoretical framework of three distinct discourses is integral in understanding the processthat is occurring in Bandung. First, literature on policy transfer can help to expose the dangers inmoving policy from one context to another. Second, Creative City literature must be explored inorder to understand the original theory, its criticisms, and how it differs in Bandung. Finally,literature on the social implications of space is important in understanding the potential socialramifications of Creative City policy on the people of Bandung.

Much of the theory on policy transfer states that movement of policy has increased due tostructural changes such as the globalization of the economy, new information technology suchas the internet, and the increasing reliance of policy makers on the opinions of big name experts.Policies that are widely adopted are often couched in the language of “best practice” (McCann,2004; Dolowitz and Marsh, 2000). Related to these processes is the impact of global economicintegration in encouraging cities to compete with each other directly for access to capital. AsHarvey (1989a) has established, cities have increasingly attempted to adopt policies that allowthem to stay ahead of their rivals; this competition has led to the migration of certain policies astools for economic advancement (McCann, 2004). This transfer is considered problematic dueto the “serial reproduction” of similar policies without regard for context (Harvey, 1989a).Creative City policies exemplify a part of this process.

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In this light, it is important to understand how transferred policies can fail. Dolowitz and Marsh(2000) identify three main reasons for policy failure. The first is uninformed transfer, when aforeign policy is selected but not fully understood or understood improperly. In this case, anypolicy implemented will likely fail because the implementation will be guided by incorrectprinciples. The second is incomplete transfer, meaning that not all the institutions needed for thepolicy to be successful are brought over upon transfer, potentially leading to failure as programsor policies that were integral to its development in the original context may not be present in thetransferred policy. The third reason is inappropriate transfer, when a policy is transferred from anarea where the social, economic, political and ideological context is so different that it becomesimpossible for it to have the same affect in a new context. It is important to keep these types offailure in mind when attempting to adopt a policy developed in another location.

Historically, the ability of a city to develop new and innovative ideas has been perceived as a keyfactor in urban success, particularly from an economic perspective (Jacobs, 1969). Morerecently, researchers and policy-makers have advocated for the importance of “creativity” in citygrowth and for its explicit promotion as a policy objective; it is this type of policy discourse whichhas been transferred to Bandung.

Researchers such as Florida have suggested that the key driver of urban economic growth is notcreative industries but creative individuals - those whose economic function is to come up withnew ideas (Florida, 2002). He defines these individuals as members of the creative class. Thiscreative class is viewed as highly mobile and drawn to cities which they find vibrant, interesting,and which exhibit Tolerance towards other ways of life. Tolerance is one of the three T's thatFlorida considers characteristic of successful, creative cities along with Talent and Technology.In Florida's view, cities can enjoy a virtuous cycle in which building an exciting, Tolerant cityattracts Talented people, who develop high value Technology, which then brings more moneyinto the city to be spent on an improved quality of life.

There are many policy tools which governments have used to promote and utilize creativity andto attract creative people. Place-making is one of the most popular methods, in which particularparts of the city are developed and reinforced as magnets for creative individuals andorganizations. Often this process is combined with goals of general quality-of-life improvements.For example, depressed inner-city neighbourhoods in North America have been the target ofrevitalization projects, often through the reuse of older spaces. As old spaces acquire new usesand residents, the areas become more physically attractive, crime is reduced and a wider varietyof local amenities are introduced. This is intended to improve the quality of life for new andexisting residents.

As policy makers have explored and adopted strategies focusing on the promotion of creativity, anumber of criticisms have emerged, many of which focus on the issue of social stratification.They note that the economic shift towards a greater focus on creative industries and occupationscreates winners and losers and that Creative City strategies widen the gap between them.Critics such as Jamie Peck have argued that stratification and displacement are intrinsic toCreative City strategies because they consciously advance the interests of certain residents,occupations and parts of the city over others (2005). Public and private funds flow to these starpeople or areas, leaving others behind. At an individual level, this creates a situation in which“the talented minority command huge premiums, while many others navigate an unstable urbanlabour market with… low-end service jobs” (Bradford, 2007).

Place-making policies that are designed to attract creative industries and workers may also havea stratifying effect on the physical character of the city. Revitalization projects are oftenassociated with gentrification and displacement (Barnes, et. Al. 2006), while those focusing onspectacular museums and festivals, are seen to simply create theatres of consumption in whichpublic funds subsidize upper-middle class cultural tastes (Cuthbert, 2006). This has beenidentified by Harvey (1989b) as a result of the entrepreneurial city attempting to attract capitalthrough spectacles.

THE CREATIVE CITY

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SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS OF SPACE

OBSERVATIONS

Creative Community

The Political Climate and Creativity

Place-making and urban design concerns are tied to a number of community variables and well-designed, appropriate, and responsive urban spaces all contribute to building healthycommunities. Research has shown that public space contributes significantly to sense ofcommunity, heterogeneous civic culture and, ultimately, social inclusion (Guite et al, 2006;Sandercock, 1998).

Lefebvre's (1991) trialectics of space lends itself to framing the various dimensions of publicspace and its social implications. Lefebvre argues that while space is a basic structure ineveryday life, it is also a complex social construction based on values and social meaningswhich consists of representations of space (codes and knowledge about space), spaces ofrepresentation (symbolic meanings enacted in spatial form through human appropriation), andspatial practices (routine experiences that 'secrete' their own social space). Spatial practices arethe lived experiences of space (Lefebvre, 1991).

Public space is “the common ground where people carry out the functional and ritual activitiesthat bind a community” (Carr et al, 1992). It provides neutral ground and opportunities for socialinteraction between all sectors of society, which can form the basis of community spirit(Swanwick, et al 2003). Psychological sense of community, as defined by McMillan and Chavis(1986) is a feeling that members have of belonging, of mattering to one another and to the group.Involvement in community social life not only has a significant impact on the well-being ofindividuals, but on quality of life and preservation of the community itself (Ahlbrandt andCunningham, 1979).

Sense of community is not static however; it is affected by changing values and external forces,like socio-economic status and place-based identity (McMillan & Chavis, 1986). Studies havefound that sense of community is associated with the symbolic interaction that residents havewith the physical environment. Place attachment is used to describe a “positive affective bond orassociation between individuals and the environment” (Rivlin, 1983). This means that well-designed public spaces should be relevant, responsive, and appropriate. In order to maximizeplace attachment, these spaces should offer comfort and security, common experience,increased awareness of the community and, especially in the case of marginalized populations,encourage users to see opportunities for hope (Carr, 1992; Rivlin, 1983).

Bandung has been a centre of knowledge and creativity within Indonesia for many decades. Itsextremely high number of universities per capita (over 50 institutions), many of which focus onarts, science, engineering, and technology studies, support its image as an intellectual citywhich attracts young people from all around Indonesia. Most of the creative people weinterviewed had completed university or are in the process of finishing their studies, and thosethat come to live, work, and study tend to stay in Bandung. The city's geography and politicalhistory both play a key role in the character of its creative community.

Bandung residents emphasize a long history of arts and culture; however Suharto's dictatorshiplimited creative expression for many years. Key informants have suggested that since the fall ofthe Suharto regime in 1998, people across Indonesia are more willing to speak out againstcorruption and other political issues, especially through different creative mediums. This newabsence of state powers led to the creation of new institutions by the people, providing theorganizational space for new identities to emerge. Residents of Bandung are more willing to mixideas and exchange information in a way that had been dangerous in the past, contributing to anexplosion of creative activities and enhanced networking of creative people within the city.

Many people we spoke to noted that there are still significant limitations on freedom ofexpression, however. Examples included the outdated methods of the formal education system

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which focus on memorization rather than creativity, regulations on public space and internet useand restrictions and police raids on concerts and other artistic events. Although short lived, theban on websites such as YouTube was identified as an indication of the government'stendencies towards censorship.

For individuals working on the many creative endeavours in Bandung, there are a variety ofperspectives on the appropriate nature and goals of a Creative City strategy. Study participantsexpressed an array of opinions on the meaning of Creative City, key barriers and challenges ofcreative policies, and the role of the government in developing such a strategy. Four dominantperspectives on the role of Bandung's Creative City strategy are outlined below.

As a regional creative centre, some feel that Bandung should present itself as a Creative City tothe nation and the world. Strategies would include the promotion of great architecture anddesign and the attraction of creative workers. Government officials and creative professionalsexpressed their desire for Bandung to be recognized as a “hub of creative minds”, a point of viewin-line with the Western Creative City strategies.

This perspective is reinforced by the British Council's selection of Bandung for a 3-year pilot asthe first Asian city in its Creative City program. Others have expressed the desire for Bandung tobe the firstAsian city to join the United Nation's Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization(UNESCO)'s creative cities network (UNESCO, 2008).

For those groups that share in the vision of a spectacular city which attracts creative industries,the role of the government is to encourage quality urban design. One participant indicated theneed for an “architecture advisory board” to ensure that design standards are met within the city.Many interview subjects including some who were generally critical of this perspective felt thatthese design strategies could improve the prestige of Bandung, whose image is currently that ofa “street vendor city”.

Critics of the “spectacles” approach identified a restrictive criteria surrounding governmentsupport as a significant barrier to creative activities. Despite budgeted funds to support creativeprojects, restrictive requirements exclude certain creative groups from participating; forexample, many felt that in order to participate in city promoted events a large amount of capitalwas required. Such barriers exclude small-scale creative enterprises and limit the potential fornew groups to reach a broad audience.

Some respondents saw the primary purpose of Creative City policies as leveraging creativeendeavours for economic development. The government aims to utilize a Creative City strategyas one tool for addressing the loss of textile manufacturing jobs in Bandung; this motivation issimilar to that of many cities in more developed economies.

Economic development plans for creative industries are intended to improve employment notonly the creative class, but for all workers connected to the creative economy, including factoryworkers producing T-Shirts. Furthermore, interview subjects emphasized that creativity-focusedeconomic plans are meant to augment existing strategies for employment, not replace them.

This economic vision of the Creative City fails to fully examine the economic impacts on informalindustries. Although the potential positive impacts the Creative City on the informal sector wereaddressed when participants were asked about the topic directly, the extent of perceivedeconomic benefits were limited to “trickle down” effects. One participant with an academicaffiliation did express that the “gem is the kampung”; meaning that the informal inner cityeconomy is essential to the city and that this movement will help these people benefit. However,they emphasized that this benefit arises from not only from economic improvement, butenhanced public space.

Ceative City Policies Four Perspectives

Regional Creative Centre/City of Spectacles

Economic Development and Employment

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Some informants saw the Creative City strategy as simply “a new name for something old”; arestatement of older philosophies promoting support for small and medium sized businesses.Participants agreed that this support was needed for both creative and non-creative enterprises.The way the government defines creativity, and thus who is included and excluded within thisrealm, must also be taken into consideration when identifying the potential effects of a CreativeCity strategy. According to one participant, “if you want to support local economy, all localeconomy is creative”. Academic participants also emphasized the need for government toaddress larger social issues, through education reform and environmental improvements aspart of a strategy that will further encourage future economic growth in the Creative City.

Some participants viewed Creative City policies primarily as a tool for assisting local grassrootsartists. They suggested that while artists require little direct support from the government and arehappy to work within a D.I.Y. (Do It Yourself) philosophy, they felt the creative community wouldbe more productive if provided with certain resources. Some common desires are multi-usepublic spaces, as well as direct funding for public art and public events. However, public spacealone is not enough to empower the grassroots creative communities. Artists emphasized theneed for policies guaranteeing freedom of expression in reference to recent laws restrictinginternet communications and a ban on music concerts that followed the death of 11 youth at arecent metal concert.

Support for empowering grassroots networks of creative individuals was a recurring theme.Evidence of these groups can be seen in the ways residents utilize any available public space asa place to congregate, network, and create. Dago, the Common Room (a building open to thepublic for work and exhibition space), and independent book stores were the most identifiedexamples of creative spaces.

Many informants and academics expressed the sentiment that certain underground, creativegroups have no desire to be included in Creative City policies discussions by the government.There was a strong desire among informants to avoid a centralized organization of creativity,because creativity is viewed as a fluid process that cannot be planned; many would prefer tofocus on social networking as a tool for creativity and innovation. Therefore they are hesitant toengage in any strategies put forth by the city.

To some, creativity was primarily a tool for achieving broader city development aims aphilosophy in line with Landry's vision of the Creative City where creativity enables innovativeways to solve a broad range of urban problems (2000). While increasing employment was anaspect of this, strategies that were suggested also included tools for kampung improvement andimproving public spaces such as bridge underpasses. Creative endeavours were also seen as away to encourage citizens to become more politically and socially involved in their city. Someexamples of this engagement can be seen through the activities organized by participantsinvolving public art projects in parks.

Many participants felt that before these activities can positively impact Bandung, importantsocial problems must be addressed. There is a saying that “ideas come from Bandung, butmoney comes from Jakarta,” indicating that financial security is still a priority among residents.Others felt that the quality of the environment and lack of public spaces was stifling for creativeinnovation. The current state of knowledge transfer in the form of job training, access toemployment, and formal education are also seen as problems in fostering a creative city.

Creative industry in Bandung is exemplified by the distribution outlet or 'distro'; independentclothing designers and distributors, primarily known for their T-Shirts.

Early distros grew out of subgroups in the city's underground music scene during the mid-1990sand have continued to grow in recent years. Musicians and their friends would produce musicand merchandise, such as T-Shirts and independent magazines. While this merchandise mayinitially have been sold at shows or on the street on Saturday night, the more popular and

Empowering Grassroots

City Building

Case Study Distros

entrepreneurial groups opened their own stores. Over time, certain clothing designersestablished a following within a particular music scene that then expanded to attract a variety ofyoung people more generally.

The ability of small clothing labels to rise and prosper is tied to the specific history of Bandung asa textile centre. The city has a large amount of machinery and low cost labour skilled in clothingproduction; silk screening in particular is concentrated in small shops in the Parahiyansan area.Many of the customers of such organizations are informal merchants reprinting knock-offs ofpopular clothing labels. Furthermore, a designer can easily experiment with different styles byprinting a limited run of any number of shirts and seeing if they are popular.

Despite their status as an alternative to the mainstream, a distro can be a very profitablebusiness. A knockoff Gucci or Green Day shirt may sell for 15,000 Rupiah or less at a localmarket. By contrast, an independently designed distro shirt bought from the same clothingproducer and printed at the same printer can sell for close to 100,000 Rupiah, which can only beafforded by middle-class consumers. Some distros described themselves as earning over $20million Rupiah per month. While some distros sell only in Bandung, others have expanded toother major cities in Indonesia, as well as distributing their merchandise to Singapore, Malaysia,and elsewhere over the internet.

The perils of policy transfer discussed by Dolowitz and Marsh (2000) must be taken into accountby all parties involved in formulating the city's economic development strategy. At this point onlyacademics have currently addressed the need for careful reflection on the challenge of bringinga policy developed in the Western context into a developing country; although the city is makingefforts to understand where and why creativity exists in Bandung.

Creativity can allow certain cities to develop niches based on distinctive characteristics andadvantages (Duxbury, 2004) The case of the distros indicates that such industries may be aneffective response to changing economic conditions that Bandung is facing due to competitionfrom China and Vietnam. Despite lack of access to a wide-range of international markets, it maybe that the large, young populations in Indonesia and Asia are enough to make Bandung'sindependent fashion industry a propulsive force in the local economy. Another issue regardingdistros is the level of pay for employees. While distro owners may be economically successful,many distro employees were described as underpaid.

Within the Indonesian context, Bandung appears to display some of the creative citycharacteristics highlighted by Florida (though a proper analysis of this would require aquantitative study). Of Florida's three T's, talent appears to be most prominent, as the city has ahigh percentage of young, educated people due to its institutions of higher education. Bandungis seen by its local residents as diverse and tolerant, but this is only the case relative to theIndonesian context. While the city attracts migrants from across Indonesia, it is not seen as aninternational city with significant populations from other parts of the region or world.Furthermore, compared to other Asian countries, Indonesians are generally less likely to moveabroad and therefore may have fewer international contacts. Interestingly, researchers such asSoemardi and Radjawali (2004) have noted that Bandung has a strong ICT industry, includingthe Bandung High Technology Valley Industry group; however, this fact was not explored in ouranalysis. In general, Bandung has some, but not all of the characteristics that can allow a'creative city' to enjoy economic growth.

Through our research, we discovered significant competition within the creative movement andbetween creative organizations and others; including artistic and social conflicts as well ascompetition over resources and access to decision makers. This competition also exists withinand across creative industries. For example, when founded, the distros presented themselvesas a more local, original and independent alternative to the mainstream labels. As these

ANALYSIS

Policy Transfer

The Creative City

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businesses have become more successful, and newer companies have formed, rifts havedeveloped between the 'original' distros and the newer ones due to economic competitionbetween rival businesses. Some of the businesses have established an exclusive industrygroup called KICK which others feel challenge the independent nature of the industry. There arealso artistic conflicts, as newer designers are accused of copying the styles of others.

Education also emerged as an important component for fostering Bandung's creativecommunity. Outside of the many local universities, current formal and informal systems ofknowledge transfer were acknowledged as a barrier, preventing access to the skills and talentnecessary for engaging in creative industries. The discussions surrounding the development ofa Creative City strategy fail to fully examine the ways in which the average Bandung residentmay benefit from future policy. Bridging the gap between those currently involved in creativeprocesses and those who are not requires educational support for people of all ages. Proper jobtraining programs would need to adjust in order build on the capacity of workers supporting thesecreative industries and school systems would need to incorporate creative thought into theircurriculum.

Western literature suggests that public space contributes significantly to a sense of community,heterogeneous civic culture, collective efficacy, and ultimately social inclusion. Bandungresidents, like many of their Western urban counterparts, recognize the importance ofaccessible quality public space and the social benefits that such resources can provide to thecommunity.

In response to the lack of public space, several semi-private community gathering spaces haveemerged as counter-spaces or spaces of representation across Bandung, which enact symbolicmeanings through appropriation. Participants articulated the need for increased City support ofpublic events which foster community pride. Participants also expressed the need for places inwhich networks of creative individuals could congregate and exchange ideas, with multi-usespaces seen as the appropriate venue. While semi-private spaces have emerged in Bandungthat support a range of creative activities, it is important to recognize that such spaces may notbe socially accessible to all residents. While these spaces promote themselves as accessible toall, a number of participants expressed discomfort engaging in creative activities and dialogue ata number of these gathering spaces.

In the absence of designated creative public spaces, various public spaces have beenappropriated by residents and turned into “hot spots” for socializing and exchanging creativeideas. While the City is not prohibiting the use of appropriated spaces, like Dago Street, it issimilarly not providing the infrastructure to improve such spaces. The City would like to supportthe creation of new spaces, but is overlooking the potential of already appropriated spaces.

According to the literature on how policy travels it is important that those who are developing theCreative City policy in Bandung reflect how the city differs from other Western Creative Cities.Critical reflection is needed on how Bandung should adapt the Creative City discourse in order toavoid the various types of policy failure and whether the creative cities literature is appropriate toBandung at all. Harvey (1989a) and McCann's (2004) discussion on the role of competitionbetween cities as spurring the adoption of certain “best practice” policies is a factor in the spreadof Creative City discourse to Bandung as this notion of Bandung needing to compete wasexplicitly mentioned by several stakeholders. The pressure on the city to replace the jobs lost inthe textile industry and the arrival of the British Council naming Bandung a Creative City mayhave created a perfect storm that is pushing Bandung to adopt a Creative City policy. If thetransfer of the Creative City policy is inappropriate to Bandung due to its different socio-economic environment this could also lead to policy failure. However, it is important to note thatthe process of forming a Creative City policy is still in its early stages in Bandung and, as of yet, itis not apparent that there has been an improper transfer of policy.

The Social Implication of Space

CONCLUSION

In this regard, there are several areas that we see as both negative and positive in the potentialadoption of a Creative City strategy by the city of Bandung. On the positive side the case study ofthe Distros and Bandung's talented and vibrant culture within the Indonesian context suggeststhat the creative economy can serve as a valuable asset to the city.

On the negative side, aspects that are different in Bandung (and perhaps throughout thedeveloping world) do pose challenges for Bandung to become a Creative City. The potential inthe city is limited by the lack of an environment that encourages creativity. Structural issues suchas an education system which does not make an effort to teach creativity and governancestructures which exhibit a high level of social control may serve to dampen creative activities inthe city. Furthermore, the social stratification which may be inherent to Creative City policies maybe exacerbated by the more highly stratified economy that is present in Bandung; few of thosewe talked to had strong ideas about how the informal sector and average citizen could becomepart of the creative economy.

Those who transfer Creative City policies to Bandung must be aware of these differences ifpolicy is to succeed. Efforts to instil a level of creativity in all the population and to engage a widevariety of actors may not be needed in a developed society where creativity is entrenched, butwill be essential in the Bandung context. Governance issues regarding how people are allowedto use public space, or are encouraged to do so, take on a much stronger role in ensuringcreativity is of benefit to the whole population. The city government has the power to promotethese ideas by encouraging the use of public space for all and supporting events that areaccessible to the whole community; this power is especially important in Bandung, where,historically, public space has not been used in this way. While Creative City policies have thepotential to help Bandung, they face stronger barriers in the city which must be addressed if anyCreative City strategy is to be successful.

Ahlbrandt, Jr., R.S. and Cunningham, J.V. (1979). A New Public Policy for NeighbourhoodPreservation. Praeger Publishers, New York, NY: pp.276

Bradford, N. (2007, January 20). Bridging Toronto's Divides. Toronto Star.Barnes, K., Gordon Waitt, N. G., & Gibson, C. (2006). Communities and Nostalgia In Urban

Revitalization:ACritique of Urban Village and Creative Class StrategiesAs Remedies ForSocial 'Problems'.Australian Geographer , 37 (3), pp. 335-354.

Carr, S., Francis, M., Rivlin L.G., Stone, AM. (1992). Public Space. New York. CambridgeUniversity Press

Cuthbert, A.R. (2006). The New Imperialism: Culture, Class and Space. International Seminaron Urban Culture. Arte-Polis: Creative Culture and the Making of Place. Bandung,Indonesia. 21-22 July 2006

Dolowitz, D P. and Marsh, D (2000). “Learning from Abroad: The Role of Policy Transfer inContemporary Policy-Making,” Governance 13 (1); 623.

Duxbury, N. (2004). Creative Cities: Principles and Practices. Ottawa: Canadian PolicyResearch Network.

Florida, R. (2002). The Rise of the Creative Class. New York: Basic Books.Guite, H.F., Clark, C. and Ackrill, G. (2006). “The Impact of the Physical Environment on Mental

Well-being,” Public Health, (120): 117-126Harvey, D. (1989a) “From Managerialism to Entrepreneurialism: The Transformation in Urban

Governance in Late Capitalism,” Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography 71(1); 317.

Harvey, D. (1989b). The Condition of Postmodernity. Oxford: Blackwell.McCann.Jacobs, J. (1969). The Economy of Cities. New York: Random House.Landry, C. (2000). The Creative City:AToolkit for Urban Innovators. London: COMEDIA.Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space. translated by Donald Nicholson-Smith. Blackwell

Publishers. Oxford, UK.McCann, E. (2004). “'Best Places': Inter-Urban Competition, Quality of Life, and Popular Media

Discourse,”.Urban Studies 41 (10); 1009 1029.

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McMillan, D.W. and D.M. Chavis (1986). 'Sense of Community:ADefinition and Theory', Journalof Community Psychology 14: pp. 623.

Peck, J. (2005). “Struggling with the Creative Class,” International Journal of Urban andRegional Research 29 (4); 740770.

Rivlin, L. (1983). “The Neighborhood, Personal Identity, and Group Affiliations,” EnvironmentalPsychology, New York, NY pp. 1-33

Soemardi, A.R., Radjawali, I. (2004). Creative culture and Urban Planning: The BandungExperience. The Eleventh International Planning History Conference 2004. Bandung,I n d o n e s i a . 2 1 - 2 2 J u l y 2 0 0 6<http://www.etsav.upc/es/personals/iphs2004/pdf/210_p.pdf> Retrieved May 24, 2008.

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LAND USE REGULATION:A KEY FACTOR IN THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEENCREATIVE COMMUNITIESAND PLACE-MAKING

Teguh UtomoATMOKO

CREATIVE INDUSTRY

Faculty Member - Department ofArchitecture, Faculty of EngineeringUniversity of Indonesia - INDONESIA

According to Wikipedia, creative communities are those involved increative industries, a term that refers to a set of interlocking industrysectors often cited as being a growing part of the global economy.These industries are often defined as those that focus on creating andexploiting intellectual property products, providing business-to-business creative services, or activities focused on designing, makingand selling objects or works of art. Such activities often feature in thedefinition of this sector because the value of such objects derives fromthe high degree of aesthetic originality. Aesthetic live performanceexperiences are also generally included, contributing to an overlap withdefinitions of Art and Culture, and sometimes extending to includeaspects of Tourism and Sport. In Indonesia, the creative industrysectors include Advertising, Architecture, Arts and Antique Market,Craft, Design, Fashion, Video, Films and Photography, InteractiveGames, Music, Visual and Performing Arts, Publishing and Printing,

[email protected], [email protected]

ABSTRACT

The nature of the activities of a creative community often does notcorrespond to formal office business hours and general working behaviors.The adaptability of the activities to the built environment is very high, since thespace standard requirement is almost non-existent. It is also more likely thatthe mode of working is similar to a back-office, where the providers go out tomeet or visit their clients, rather than the other way around. This profile is alsoshared by other home industries catering to local domestic needs.

Lifestyle is part of the production process in creative industry andthere is a connection between place, lifestyle and creative production.Spatially, creative industry can be translated into live and work; and work andplay, with emphasis on the existence of diversity and multiculturalism, as wellas tolerance.

The existence of relaxed land use zoning applicable to residentialarea in Jakarta allows the existence of creative industry and other businesseswithin neighborhoods. However, clustering of the industry in specific placeswithin the city does not occur. Bali is different than Jakarta in terms of theexistence of creative industry and its impact on urban areas. This paperconcludes that the relaxed residential area zoning, good global connection,and the existence of diversity and multiculturalism, appear to create a goodbreeding ground for creative industry. The existence of creative industry alsoplays a part in placemaking in the city which contributes to the richness of thecity's built environment, culture and economy.

Keywords: creative industry, working behaviors, land use, zoningregulations

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Software and Computer Related Services, as well as Television and Radio (DepartemenPerdagangan RI, 2007).

The nature of the activities of a creative community often does not correspond to formal businessoffice hours and general working behaviors. The adaptability of the activities to the builtenvironment is very high, since the space standard requirement is almost non-existent. It is alsomore likely that most of the modes of working are similar to those of a back-office, where theproviders go out to meet or visit their clients, rather than the other way around.

According to Chong (2006) there are four characteristics of creative industry that distinguish itfrom other industry. The first one is that lifestyle is part of the production process and is verymuch tied to the personality and experience of the producers. The social life of the individual'sexperiences which stems from this is a central element, the raw material for production, becausethis unique individual experience represents a central creative ingredient. Secondly, there isconnection between place, lifestyle and creative production. Tolerance and mutual support ofsuch lifestyles is crucial environment. Work-play, commingling and institutional density becomethe driving forces for greater concentration of creative production. The third characteristic is thatthe product of the creative industry represents a cultural form, since these products also produceatmosphere: symbols, images, auras, experiences and events in the new economy, in additionto producing material commodities and services. This in turn, requires an assembly of relatedprofessionals, who, although they may not be living the lifestyle, are certainly knowledgeableand sympathetic to it. Thus, the creative economy is multi-stranded. Finally, the fourthcharacteristic is that consumption plays a part in the creative production process. Society thatencourages new generations of youth to participate in the wild and unruly production side of thecreative economy linked to consumption not necessarily based on monetary rewards, but ratheron a passion and possibly lifestyle, which has been cultivated by the consumption of theproducts. These potential workers in turn become the creative tools for the next generation ofproducts and also enable the initial spatialized processes of creative economy formation to betriggered in the inner neighborhoods of cities around the world.

Another characteristic of the industry is its high proportion of workers from the 'creative class',who provide a key creative input, often at the production end.

Two important activities that differentiate creative industries from others are the notions of liveand work; work and play (Chong, 2006). The live-work notion is ideal for start-ups in creativeindustry and enables rationalization of the long hours they put into their job. Old notions of officework are replaced by ideas of work-play, where play informs work. Play can have the potential ofcreating ideas and experiences that help creative work and, at the same time, difference anddiversity that comes with this kind of place allows for acceptance as well as inspiration, whichmay work in very productive, creative ways.

The notion of live and work implies something to do with mixed use zoning within areas zoned foreither residential or commercial. In the case of Jakarta, the city's first land use ordinance, KTV41, was created by the Dutch Colonial Government not long before Indonesia gained itsindependence. This land use or zoning ordinance chiefly regulates the size of a lot and its usagefor a particular type of land. From the late 1960's until present, DKI Jakarta government hasaltered this land use ordinance several times. The first alteration was made in the early 1960's,during the efforts toward the reorganization and improvement of the city began taking placeduring the tenure of Governor Ali Sadikin in. The alteration was inspired by the Athens Charter,chiefly intended to dedicate a single usage for a specific piece of land, such as residential orcommercial. To supplement the zoning ordinance, a building regulation for multi-story buildings,the Perda No. 4 tahun 1975, was enacted in 1975. Application of this regulation faced manydifficulties, due to the traditions of local people in the kampung and Chinatown areas. Theselocal people used these residential areas as places for conducting business that served theirneighborhoods. Some of these businesses also served city-wide customers.Attempts at moving

LIVEAND WORK IN CREATIVE INDUSTRY

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these businesses from the residential areas to areas zoned for office and commercial use werenot always successful. Small businesses, including those which today are considered as part ofcreative industry, persisted in staying in the residential areas. The tradition of mixed useactivities in the residential areas was accommodated again when the second alteration to theordinance was made in conjunction with the enactment of the Jakarta 2005 Master Plan.Alterations to the ordinance were made in terms of the type of zoning and the reduction of theminimal lot size for some type of land. This new zoning allowed new compatible uses of the landin addition to the original usage. In this new zoning, mixed use was encouraged as long as themain use, e.g. residential, was not disturbed (Dinas Tata Kota DKI, 1993). After these two majoralternations took place, further changes were made, chiefly regarding the lot size. Up till now,Dinas Tata Kota is still in the process of making a new land use regulation to formally replace KTV41.

The attitude of the local government and the public sector toward the usage of land allows thecreative industry to continue to operate in residential areas. As of today, the greatestcontributions to the economy from these industries come from Fashion, Craft, Architecture, theArts and Antique Market, Interactive Games, Software and Computer Related Services, andMusic (Departemen Perdagangan RI, 2007). Many new start-ups in these businesses aremembers of families that live in a residential unit or a group of people renting space in a houseutilizing one or several rooms, or even the whole house for conducting business. This businesswill move out from the neighborhood when it needs a larger space for production, or theirneighbors are fed up with the nuisance created.

In Jakarta, professionals interviewed within the industry mentioned in the previous paragraph,prefer the residential areas for their activities because of various reasons including: location thatis close to the main road and availability of space, rents, non-office hour activity, and proximity toother amenities such as cheap food and beverage outlets. Their activities can beaccommodated comfortably in the space of a house with very little alteration to the structure andinterior. In some kampong with good proximity to the main roads and tolerant attitudes of theresidents, several rumah petak or small residential rental units have been converted intorecording studios, as in the case of kampong Kelapadua Depok.

There have been mixed responses to suchnon-residential activities conducted inresidential areas. Those who live in theplanned affluent residential areas tend toobject to these kinds of activities in theirneighborhoods, especially if the activitycreates a nuisance and generates vehiculartraffic and off-site parking problems. Thoseactivities that do not create such problems areoften well tolerated, or even welcomed. Themajority of the rest of the city residents tend totolerate such activities regardless of thenuisance created. They take a 'live and let live'attitude since they themselves may also beinvolved in such activities. Sometimes, for

those who are used to living in more developed countries or who like to live in a quiet residentialneighborhood, these conditions become an annoyance. The quick-fix solution to this problem isto simply erect a solid high fence or move out of the neighborhood. A move to townhousecomplexes, gated communities or apartments could also be a solution for them.

Another aspect of creative industry activities within the residential areas is the creation of variousdemands by workers and patrons. Warung rokok, makeshift kiosks selling cigarettes, cookiesand candies; and warteg, makeshift restaurants in the form of tent or non- permanent structures,are the first to be established, often within the right of way of the roads in front or nearby thecreative industry premises. When more and more businesses move into the neighborhood,food, beverages, entertainment and service outlets soon appear. These facilities attract crowds

Figure 1. Kampong Kelapadua Depok

from not only the creative industry patrons, but also people from outside the neighborhood aswell. Thus, a local neighborhood strip that provides an assortment of services and entertainmentis created.

The relaxed condition of residential zoning, which allows other activities that do not disturbresidential usage in Jakarta, allows creative industry to flourish within its residentialneighborhoods. However, creative industry needs for a work and play mentality within theneighborhoods in which they are located has not fully materialized.

The relaxed zoning condition within the residential areas of Jakarta is also occurring throughoutIndonesia. Therefore, based on such a zoning regulation alone, creative industry should beflourishing everywhere. In reality it is not. Just like any other industry, creative industry also hascustomers and investors. In this regard, creative industry requirements are similar to those ofany other industry. The creative industry in Jakarta serves the Jakarta population as well asexporting its products elsewhere.

Two out of the four characteristics of creative industry have something directly to do with lifestyle,while the other two are indirectly connected to it. The notion of play and work unarguably comefrom this fact. According to Florida (2002), a high proportion of workers from the 'creative class':Florida's term for people offering professional knowledge-based services, including thosepeople working in creative industry, provide key input to creative production. They prefer to liveand work in a place in which there exists diversity, multiculturalism and tolerance. In Indonesia,only big cities and chiefly those having a good connection to the outside world can provide suchconditions for the creative class to live. However, with openness and globalization also comeradicalization and accompanying intolerant attitudes.

Regarding a tolerant attitude toward others,many places in Bali such as Legian, Seminyakand Ubud, are becoming heavens for creativeindustry patrons from around the world,including both people involved in start-ups andlong established creative industries. Theseplaces, well-known for their culture and naturalbeauty, have very good global access forpeople, funds and goods, and are also themost westernized places, chiefly related to thebohemian and hedonistic lifestyles, inIndonesia. Here patrons from creative industryplay and work equally hard. People are drawnto Bali because of its rich culture and nature. In

addition, tourism, art and crafts, as well as tolerant attitudes toward newcomers, draw artistsfrom all over the world and from the other islands of Indonesia. These people and the good globalaccess created by tourism open the opportunity for creative industry on the island. This creativeindustry is also supported by other industries outside Bali.

New urban areas, often within the rice fields or extending from the existing villages arespontaneously developed. These new urban areas or built environments initially cater to tourismand later also provide a desirable location for patrons of creative industry from the island itself,from other parts of Indonesia and from overseas. The residential areas are for living, lodging andworking, while the adjacent strip of shops, cafes and entertainment spots is where the locals, thetourists and the creative industry patrons meet and play. Many of this new urban areas arelocated within or nearby to the beach or places with nice surroundings.

PLAYAND WORK IN CREATIVE INDUSTRY

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Figure 2.

Bali has experienced tremendous change in its environs. Many rice fields have been turned intoresidential areas, including those utilized to provide a place for creative industry patrons to live,play and work. The quality of the area's natural environment is subsequently almost alwaysaffected negatively, especially in relation to the management of waste and pollution.As this issueis important to people in choosing a place to live, it must be addressed, otherwise the veryadvantages the island offers are diminished. As in any other living environment the world over, aphysical standard for built environment is needed, including sanitation and public facilities,which in most urban area in Indonesia, including Bali, are lagging behind. The recent completionof the sewer system in Denpasar and South Bali will be a positive contribution to the increase oftourism and creative industry activities on the island.

Lifestyle is part of the production process in creative industry and there is a connection betweenplace, lifestyle and creative production. Therefore, the discussions above show that in Jakarta,the creative industry seems to cater to mostly domestic needs, while Bali caters to a more globalmarket, as shown by its patrons and products.

The relaxed zoning for residential areas, good global connections, and the existence of diversityand multiculturalism, appear to be a good breeding ground for creative industry.Creative industry provides potential for placemaking by creating a demand for places to live,work and play that are different and possibly unique compared to other parts of the city. Suchplaces can be shared with and enjoyed by the rest of the urban population and visitors. Theexistence of creative industry in a city can contribute to the richness of its built environment andculture.

The areas where creative industries cluster can be in the form of new neighborhoods, emergingfrom the old through the process of spontaneous or planned gentrification and revitalization.They also can result in new urban areas emerging from non-urban land. To make it happen, thecity should improve itself both physically and non-physically. Physically, through provision ofurban infrastructure that meets global standards, especially in terms of sanitation, adequatepublic facilities that include a mandatory provision of open space. Non-physically, anatmosphere conducive to diversity and multiculturalism, including tolerance, needs to beimproved and fostered. Also a business friendly atmosphere, including accommodation andsecurity and safety measures should be upgraded to a global standard.

Florida, 2002, The Rise of the Creative Class. And How It's Transforming Work, Leisure andEveryday Life, Basic Books, New York

Florida, R. 2002, Bohemian and Economic Geography Journal of Economic Geography 2:55-71Chong, Ho Kong. 2006.The Neigborhood in the Creative Economy, 4th GASS Proceeding,

National University Singapore, SingaporeDepartemen Perdagangan RI. 2007. Studi Industri Kreatif Indonesia 2007Dinas Tata Kota DKI. 1993. Pedoman Pembuatan RBWKhttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Creative_industries#CITEREFDCMS2001#CITEREFDCMS2001

LIVE, PLAYAND WORK IN CREATIVE INDUSTRY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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STRATEGY OF URBAN UPGRADING IN INFORMALSETTLEMENTSBY TRANSFORMING SPATIAL EXPERIENCES OFURBAN POOR

DR. Paulus BAWOLE

ABSTRACT

Lecturer Department of Architecture, Engineering Faculty,Duta Wacana Christian University - INDONESIA

The development of cities in developing countries is always followed bythe growth of informal settlements. Such settlements develop alwaysaround the city centre and their inhabitants mostly work in informalsector within the centre. In the early 1990s some 1.3 billion people livedon less than one dollar a day, equivalent to almost 30 per cent of thedeveloping world population. It is predicted that by the year 2020 threequarters of the world's urban dwellers will live in the cities and towns ofdeveloping world. It is very important to consider the growth of theinformal settlements as a part of making development strategy for thecity in order to reach a sustainable development planning.

In informal housing areas poor people develop their houses first withvery simple materials such as pieces of cardboard, plastic, bamboo or

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[email protected]

In the early 1990s some 1.3 billion people lived on less than one dollara day, equivalent to almost 30 per cent of the developing world population. It ispredicted that by the year 2020 three quarters of the world's urban dwellers willlive in the cities and towns of developing world. The poor people live mostlyaround the city centre and occupy vacant areas within the city. Many peopleand institutions consider that the poor settlements are garbage of the city andput them only as an object of planning. Hence there are many evictionprograms in Indonesian big cities which destroy the poor settlements.Demolishing such settlements in the city cannot solve the problems of thepoor.

To regard the poor not as a problem but as a solution requires a greathonest heart, because it is quite difficult to appreciate the poor activities andcreativities positively. The poor as a human being has also the right to livebetter like any other well-off persons. Most significantly, however it makes itclear that every inhabitant of the city is a stakeholder, and as such hassomething unique and important to add to the process of development in thecity.

Poor people demonstrate great ingenuity in developing theirresidential neighbourhoods and in organizing the open spaces andconstruction of housing, even if the government regards them as illegal. Theyuse the informal public open spaces very effective and intensive. Withexploring the effectiveness of spatial form within the informal settlementscreated by the poor, a strategy of urban upgrading in informal settlementswithout destroying the existing settlements can be carried out. This strategycan be implemented well by total participatory need assessments.

INTRODUCTION

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wood. During certain times the housing area along the riverbanks grows spontaneously.Because the environmental quality within this area is poor, the government implementsupgrading programs on the riverbanks which often gets rid of the spontaneous settlements andmove the people to other areas. Sometimes if people refuse to move, the government forcesthem by burning or bulldozing the settlements. Because they cannot afford the price of formalhouses developed by the government or private developer, they will try to find another vacantarea and then build again their huts. Demolishing the informal settlements does not solve theproblems, but it stimulates the growth of informal settlements in other areas.

In spontaneous housing areas poor people have to deal with minimal infrastructure facilities.They have to live with bad access to the main road, bad environmental quality, lack ofplaygrounds for the children, etc. This situation forces them to be creative in using the physicalfacilities within the housing areas. Besides, the relationships among the inhabitants are veryclose, so that people will help each other if one of them has a problem.

The physical environment within the spontaneous housing areas has specific characteristicsbecause people develop their houses and the surrounding environment without any plan and thedevelopments are adjusted to their demand and capabilities. The relationship between the waythe people develop their housing areas and limited facilities available creates specificcharacteristics. Hence there are many interesting places created spontaneously and the peopleuse them very intensive.

The other interesting aspect of spontaneous housing is the socio-culture of the people who haveto survive with minimal infrastructure facilities. They maintain their life-style in a simple way andas in their former home village, all inhabitants in the spontaneous housing know each other verywell. With this life-style they can continue to exist in a bad housing situation and carry on creativeactivities in several places according to the limited facilities they have.

Understanding the activities of the poor in architectural space within the informal settlements isvery useful for arranging a development strategy based on the character of the inhabitants. Bypaying attention to the economical situation of the low income people living in slum areas, it canbe understood that they are hard workers, who are persevering in looking for their basicnecessities of life for their family. Not only the husbands work, but also the wives work to helptheir husband in order to have additional incomes. Their dependence to the centre in the bustleof the city is very strong, because in the centre they can get their income everyday.

Although the people come from different regions, they are able to live together in harmony. It canbe observed when one family needs help, many other families will extend their hand to give theirhelp. The relationship among the people living in the informal settlement is very close. It is notlimited by the difference of ethnic group, religion and race.

The position of the informal settlement usually cannot be seen directly from the main street,because it is behind a shopping complex or behind a housing area built formally. The buildingdensity in informal settlements is very high and the position of one house to the others is quiteclose. Most of the settlement patterns formed from circulation is seen as untidy. In spite of that,there are certain pathways of circulation often passed through by the inhabitants and the pathcan be the main circulation of the settlement. The other small pathway like alleys or alternativesmall ways, called “mouse path” can connect to main pathways or even to the main roads.

Houses in the informal settlement have different characteristics, even though in general they canbe distinguished as permanent, semi permanent and non permanent buildings. Thearchitectural typology of the houses in the informal settlement is relatively simple with a

CHARACTERISTICS OF URBAN FORM IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS

a. The pattern of Settlement and Character of BuildingArchitecture

quadrangle ground plan and the building orientation is towards the kampong's pathway or topublic open spaces. There are usually two entrances to the house; the main entrance from thefront of the house and a side entrance at the back of the house.

The roof form is dominated by the simple form of “kampong” and “panggang pe” roofs. The otherforms, like Limasan, Tajuk and Joglo, have been found only on a few houses. Generally a housewith a complex form of roof is owned by the upper low income people or the middle class. Thewalls of the house have been made from very simple material, like carton, plastic and bamboo,up to bricks with good finishing. The floor is made from boards or from bamboo, cement, tiles,ceramic or maybe just from soil without finishing.

Rooms inside the house are varied from a house having one room up to houses with the roomsdivided complexly. Generally the room arrangements are a public room, like a terrace, and aguestroom on the front side; the bedroom, the workroom and dining room in the middle part; thekitchen, bathroom and washroom located in the back side of the house. Grass roots people usethe rooms in their house in a very flexible way. Middle to upper income people, when they havemany family members, will use the rooms more intensively and very flexibly like the grass-rootpeople.

The open space in informal settlements has been formed spontaneously, because the housesare developed without any planning. The spaces do not have certain patterns and form, but theinhabitants use the open spaces very effectively. From field observation, it has been obtainedthat there are some circumstances which stimulate the activity of

b. The Character of Open Space and Circulation

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In the afternoon theInhabitants carried

out their socialinteraction in openspace surrounded

by the houses ininformal settlement -

Malang

In the afternoon thechildren play in

open space underthe tree within the

informal settlementin Surabaya

In the afternoon thereis social Interaction

among the inhabitantsin public space

surrounding thehouses along the Deli

river in Medan

DeliRiver

A

BrantasRiver

B

Brantas River( Canal Wonokromo )

C

A

B

C

Figure 1. Spontaneous Public Spaces within Informal Housing Areas along the Riverbanks

the inhabitants in open spaces or on the kampong's pathway. One of them is the availability ofopen space used as an orientation of the houses. By facing an open space, communication andsocial interaction among the families living in the houses can be involved. Generally an openspace will be used effectively by the inhabitants: children, young people and adults.[see figure 1.explaining spontaneous public spaces] They use the open space within the settlements withtime sharing or by turns. The other activity stimulation is the available technical infrastructurefacilities in the space, like a public water tap, public well and also social infrastructure facilitieslike a guarding house, food stall, small mosque, etc. Those facilities can stimulate the people tocarry on social interaction and communication.

Based on the field observation, the open space in the settlement is very important for the sociallife of the people. Observing the socio-culture of the people living in the informal settlement, all ofthe members of society, the children, youth, women and men, always have social interactionthere. If no open space exists, they will have social interaction on the public pathways near theirhouses. Especially for children, the public open space has a special meaning for them to playand express their creativity. Besides, the open spaces are very necessary for the settlement withdense built-up areas, because they function as a place for air circulation.

The facilities closely related to open space are the kampong's streets connecting the houses andavailable open spaces. Like open spaces, the streets have also been formed spontaneouslybecause of the sporadic development of the houses. The streets have no certain form and size.Nevertheless the street most often used by the inhabitants can be categorized as a localkampong's main street. It is usually wider than other connecting pathways or mouse paths. Thewidth of the main street is about 1.5 3 meters.

Even though the infrastructure facilities are very poor, many families have electricity. Only thepoorest families do not use electricity. They use oil lamps as an illumination. Since manyfamilies have electricity, electronic commodities like radio, tape recorder, television, etc. aremostly available. As street illuminations usually the family whose house is facing the street willprovide electricity.

The other infrastructure facilities available are public taps, public well, public toilet and drainage.Several families in informal settlements have their private clean water facility. If they don't havesuch facility, they can take clean water from public well or public taps. Those infrastructurefacilities can stimulate the social interactions among the inhabitants, if the facilities are laid downin public open spaces.

In several cases the waste water from the city flows through closed or open drainage to the river.If the informal settlements develop along the riverbanks, the waste water flows through them.Afterwards the people from outside see and think, that the poor throw away their waste waterdirectly to the river.

According to the field observation, almost all inhabitants carry on their social interactions inpublic spaces available in the settlements. As it mentioned before that they use the spacesintensively by time-sharing. If there is no open space in the settlement, they will use the pathwayas a playground. In the afternoon, usually they will do their activity in open spaces covered by theshadow of the building or trees. Open space is very important for the settlements, because it canbe used as both a kampong pathway and spaces for air circulation within the kampongsettlements. It is very interesting to see the daily activities of the inhabitants in informalsettlements along the Chode riverbanks, Yogyakarta.

The inhabitants use the public spaces as a facility for maintaining their social relationship. In themorning between 07.30 10.00, usually the woman use public open spaces for chatting and alsotaking care their small children who play around. At the same time the men go to work out side

c. Infrastructure Facilities in Informal Settlements

ACTIVITIES OF THE POOR IN PUBLIC SPACES

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the settlements and the big children have to go to school. Therefore woman's activities dominatethe use of public open spaces. The children spent their activities in public spaces after comingback from the school at 12.00.

Young people use the public open spaces for their social relationships in the afternoon at 15.30up to 17.30. They share their daily experiences, play music, sport or sometimes they playchess.[see Figure 2]Activities of the young people inside the house are only sleeping, eating andin the evening, they are watching TV. Usually after watching television the young people carry ontheir activities outside the house up to 24.00 late night.Adult people are seldom to use the publicopen spaces for their social interactions, because mostly they work all day long in informal sectoroutside the settlements.

Poor people demonstrate great ingenuity in developing their residential neighborhoods and inorganizing the open spaces and construction of housing, even if the government regards themas illegal. They do not have a chance to live in formal settlement, because they are too poor toreach the formal housing prize. In other word it is quite difficult for them to save their money fortheir future better live.

Since they live in informal settlement with minimal infrastructure facilities, they have to becreative and used the facilities within the settlements effectively. Therefore their ways, plans,designs and building materials are often far better suited to local needs, incomes, climaticconditions and resources than the official, legal standards demanded by governments.

To regard the poor not as a problem but as a solution requires an honest good motivation,because it is quite difficult to appreciate the poor activities and creativities positively. If theinhabitants improve their surrounding environment as well as their living quality with their owneffort, they will maintain the environment very well and the development of the informalsettlements will be sustainable too.

STRATEGY OF URBAN UPGRADING IN INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS

a. Changing theAppreciation of Informal Settlements in the City

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A. Kampung Pathway Used as an

B. Small Open Space in front of a

B

A

Figure 2. Two Types of Public Open Spaces Usedby Inhabitants for Their Social Interactions

There are many institutions can involve in urban upgrading program in informal settlements likefunding institutions, private developer, government institutions, academic institutions, NGO's,etc. The first step to appreciate the informal settlements is that all participants interested inhelping the poor must have a great honest heart. Besides, all participants should not take anyprofits or any self advantages of development plan in informal settlements. They should have apositive thinking in regards to face the reality in informal settlements. Afterwards there are twomain actions should be implemented concerning the development of informal settlements in theurban areas: preventive actions and helping actions.

The preventive actions should be implemented by the government or any other institutions inorder to anticipate the development of informal settlements in the city. The most important thingof these actions is to develop other small centers in suburb and develop as soon as possible anyvacant areas inside the city especially around the city centers. Through these actions thedistribution of populations in the city can be separated evenly up to suburb and the poor peopledo not have a chance to develop their huts in vacant areas in the city, because the government orother institutions will develop the areas in advance.

Since demolishing houses in informal settlements cannot solve the problems of the poorsettlements, the government and other institutions should help the poor in order to developenvironmental qualities of their housing areas. They have to change their negative opinionsabout facing the living qualities in informal settlements. The most important action for helping thepoor in informal settlements is to give guarantees that the governments or other institutions donot destroy the houses in informal settlements. They have to carry on land consolidationprograms in informal settlements, so that the poor can improve their housing areas as well astheir living qualities without being afraid of demolishing programs.

Concerning the sustainable urban upgrading in informal settlements, from the beginning theplanning program should involve the inhabitants. Total participatory must be carried on in orderto compile the idée and thinking of the inhabitants about how to develop their housing areas. Analternative approach for urban upgrading in informal settlements is “Advocacy DevelopmentPlanning for and with the Poor” In this approach all institutions interested in helping the poorpeople together with local inhabitants should discuss and establish teams for doing theresearch, making a development plans and also implementing them. The team will be dividedinto two groups: team for Field Research and People Participatory. These teams will prepareeverything regarding the preparation of the research, the whole research, workshop with thepoor people, making development plans for the informal settlements and implement them.

The field research team will observe the physical aspects of informal settlements especially theopen spaces in which the inhabitants carry on their daily activities. Through the observation ofthe physical aspects, it can be understood how the people carry on their activities in availableopen spaces intensively. Besides there are also special form of pathways, alleys and alsoother types of open space developed spontaneously. The information above will be compiledand analysed carefully, because it will be transformed into the basic strategy for making urbanupgrading program in informal settlements.

Research about people participatory will be done in order to find out how the poor peoplethinking about good environment around their housing areas, if they have a chance to improvetheir living qualities. According to the experiences, if the poor people think about having enoughmoney, they will have also an ideal housing areas for their daily live. Usually the data got from theparticipatory research are ideal ideas and thinking that have a contradiction with the realsituation of informal settlements. Those data will be record carefully because serial workshopsthey will be cross checked with the real situation gotten from the research of physical aspects.

The further process is to carry out the serial workshops for making an urban upgrading plan. Thisprocess will be done several times until the compromises of development strategies of urbanupgrading plan can be reached. The discussion in serial workshops will be focused on findingout the spatial form of informal settlements that can be transformed into the strategy of urban

b. Doing the Total Participation

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upgrading plan. With involving the poor people who live in informal settlements, they can beaware of the environmental quality within their housing areas. Afterwards they will also awareabout how important to improve their living quality including the environment around thesettlements. If the implementation of urban upgrading plan in informal settlements can alsoinvolve the inhabitants, the development program in informal settlements will be sustainable.[see Figure3 about the concept of development process for informal settlements]

Spatial form in informal settlements can be seen as a public open space and pathways in whichmany people carry on their daily activities. After finding out the spatial forms includinginhabitants' activities inside, It is necessary to choose several active open spaces within informalsettlements and then use them as an orientation of the plan for urban upgrading program. Theactive open space is chosen because it is a centre of human activities in the settlements. Thecirculations connecting the open spaces available should be considered as a pattern of thesettlements.Afterwards the houses developed along the circulations or pathways should beimproved step by step individually.

Technical infrastructure facilities like clean water supply, electricity, and drainage are veryimportant for the families in informal settlements. If it is possible the technical infrastructurefacilities should be installed in advance, because these facilities are needed for their daily live.The development of infrastructure facilities follows the settlement patterns formed by the openspaces and circulations. Social infrastructure facilities are also needed by inhabitants, becauseusually these facilities are used for social interactions among the inhabitants. The socialinfrastructure facilities like guarding post, local government offices, religious building and anyother facilities are developed around the public open spaces.

To improve the environment qualities in informal settlements, several types of vegetationsshould be planted. In public open spaces some intermediate trees should be planted for creatingthe shadows in public open spaces in which many inhabitants carry on their daily activities.Decorative vegetations can be planted in pots and put them in front of th house or hang them upon the roof structure. If there is no place for planting the vegetations, every family should havepots and plant the small vegetations in the pots.

As a conclusion, there are several statements and ideas for improving the informal settlementsderived from the discussions and explanations above. Those statements can be used fordeveloping strategy of urban upgrading around the city center. The statements are:

Transforming the Spatial Experiences of the Poor to the Urban Upgrading Program

Conclusion

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Team Leader forImplementing theDevelopment Plan

of InformalSettlements

AcademicInstitutions

PrivateDeveloper

NGO’s

> Develop a Strategy ofImproving the Settlements

> Made Time Schedule> Prepared Workshop> Set up Team Survey> Prepared Instruments for

Survey> Made Budget Plan, etc.

Team for Field Researchin Physical Aspects

DATA of

Physical Aspects

DATA of People

Participatory

Discussion withthe Poor People

DevelopmentPlan

Implementation

of the Plan

FundingInstitutions

LocalGovernment

Team for Field Researchin People Participation

Figure 3. Process Diagram of the Concept: “Advocacy Development Planning for the Poor”

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The development program with demolishing the informal settlements cannot solve the povertyproblems of inhabitants. In one side such development program solves only a part of the city,but in the other side the program stimulates the new informal settlements in other part of thecity.The opinion which sees that the informal settlement is garbage of the city should be changed inthe other way around; it should see that the informal settlement is a special housing area thathas to be developed specifically.If the inhabitants are involved in the whole process of upgrading program in informalsettlements, the development of upgrading program will be sustainable.Transforming the spatial experiences of the poor into upgrading program can be carried outwell, if the inhabitants are involved in the whole process of planning.Using the spatial form of informal settlements as an orientation of making a plan for upgradingprogram can make the process of planning faster and easier.The improvement of individual house qualities follows the development of public open spacesand infrastructures developed earlier.

Social infrastructure facilities are needed by the inhabitants for carrying on their socialinteractions.

The environment quality within the informal settlements can be improved with plantingseveral types of vegetations in public open spaces, and spaces in front of the houses.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

ACHS (Asian Coalition for Housing Rights). Housing by People inAsia, October 2003, No. 15Balanyá, Belén, dkk. Reclaiming Public Water Achievements, Struggles and Visions from

Around the World. Transnational Institute (TNI) & Corporate Europe Obseratory (CEO),Novaprova-PortoAlegre, 2005.

Cody, Eleanor. “Poverty and the Environment A problem or a solution ?” Habitat Debate Vol.2No. 2 (June 1996)

Hardoy, J.E.; Cairncross, S.; Satterthwaite, D. The Poor Die Young. Earthscan PublicationsLimited, London, 1990.

Hardoy, J.E.; Satterthwaite, D. Squatter Citizen. Earthscan Publications Limited, London, 1989.Hasan, Arif; Patel, Sheela; Satterthwaite, David. How To Meet The Millenium Development

Goals (MDGS) in UrbanAreas,” Environtment & Urbanization,” VoL. 17 No. 1,April 2005.s. 3- 19 Wirtschaftsförderungs-Verlag, Heidelberg, 2002.

Herrle, Peter. u.a., Improvement of Sanitation and Solid Waste Management in Urban PoorSettlement. Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH,Eschborn, Deutschland, 2005.

Khudori, Darwis. Menuju Kampung Pemerdekaan. Yayasan Pondok Rakyat, Yogyakarta, 2002Nierman, Manfred.Armutbekämpfung in Städten. GTZ GmbH, Eschborn, 2005.Ribbeck, Eckhart. Die Informelle Moderne: Spontanes Bauen in Mexiko-Stadt. Architektur und

Wirtschaftsförderungs-Verlag. Heidelberg, 2002Ribbeck, Eckhart. Die Welt Wird Stadt. Jovis Verlag GmbH, Berlin 2005.Srinivas, Hari Defining Squatter Settlements, 2008 (http://www.gdrc.org/uem/define-

squatter.html)UNHCS (Habitat). “Human Settlements and the Urban Poor : Specific Recommendations”

Habitat Debate Vol.2 No. 2 (June 1996)United Nations. Millennium Development Goals. The United Nations Department of Public

Information , 2006. (http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/documents.html)Wilcox, David. The Guide to Effective Paticipation. Delta Press, Brighton. 1994M u n t , R i c h a r d . B u i l d i n g C o m m u n i t y P a r t i c i p a t i o n . 2 0 0 8

(http://www.aifs.gov.au/sf/pubs/bull2/rm.html)Cody, Eleanor. “Poverty and the Environment A problem or a solution ?” Habitat Debate Vol.2

No. 2 (June 1996)UNHCS (Habitat). “Human Settlements and the Urban Poor : Specific Recommendations”

Habitat Debate Vol.2 No. 2 (June 1996)

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URBAN REDEVELOPMENT FOR CREATIVECOMMUNITY OF BINONG JATI

Yenny Triyana DWININGSIH

Dian ROSNAWATI

Andi Tenri DIO

Nunik HASRIYANTI

MEDTRY

ABSTRACT

Post-Graduate Student - Urban Design ProgramInstitute of Technology Bandung - INDONESIA





[email protected]

Home industry settlement is one of many phenomena occur in anurban environment on developing countries, just as Binong Jati in the City ofBandung, Indonesia, does. Binong Jati is one of many kelurahan in Bandung.It has its own boundary and its own land uses. On the other side, Binong Jati isa very densely populated site. The settlements are so crowded that there is noopen public space. The slums also reach the river front area, on which the landuse should have been green open space. The width of the streets there variedfrom those can be passed by two cars to those can only be passed by oneperson, and many of them are damaged. The government has never givenenough street lamps, public garbage dump, or even suitable drainage to thissite.

One thing makes Binong Jati unique is that the community of thissettlement has its own industry. Binong Jati has been known for its knittinghome industry since 1965. The community knits with their hands andmachines. They share their knitting knowledge to their children, relatives, andworkers. They produce many kinds of clothes: t-shirt, sweater, skirt, etc., whichsome of it they design by theirselves. They employ people from inside andoutside Bandung. By running this industry, they earn a living for themselves,their workers, and even build streets in their kelurahan.

With all the shortcomes, however, the community of Binong Jati stillcan run their industry, and even make Binong Jati famous for its knitting homeindustry. It is the task of all stakeholders to improve the shortcomes andenhance the potential of this industry and environment in order to improve thecommunity's quality of life. One way to do this is by urban redevelopment, andhow urban redevelopment deals with those things is the most important andinteresting part.

creative community, creative industry, urbanredevelopment

Keywords:

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INTRODUCTION: HOME INDUSTRY PHENOMENON

BINONG JATI AS A KNITTING HOME INDUSTRY SETTLEMENT IN THE CITY OFBANDUNG

Home industry is one phenomenon happens in Bandung, such as shoe industry inCibaduyut, wood craft industry in Cipacing, and knitting industry in Binong Jati. The fameof being the first and only knitting home industry in Bandung differs Binong Jati fromother settlements in Bandung. Binong Jati has its own stakeholders, its own places, andits own rhythm of life. As a fast growing-knitting home industry-settlement, Binong Jatiindeed needs special treatment for the industry and the community in order to improvetheir quality of life. One way to do this is by urban redevelopment. Translating what thecommunity needs and their knitting industry's production pattern into sustainable placesinvolving all stakeholders is the aim of this paper.

Our study includes several steps. Our study will be started from knowing the existingcondition that actually consists of several elements such as Binong Jati's stakeholders,land uses, circulations, and open spaces. Vision for Binong jati is settled before weanalized the elements with the policies and regulations, that the governmet of BandungCity has made for Binong Jati, also with criteria we made such as safety andcomfortability. From the analysis we get what the problems, potencies, and prospectsBinong Jati has, and they are applied to the concepts in the form of physical designresponse for Binong Jati.

Binong Jati has been planned by the government as the center of knitting industry inBandung, with the name Sentra Industri Rajutan Binong Jati, or in English, Binong JatiKnitting Industry Center, in order to enhance the economic condition of the site and theCity of Bandung. Kelurahan Binong Jati is a part of Kecamatan Batununggal and a partof W.P. Karees. According to the City regulation, RTRW, land use intended for the innersite is housing, while along the H. Ibrahim Adjie Street is intended for commerce. Areaalong Cikapundung Kolot River is intended to be green spaces. Therefore, the functionssettled are commerce (such as retail, grocery, and traditional market), housing, office,and industry. The site studied has width of about 17 Ha. This site is delineated bysettlements on its north, Cikapundung Kolot River on its west, H. IbrahimAdjie Street ornamed Kiara Condong Street, on its east, and Sukamaju Street on its south. This siteconsists of 4 R.W.s, they are R.W. 3, 4, 5, and R.W. 6. Each R.W. has several knittingindustries in various scale, and their workers which the amount depends on the industryscale.

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R.W. Amount of Knitting Industries Scale per Knitting Industry Amount of Workers94

54080

3

Subtotal= 13

Medium (+ 60 workers)Small (+ 20 workers)

Subtotal= 620135834

13003480680

4

Subtotal= 105

Big (+ 100 workers)Medium (+ 60 workers)Small (+ 20 workers)

Subtotal= 54603136

300780120

5

Subtotal= 22

Big (+ 100 workers)Medium (+ 60 workers)Small (+ 20 workers)

Subtotal= 120034

18080

6

Subtotal= 7 Subtotal= 260Total= 147

Medium (+ 60 workers)Small (+ 20 workers)

Total= 7540

Table 1. Scale of Home Industry

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Site surveying helps us to describe the site's physical condition. Houses there are purelyliving places or mixes of living and working place. Houses having one or two floors areattached to each other. They are separated by alleys or small frontyard. One way can bepassed by two cars is only Binong Jati street. Vehicles are parked in front of housesalong Binong Jati street. We can see there holey street, almost no tree, no publicfacilities such as garbage dump, lamp, drainage, green open space, and sidewalk. In theheart of this site there are a rain reservoir pond and an open space bought by thegovernment. The government has a plan to widen Binong Jati Street and make anentrance to this site from H. Ibrahim Adjie Street, and also make a building as a place forknitting retail on the open space.Talking about the community and industry, we will find other things. They have a knittingindustry association called with KIRBI. This association consists of the heads of eachknitting Industry. This association controls the product's price and collects money fromthe income to repair the streets and add some lamps on it.According to KIRBI, the omzetof this industry reaches 3 billion IDR per year. Among all of the stores, there are only afew stores where we can buy knittings per piece, the others sell knittings per 6 dozens, allin the same design.

So this community has already had its place, its economic generator, and its identity. Thetask left for all stakeholders is to improve physical condition surrounding this community.They need to make this site more interesting, safe, healthy, and comfortable foreveryone to live in it, to work in it, and to shop, including private investors. By this waythey also preserve the identity of this site. This leads us to what kind of redevelopmentsuits Binong Jati. The vision of the redevelopment is making Binong Jati a one stopknitting industry center, having all activities of producing, selling (grocery or retail),workshop or training, also recycling and selling waste.

Redevelopment Binong Jati as Knitting Industri Center must be have problem thathindered redevelopment, potential that can improve Binong Jati to better and prospectBinong Jati in the future. There are several analysis that must to do to know that thirdthings, i.e. stakeholder, competitor, figure ground, streetscape, skyline, urban designelement and space pattern of knitting industry analysis.

Based on result Yulyandari, et al., 2007 research about degree of importance andinfluence stakeholders are identifies the key stakeholder that play most in successesredevelopment of Binong Jati. Some approach must be to do to the stakeholder,because they can help to overcome conflicts that happened. If there is a goodcooperation between stakeholder, Redevelopment of Binong Jati would be go smooth,success and appropriate used.The key stakeholder, are:1. Stakeholders that very influence and critical: Mayor, investor, and developer2. Stakeholder that very significant and critical: ASPIRA (Association of Knitting

Industrialist), KIRBI (Cooperation of Binong Jati Knitting Industry )3. Stakeholder that very significant and really important: Dinas Tata Kota (City Arrange

Department)4. Stakeholder that influence and critical : knitting craftsman and resident5. Stakeholder that influence and really important : Housing Department,

Communication Department

Competitor analysis has to do to know the competitor of Binong Jati Knitting Industry.

BINONG JATI'S PROBLEMS, POTENCIES,AND PROSPECTS

a. Stakeholder analysis

b. Competitor analysis

Result from this analysis is in order that the developer this area could compete andwould better from another competitor. Here is the competitor of Binong Jati KnittingIndustri:1. Cihampelas (Jeans Industry Center), 5-6 km distant2. Cibaduyut (Shoes Industry Center), 5-6 km distant3. Cigondewah (Textile Industry Center), 7-8 km distant4. Surapati (Silk-screening Industry Center), 5-6 km distant5. Factory Outlet Riau, 4 km distant6. Factory Outlet Dago, 5-6 km distant

This analysis have to do to know the site existing where the built area, open space,street, alley, and the size of block. It will be help to rearrange the parcel of block, to givepermeable site with continues alley trough the main street, to infill empty area with newfunction and so on. In Binong Jati, there are built area that dominated by fine grain(length and width are about 3 15 m) at all over the site, except in the middle of site. Thereis street that across the site from North to the South as main access. It is about 5 m wide,name Binong Jati Street. Also, there are alleys across the block with 0.6 m up to 2 mwide.

The main streetscape analysis in Binong Jati do at H. Ibrahim Adjie Street (KiaraCondong Street), because H. Ibrahim Adjie Street connect Binong Jati to the entire cityand give visual impression as knitting area. Streetscape at H. Ibrahim Adjie Streetdominated by commercial function with row massing and wall patch one another. Thereare juncture between building cause different setback and un-built area. Building heightin H. Ibrahim Adjie streetscape is dominate by two floor building except a vehicleshowroom building with 3 floors. Building width is about 5 -35 m and the widest buildingmass is a vehicle showroom. That building really dominates the streetscape because itsheight and width mass. Tree in this streetscape is less amount and kind of species, justAngsana tree.

Skyline is relates with height building that give line in the sky. A good skyline is dependson order height building to one another. The functions of skyline are give good visual cityscene and protect the good vistas such as mountain, lake, sea, etc. Skyline in BinongJati is flat because the building height is dominated by one floor building. Floor area ratio,building coverage and maximum building height in Binong Jati give limited choice inorder to built high rise building as landmark. Building in Binong Jati is maximum 3 floors.It difficult to make point of view or landmark with high building with other flatted building(1 2 floor building).

Land uses of Binong Jati are residential, commercial, government, education andreligion. In general at H. Ibrahim Adjie Street and Gatot Subroto Street have commercialuse such as kiosk, shops house. Inside the area Binong Jati is dominated by residentialuse. Residential use in Binong Jati is doesn't pure for living, it is mixed with homeindustry (production, groceries and retail distribution), commercial such as kiosk andalso boarding house for the knitting labor. And also, there are government facility(Kelurahan Binong Jati office), education facility (elementary school) and religion facility(mosque).

There is big different intensity between North and South area. In the North area where

c. Figure-GroundAnalysis

d. StreetscapeAnalysis

e. Skyline analysis

f. Urban design element analysis1. Land use

2. Intensity

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are most the knitting home industry well-off, have high density. Existing condition showsthat building coverage in the North are 70% up to 100%, especially at narrow alley.Building height averages between 1 2 floors. The South area has less intensity. TheSouth area was expanded area of Binong Jati. In the South area, there are a lot of un-built areas. Parcel block in the South area is wider than the North area. Buildingcoverage in the South area are 60%up to 80%, while the building height average 1-2floors.

Trough traffic and trip attraction in Binong Jati are high, because Gatot Subroto Streetand H. Ibrahim Adjie Street as street collector become alternative line from East andSouth Bandung to Central and North Bandung. There are seven public transportationroutes. With this strategic position, the trough traffic volume is high. Based on trafficanalysis Yulyandari et al., 2007, LOS (level of service) for H. Ibrahim Adjie Street is B(stable traffic) while Gatot Subroto Street is D (close to un stable traffic). There isextensive plan Gatot Subroto Street will rise accessibility. Accessibility trough the site isgood enough, but it still need extensive to fast vehicle flow. There is no parking area inBinong Jati, There is only on street parking that make traffic jam in Binong Jati Street andalso Gatot Subroto Street.

Building style in Binong Jati dominated by tropic architecture, such as house, school,office, and mosque. High density housing in Binong Jati makes this area have less sunlight, air circulation and also unhealthy area.

In Binong Jati, production process (knitting,linking, hemming and ironing) do in house. All ofpart the house (guest room, living room) used forproduction process. In addition, some houseshave display room in front of house. At the nightproduction space change, it is become bed roomfor craftsman. There are also house that rent forcraftsman as boarding house. The boardinghouse is close by the production house. & initelecoh dari masyarakat.

3. Circulation and Parking

4. Building and massing

g. Space Pattern of Knitting IndustryAnalysis

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Raw material

producer

Owner Knitting

Industri’s homeProduction ,

Distribution and

Craftsman’s home

Raw material

Figure Space Pattern of Existing Binong Jati KnittingIndustry

From: Analysis, 2007

Separate but close byCraftsman’s home

Figure 1. Mapping the Activities

Figure 2. Space Pattern on Existing Binong Jati Knitting Industry

Here is the result (problem, potential, prospect) from analysis:

Besides the analysis above, other concerns for the concept are providing theinfrastructure, minimizing the demolition so that the redevelopment will not damage theurban tissue, and providing suitable settlements for the allocated inhabitants. These arethe concepts:

There will be a main site entrance from H. IbrahimAdjie Street to Binong Jati Street. Thismain street's width and Binong Jati Street's width have to accommodates maximum twobuses next to each other. Bus parking will be placed near the main entrance. Theexisting urban tissue allows people mixes with vehicles on Binong Jati Street, and allowspeople to communicate from one building to another. The new width of the street shouldprotect people from being crashed by vehicles, and also preserve the existing urbantissue, and it is 10 meter wide for the main entrance street and Binong Jati Street, while2.4 meter wide is for alleys.

The two zones have several different functions. The functions are derived from theneeds of community, including the industry's production pattern. Limited rebuilt zonemainly consists of existing settlements: the home industries, and social facilities, all inthe width of 14.4 Ha. The changing in this zone will be made because of the building ofinfrastructure and several open spaces only. Preserving the urban tissue as much aspossible is the theme for limited rebuilt zone. Total rebuilt zone is located in an openspace already bought by the government with the width of 2.6 Ha. The building forknitting retail center will be built in this zone, with other supporting functions. Both zones

DESIGN RESPONSE FOR BINONG JATI

1. Accessibility

2. Dividing the site into two zones: limited rebuilt and total rebuilt zones

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Problem Potential Prospect

a. Limited accessibilityb. Disordered building and

massingc. Less open space and

vegetation

a. Strategic siteb. Have basic economy , i.e.

knitting industry centerc. Have good human

resources, i.e. knittingcraftsman about 7540person.

d. Un built area about7000m2

e. Mix used area

a. Knitting Production andDistribution Center

b. Economic generator forEast and South Bandung

c. Interesting alternativeShopping tourism inBandung

d. National KnittingWorkshop Center

Zones Functions The StakeholdersHome industry The community and governmentInfrastructure The governmentSmall hospital The governmentMosques The governmentOpen spaces The community and government

Limited rebuilt

Flat mainly for allocated inhabitants The community and governmentInfrastructure The governmentMulti function roomGalleryKnit Association officeRental officesRetailCulinary

The government and privateinvestors

Knit waste recycling and selling placeRepairshop for knitting equipmentsGreen open spacesBus, car, and motorcycle parking place

Total rebuilt

Flat mainly for allocated inhabitants

The community and government

Table 3. Conceptual zoning

Table 2. Mapping the 3P’s

have flats with different capacities to accommodate inhabitants allocated from theriverbank. There should be one type of flat that also functions as a store so thatinhabitants with store still can run their store although they are allocated into a flat. Thetable below lists functions of each zone.

The multi function room, gallery, and retail is placed in one building as the landmark ofthe site. There is also a gate building on the main site entrance, at H. Ibrahim AdjieStreet.

The government plans to widen Binong Jati Street, but this is not enough in order tosustain the industry and to make the environment more interesting, safe, healthy, andcomfortable, more improvements should be made. The alleys with width less than 2meters should be widen to 2.4 meters. Closed drainage will be made along the streetsand alleys. More trees have to be planted, especially along the street and the riverbank.Street lamps and garbage dumps also provided on open spaces. Open spaces, green ornot, have to be widen or multiplied to absorb the rain water, so that flood can beprevented, and they have to be flexible enough for people gathering, car parking, andsporting.

The redevelopment consists of two phases which goes parallel. Land acquisition andland ruslag will be done by the government. Those steps will be parallel with promotion ofthe site that will be done by the government and the community, in order to get investorsfaster. Investors are invited to invest on knitting retail center. The income from theinvestors will be used to cost the building of infrastructure. The table below lists whatland and what for that land is to be acquitted, also the width of the land has to beacquitted.

3. Improvement programme

4. The scenario

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RedevelopmentPhase

Zone Redevelopment Step Width (m2)

Phase-1 Total Rebuilt Land acquisition andLand ruslag for knitting retailcenter: retails, offices, gallery,multi function room restaurant andcafé, storage, and repairshop.

Knitting retail center= 21519.82Land owned byDisperum =7000.00

12392.0020630.0310557.77

Phase-2 LimitedRebuilt

Land acquisition of:1. Cikapundung Kolot Riverbank2. Settlements3. Unbuilt landfor1. Flats2. Parking lots3. Sport fields4. Green Open Spaces5. Binong Jati Street widen6. Main site entrance7. Alleys widen8. Drainages

Table 4. Development Phases

Table 5. Spatial AllocationNumber Land Use Width (m2) Width (%)

1. Settlement 86439.12 62.382. Commercial 18773.61 13.553. Public facility 487.46 0.354. Green open space 20010.52 14.445. Parking place 11753.89 8.486. Office 1106.17 0.8

Total width 138570.77 100

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Binong Jati had problem, potential and prospect to the future. RedevelopmentBinong Jati as Knitting Industry Center is needed.

2. Space pattern industry in Binong Jati is different with another industry center. Itmust be respond in design, in order to improve the production and also to sustainthe creative industry in Binong Jati.

3. Government, private investor, and also community Binong Jati must cooperate toredevelop Binong Jati.

Davies, Llewelyn, 2000. Urban Design Compedium, English Partnership : UKH.R.S., Dianna, Astrid, 2000. Model Permukiman Industri Kecil yang Mandiri secara

Ekologis, Bandung: Magister Permukiman dan Perumahan Institut TeknologiBandung.

Jacobs, A.B., 1993. Great Streets, MIT Press, Cambridge Mass.Khudori, Darwis, 2002. Menuju Kampung Pemerdekan: Membangun Masyarakat

Sipil dari Akar-akarnya Belajar dari Romo Mangun di Pinggir Kali Code,Yogyakarta : Yayasan Pondok Rakyat.

Kuswanto, Tjuk, 2005. Perumahan dan Pemukiman di Indonesia, Bandung : PenerbitITB.

Richards, Greg, 1999. Developing And Marketing Crafts Tourism, Atlas : EuropeanAssociation for Tourism and Leisure Education.

Santoso, Budi, Revianto, 2007. Kota Gede Life Between Walls, Jakarta : GramediaPustaka Utama

Seelig, Michael, Y., 1978. The Architecture of Self-Help Communities, New York:Architectural Record Books McGraw-Hill.

Yulyandari, Fitri dkk., 2007. Sentra Industri Rajut Binong Jati, Bandung: MagisterRancang Kota Institut Teknologi Bandung.

White, Edward, T., 1983. Site Analysis and Programming.Attoe, Wayne., 1981. Skylines : Understanding and Molding Urban Silhouttes. John

Wiley and Sons : England.Kompas,13 Agustus 2007, Binong Jati Kekurangan Perajut.www.pps.orgwww.wikipedia.orgwww.google-earth.comwww.Holcim-Award.com/Global Holcim Award Gold

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Figure 3. Building Mass Redevelopment Binong JatiFrom: Analysis, 2007

RECOVERING SHRINKING CORE CITYTHROUGH URBAN REVITALIZATION PROJECTS

Evawani ELLISA

ABSTRACT

Lecturer - Department ofArchitecture, Faculty of Engineering,University of Indonesia - INDONESIA

Shrinking and aging population is the problem that sooner or latermostly all of cities of the world will have to deal with, but recently themost rapidly aging nation on earth is Japan. The Japanese society israpidly graying due to the drop of fertility, the extended life ofexpectancy and the aging of baby boomers born soon after the WorldWar II. The number of children born has continued to decrease, and iscurrently at an average of 1.29 children per woman. This decline isexplained by the rising number of single woman (the governmentestimates that one out of seven women born in 1980 will never marry)and the preference for smaller families. [1]

[email protected]

Population shrinkage in core cities is a relatively commonphenomenon in cities of Japan. Urban sprawl and the ensuing expensiveroadway are just few of consequences of this shrinkage. Unfortunately, thetraditional urban planning does not have the answer for the shrinking problem,since planning mostly bases on the tradition of “growth at all costs”.

Academics have put forth utopian and theoretical proposals for citiesin Japan that would substantially increase the amount of park lands, turn citiesinto agrarian lands or isolate parts of city for “wilderness”, while more self-sufficient individuals are transforming portions of city into sustainableenvironments. Yet most theoretical proposals lack analyses on how the city asa whole could be survived regarding the creation of jobs and economic growth.

The government, on the other hand developed a more pragmaticapproach in solving the problem of shrinking city. To create an attractive city,the national government of Japan specified urban revitalization in the “PriorityUrban Revitalization Areas” with the aim of supporting urban development tobe led by the private sector. In districts of development projects, city used localfeatures unique to individual districts.

To implement the revitalization program, big cities in Japan, such asTokyo, Yokohama, Nagoya and Osaka now actively seeks strategies tostrengthen urban function through cooperation among privates, academicsand public sectors in developing economic and cultural activities. The aim is todevelop city into a meeting place of people, goods and information (threeelements essential for creating new cultures and industries). Using cases ofsome urban redevelopment projects in Osaka, this paper focuses on how thecity actively seeks effective, multipurpose use of public space and culturalfacilities/assets, as well as creates more enjoyable gala urban settings toattract many more visitors and establish creative communities.

shrinking city, urban revitalization, core city area, privatesector

Keywords:

SHRINKING CITIES AND AGING SOCIETIES IN JAPAN

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The speed of aging is marvelous that Japan will become the oldest society in the world. In Japanthe average life expectancy for men is 78 years and for woman is 84 years.[2] It took Japan only24 years to double its elderly population to 14%. [3] As the consequence, by 2025 it is estimatedthat 43% of population will be over 85 years old, or fivefold increased form 1965. Thesimultaneously falling birthrate and the rising average age of the population give a clear result.Japan will go from 127.8 million people to some 100 million in 2050, which is a loss of more than afifth.[4]

It is no wonder that Japan is a unique country where depopulation is being discussed in thecontext of the low birthrate and the aging society of which both are essentially different matters.As Japan is experiencing two incidents together, these are mingled and the term of

(low birthrate and aging society) becomes a daily phrase.At first, the attention was verymuch paid on the impact on social systems such as pension schemes, health insurances andlabor markets. But in recent times, discussions on the shrinking city and the aging society focusto answer questions of living, mobility, accessibility, personal services, organization on publicspaces and sustainability. One example is living and mobility. It is predicted that in the future inthe big cities, as singles are the most important group, the private space is more important andthe living space per person becomes larger (Siebel, 2000). Furthermore, as elderly people andwomen will be urged to work more, the demand for housing in the downtown area will increase.The reason is because two hours commuting from the suburb to the city center is uneconomicalif one is only working during the morning. If children have to be taken to childcare facilities beforegoing to work, a long commute is also inconvenient.

Urban planning and design however, seem unprepared for the new task associated with theurban shrinkage, since planning discourses often closely relate to an assumption of ongoingdemographic and economic growth. But indeed, for some years now, Japan has to deal with areal process of shrinking, which is deepening over the years and fundamental. [5] As urbanplanning has never generated urban growth but rather enables and controls it by means ofplanning, likewise, urban planning also can hardly stimulate the shrinkage. Urban planningmerely guides the process of best solutions possible, as mentioned by Lang: “Planning anddesign are and always will be an argumentative process, since there is much about which weknow less. There is much room for debate over which positive theories are the most accurateabout the nature of a “good” society. (Lang, 1994).[6]

Nevertheless, even though planners and architects in Japan are being faced with an entirelynew task for which nothing in their previous experience has prepared them, there havepreviously been some concepts for shrinking cities, which went beyond the realm of visions.Ohno Hidetoshi is one among others who viewed the expected shrinkage of population as anexcellent opportunity to gain more open space in Tokyo; an idea that has been coveted for a longtime but until now has been too difficult to implement. [7]The government, rather than drawn up concepts for future developments, reacts to the givencircumstances into a more pragmatic approach in solving the problem of shrinking city. Unlikemost theoretical proposals, government emphasized analyses on how the city as a whole couldbe survived regarding the creation of jobs and economic growth, through the stipulation ofpractical initiatives, including development projects and deregulation policies.

Until twentieth century, the common method for tackling urban planning in metropolitan in Japanwas using the satellite city paradigm to restructure growing cities, based upon Howard's “GardenCity”. Here, new towns were constructed in suburbia, which became dormitory towns for peopleworking in downtown areas. As city boundary stretching more outward, unprecedenteddecentralization of population occurred that affect long commuting times. This extremedecentralization of population in metropolitan area is a consequence of high land prices andfragmented land ownerships. Between 1955 and 1989, land prices in the six largest cities inJapan increased 15,000% (+12% a year). For many families, this trend had put housings incentral cities out of their reach.

shoushi-koureika

THE PROBLEM IN THE CORE CITYAREA

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Throughout Japan's long overheated economic expansion, commercial developers in the corecities had only to construct a standard building and watch it fill up. Regulations for limiting thebuilding height, and difficulties involved in assembling large central lots for development, led toan urban sprawl of inefficient buildings. Because there was enough demand to make nearly allbuildings successful, it was unnecessary to provide more than basic amenities and otherfacilities that would differentiate one building from the next. Since the quality of housing indowntown is low in comparison with that in the suburb, while supplies are less affordable andmore limited in quantity, people are more and more drawing back from inner cities. City centersbecame prohibitively expensive for residential development, while suburbs enjoyed atremendous growth. Big cities became cities whose cores swelled with office workers during theday but emptied at night.As in many parts of metropolitans in the world, people talk about a crisisof livability in the core area.

In planning the inner city's population recovery within the context of urban shrinkage,consideration has been given to social issues characterized the large city, such as theprevalence of nuclear families, the strong participation of woman in social activities and theadvantage of urban residence over suburbanites in access to workplaces. It can be easilypredicted that in the future, as elderly people and women will be urged to work more, demand forhousing in the downtown area will increase. Since economic and social relationship tend to bemore and more global, cities also have to remake themselves to attract talented people whoseek opportunities for self-expression and realization.

Japan's national government has started to devote serious effort on urban renewal programs inmajor cities around the country. The Urban Renaissance Headquarter was inaugurated in May2001, with the Prime Minister as its head.[8] At the same time, details of urban rebirth projectswere decided and the Urban Renaissance Special Measure Law was promulgated. With thislaw, the national government specified “Priority Urban Development Areas”, as areas whereurban rebirth projects should be urgently carried out and approved exceptional easing ofregulations on the city planning. Moreover, a financial support for the infrastructure developmentis provided.All of these are aimed at facilitating the utilization of land by the private sector.

Following the policy of the central government, local governments implement the centralguidance by outlaying public works directed at “urban renaissance projects.” They are backingprivate-sectors for urban developments in specially designated “priority urban redevelopmentareas.” In this scheme, leading actors are private sectors, with the government playing as thesupporting role.As main players, private sectors allow to operate freely. Up to now, when privatebusinesses tried to undertake urban renewals, they ran into three major difficulties. The first wasthe time consuming process of securing an official approval, which commonly took severalyears. The second was the rigidity of regulations concerning developments, which preventeddevelopers from producing innovative developments. And the third was the lag in public-sectorconstruction, meaning that the development of roads, parks, and other types of infrastructurefailed to keep up with the private sector's schedule.[9]

Osaka is a clear example of a depopulating community, showing the fastest decreasing rate ofpopulation among large cities in Japan. The urban population in greater Osaka is growing veryslightly at 8,636,197 people, while in rural Osaka it is shrinking at 191,288 people. [10] Along theshrinkage, after the Bubble Economy, the so-called "hollowing out" of Japan's manufacturingindustries also hit Osaka harder than many other regions.

The Osaka Municipal Government tries to remove this obstacle by enacting the new law topromote private sector efforts. The period for deciding whether or not to approve an urbandevelopment plan has been shortened to six months from the date of submission. [11] Theregulatory framework has been drastically modified with the introduction of “special zones forurban renaissance,” which can be designated within the priority urban redevelopment areas.Within these special zones, all existing regulations are lifted and a new set of rules is imposed,

URBAN REVITALIZATION IN OSAKA

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taking private-sector opinions into account. Private businesses are allowed to build even roadsand parks, with local government paying for them after they are completed.

The Osaka Government does not merely focus on physical elements in redeveloping urbancores. To break out of the critical situation on economic and demographic issues, thegovernment enacted the program to revitalize Osaka's economy and create greater jobopportunities by creating new attractive features of Osaka, as well as by exploiting the city'spotential. With this as the perspective, on July 31, 2002 Osaka City established the UrbanRevitalization Committee, headed by the Mayor, and held discussions regarding the quest forurban revitalization by activating Osaka's economy. In March 2003, the Committee compiled theOsaka City Urban Revitalization Program, stipulating city's major initiatives, incentives, projectsand various deregulation programs. In April 2003, the Urban Revitalization Committeeestablished its office, dedicated to promote the city's comprehensive revitalization. The Officecomprises urban planners, economic policy experts, port service officers and other specialists.

To revitalize the core city of Osaka, the Program sets forth the following three objectives: 1)strengthening city's functions in creating knowledge-based businesses, 2) enhancing city'sfunctions in attracting many more visitors to Osaka and 3) developing cultural activities andcreating an attractive Osaka.[12] To date, Osaka City has treated economic, tourism and urbanplanning policies separately. To revitalize the existing city center, the government implementedthese policies in one package.

The city plans to revitalize intellectual/creative activities by maximizing Osaka's regionalpotentials.[13] Specifically, the city has encouraged laboratories and research institutes ofuniversities to establish their facilities in the city center and waterfront areas, encouraged bothJapanese and overseas businesses to relocate their headquarters and research anddevelopment sectors in Osaka, thus further strengthening a collaboration among industries,academia and the government.

As Osaka launched multitude of programs to diverse the region's economy of the hightechnology, the increasing of the private sector participation also should create a city of creativecitizens. City can create condition in which ordinary people feel creative and do creative things.To enhance city's functions in attracting many more visitors to Osaka and developing culturalactivities, the city seeks to develop Osaka into a meeting place of people, goods and information.[14] Four areas considered as urgent for priority urban redevelopments and intensively remake,they are Kita Umeda area, Nanakoshima and Midosuji District (485 ha), SakishimaCosmosquare District (154 ha), Namba and Minatomachi District (31 ha) and Abeno District (31ha). The following is the discussion on four cases of ongoing redevelopment projects.

Kita Umeda or the Osaka Station North District is an expansive 24 ha site accommodatesheavily accessed railway stations, of which its economic potential has had developers yearningfor years. The land is owned by the agency responsible for selling this former national railwaycorporation's assets. A committee, which includes agencies and city government officials andeconomic leaders, is responsible for the master plan of the site, including access, roadways,public spaces, new underground railway stations, zoning, etc.

The committee has invited developers to bid on the first area to be tackled, called “theKnowledge Capital Zone”. It is hoped that intellectual and creative activities capitalizing on theconcentration and the exchange of human resources, information, technologies and expertisewill be pursued in this place. Historically, Osaka has many leading and advanced technologies,which further create many innovations.[15] Therefore the committee gives the particular priorityto following strategic industries: robotic technology,[16] healthcare and preventive medicine,[17] and ubiquitous network technology [18] to nurture next generation industries.

FOUR CASES OF THE URBAN REVITALIZATION PROJECTS

1) Kita UmedaArea

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Rather than being simply auctioned off to the highest bidder, the city hopes to ensure that thesite's full potential as a catalyst for city rebirth is achieved. To that end, the city created a conceptplan of the eventual development that comprises large public spaces, a knowledge industry hub,prime offices and retail spaces, hotels, and residences. All these urban functions should havethe ability to encourage cultural activities, interactions, and information disseminations whilehelping to create new knowledge. For instance, one feature of the project is “the Future LifePlaza” where visitors can have glimpse of the future and learn about and join in the creation offuture lifestyle through exhibitions and demonstration experiments. In this case, development ofproducts of particular interest to users - such as the introduction of new robots, should involvenot only exhibitions but also product trials in public open spaces.

The first phase of development on seven hectares of Kita Umeda, is now moving forward andexpected to finish in 2011.Also opening in 2011 is a totally redesigned JR Osaka Station buildingthat will include an enormous atrium and abundant retail spaces. In addition, when finalizing theurban planning of the Kita Umeda, Osaka considered the influence of such planning not only onthe neighboring area, but also on a wider area. For that reason, the city decided to implementinfrastructural and environmental measures for the entire area around the JR Osaka Station. Forexample, the city decided to connect a building underground floor with an underground shoppingmall, to improve the transportation network for underground pedestrians. The city also decidedto establish barrier-free facilities by promoting a large-scale renovation of buildings through theimplementation of environmental measures involving plantings of greeneries on building roofs.

Nakanoshima (means “the Heart of Osaka”) is an island approximately 3 km long and 50 ha inarea, bounded by the Dojimagawa and Tosaborigawa Rivers that flow through the centralOsaka. During the Edo period, which began around the 1600s, kurayashiki (residence-warehouses) for storing and selling rice lined both waterways. The economy boomed duringthose days with foods and resources from around the country flowing in through the shippingroutes. Nevertheless, entering 1990s Nakanoshima has not fulfilled its potential anymore. Thisurban center has remained as agglomerations of office buildings that empty out and shut downevery evening as workers get in overcrowded trains to their homes in city's suburbs.

Taking advantages of rich greenery and water, recently the city redevelops this section toaccommodate not only high-status offices, but also commercial facilities, international culturalfacilities and exclusive housings. The vision is making Nakanoshima area as the home to bothhistoric architectural elements that shown the energy of an old mercantile city, and brand-newfacilities that tell cutting-edge cultures, technologies and information.

To attract many more visitors, Nakanoshima which characterized as “the Office and Public Zone”is composed with “Information and Cultural Zone”. Here an avant-garde appearance NationalMuseum Art designed by Caesar Pelli erected along with other landmarks going to be builtnearby. To connect the area into the transportation grid, a new public transportation of KeihanLine project is underway.Along with the new train line, Keihan group also put heavy investmentsin several multi-use facilities including an office, a condominium, a supermarket, a hotel andeven an eldercare facility. Anticipating how this will make Nakanoshima a much more attractivelocation, new buildings such as two 32-storey office towers owned by the Daibiru Corporation,Asahi Broadcasting facilities and the redevelopment of Osaka University Hospital have beenunderway. As part of the program to encourage many more people to live in the city center, thecity actively promotes developments of high-quality, international-standard apartment buildings,suitable for staff of overseas enterprises include a high-rise condo tower with up to 500 units,multi-purpose halls, cafes, restaurants, fitness club and supermarkets, include a clinic, a childdaycare center and cultural facilities.

In 2004, the Osaka University, one of the top national universities in Japan, opened the OsakaUniversity Nakanoshima Center in the university's original home ground of Nakanoshima. TheCenter also provides on-demand services such as e-learning in cooperation with academicinstitutions home and abroad, and international virtual conferences.

2) Nakanoshima District

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3) Midosuji District

4) Namba District

The Osaka Municipal Government launched its first City Planning Project in 1921, whichincluded programs to create new arterial streets and expand the width of existing ones. MidosujiBoulevard was one of them. With a total length of approximately 4 km, it was expanded from 6meter width into 44 meter, connecting Osaka City's two major terminals, Umeda and Namba.Many financial, textiles, chemical and pharmaceutical companies have located theirheadquarters along this street, creating a cityscape with uniform rows of buildings.

Until 1960 Midosuji area established its position as the western Japan's business center.However, since the 1970s, many shops selling American clothing and accessories for youngpeople have concentrated around the intersection of Midosuji Boulevard and Suo Street, andthis area has become known as the “American Village.” In addition, the “Nagahori StreetBeautification Project” (included construction of the underground shopping mall “CrystaNagahori”) was completed in the end of 1990s. Around the same period, high-end shops, suchas Louis Vuitton and Hermès stores, have been established in the vicinity.

As the businesses folded throughout 1990-2000, vacancies at small and mid-size officebuildings along Midosuji Boulevard exploded; many buildings were left completely empty whenthe owner-occupiers went bankrupt. The closure of large firms' Osaka branch offices aggravatedthe problem. However, after an earlier trend toward spreading out into suburbs, there is now amove back toward urban centers. Following the economic crisis, land prices have fallen sharply,and the prolonged recession has caused construction costs also drop considerably, therebyfacilitating the redevelopment drive. As a result, relatively low rents and high vacancies in thisOsaka's prime business areas began to draw firms back.

The government anticipated the situation by providing the area with various city facilities such aslibraries, museums and hospitals to attract attention as a place to live. Along with this increase,SOHO (small office/home office) type houses have been newly constructed in the vicinity ofMidosuji Boulevard, while older office buildings have been remodeled into restaurants andstores, offering new ways of using existing buildings.

To make the area in and around Midosuji Boulevard into a more attractive city center wheremany people live, work and have fan, the Osaka Municipal Government has called on industrialand academic circles to conduct demonstrative experiments of the next-generation informationtechnology that embodies the concept of the “ubiquitous” network. One example is installing “i-Points” that provide town information and conducting the IT demonstrative experiment“Ubiquitous Network Promotion Project @Osaka” to verify the feasibility of planned ITservices.[19]

To encourage people to gather and develop friendships, the city decorated various publicspaces in Midosuji using flowers, greeneries, illuminations and waters, while to enhance thefestive mood, particularly during winter, the City illuminates long arrays of roadside trees inaccordance with a unified design concept. And recently, joint public and private efforts havebegun to further enhance the appeal of this area. For example, Osaka City Government andcompanies located along the avenue jointly installed 27 sculptures along 2 km of sidewalks. In2001, companies along MidosujiAvenue established the "Central Midosuji Network" to revitalizethe local community, and have since organized various regular entertaining events, such asstreet concerts. In addition, local companies and governmental bodies have held variousevents, including illuminations for buildings, live concerts, festivals and fashion shows. Slow butsure, the Midosuji area, once an archetypal business district, is being transformed into a newcenter of cultural and creative activities.

Minami's (southern downtown) most storied location is the Dotombori River area in Namba. TheDotombori River runs through the centre of the Minami (south) area of Osaka and has been usedas a commercial waterway for almost 400 years.[20] With the advent of trains and cars, Osakaturned its back on its waterways, and had many of them covered over to make way for roads. TheDotombori River survived these trends, and in 1995 the Osaka Municipal Government startedthe River Renovation Program. The program aims not only to clean up the river, but also to

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integrate the waterway with the rest of the landscape and allow promenades, creating a walkingroute and a place to relax along the river.

For people of Osaka, Dotombori River is special, since for years, there is a tradition of fans ofHanshin Tigers a well known base ball club, to throw themselves into the river to celebrate theclub's championship seasons. As part of a larger plan to make Osaka once again “a city ofwater", the river front is now receiving a face-lift. The river has been dredged and woodenpromenades have been constructed along its banks, creating a location for a stroll or to take arest underneath flashing neon lights of Dotombori. Featuring a long tradition as a public resortand an amusement quarter, Minami is characterized by the blend of historic Japanese culturessuch as the kabuki theater and the joruri puppet theater with the 21st-century pop culturessupported by young people. The city improves pedestrian mobility and access to DotomboriCanal and built urban complex facilities in its vicinity. Now, shops and restaurants locate frontdirectly onto the river, and people are able to enjoy river cruises.

Michihiko Sato reported that in Osaka the areas of land used for residential andbusiness/commercial purposes have increased to 120% and 140%, respectively.[21] For abreakdown of business/commercial purposes, while the area of land used for sales andbusiness has decreased, the area of land used for entertainment and service facilities hasincreased. From 1995 to 2004, the population of four of Osaka's central wards (Kita, Chuo, Nishi,and Tennoji) expanded by more than 10 percent. Chuo and Nishi wards increased 22 and 21percent, respectively.[22] But the impact of the precipitous drop in land prices over last 15 yearscontributed the important role in making the city center increasingly more attractive forresidential properties. And developers were quick to seize upon this by offering attractivehousing in central locations.

Nevertheless, central and local government's city planning initiatives to encourage thedevelopment of an attractive and a livable city center may directly aid the transformation ofproperty market in Osaka. Now high-rise condominium developments are soaring sometimes30 to 50 stories, increasingly in neighborhoods not traditionally thought of as residential districts.Beyond the sheer size of these developments, the high grade of units and other amenities beingoffered residents, like on-site restaurants, sky lounges, cafes, terraces, and hot spring waterbaths, are a marked departure from the quality of past urban residences.

The return of residents to Osaka's central wards provides many challenges and opportunities.Supermarkets, dry cleaners, clinics, fitness centers, and other amenities- all will be in demandsto support the lifestyle of new residents, providing opportunities for a boom in downtown retailbusinesses. It also perhaps encourages more multi-use developments that combine residential,office, and retail in one facility.

Instead of simply considering individual buildings and projects, collaborations of government,business and academia in developing a comprehensive urban management technology willprospectively enhance Osaka's attractiveness and invite creative class. The distinguishingcharacteristic of the creative class is that its members engage in works whose function is tocreate meaningful new forms. The super creative core of this new class includes scientists andengineers, university professors, artists, entertainers, actors, designers, and creativeprofessionals who work in a wide range of knowledge-intensive industries such as high techsectors, legal, business management and healthcare professions (Florida, 2002). The placeslike Kita Umeda, Midosuji, Nakanoshima and Namba are ready to open for shifts as new placesand then adapt to and harness these shifts for the benefit of these incoming talent people.Furthermore, developments focus on design climate oriented for young people, singles, and welloff elderly show the awareness of the demographic changes that force the newemerging of social fabric in the core area.

As mentioned by Richard Florida, creative classes favor active forms full of dense, high quality,and multidimensional experiences. [23] Osaka city captures this through the preference toenhance the indigenous street level culture in forms of teeming blend of cafes, sidewalk

Concluding Remarks

(woopies)

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activities, small galleries and bistros to crave the stimulation that erase the line betweenperformers and spectators.As many outdoor activities are prevalent in public places, they signalamenable places to broader creative lifestyles. To attract creative class, the place also shouldvalue for authenticity. In the case of Osaka authenticity come from several aspects of communitysuch as historic buildings (Nakanoshima), established neighborhood (prospectiveneighborhood in Kita Umeda) and specific cultural attributes (Midosuji and Namba). Asauthentic place should offer unique experience, chain stores and restaurants are not authenticsince they could be experienced anywhere. In return, Osaka leads creative center throughproviding a solid mix of high-tech industry, plentiful outdoor amenities and rebirth old urbancenter fueled with combination of creativity and innovative technology. Osaka is not onlyspurring innovation and high tech growth, but also did the right thing required to createenvironments or habitats which invite talent people.

Urban redevelopment projects in Osaka are only examples to highlight actions to face theproblem of shrinkage that unanble to cover all aspects, but perhaps Osaka has better preparedto emerge stronger and re-invent itself as an exciting metropolis, especially for young people.Nevertheless, less vision regarding the increasing of aging population in the future left somequestions waiting for good solutions. Such as the possibility to design both homogeneous andheterogeneous micro and meso-spaces to satisfy the contradictory wish among elderly people.They tend to feel save in homogeneous neighborhoods and wish to enjoy the chance aheterogeneous city can offer (Rieniets, 2007).[24] In this case, architects, urban designers,town planners, economists, administrative experts, geographers, sociologist to name a few,should work jointly to produce good solutions concerning this issue.

This article is part of my finding research on Urban Redevelopment and Land Readjustment inOsaka, conducted from September to November 2006 and sponsored by JASSO (JapanStudent Services Organization). I am indebted to Professor Kunihiro Narumi, the Head ofGraduate School of Environmental Engineering, Department of Management of Industry andTechnology Graduate School of Engineering Osaka University for his guidance andcollaboration. I also indebted to Mr. Yasuo Tatsumi, manager of Office or Urban Revitalizationand Promotion, City of Osaka for his generousity in providing invaluable information.

[1] Kingston, Jeffrey, Japan in Transformation 1952-2000, Pearson Education Limited,England, 2001

[2] As quoted by Hochstadt, Stefan, Social Impact of Urban Planning: Challenges of the 21stCentury: Shrinking Cit ies, Aging Societies, download from www.jsps-club.de/staticfiles/Hochstadt2.pdf

[3] Mizuho Information and Research Institute (2005): City Shrinkage Issues in Japan.Download from <www.mizuho-ir.co.jp/english/knowledge/shrinkage0405.html> on 29August 2005.

[4] www9.ocn.jp/-aslam/pfe/jprsk.hym[5] The process of shrinking is more like a staircase, in which we can see the stairs as

generations; every generation that has a low birth rate makes the next generation becomingsmaller.

[6] Lang, Jon, Urban Design: theAmerican Experience, van Nostrand Reinhold, London: 1994[7] For more information see Hidetoshi, Ohno, Tokyo 2050 Fiber City, the Japan Architect,

Shinkenchiku-Sha, CO, LTD, Tokyo, 2006[8] A key feature of local government in Japan is the high degree of uniformity and central

guidance which is rooted in the belief that the quality and level of services should be on thesame plane throughout the country. To achieve this goal, authorities are committed to theprinciple of applying nationally devised solutions and plans to all problems and situations.

[9] Based on interview of the author with staff of Office of Urban Revitalization and Promotion,

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

END NOTES & REFERENCES

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City of Osaka, September 2006[10] http://www.stat.go.jp[11] Takauchi, Etsuji, Osaka City's Commitment to Urban Revitalization, in Osaka and Its

Technology No.44, March 2004, Osaka Municipal Government, Inter Group Corporation inJapan, Osaka, 2004

[12]Office of Urban Revitalization and Promotion, City of Osaka, Creative and Dynamic CityOsaka, http://www.osaka-kansai.jp

[13]Japan is widely known as the manufacturing nation, with an array of products includingautomobiles, home appliances and precision machines used worldwide. Of Japan'smanufacturers, approximately 24,000 offices, equal to almost 1 in 10, are concentrated inOsaka.

[14]Stewart,Alex, eds, Osaka Renaissance: a City Open to the World, CITE, Osaka, 2006[15]For more information see Iwaki, Hattori et.al, Osaka-Millennium City: the Creation of Osaka,

Osaka City Foundation for Urban Technology, 2000[16]Osaka features both robot-related manufacturing companies and the consumer electronics

industry, where robotic technology can be applicable. Many universities and researchinstitutes in Osaka boast high-level research achievements in robotic technology.

[17]Osaka is home to many pharmaceutical and other healthcare enterprises, mainly in Sembaand Doshomachi. The city is also the home of universities in the field of healthcare andpreventive medicine.

[18]The information and consumer electronics industry, software industry and other IT-relatedindustries in Osaka offer potential as promising urban industries that can support bio,robotic, and many other next-generation industries.

[19]For more information see Morita, Yoshihiko, Demonstrative Experiments of “UbiquitousMidosuji Boulevard” Plan, Osaka and Its Technology, No.44, Planning & CoordinationBureau, Osaka Municipal Government, Osaka, 2004

[20]Since the Edo period, Osaka has been known as the "water city" and in fact today 10 percentof the total area of the city is still covered by water.

[21]Sato, Michihiko, The Special Districts for Urban Renaissance in Osaka City, Osaka UrbanPlanningAnnual Report by Planning and Coordination Bureau, Osaka City, 2004

[22]Jensen,Brett, Back to Center, in Stewart, Alex, eds, Osaka Renaissance: a city open to theworld, CITE, Osaka, 2006

[23]Florida, Richard, The Rise of the Creative Class, Washington Monthly, May 2002[24]Rieniets, Tim, Shrinking Cities - Growing Domain for Urban Planning?, download from

http://aarch.dk/fileadmin/grupper/institute_ii/pdf/paper_presentation_UERA_2005.PDF

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AVANT-GARDE LANDMARK OF MODERNART MUSEUM, NAKANOSHIMA

CONSERVATION OF BUILDINGHERITAGE, NAKANOSHIMA

PROJECT UNDER CONSTRUCTION, KITA UMEDA

FACE LIFT WATER FRONT PROMENADE, NAMBA

REMODELED OFFICE INTO SHOP &

INSTALLED PUBLIC ART, MIDOSUJI

FIGURE 1: MAP AND IMAGES OF URBAN REVITALIZATION PROJECTS IN OSAKAMap Source: Kansai Gaido, 2006, Photographs: Evawani Ellisa

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LOW-INCOME SOCIETY'S PREFERENCE ONLIVING PLACE IN CREATIVE INDUSTRY AREA OFSHIRTSANDSCREEN PRINTING, BANDUNG

Lulut INDRIANINGRUM

Indrabakti SANGALANG

Ayu Putu Utari Parthami LESTARI

ABSTRACT

Post-Graduate Student - School of Architecture, Planning andDevelopment Policy,Institute of Technology Bandung - INDONESIALecturer Architecture Program, Faculty of Engineering,,State University of Semarang - INDONESIA

Post-Graduate Student - School of Architecture, Planning andDevelopment Policy,Institute of Technology Bandung INDONESIALecturer - Department ofArchitecture, Faculty of Engineering,Palangkaraya University - INDONESIA

Architect, Post-Graduate Student - School of Architecture, Planningand Development Policy,Institute of Technology Bandung - INDONESIA


[email protected]

[email protected]

One of community that demanding a close area of working and living isthe creative community in small industry centre for t-shirt and screen printing inBandung particularly in Cihargeulis sub district. Most of the member of thisindustry are young labor (married and unmarried) and have not had apermanent place to live. Most of them (labor) are provided by the owner with ahouse as a working place and living place. As the labor have not had apermanent place to live, and in the future they will be forced to have a place tolive with their family, based on those background, this research will explore thelabor's preference in housing that can make their life more prosperous orcomfortable. The low-income society's preference will be approached by thiscreative industry's workers.

This research will be approached with both quantitative andqualitative methodology. First, descriptive method with questionnaire readingwill be used in analysis of respondent characteristics. Second, there will beanalysis of respondent preference on living place with some indicators(synthesis of some reference) such as distance, price, environmentalcondition, building condition and nearness to family. This term of analysis willuse distribution andANOVAmethod.

low-income society, preference, living place, creativeindustry, labor of shirts and screen printing industry

Keywords:

INTRODUCTION

CREATIVE INDUSTRY IN BANDUNG

The main issue of housing requirement for low-income society is the affordability of this societyover housing. Housing development is not an isolated effort. First, this development has asignificant multiplier effect on industry and service as well as job requirements. Second,affordable housing development requires some innovations so the input factors will be cheaperand more efficient. With this consequence, we can have cheap housing price that accomplishthe effective demand (Budiharjo, 2004:183).

The innovations are including research and development of cheap and strong buildingmaterials, as well as efficiency assistance for building material company and construction labor.Third, for a poor citizen, this housing must guarantee his job sustainability without any increasingon the transportation cost. If it's possible, the new housing area could enhance any possibility ofincome rising especially for the rest of family members.

There's a relative preference for individuals about living place, but related to the social level, wecan mark the trend. Perspectives on preferred living place between low income society andmiddle income society are quite distinct. Urban individuals with middle up income prefer aconvenient environment and traffic, but do not attempt housing price as a critical issue. We canassume that these conditions are different for low income society. For this group, in Indonesianculture which most people believe owning a house is important, living place is a place they canrent or buy. This condition arises in term of minimum income. To have a house in urban area area struggle instead of an impossible effort. It will be very interesting to explore their preferences onliving place in urban area.

Preference on housing for low income society is pretty much explored in many researches inIndonesia, but this research focuses on individuals who experienced a creative culture inBandung and it has never been researched yet. These individuals are local creative workers inCihargeulis sub district. Creative culture deals with shirt and printing industry of Bandung. Thispaper is going to discuss living place preference on low income society's perspectivecharacterized by workers of shirts and printing industry in Bandung.

According to UK DCMS Task force 1998, creative industry is an industry that involves exploitingcreativities, skill and also the individual talent to create prosperity and a productive work field andalso exploit the individual energy and creativeness.

In Indonesia, there are some creative industrial group (http://industrikreatif-depdag.blogspot.com/2008/04/seminar-nasional-industri-kreatif-untuk.html) (1)advertisement, (2) architecture, (3) art and antique market, (4) craft, (5) design, (6) fashiondesign, (7) video, photography and film, (8) interactive game, (9) music, (10) art performance,(11) publication & printing, (12) software and computer service, (13) television & radio, (14)research and development.

Hence from creative industrial subdividing above, we can assume that industry of shirt andscreen printing in Cihaurgeulis District as a creative industry, as part of fashion design andpublication & printing. Research of BPS showed that creative industries have given an importantcontribution to Indonesia's Brutto Domestic Product (BDP) equal to Rp 104,638 trillions in theyear 2002-2006, and absorbed in an average per year of 5,4 million workers and the productivityreach Rp 19,5 million per worker per year. This productivity is higher than the national one, whichis Rp 18 million per worker per year. In 2006, creative industry have conducted exports equal toRp 81,5 trillions or 9,13 percentage of totalizing the national exports.[1] Indonesia's creativeindustry grows 15% every year. During 2006, it has contributed 33,5 percentage of BDP. Thisnumber is equivalent with US$ 77 million or Rp 693 trillions with rate of Rp 9.000 per dollar. [2]

Bandung have been known as the center of textile and mode, and also become trend setter ofmode for the youth one. This town is experienced a creative culture because it has abundant of

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creative people and they dare to explore innovative ideas, the existence of creative industrysupporters, such as center of higher education on technology, business, design, and the visualcommunications. (Simatupang: 2007)

According To General Director of Small and Medium Industry of Department of IndustryIndonesia, Sakri Widhianto, human resource of West Java is talented and willing to be creative.Moreover, this potential resource is supported by the existence of high qualities universities. Allof those represent the excellence which can be sold. And surely the unique ability of the humanresource is essential to compete in creative industry. This potency is not easy to be imitated andpotential to create specific market spots (niche market).

According To Head On duty of the Commerce and Industry of East Java Province, Agus Gustiar,besides distribution outlet, another potential creative industry that grow in West Java arefashion, industrial design, comic, music, animation, video game, architecture, advertisement,film, handy craft, culinary, and telemetric industrial.

Yeates and Garner tried to find out the decision of location choice for living place based onperspective of socioeconomic and in perspective of class and ethnical (Yeates and Garner,1980: 270-274, 288-301). Socioeconomic looks into preference in its bearing with life cycle,economic status and life style. Life cycle cannot be categorized as a primary consideration inchoice of location, because life cycle is more related with requirement of space in physical term,such as space, rooms, etc. In this time, wealth has a very strong effect on choice of location(Evers, 1985; 56).

Requirement of people to their residence is different to each other according to level of its wage.For low income society, priority is on the requirement of residence which is closed to workplacethan other aspect, such as security, or its quality (Turner, 1972: 164). Industrial labors who arelow income people, generally searching location of their residence is as near as possible withtheir location of work or the easiest way to reached it from the main road that is passed by thecompany transportation, if the company provide transportation facility (Salim, 1992: 134).

To the labor, what is majored from a living place is more at its function aspect than the comfort, asplace to conduct everyday life activity besides working and excluding quality. This matter is seenfrom characteristic of leasing house which is more emphasizing at space as efficient as possible,existing space are relatively small and in limited amount (Widyawati, 1991: 6-7).

In fact all industrial labor have tendency to have their own residence in their hometown, while inthe working place they generally rent a house. It happened because prosperity level is low for alabor by working in factory. Ability for pay requirement of its residence is about 20-30% fromstorey of his salary (Salim, 1992: 134-135).

Based on the theoryAbraham Maslow, Turner indicate that the low income people needs of theirresidences is not modern or good house standard, but the house location contiguity withopportunity work, and status of it is ownership (Panudju: 1997, 74).

To understand the industrial workers' preference on living place, there are questioners whichintended to ask their assessment about variables that should be in a living place. Before thequestioners are distributed in extended research, previously we have been performed a processof piloting to the region of research with a view to find the correct variables for preference of livingplace for low income people. This piloting step was involving 20 respondents with open interviewmethod. The result of the piloting is later analyzed by content analysis.

PREFERENCEAND PERCEPTION OF LOW INCOME SOCIETY TO THEIR LIVING PLACE

RESEARCH VARIABLES

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With consideration that this research was conducted for low income people, there are somecharacteristics of economics of workers such as age, education, marriage status, jobdescription, period of working, salary, the ability of saving, and their residence status at this time.As for variables of living place preference were synthesis from review of theories and someprevious result of researches which have been conducted in various areas in Indonesia. Thesevariables are:

Distance of living place location to workplace. This variable refers to some conditions suchas nearness of living place to workplace, service facilities, downtown, main road, and alsoamenity to public transportation.Price. It means price on housing or rented house.Building condition, covering width of building, yard, house design, strong constructionmaterials, existence of space division (rooms), existence of complete facilities like electrics,irrigate, and the dismissal channel.The physical environment condition, that is security, area free of floods, free from disturbingnoise and pollution, located in quiet environment, and existence of pedestrian.Nearness to family that is requirement of living place nearby with family or relatives.

Sentra Kaos Suci (SKS) - Suci Shirt Center - is one dwelling area and also as a center of creativeindustry, where the people is selling and producing various products from screen printing,convection, advertisement and offset. That's why the store in this area is known as DemandStores; where the goods that was sold is goods that required in certain time interval chronically.This Shirt Centre is located in the roadside Surapati, Bandung or recognized by the name of SuciStreet (Surapati-Cicaheum) that the part Cibeunying Kaler sub district.

In general the commercial activities in this area are (Fikasari, 2003) :1. Convection and screen printing unit business

- Making shirts, jacket, sweater, hat- Making banner, slayer, flag- Tailoring

2. Offset- Making personal name card- Making invitation card- Making sticker and poster

3. Other, including- Haberdashery store- Food booth- Workshop/ salon for car and motor- Carve furniture- Rental party appliance- Stationery and Photostat- Pharmacy- Telephone-Shop and internet rental- Construction and material store.

Environmental condition in research area is not supported by an adequate drainage system sothat when raining, often came along floods. It happened especially to area that near the riverperiphery and surely with the river condition which contain a lot of waste. While its housingcondition, based on observation, is very improper, tend to dirty based from health and idealhousing standard, like natural atmosphere, sunlight, etc. For availability of clean water andelectrics, they already have an adequate supply, water that was used is water from well and alsowater from government supply.

Most of the houses in here are used as a working space so that from only as house, now increaseits function, also as place to doing business. These additions sometime deduct some space

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CREATIVE INDUSTRY OF SHIRTAND SCREEN PRINTING IN BANDUNG

Dwelling & Environmental Condition

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function and leave only small space for theother activity, such as resting and cooking.

Cihaurgeulis sub district represent embryofrom shirts and screen printing industry sincethe year of 1960s. From only a few people nowhave expanded to the number of people that is

working in shirt and screen printing business. To make it easily to coordinate, hereinafter theworker there tried to legal themselves in an organization, like FOCUS (Forum of Convection inScreen Printing Business) with Ali Sadikin as chairman established in 2000, APKS (AssociationWorker of Suci Shirt) in year 2006, and the latest was PERKASA (Group of Worker of Shirt andScreen Printing) in year 2008. PERKASA was established in 19 February 2008 by Mayor ofBandung. The organization member is covering national, because there are many of their jobpartners is living outside Java. The target of PERKASA is maintaining Bandung as the core ofcreative industry in Indonesia.

Activities that PERKASA already held was including training for creative worker to improve theirskill and their knowledge about new product like the new paint substance, fabric, yarn andothers, other than that, they also held exhibition. For the training that goes on May 2008, thegoals were 1.000 workers and at the early stage were trained about 500 workers.

In this area there are about 200 active entrepreneurs with estimate its worker is about 1.200people (With assumption 1 company own 6 worker). This worker is distributed in many fields ofwork like screen printing, convection and others. This entire workers have their own level by theirearnings which is different each other depends on working fields, their skill and order which thecompany got. They are paid by some mechanisms, for example sharing holder, paid weekly anddaily so that the mean earnings of their month is differ monthly.

Since 2006, West Java government is focusing future industry in creativity, information, andtechnology. Shirt industry is one of creative industry that potential in West Java. (The head ofIndustrial and Trading for East Java, Pikiran Rakyat 7April 2008). Since then also Suci shirt areais set up by The West Java Industrial and Trading Department as specific area thatmanufactured shirt, other than another area, such as Cihampelas as jeans region, Cibaduyut asshoe making region, Cigondewah as fabric produce area, and Binongjati as knit fabric zone(Head of Cooperate Suci Shirt Worker). Hereinafter, to attract tourists, this area will be set up asshirt cultural park and tourist shirt area in 2009, also national market for shirt creative industry.(Source: Chairman of PERKASA)

We have distributed 100 questionnaires and there were 94 which supported to be analyzed.This analysis aimed to find the objectives of this study about the creative industry workers

preference on living place in Bandung. Inextended research, respondents were asked torank those 5 variables of living place preference(synthesis from piloting output and previousresearches) besides other questions aboutrespondents' identities and job characteristics(salary, housing status, job description, period ofworking, etc). The result is presented in thisfigure 2.

Common Picture of Industrial and AreaPotency

FutureArea Development Strategy

PREFERENCE ANALYSIS OF SHIRT AND SCREEN PRINTING INDUSTRY WORKERS ONLIVING PLACE

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Figure 1. Dwelling environmentand workshop area condition

Figure 3. Mean value of living place preference rank(Source: Research Analysis, 2008)

The result shows that most respondents choose distance variable as first selection with averagevalue 3.70 (38, 3%), second most selected variable is price with average value 3.27 (25, 5%),third is environmental condition with average value 2.86 (14, 9%), fourth is building conditionwith average value 2.83 (12, 8%) and the latest is nearness to family with average value 2.34 (8,5%).

Those results have been predicted in other previous researches. Low income people tend tofind a living place that related to their limited salary, means money. Nearness to working placecan save their transportation cost and a cheap living place (whether rent or buy) is the onlychoice that fit to their affordability. Turner (1972) found this relationship between income leveland people's priority to housing.

Opportunity to increase the economic level is essential for very low income people and housingthat have proximity to unskilled job is essential too. In the research location, this condition ishappened but the interesting thing is that they even don't think to buy a house in Bandung. To buya house is possible in their hometown in village where housing is affordable but not in Bandung.It is different from other industrial workers that understand house as a place to live in (sleep andeveryday activities). For this creative industry's workers, instead of a place to live in, house orliving place is a place that can support their business, in other words, to be their workshop.Specific activities in this industry such as accepting orders, production of shirts, printing,packing, distributing can be performed in a house.As the environment in Cihargeulis sub-districthas been formed as center of this industry, the workers prefer to live in crowd dwelling as theirbusiness is supported. This conclusion can be understood from the empiric observation andresults of study as presented in the table below.

From table 1, correlation on all variables are mostly negative (-) and only one correlation which ispositive (+) which is among variable environmental condition and nearness to family. As theresult shows, negative correlation means an opposite correlation while positive means linearcorrelation but value of those numbers are absolute. Respondent that make nearness to familyis important also look on the importance of environmental condition too because of its positivecorrelation. Although it is positive (0, 0023) but restrains from value 1, so correlation of thesevariables is actually not very close.

The biggest correlation is between variables price and nearness to family. Respondents whomake nearness to family is important, in opposite way price is not important, vice versa. It occursbecause respondents are in low income level and married, they don't afford to buy a house sofamily's (parents') house (usually in their hometown) is solution to place their family. As theworkers work in Bandung, their family stays with other family member in their hometown. Every

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Figure 3. People's priority to housing based on income level (Turner & Fitcher, 1972)

Distance PriceBuildingcondition

Environmentalcondition

Nearness tofamily

Distance 1,0000 -0,1104 -0,0471 -0,4766 -0,3398Price -0,1104 1,0000 -0,0885 -0,2639 -0,4801Building condition -0,0471 -0,0885 1,0000 -0,2317 -0,4262Environmentalcondition

-0,4766 -0,2639 -0,2317 1,0000 0,0023

Nearness to family -0,3398 -0,4801 -0,4262 0,0023 1,0000

Table 1. Correlation Matrix among Variables

month they send some money to their family and most of them do not prefer saving. There's noconnection between income level and preference on saving.

The other significant correlation is between distance and environmental condition. Thiscorrelation explains other condition that makes distance as the main preference. Workers whomake the distance to working place as the main preference, they do not make environmentalcondition as a critical problem. It showed from the dwelling physical condition, where the housingis crowded, very narrow local roads but workers are tended to happy to live there. It is becausetheir business is okay. They don't mind to live in crowd with minimum environmental condition.

In perspective of workers' characteristics, recruitment on labor in this creative industry area doesnot depend on education level, do not rely on skilled in the early work, and majoring spirit andwillingness to expand from human resources. In the industrial worker, the most important inworker case is studying process. In the working system, the learning process is from senior tojunior. The seniors are not tight-fisted with the knowledge; hence, they are intended to createcompetition in order to push human resources to be more developed and innovative.

With the very immeasurable workers' characteristics, it is dissimilar with the answers ofreference of residence. The result of data processing and calculation, indicate that there issimilar tendency answer among workers. Among five indicators which are tested includedistance, price, building condition, environmental condition and nearness to family, obtained anindicator distance tend to be selected, hereinafter is price. This is similar with researches thathave been conducted previously (Putra, 2001; Panudju, 1997 M. Topan, 1990; Widiastuti, 1991;Mcauslan, 1986: 18).

Though preference of responder similar by what was told by reference, in fact there is tendencyfor respondent to think not to have own house, because they feel unable and not possible to buyhouse in urban area. They will buy it if the price is cheap, but there is existence of anxiety to livenear work location. Most of them even thought to own house bought from their salary. Whenfinally asked to chose, hence answer of distance which is near by and the cheap price becomedominant choice.

Most of them live in a house that also act as a workplace; sometimes become one with the familyof business owner. That is why their transportation expense is none, and eating expensebecome owner responsibility. The whole of their salary is for their family. Though some of themcan save money, it is never used to buy a house.

Therefore, the best residence concept for the creative industrial worker with same character likethis shirt and screen printing industry is the leasing that can be used for place work and cheap, atleast, similar to leasing house price in local area. Leasing house with storey is not suggested,because worker's mobility is very high, especially for the raw material mobility, delivery, and ifthey are conducted by steps on stairs, it will cause difficulties.

1. http://www.kompas.com/2. . http://www.tempointeraktif.com/

Budiharjo, Eko,(1984)Arsitektur dan Kota di Indonesia,Alumni, Bandung.Evers, Dieter (1985), Sosiologi Perkotaan-Urbanisasi dan Sengketa Tanah di Indonesia dan

Malaysia, LP3ES, Jakarta.McAuslan, Patrick (1986), Tanah Perkotaan dan Perlindungan Rakyat Jelata, Gramedia,

Jakarta.

CONCLUSION

End Notes

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Panudju, Bambang (1999), Pengadaan Perumahan Kota dengan Peran Serta MasyarakatBerpenghasilan Rendah, PenerbitAlumni, Bandung.

Shlomo,Angel et.Al. (ed)(1983), Land for Housing the Poor, Select Books, Bangkok.Turner, John F. C. and Robert Fichter (1972), Freedom to Built: Dweller Control of Housing

Process, The Macmillan Company, New York.Yeh, Stephen H. K. and A. A. Laquia (1979), Housing Asia's Millions: Problems, Policies, and

Prospects for Low-Cost Housing in South East Asia, International DevelopmentResearch Centre, Canada.

Fikasari, I (2003). Penataan Kembali Sentra Industri Kaos Suci Bandung, Final Assignments ofCivil Engineerng and Planning Faculty ITB, Bandung.

Panudju, B. (1997), Sistem Pengadaan Perumahan Kota Bagi Masyarakat BerpenghasilanRendah. Dengan Enam Studi Kasus di Kota-kota Bandung, Yogyakarta, Surakarta danMojokerto, Doctoral Desertation, Technology Institute of Bandung.

Putra, Maulana P. U. (2001), Studi Preferensi Pemilihan Jenis Rumah pada Lokasi PrioritasPeremajaan Permukiman Kumuh di Kota Bandung, Final Assignment of Urban &Regional Planning Department ITB, Bandung.

Salim, S. A. (1992), Studi Pengadaan Perumahan Pekerja di Daerah Padat Industri, Theses ofUrban & Regional Planning Program, Master Degree Faculty, ITB, Bandung.

Simatupang, Togar M. (2007), Industri Kreatif Jawa Barat, presented in Business andManagement School ITB, as an input statements for Head of Industry and TradeDepartment West Java Province.

Topan, Moh. A. (1990), Persepsi Masyarakat sebagai Dasar Pendekatan Strategi PenerapanKebijaksanan Pembangunan Rusun, Theses of Urban & Regional Planning Program,Master Degree Faculty, ITB, Bandung.

Widyawati (1991), Persepsi Karyawan terhadap Pondokannya di Sekitar Lokasi Industri (StudiKasus: Dusun Cikoneng Girang Desa Jatake Kabupaten Tanggerang), Theses of Urban& Regional Planning Program, Master Degree Faculty, ITB, Bandung.

http://industrikreatif-depdag.blogspot.com/2008/04/seminar-nasional-industri-kreatif-untuk.html

http://www.presidensby.info/index.php/fokus/2006/12/20/1399.htm

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CREATIVITYASAMEANS FOR URBAN SURVIVAL

Miya IRAWATI

Wicaksono SAROSA

PT. Ronakota Selaras - INDONESIA

PT. Ronakota Selaras - INDONESIA

“Creativity” is a term originated from creatus (Latin: to have grown)[1]; Itis said that there are over 60 definitions about creativity inpsychological literature[2] which bring this paper to select the suitableone “creativity” (adjective)[3] means (1) having ability or power tocreate, (2) promoting construction or creation describing anystrategies of adjustment in urban condition. Urban environment, oftenassociated from its density, is a place where creativity is forced to beborn; this is supported by research saying that statistical analysesincluding multivariate regression find that density and creativityseparately and jointly affect innovation in metropolitan areas”.[4]

Creativity has long been connected to urban growth in theory [5]; JaneJacobs (1989) have strongly advocated creativity as a key componentof growth, recognizing creativity as an innate human characteristic that

[email protected]

[email protected]

ABSTRACT

The world is rapidly urbanizing by increasing numbers of ruralpopulation and growing urban areas into rural areas, especially in developingcountries. Consequently many challenges have to be faced by cities. Citieshave tremendous potentials, as they could be the engines of economic andsocial development in a country. They play their role in the economic growth ofnation states, which cities are often centers of business and homes to the artsand science in both developed and developing countries. But on other hand,cities can also generate many problems of urban life, such as unemployment,poverty, waste and pollution management, housing, water and sanitation,public transportation, health services and the like. It is so critical to recognizethat cities are dual-faced, like coins. Cities are both cost of chaos and cradlesof creativity.

As we know that people have to survive in urban environment. Itinsists the creativity from the citizens in city. Everyone creates a difference astheir creativity to solve their problems and create modern livable urbancommunities. Hence there is a need to analyze what is “creativity” and what is“survival” and also what kind of creativity which is fit to their condition for urbansurvival.

We will observe some cases in Indonesia, where people are trying tobe creative to face the challenges of their city to survive in their community.Through their creativity we could know how to be creative to survive in urbanenvironment.

creativity, survival, urban, environmentKeywords:

INTRODUCTION: CREATIVITY, SURVIVAL, AND URBANENVIRONMENT

fosters innovation [6]. Creative people produce new forms, designs and thoughts that ultimatelylead to innovation and growth [7]. Richard Florida (2002) has developed a measure for creativecapital by identifying occupations that require thinking, synthesis and creativity on the job. TheCreative Class is the group of people with occupations that are founded on creative capital:education administrators, engineers, architects, mathematical and computer scientists, naturalscientists, postsecondary teachers, teachers except postsecondary, librarians, archivists,curators, social scientists, urban planners, writers, artists, entertainers, and athletes. Thesecreative people engage in work whose function is to “create meaningful new forms,” and arebelieved to be a key component of economic growth. As Florida writes, “Members of this super-creative core produce new forms ordesigns that are readily transferable and broadly useful, such as designing a product that can bewidely made, sold, and used; coming up with a theorem or strategy that can be applied in manycases; or composing music that can be performed again and again”(Florida 2003, 8) [8]. TheCreative Class is also correlated to innovation; Knudsen (2003) finds the density of creativeworkers in metropolitan areas to be positively and significantly correlated to innovation asmeasured by patent level. [9]

At the other side, urban-environmental conditions have been continuing to give certainunderstanding about environmental thresholds which in turn force human-being to re-thinkabout the meaning of living in urbanized world. Environmental pressures, increasing population,limited job creation, and vanishing social-cohesion introduced a conversation on how to survivein urban environment; survival is “the state of continuing to live or exist, often in spite of difficultyor danger” [10]. Living in urban environment is not merely about consumptive or extinctivebehavior which brings to meaningless kind of world; creativity would create more enthusiasticvalue of living into the survival theme of urban environment.

The objectives of this paper are (a) to emerge the urban-environmental approach -especially forIndonesian culture- from the creativity's point of view hence able to enhance the conventionalperspective on sustainability of urban living, and (b) to construct a more reliable technical-termregarding creativity for urban survival. Method of reasoning will use inductive process whichconverge lessons from cases into integrated argument.

The need for economic wealth often push certain people to utilize any resource available as longas this work bring additional income thus survival in urban environment. Recycling plastic wasteinto commercial handy-craft is a kind of creativity since it involved ability to adopt the freshunderstanding of “waste as a resource in the wrong place” and promoted new kind of marketablegoods; it is also surviving tool since contribute to sustainability of one's living and reduce thephysical stressor (i.e.solid waste) on urban environment. This sort of inspiring fact is bestillustrated by case of a woman who recycles waste into handy-craft in Taman Sari, Bandung,West Java.

A woman named Mrs. Iyom is member of Pendidikan Kesejahteraan Keluarga (PKK) [11] ofTaman Sari, Bandung. She was trained to recycle plastic waste (packaging, bottle, ect) from herneighborhood into handy-craft (bag, table coat, notebook case, and bowl); recycling was chosenas a primary skill since it only absorbed less financial capital (especially from her husband)compared to conventional one. This activity which supported by more than 10 people at thebeginning came to a lower point when year 2007 only 3 persons (including Mrs. Iyom) left to runtheir works; this is worsened by the urgency to diverge the variation of their product to meetmarket demand. Instead of focusing to activate the old members, Mrs. Iyom answered theproblem of product's variation by utilizing plastic from plastic bag. She continue to promote theproducts through exhibitions and share her knowledge by accepting certain offers as a trainer inJakarta, Bandung, several cities in West Java and also Malaysia. Mrs. Iyom's recycled wastehandy-craft is now able to give her additional income 800.000, - Rupiah per month.

CASE STUDIES

Case Study 1. Recycled Waste Handy-craft, RW 015 Tamansari, Bandung

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Many activities need monetary support butrecycling does not, instead people makemoney from it.

Among many unemployment, Mrs. Dede isone of poor people in Taman Sari area. Shelives with 2 children and her husband in 15meters square house in dense settlement inBandung. Dede never go to school to get aformal education. Since she was 7 year old,she worked as labor at small home industriesin Jakarta. She learns read and accounting byher daughter.

Because of economic demand to survive inurban environment, with her good willing andstrong motivation, she started her small ownbusiness. She is helped by her family to start tobe creative, which is create herself recipe ofsumpiah and pastel, cook and sell thoseproducts. For years she can survive in urbanenvironment and also be a sumpiah and pastelentrepreneur. The products (sumpiah andpastel with various tastes) are one of bestquality product from Bandung Wetan.

Now 15 persons, who are her neighbors, helpher everyday to produce the products. Even in

Ramadhan session, it could be 60 people from Bandung Wetan help her to fulfill increased buyerdemands. She helps many families in Bandung Wetan, especially her neighbor in RW 015Taman Sari, by creating work-field in urban environment. What she has done is an economiccreativity, which is the means of her family for urban survival and the contribution to hercommunity to continue their life and survive in urban.

Cities are the driving force of social and economic development. They have the potential togenerate enormous creativity and significant economic betterment. Increased the land demandin urban area effects the price of land is higher than suburban area. It is difficult for poor people tohave their own appropriate house, public and social facilities. Those factors generate a society tobe creative to survive in urban environment.

To fulfill their needs of land, the society in Taman Sari make use of a valuable space, where theycan socialize and communicate between their neighborhoods. They do sell-buy activities on analley, which the width is 2, 2 meters at 7.00-11.00 a.m. This alley is one of existed big street in RW015 Taman Sari area. This space is the livable temporary market in the morning in Taman Sariarea, where provide any kind the daily needs for society.

(solid-waste management) at Kalibata is a kind of creativity since itfollowed the indicator of ecological-solution about “solving as many environmental-factors aspossible” and constructed a new mechanism performing waste-processing; it is also a mean ofsurvival because (a) all parties involved were able to share their role in the same field of concern

Case Study 2. Sumpiah & PastelEntrepreneurship as Quality Product fromB a n d u n g W e t a n & H e l p s H e rNeighborhood, RW 015 Tamansari,Bandung

Case Study 3. Spatio Temporal Usage ofAlley, Tamansari, Bandung

Case Study 4. Formal-Informal and Community Partnership in Creating Solid-WasteManagement, Kalbata JakartaManajemen persampahan

Figure 1. recycled waste Handy-craft,RW 015 Taman Sari, Bandung

Source: Gunawan, 2007

Figure 2. sumpiah and pastel enterpreneurship,RW 015 Taman Sari, Bandung

Source: Miya, 2008

Figure 3. the condition of alley when(A) used as a temporary market at 7.00-11.00 am,

(B) no economic activities or marketat 12.00 pm-07.00 am

Source: Miya, 2008

which means “they found their unique niche without having to eliminate other species”, (b) theinformal-sector as a lower-income group could gain income through system approved by otherparties (formal group and community). This sort of fact is best illustrated by case of formal-informal and community partnership in creating solid-waste management, Kalibata, Jakarta.It is well known that waste becomes a significant stressor for urban living condition; it appliesalso for community at Kalibata, Jakarta. The situation was set up by the following facts: (a)community are trained to sort waste into organic, inorganic waste, (b) community are trained tocompost organic waste (c) informal sector (pemulung or garbage picker) who needs some sortsof garbage (e.g. small-medium size plastic) disturbing the waste-collecting process by letting thegarbage spread out from its container, and (d) community was intimidated by the existence ofpemulung through their dirty appearance and unskilled garbage-treatment. This circumstancewas solved by (a) making association of pemulung which organizing, linking, benefiting thepemulung with health service such as Puskesmas, (b) improving the pemulung's skills to thelevel that they can divide wet and dry garbages, collect, and transport them carefully, (c) giveuniforms to the pemulungs so they appear to be neat and easy to be identified by community.

Richard Florida (2002) has developed a measure for creative capital by identifying occupationsthat require thinking, synthesis and creativity on the job; this describe the Creative Class is thegroup of people with occupations that are founded on creative capital: education administrators,engineers, architects, mathematical and computer scientists, natural scientists, postsecondaryteachers, teachers except postsecondary, librarians, archivists, curators, social scientists,urban planners, writers, artists, entertainers, and athletes. Florida's research is a valuablesource to start an approach towards creativity but cases in Indonesia reveals household-wife(often without formal educational background) is a significant actor finding the way out fromstressing circumstances.

“ Having ability to create” is a stepping-stone meaning of creativity that we adopt earlier; thisnotion is still connected to phenomenon we studied hence would be better in describing cases byadding “to create a breakthrough or enhance the value of existing environment“. Having acourage to embrace new way of thinking (integrating, converging, unifying) is always be arequirement prior to creative actions; it is therefore very interesting to see the creation of creativeurban-environment for urban survival.

Cases show that the morphogenetic (genesis of phenomenon) and morphometric (dimension ofphenomenon) of creativity are vary; most creativities are triggered by economic factor, some ofthem are merged with anthropogenic-factor (i.e. waste) and human-ecology (i.e. communitypartnership). What makes a similar pattern is that all of kinds of creativities are driven by thebelief that their environment is a valuable resource to begin with; creative solutions find theiranswer from daily surrounding which typically urban-problem.

The characteristics of creativity are divided into some fields. It is not only physical creativity, butalso economic, spatial, dimensional and socio-culture creativities. They are generated by theconditions of urban environment and its society.

The member of creative class (comparison between Florida's and Indonesian cases') is oneconsiderable factor which enable us to formulate a distinct Indonesian perspective on creativityas a mean of urban survival; it will be followed by the necessity to emerge new criteria aboutcreative class and what field they involve in.

CONCLUSION

The member of creative class.

The meaning of creativity.

The morphology of creativity in urban environment.

Achievements and future contributions.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT

End Notes

BIBLIOGRAPHY

We would like to express our gratitude to all those who gave us the possibility to complete thispaper. This paper is the result of hypothesis from our daily journey whereby we have beenaccompanied and supported by many people. It is a pleasant aspect that we have now theopportunity to express our gratitude for all of them.

Many people have helped us during the development of this paper. The first person we would liketo express our deep and sincere gratitude is W. W. Winaktoe. He provided a motivating andcritical atmosphere during the discussions we've had. We also with much appreciationacknowledge Anggi (Urban and Regional Institute) and Gunawan, who helped us to survey andfind good cases for this paper.Jakarta, 21st June 2008

[1, 2] Wikipedia (www. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Creativity), accessed at June 13rd 2008.[3] Anonymous, 2006, Collins Essential English Dictionary, 2nd edition, HarperCollins

Publishers[4] R. ANDERSON, J. QUIGLEY, and M.Willhemsson, 2007, Density and Creativity in U.S.

R e g i o n s , p a g e 1 , . D o w n l o a d e d f r o m w w w .creativeclass.com/rcfgdb/AAAG_Draftrevised_Aug07.doc;

[5, 6, 7, 8, 9] Cyrus Trevor CHILDS, 2004, Thesis: Urban Growth & The Creative Class, page 3,USA: Boston College.

[10] Anonymous, 2000, Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary, 6th edition, UK, OxfordUniversity Press

[11] Pendidikan Kesejahteraan Keluarga (PKK) is woman-centered education initiated byGovernment of Indonesia to enhance the living quality of Indonesian family; PKK is oftenfilled with skill enhancing program in business, health, agriculture, and other relevant life-skills.

Anonymous, 2006, Collins Essential English Dictionary, 2nd edition, HarperCollins PublishersANDERSON, R., QUIGLEY, J., and Willhemsson, M., 2007, Density and Creativity in U.S.

Regions, page 1,. Downloaded from www. creativeclass.com/rcfgdb/AAAG_Draftrevised_Aug07.doc;

CHILDS, Cyrus Trevor, 2004, Thesis: Urban Growth & The Creative Class, page 3, USA: BostonCollege.

Wikipedia (www. en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Creativity), accessed at June 13rd 2008.

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ADDRESSING CREATIVE PLANNING IMPERATIVES

Rodney JENSEN

ABSTRACT

Managing Director - Rodney Jensen andAssociates Pty LtdAUSTRALIA

In the State of New South Wales, Australia, planning practice has gonethrough a series of evolutionary steps in recent times designed tofacilitate and streamline processing procedures, but forgetting theover-arching purpose of planning to achieve better outcomes in theurban environment - physically socially and economically.

There is a considerable divergence between the goals of the stategovernment to streamline the preparation of statutory plans, theconcerns of the community to address such issues as global warmingand affordable housing and the ideals of the planning profession tomake meaningful and objectively demonstrable improvements in theurban environment.

The Government under a standard “template” or formatting system fornew statutory plans aims to create a more uniform regulatory

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The nature of planning, both real and perceived has changed greatlysince the Second World War from “macro architecture” or land usemanagement, to addressing far more complex and intractable imperatives,such as facilitating creative industries, sustainability and place making.Planners with any degree of idealism, assume that these important issues arean important justification for their being, whether or not the mechanisms underwhich they operate provide them with the tools and the powers to accomplishmuch more than rhetoric and empty motherhood statements of intent.

The notion of facilitating creative industries is a prime example ofwhere planning is essentially powerless to implement change under thetraditional land use zoning based statutory mechanisms of planning. Theseare still relied on in Australia as the primary tool of planning, and in many otherwestern countries. But In the liberal/democratic economy such as Australia,planning occurs or remains subject to a complex interplay of governmental,institutional and private pressures. Such pressures and competing objectivesgreatly complicate the goal of achieving substantive improvements in theplaces where the public live and work and relax. Such important goals cannotbe appropriately addressed under a simplistic planning system focussing onland use management.

This paper looks at why it is important for planning to become moreinvolved in the higher level concerns of contemporary society, focusing on thefacilitation of creative industries. An assessment is made of possible ways thatthis might be accomplished under the current planning system addressing thesignificant barriers which are likely to emerge particularly to any “facilitation”policy either by the state or local planning authority.

Finally, this paper presents some general conclusions as to how theplanning system will need to be re-cast if its future role is to change and adaptto the broader contemporary issues surrounding the creation of better places.

INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

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environment for future development and adaptation. Aprinciple concern currently is to speed upthe processing of development applications (the bulk of which despite being low costimprovements as opposed to major developments occupy disproportionate amounts of staffresources and take an inordinate time to reach a final determination).

The public is relatively well informed about environmental matters and immensely concernedabout the protection of private amenities in existing centres. They tend to play an extremelyconservative role when it comes to assessing development on the one hand, but on the other,hold ever increasing expectations for environmental and urban design improvements as well asbetter access to facilities and services including particularly - better public transport.

The planning profession acts as an interface between the government, the public the institutionsand developers in attempting to play a meaningful role in urban planning and management.Strictly speaking, the NSW Planning and Assessment Act limits their role and responsibilities to“the orderly and economic development of land” despite contemporary planning at least intheory aiming for many areas well outside these narrow confines.

The Act and its subordinate instruments and the policies and development managementdocuments used by the planning authorities at the local government level are essentiallylegalistic and prescriptive in nature. They present a variety of standards and objectives fortesting development, but they are almost silent when it comes to promoting or facilitating betterdevelopment or places.

In summary, despite being a relatively advanced and sophisticated country, the Australianplanning system has failed to keep pace with current imperatives particularly those associatedwith the environment, social well being and the complex economic forces which ultimately form aprime determinant of progress in urban environments and standard of living.

For the planning profession, there is widespread recognition of this critical state of affairs, thereare calls for the NSW Environmental Planning and Assessment Act to be abandoned andreplaced and for planning to be given the mechanisms and powers to achieve meaningful urbanimprovements. How successful they will be in spearheading serious reform remains open toquestion since many in the profession are limited in their freedom to speak out or essentiallycompromised by their role as agents for private interests, and frequently associated withdevelopment that is strongly contrary to the public interest.

Similarly, neither the Commonwealth Government nor the State Governments have a goodrecord either of understanding or of implementing planning reforms. In NSW the Minister forPlanning has been largely focussed on the interests of private developers (particularly the oneswho are significant contributors of funds to the Labor Party) in his push for streamlining theregulatory and processing systems. Similarly, there is an inadequate understanding importantmatters such as cultural heritage and a sledge-hammer approach to pushing through systemicchanges without sufficient concern for long term and negative side-effects.

Few nowadays would argue with the need to efficiently and constructively regulate the growthand development of the urban environment.

Historically the need for planning in NSW as in other countries emerged from practical concernsfor safety and public health and resulted in basic standards for building forming the basis of earlybuilding legislation. For example, the threat of fire and rat borne pestilence in 19th CenturyHousing led to the promulgation of laws to ensure better fire safety, better separation betweenhouses, provision of sanitary facilities and minimum room sizes. These initially simple buildingregulations were gradually added to, with a new layer of broader planning requirements for lotsizes and siting restrictions including the now ubiquitous land zones which aimed tocompartment similar land use activities into separate and segregated areas.

THE POTENTIAL ROLE OF PLANNING

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The land use zoning system inAustralia still remains the primary mechanism for planning at botha statutory and policy level for management of existing and new development. Despitewidespread calls in the profession for reforming this simplistic approach to planning In NSW,changes have recently been made which many would argue put the clock back by 50 years.

In short, the recently adopted “planning template” has as its main aims to simplify andstandardise planning use definitions as well as the numerous variations of zones which haveevolved throughout the State since the second world war. All Councils in NSW are currently re-jigging their local government area wide plans under this new system.

What this reform has not done is to adequately face the future world in which issues facing ourcities are very different from those which led to the original building regulations of the late 19thCentury.

Catastrophic environmental changes which are intensifying as a result of poor urban planningare a prime example of the need for planning to assume new and expanded responsibilities.While there are many areas of concern which transcend simple land use planning, this paper willconcentrate on three very significant ones: urban sustainability, urban design and placeplanning. The facilitation of creative industries forms an important sub-set of place planning andwill be discussed further below. Each of these three major concerns spans a variety of socialeconomic and physical characteristics, not readily measurable or susceptible to currentplanning control or policy with its narrow focus on land management. But changing theapproach to planing control and management particularly in terms of the above imperatives isundoubtedly the key to achieving the longer term survival and success of our urban centres.

Because of space limitations simple definitions have been formulated here to clarify the intendedmeaning of these terms.

Sustainability so far as it relates to development is fundamentally about minimising resourceinputs, minimising waste outputs and pollution and increasing efficiency in the use and activitiesassociated with development (particularly energy use, water and other service provisions).

In seeking to achieve greater sustainability, one obvious change in the approach to urbanplanning is the recognition that far greater priority must be given to public transport over personaltransport. Similarly, it follows that the development pattern should be more intense and moretransit focussed. At the site or building level, the greater efficiency of building stock in terms ofenergy use and water use will greatly reduce the extent of growth in demand for these importantresources.

An increasingly growing possibility is that advanced telecommunications can significantlyreduce the need for travel and face to face meetings, consequently offering greater potential fordecentralisation of over large urban agglomerations such as Sydney and Jakarta.

Urban design is a process of integrating all relevant development factors into the design andconstruction of places, particularly new places, with special regard for the public domain/realmand the impact that new development will have on the public domain/realm. Traditionally, theprovince of architect planners, many products of urban design have focussed on the newdevelopment at the expense of the public domain and the space around it. There is a growingrecognition that more appropriate urban design has not only to give equal balance to the privateand public domain, but also to consider important aspects of the economy and socialenvironment. It is the recognition of these interrelated factors which has given strong impetusfor the concept of Place Planning to replace traditional land use planning.

SUSTAINABILITY, URBAN DESIGN AND PLACE PLANNING

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PLACE PLANNING

CREATIVE INDUSTRIES

Place planning is firstly an objective of planning for better, more vital, more attractive places tolive, work and recreate in, and secondly to define planning policies and measures to engendersuch attributes into the urban design and planning processes. There is a close nexus betweenurban design and place planning, although under the prevailing approaches of architect-focussed to urban design, the places which emerge have rarely achieved the criteria ofattractiveness or vitality which they may have set out to achieve or claimed to have attained.

In the context of Sydney, a lone local government planning authority, Warringah Council, out ofthe 40 or so for the whole metropolitan area, chose to follow the path of Place Planning about 10years ago. The process involved subdividing the particular local government area into manydiscrete areas, each having an identifiable and integrated character composed of natural andman made features. For each of these so-called “localities” unique planning policies andcharacter statements were prepared to strengthen the desired future character of the locality forfuture development.

The resultant scheme can be said to have been a significant planning reform, although in theauthor's opinion, the “Desired future character” statements have not gone far enough inproviding clear proactive policy guidance as opposed to the same old prescriptive and land usefocussed approaches of the past.

While the Warringah system undoubtedly has led to better development than might otherwisehave occurred, it will shortly be replaced by the standard template now required by the StateGovernment and return full circle to the land use zoning system it replaced.

As mentioned before, the facilitation and establishment of creative industries forms an importantsub-set of place planning and may fundamentally provide a hidden economic key to placevitality, transcending the simple or surface physical or spatial character of place. Creativeindustries, as advocated by Florida and others frequently do not actually have much to do withcreative activity in the traditional sense of the word: encompassing writing, visual and performingarts, music sculpture and the like. But rather, the word “creative” has an economic connotationof successful, cutting edge, youthful, and a capacity to make a substantive contribution to thelocal economy.

The film industry is frequently chosen by commentators as one indicator of a creative economyand this admittedly is one example that is most clearly connected with culture and creativity.

In the way that the term is used there seems to be little doubt that the factors which sustaincreative industries also engender more vital and attractive places. Paradoxically such places donot necessarily have to look attractive or well designed (a primary concern of urban designarchitects with concern for space and surface treatment).

Before putting forward a new model for facilitating new development policies such as theencouragement of creative industries, it is worthwhile reflecting on the current impact thatgovernance has on the effectiveness of planning. The observations here refer again to the Stateof NSW but undoubtedly will have parallels in many other countries.

Within NSW there are numerous government portfolios, which in theory could be connected withplanning, each having separate Ministers and associated bureaucracies employing thousandsof government servants. The separate portfolios include: Roads, Transport, Infrastructure, Law(Attorney General), Planning, Energy, Regional Development, Climate Change andEnvironment, Housing, and Local Government. For an outsider this would appear to be anextraordinary, and chaotic system more devised to put elected members on chairs than toensure integrated governmental activities in the built environment.

Barriers to encouraging creative industries under the NSW planning system

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Of course, inter departmental committees are set up to overcome the need for liaison, but withseparate powers and political imperatives it is difficult to imagine complex plans or policies everachieving much more than the lowest common political denominator.

In NSW many would argue that the real pit-face for planning (partly because of the abovedisintegrated form of state management) lies at the local government level and this is almostcertainly true for the bulk of housing and commercial development in the different Council areas.It is not true, however, when it comes to transport, infrastructure and utility services, theresponsibility for which all lie with the respective State Departments.

What this means in practice is that it is virtually impossible for local planning authorities to arriveat a strategic plan which deals with much more than land management - despite the obvious andvital nexus between land management and many of the above areas of responsibility.

Accepting the generally agreed importance of creative industries in making places moresuccessful and attractive, a planning system based on land management is at best an indirectmethod and at worst a positive hindrance to stimulating the market.

Supposing that a particular local authority in NSW were of a mind to promote creative industrieswithin its area, it would first have to decide what zoning to apply. As previously mentioned, NSWnow offers limited zoning choices subject to its template. Some possible zonings under this newsystem might include the “Mixed Use” B4 zone or “Business Park” B7 zone.See: http://www.legislation.nsw.gov.au/fullhtml/inforce/epi+155a+2006+FIRST+0+N?

But the highly variable nature of uses that come under the description of “creative industries” inreality range from artists studios, performance space, offices, light industrial and assemblyestablishments and many other possibilities that would not necessarily fit in under the zoningtemplate that has been applied.

Similarly, assuming a particular enterprise would generally meet zoning parameters, it couldpossibly fall foul of other mandatory requirements or standards such as car parking,landscaping, or servicing intended for conventional commercial or light industrial development.Indeed past experience in NSW has shown that the so called “high tech” industries (which couldwell correspond to the creative industries) lie in the margin between commercial and industrialactivity and can sometimes be particularly problematic when attempting to qualify for planningconsent because of definitional problems.

Overriding all the above, is the fact that such land management mechanisms are mainlydesigned to provide a framework on which to refuse unsatisfactory applications - that is anapplication that does not meet all the stated criteria of the zone in question. What thismechanism does not do is to encourage or invite new creative industries to locate in theparticular area.

Councils might decide that certain creative industries deserve preferential treatment under theexisting planning systems but would open themselves up to charges of conflict of interest orcorruption from objectors in the community or from disgruntled competitors. This is all the morethe case if the development proposal is to be sited on land owned by the particular consentauthority.

Similar precedents for this have also occurred at State Government level where a recentlyintroduced system of removing large scale development (above A$ 1.0 million) from the normalconsent responsibility of the local authority, has opened the Minister for Planning andDevelopment to calls that he should appear before the Independent Commission of Corruption(ICAC) in recent cases where his involvement has verged too far into advocacy.

If the existing systems of planning administration are quite unsuited to encouraging the creativeindustries, one simple answer might be to abandon planning altogether, and turn to economic or

fiscal incentives instead. In NSW the options to enter into such schemes by Local Councils aresomewhat limited and more logically become the responsibility of State or CommonwealthGovernment.

As regards the film industry, former Australian Governments have provided significant taxbenefits for film production and Australia briefly entered a halcyon period of a booming filmindustry during the '70s. Similarly, the NSW Government has more recently encouraged andsubsidised the establishment of the extensive Fox Studio film production complex, close to theinner city, and after recent re-election, undertaken to reduce or streamline the onerous chargeslevied by many authorities for on location shooting.

In other countries such as Mainland China's Shanghai and the United Arab Emirate's (UAE) Cityof Dubai, so called “enterprise zones” have been established with a general relaxation of thenormal controls which might otherwise discourage or prohibit business entrepreneurs andforeigners alike from gaining a foothold in that country.

It can be seen that in a general sense however, that such economic measures could have a quitemarginal impact on locational decisions for a particular enterprise. At best they are bluntinstruments and quite unsuited to targeting particular areas or regions for integrated andsustained growth in creative industries.

From the above discussion it is obvious that despite the idealism of planners to play a major partin addressing key contemporary issues of urban and regional development, the system in NSWAustralia is fraught with hurdles and barriers to progress. Planners are indeed one of the mostimpotent professions when it comes to actually moving forward.

In the context of Australia, the separation of powers between National and State Governmentsas enshrined in the Constitution must ultimately be reviewed. It is an administrativearrangement which is divisive on important national issues such as global warming, rivercatchment management, environmental management and national planning. The various stategovernments squabble over resources and frequently seem incapable of putting the commongood of the country before parochial concerns. However, given the conservatism of our societyit seems implausible that this basic division of powers will change in the author's lifetime.

Failing that, the issues which have been raised in this paper require a rethink of the current makeup of the planning consent authorities both at the state level and beneath the current stateadministration level.

Starting at the State level, it is obvious that strategic planning on a metropolitan or regional levelrequires appropriate integration of roles and powers. Cabinet Ministers and portfolios should beconsolidated and rationalised to achieve this fundamental reform. As a stop-gap measure,Ministers from related portfolios should be ready to delegate their planning responsibilities toone, or at most two, out of the Cabinet team. Similarly there is a fundamental need forrestructuring state offices and empowering managers to integrate a variety of environmentaldisciplines.

Fundamentally, the many aspects of planning administration require a series of regionalauthorities with delegated powers over transport, utilities, the environment, social facilities andstrategic planning. This in turn leads to the abandonment of the multiplicity of small consentauthorities which are currently the general pattern in Australia. Within NSW, this process hasoccurred to a limited extent under voluntary “mergers” of some Councils but there remainapproximately 40 Councils in Sydney with consent powers. It is not a system which can everlead to effective strategic planning or policy improvement.

The other fundamental need is for the enabling planning legislation to be re -cast with a greaterplanning policy focus (including environmental, economic and social policies) and a much betterintegration with the land use and amenity concerns of the community.

Solutions

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These notions have been summarised in the diagram overleaf. New enabling legislationoverrides all existing laws which impinge on planning and the environment. The bureaucraticstructure is relatively simple, there would be a high level of delegation to the multi disciplinarydevelopment control unit. Controversial matters would be delegated to a professional panel ofindependent experts.

Many aspects of this system are not new and have precedent in Australia for being far morecapable of achieving better plans and better places. For example, the planning of Canberra wasaccomplished under a similar model for many decades with obvious effectiveness by theNational Capital Development Commission (NCDC). Similarly, the use of expert panels hasbeen grudgingly adopted by some local authorities in NSW, again with obvious benefits.

Planners and urban designers frequently lose sight of the fundamental goals of planning and seetheir plans as ends in themselves - forgetting that they encapsulate abstract notions which fewoutside the profession ever fully understand well enough to endorse or to reject. Plans are slowbehemoths to conceive, to agree and to implement. The sad reality is that planners often moveon to fresh pastures and never see the effects of their work on a developing city with the long leadtime from a new plan to the ultimate changes it will have on urban fabric.

Plans made on the basis of optimistic assumptions and visionary drawings of some futuristicenvironment never end up quite as envisaged by the designer. Inevitably market forces,legislative and institutional intervention move the whole structure away from the originalintention. The best planners and designers can hope for is to establish a model robust enough toadapt to change flexibly and responsively.

The possibility of dealing with places as a whole, encouraging creative industries, and other pro-active social and economic policies becomes a practical and achievable goal given a moreregional focus, a streamlining of bureaucratic and political powers and fundamentally newlegislation as advocated in this paper.

CONCLUSIONS

SERIES OF PLANNING REGIONS WITH ENABLING LEGISLATIONMINIMUM POPULATION 150,000

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ONE MINISTER REPORTS TO CABINET

EXECUTIVE/BOARD

AND CEO

MULTI DISCIPLINARYDEVELOPMENT AND

POLICY EXECUTIVE

PROFESSIONAL

REFERENCE PANELS

PLANNING POLICIES REGULATIONAND

ENFORCEMENT

DEVELOPMENT ANDENVIRONMENT

MANAGEMENT

Figure 1. Proposed Bureaucratic Reform for Planning Administration

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Blakely, Edward J, “What the Aussies Saw; an Aussie View of US Master Planned CommunityDevelopment”, Cityscape vols 1 and 2

Borger, David “The power of persuasion: how to build a creative city”, Lecture - see:www.currencyhouse.org.auBuilding a creative innovation economyCultural Ministers Council February 2008www.cmc.gov.auCreative economy (newsletter) News and research on creative industries, innovation and

society: see: www.creative.org.au/webboard/results/chtm?filename_num=191578Florida, Richard “Have talent with travel inAustralia” see:http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/03/21/1079823233944.htmlFlorida, Richard “The rise of the Creative Class”F l o r i d a , R i c h a r d “ C r e a t i v e C l a s s W a r ” ,

www.washingtonmonthly.com/features/2004/0401.florida.htmlGerner, Pem “Urban Design. Part of the DAProcess Cityscape”, vol 4Gerner, Pem “Better Cities Revisited”, Cityscape vol 10Gerner, Pem “East Perth design in a class of its own Cityscape”, vol 19Harrison, Michael “Facilitating Development Through Urban Design at the Metro Level”,

Cityscape vol 9Hobley, Susan “Environmental Shortcomings of Design Review Panels”, Cityscape vol 9Jensen, Rodney “to IHAP or not IHAP”, Cityscape vol 4, page 6Jensen, Rodney “Editorial Planning the reticent profession”, Cityscape vol 20, page 6Jensen, Rodney “Kogarah Discovers TOD, POD & GOD”, Cityscape vol 26, page 1Mant, John “Forward to the Past”, Cityscape Vols 1 and 4Mant, John “How good is my latte?- the measure of a good city”, Cityscape vol 6Mant, John “Planners Planners Abolish Most of Oxford Street Paddington Cityscape vol 30,

page 1Miller shingle, Omnilab going digitalhttp://hollywoodreporter.printthis.clickability.com/pt/cpt?action=cpt&title=Montgomery, John “Cities of the fifth wave - the rise of the traditional-modern city: cities have and

grown in parallel with long “...by Town and Country Planning Wed June 1 2005Robertson, Hamish “Paddington's Place Qualities” Cityscape vol 30, page 2

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ACRADLE FOR CREATIVITY

Miel KARTHAUS

Martijn DE GIER

ABSTRACT

ROTTERDAM: ACRADLE FOR CREATIVITY

Architect - The MYJ architecture restoration urban designTHE NETHERLANDS

Architect, The MYJ architecture restoration urban designTHE NETHERLANDS

Originally Rotterdam was a city of stevedores and even moreimportant: of immigrants. Hard work and sweat gave the city itsreputation as 'Labour-City'. The harbour grew to be one of the largest inthe world and the city expanded with it. From the Dutch point of view itbecame a metropolitan city, an important hub in the transfer of goodsbetween East and West. The city had approximately 600,000inhabitants of which the majority was young and in the low incomebracket. It was also a city of which almost half of the population was offoreign descent. The workers lived on the South side of the river Maas,the middle class, the harbour-barons and captains of industry lived onthe North side. This strong spatial and social division has only been

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The Creative City confronts us with some contextual questions: how isthe spark of creativity ignited, how do we invest in stable and durablecommunities, and how do we incorporate local crafts, skills and traditions?How do we get all the members of the community to collaborate, rich or poor?

This essay explores the preconditions for the Creative City by criticallyanalyzing both the theory and the way this concept is given shape in the city ofRotterdam in the Netherlands.

The books 'Creative City 'by C. Landry and 'Creative Class' by R.Florida, teach us that two conditions must be present, in order to kindle aneconomic boom:-individual genius with no other means of existence than creativity; and-some sort of solid structure; organization or community, where a surplus intime or money has been accumulated.

The way The Netherlands adopts these ideas of 'Creative CityDevelopment' is criticized from two angles:A-'Creative City' is seen as a disguise of a neo-liberal government that retreatsfrom investing in community building. It shows how the city of Rotterdam, isturning these ideas into slogans of 'City-marketing', by only polishing one sideof the medal: How to please the white, well-educated, and creative members ofa cultural elite and use them as representatives of the city, ignoring the majorityof a middle and lower class population. In this way Rotterdam believes it ismaking the transformation from a 'Working City' into a 'Cultural City'.B-'Creative City' is a symptom of a latent fear, stemming from the question:'What do we actually do for a living?'

We count on 'Innovation'. ...But innovation of what?Creativity without a cradle to hatch it remains a mere fantasy.

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subjected to change within the last 10 yearsThe second world war had proved to be adisaster for the city and its inhabitants. Heavilybombed, the city was in ruins. In rebuilding thecity, Rotterdam marked its mentality, one thatis still recognizable in the way it is managedtoday; practical, sober, but mingled with thestrong belief that everything is 'makeable'. Citygovernors, planners, architects and evenartists saw the opportunity to build the mostmodern city in Europe. The 'Lijnbaan' in thecentre with its mix of housing and shoppingbecame an example at the internationalcongress of the CIAM. The modern division offunctions was introduced in a non-dogmatic,efficient way.Architects and city-planners fromall over the world visited the city to admire itsachievements. Rotterdam earned name andfame; a laboratory in search of the modern city.The new quar ters , Pendrecht andAlexanderpolder, were food for thought for theCIAM meetings 7-8-9 and 10.

Modernists believed in the education and elevation of the common people. 'Light, air, and space'were considered key values in the environment of new social housing. Artists contributed to thequality of public space.Although much effort was given to a rational and standardized productionof housing, the demand for dwellings was still overwhelming. More and cheaper housing wasneeded. Gradually, rational became synonymous with minimalist. Art was seen as superfluousand New Realism turned into cheapness. In the 70's the town became a tough place to live.Large numbers of under-educated workmen moved into town. Maintenance was postponed.Quarters became slums.

To cope with all problems, at the end of the decade Rotterdam invented 'City-renewal'. Whereother cities had chosen to demolish old buildings and create new ones, Rotterdam decided torenovate, often in cooperation with the inhabitants. In the areas waiting to be rebuilt, desertedbarns and factories provided much needed spaces where artists, architects and street-cornerworkers could work. Rotterdam attracted creative people 'avant la lettre'. There was even asense of competition with the culturally superior Amsterdam. Rotterdam was the place to be:rough, tough, cheap and real. In the slipstream of Koolhaas' OMA, many architects like MVRDV,West 8 and Neutelings followed. Many internationally known artists and entrepreneurs infashion, music and IT came to, and stayed in, Rotterdam.

The housing and Urban planning department DS+V Rotterdam, in cooperation with RiekBakkers' Office BVR, acted keenly and vigorously when they had decided that the southern bankof the Maas had to be developed. This forgotten part of town, where half the population livedaround the harbours, was ready to be revitalized; now the harbour activity had moved out tolarger areas near the sea. Ambitions were high; where a normal bridge would have done, the'Erasmus Bridge' marked this leap over the Maas by providing an architectural icon.

It became clear that Rotterdam was not merely interested in social problems. Now the focus wason the elite. The well-trained academics, who used to leave Rotterdam after graduating, wouldstay, if possible on the southern bank. A privileged housing programme, in combination with anew theatre would keep them on that side of the river. The area was called the 'Kop van Zuid'.(1-)

These days, Creative City development has become an official tool for urban planners. The aimis to attract or create cultural elite and to bind them to the city by offering premium housing inrenewed neighbourhoods with first class amenities. A peculiar problem arises when it becomesclear that the new amenities endanger the exploitation of the existing amenities in the centre on

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1- Kop van Zuid 2- Wilhelminapier3- St Job Harbour 4- AVL- ville (Lieshout)5- van Nelle factory 6- RDM harbour7- Afrikaanderwijk

Figure 1. Conceptual Map

the north side of the river. You can't simply make an Urban centre everywhere by spreading itsamenities. There is insufficient economic means in a city like Rotterdam. Next to this line ofpolicy, Rotterdam develops business estates and ateliers at a low rental rate for artists andcreative entrepreneurs in deserted harbour areas on the north side of the river. In this area,closer to the heart of town, urban management is characterized by patience and a sense of time.On the south side, amenities are being injected with large subsidies, to catalyze urbandevelopment. On the north side the development is induced and encouraged. The process isbetter managed, in phases. Urban government takes initiative but doesn't force its will upon thearea. City planners initiated new audio visual industries, but lost the competition in similarprocesses in Amsterdam in that only regional and local media found employment around thestudios. Apart from geographical differences, the North remains the place to be. Here a sense ofhistory remains. The South side continues to be an appendix to the city; historical progress canonly be spurred at the Wilhelmina pier (2-), a peninsula where pearls of cultural entertainmentare located. In some places, like the area around the St. Jobs harbour (3-), the shaggy characteris successfully kept alive through the renewal of old warehouses. The reminder of the previousharbours is in keeping with the romantic longings of a creative class.

At the start of the new Millennium, Dutch society began to grumble. In the 1990's, the old socialdemocratic ideology was replaced by a stronger belief in the market. The population muttered.Under a right-wing mayor and a large group of populist politicians, the city harshened, which inturn meant hard times for people in the margins. Toleration declined sharply. Rotterdam was alsothe city where the problematic national debate on integration culminated. One of the two publicfigures who were murdered, Pim Fortuyn, was a local hero. These political murders madeHolland realize that innocence is not a Dutch virtue. Subsequently, prejudice triumphed overtolerance. The harshened climate meant less toleration for those who wished to placethemselves outside of society, in one way or another. This decline in tolerance can be illustratedby the police invasion of AVL-Ville (4-) in May 2002. Well known artist Joep van Lieshout and histeam were given great freedom in the idle harbour area. The artists proclaimed AVL-Ville a FreeState, presenting a constitution granting the inhabitants 'the right to wear arms'. Wheninterviewed, van Lieshout stated he would not comply with Dutch law, and he started buildingthings without waiting for official permission. Within seven months 100.000 people had visitedhis 'State'. The authorities tolerated the whole process for quite a while, sometimes even withpride. Relations became tense when the municipal harbour company wanted to start building onthe site. Finally, the police invaded the area and it was reclaimed. It was later revealed that themost important weapon that was confiscated was an old canon, which van Lieshout hadmounted on a Mercedes, to be shown at an exhibition. Van Lieshout still 'occupies' the area, butdevelopment has stopped in this part of the city.

Several miles from van Lieshout's Free State, a beautiful architectural monument has beenrenovated and transformed into a centre for creative professionals: graphic designers,architects and city planners have all established studios in the old Van Nelle factory (5-). Therenovation is a true success; the building is a landmark and a metaphorical business-card for thecompanies that hold offices there. One problem, however, is the lack of connection between thebuilding and its environment. It is totally separated from other parts of town by freeways, tracksand a river, making the building somewhat of a fortress. These creative people are completelydisconnected from the neighbourhood; there is no spill-over whatsoever. The only residentialneighbourhood in the area, on the other side of the tracks, does not profit from the presence ofthe creative centre. It's strange, to say the least, that a city that puts so much effort into attractingcreative talent, should invest so much in a place so totally detached from its environment. A trulybeautiful architectural monument, on the other hand has been saved from destruction.

The same type of policy can be witnessed on the other side of town. In the RDM area (6-), wheresubmarines and frigates were once built, far away from populated areas, a group of artists nowoccupies the old hangars. This peninsula was abandoned by the harbour company inanticipation of new developments. This development is entirely in accordance with policy, largespaces and lots of freedom given to artists for practically nothing. As was to be expected, artistscame from all over the place to get their hands on a studio. Now the municipal government hasdecided to turn the area into a cultural and creative centre, with 'proper' studios and a new

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building for the Rotterdam Academy of Architecture and Urban Design. This is a realistic planand there is a need for more creative entrepreneurs in Rotterdam. It also means, however, thatthe first 'generation' has to be on the lookout for a new place they can afford. Students of theRotterdam Academy will have to cross the river to the new location is in the middle of nowhere.This might be the final blow for the academy in Rotterdam.

Afinal example of the stretched expectations of the creative class is the following: Rotterdam is acity of markets, every day of the week there is a market of some sort, somewhere in the city. Oneof the most important is located in the 'Afrikaanderwijk' (7-). This is a melting pot of people withalmost all the different cultural backgrounds imaginable. The government invested heavily inadjacent neighbourhoods such as the 'kop van zuid' mentioned above. The afrikaanderwijk waslagging behind. A good example of the dazzling number of projects that were imposed upon theneighbourhood was the 'market restaurant' project. A well-respected chef was hired to set up arestaurant in the area.All the ingredients for the restaurant were to be bought at the local market.Local teenagers were trained to be professional cooks themselves, someday. For the first fewmonths the restaurant was a huge success. Highly educated people, the local elite, often visitedthe restaurant, eating all kinds of exotic food.After the first few months, it got quieter every week,until the restaurant finally went bust and the hype was over. And once again, the plaguedneighbourhood was in the news in a negative context.

These illustrations occur at different levels, ranging from single buildings to entireneighbourhoods. What all these projects have in common is the fact that they are all imposed onentities within local society, and that they are all directed at the local, pre-dominantly white, elite.These projects have had no spill-over effect on the adjacent neighbourhoods; the idea of themakeable city is often an illusion. Local politicians are either faced with reality when they realizethat their 4 year period in office is not sufficient to make a difference, or they lack the boldness torule beyond the grave. Instant success is necessary, and thus projects are not carefullyembedded in local society. The elite mainly create for themselves, preaching gentrification alongthe way.

By the turn of the century both economic and spatial circumstances had changed rapidly. Thecentre of economic gravity was shifting in the world and harbour activities that were stillsignificant were moved out of town along the river's estuary.Asecond 'Maasvlakte', artificial landin sea, offered hope for future prosperity. In the city however, the idle harbour basins weremetaphoric in the sense that Rotterdam had to seek another source of income, independentfrom its harbours and industry. The message was clear: we were no longer number one in theworld. From this point onwards Rotterdam understood that income and wealth for the townmeant people. It wasn't manual labour that counted, there was enough of that, but theirknowledge, initiative and the simple fact that they were living in the city would make thedifference. Of the three main cities, Rotterdam had to make the most drastic transformation: fromLabour-city to Cultural-city.Amsterdam and The Hague, being national and international centresin the services sector were already focused on people and their well-being. They demonstratedthe question: how to attract people and how to attract the higher income bracket?

The shift in economic drive, from production to knowledge and from knowledge to an economybased on innovation and the creativity that is essential for such, is commonly seen as a soundstep in evolution; A step forward in which man gets rid off the shackles that bind him to physicallabour and earthly dirt. From a personal point of view, this last step towards creativity can also beseen as the last thing you own. It is your last defence line, if selling your labour or skills as acraftsman doesn't work anymore. It reflects on you personally. Even knowledge is somethingoutside of yourself, something that you can obtain by learning a new profession for example, inthe event that your labour or expertise is outsourced. With new knowledge based on information

ANALYSIS: WHAT DO WEACTUALLY DO FORALIVING?

ON YOUR OWN

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that you can access, you can survive. But an economy based on creativity is tricky. Creativity isnot something you can grab hold of like a life-line. Creativity is you personally, part of yourpersonality, the last source you have. You hope that it's there when your life is in danger. Youhope and trust in your personal capabilities instead of the certainty you used to have in that oldfashioned bureaucratic career. Is it any wonder that this view on economic growth is celebratedin a time of liberal belief in the market? Are there insurances against failure of creativity?So now the man in Rotterdam city in a so called highly developed country is looking in the mirrorand just sees himself, alone. He can't use his skills, knowledge and smartness/intelligence tocontrol or drill a production process outside himself anymore. That is all gone, sold with theyoungsters to other parts of the world. He might be rich, but he is alone with his personalcreativity.

Being dependable on the production of ideas, rather than an idea for production, is a shift intogreat uncertainty.And here lies the true artist.

If the soil is no longer a source of profit or if the manufacturing of earthly material is no longer asource of income or if the mechanical control over industrial production gives no more ground forcertainty and even the juridical and financial services by which production lines are financed,maintained and managed are outsourced, for the simple reason that these services are the mostmobile of them all,...What else is there in an economic region, than smartness/intelligence?

But being smart is a non separable quality of the people themselves. So people have to replacesoil or material, their personalities to replace their labour. People become capital.

This logic doesn't just end in this urgent quest for an economic region: how do we attract thesepeople and how do we attract those with a higher education?

It is exactly at this point that Landry and Florida make their promise: creativity is a human thing. Inorder to harvest creativity, you have to hatch the person in whom it grows. That cradle forcreativity is the city. But is that the modern city? Or is it in fact the reinvention of that old city as weimagine, way back to the Italian renaissance or even further: the Greek polis?

Here we end up with a strange contradiction, leading to a circular argument:

'City-air makes free' was a much heard slogan in the hay-days of industrial growth and welfare.

The industrial revolution had gradually made man footloose and more and more rootless with allhis capabilities and values, independent from the place where he was born. Modernity made himindependent from the crops grown in nearby fields. His craftsmanship became detached fromlocal circumstances. Science rendered his knowledge objective and detached from hispersonality. His know-how in doing or making things became de-personalized in objectiveprocedures. In the modern city he could sell his labour, skills and knowledge anonymously. Andhe was happy doing so. Being footloose was the price for freedom and Modern city was the placeto be free from local backwardness. That strange place freed him from local boundaries andrestrictions. Modern-city freed man and woman from the chains of local habits, traditions andchoking morals.

And now, coming to a stage where all his capabilities, labour and knowledge is detracted from hispersonality and sent all over the globe, exchanged on the market of an open and transmissibleworld, now that he is empty handed, he is thrown back on his final and genuine capacity to becreative; now everything is turned upside down again. According to Florida and Landry hisindividuality and the place where he lives have become the ultimate preconditions for survival inthis post industrial era. On top of this surprising dialectic, a tautology emerges. If creativity inpeople is our next hope, how can we create creativity? Here the plea of Landry and Florida leadsto the necessity to create creativity by means of creativity: a creative city. It is the creativity of thebaron of Munchhausen.

ANABSTRACT ECONOMY

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Creativity, like personal health, or a sustainable environment, is circumstantial. It is a conditionfor better quality of work. But the work has to be done. No work no profit. Somehow in everyregion or city a link between the creative idea and the routine of work is necessary. In theteachings of Landry and Florida we have to understand creativity as added value. A creativeeconomy does not replace an economy based on production. We should not forget that theopen and tolerant society of the Greek polis was formed by citizens freed from labour. Theireconomy was based on slavery. The citizens were freed in order to be creative. The work towhich creativity can add so much value, still has to be done somewhere, somehow, within theregion itself. Indeed, creativity that is unrelated to local traditions in work, to the way things aremade or to how affairs are executed is but fantasy.

Creativity can never replace work or production;.. it turns it on.

We want to stress this point because it helps us understand the way Rotterdam transformed itscharacter from a 'labour-city' to a 'cultural- city'. In spite of the warnings from both Landry andFlorida that the local identity must not be neglected, Rotterdam favoured only a segment of itspopulation in its policy by mistakenly replacing production by creativity. The ambition to attractworld talent, indeed a Creative Class: white, well-to-do and educated, has led to an exclusion ofthe vast majority of minorities, that colourful mix of cultures that really does the work inRotterdam. They have no face in the newly created cultural identity of the city. Until nowRotterdam misunderstood the potential of this salad bowl of identities.

Local identity is not a decor, a touristic or otherwise romantic milieu, in which we feel comfortableand where we work out our creative ideas pleasantly. Local identity is rooted in the localtraditions of work: trades and crafts that can be developed and enriched by a creative input.

The suggestion that creativity can replace production is the first weakness in which the doctrineof the creative city development can be misused by anti-social politics. The Rotterdam caseshows that despite its good will and promising virtues, it becomes part of mechanisms ofexclusion in city development. How can we keep the essence of this thinking that combines theblessings of a free flow of mind, the fragrance that was always the attraction of an urban lifestyle,with the identity of the local tradition?

In the eyes of an urban planner it seems a paradox: in order to make a city specific in its localcharacter, it must attract 'creative people', 'world talents' in order to be competitive. These peoplewill only move into town if there is access to the same world culture of music, arts, qualityshopping, dining and wining they have in New York, Rome or Amsterdam. In that respect citiesbecome alike.

But the point is, by using the same 'creativity' concept for both the metropolitan lifestyle and thepeople to be attracted to it, the individuality of this urban condition is underlined, not the collectiveof which the individual might be part. This is another danger in the notion of creative citydevelopment. It coincides with the global experience that the social condition is not as makeableas we thought it was in the 20th Century. The notion is now widely accepted that the market willbring individual creativity to favourable opportunities in a pragmatic and competitive way. Theshift is from a community-oriented and economy-stabilizing policy to an individualistic andstimulating policy. The individual is primarily seen as a consumer of culture and producer of 'his'creativity. In this adaptation, the concept of Creative City development easily becomes anideological tool of neo-liberal and market oriented city planning.

This is happening in Rotterdam. This working city with a long social-democratic tradition, wherestreet corner workers worked in educational, social and cultural programmes for the purpose ofupward mobility of the lower classes, is now witnessing a retreating government. An authorityhiding behind notes, inquiries, mission statements, regulations, and an optimistic language inwhich the market is praised with a creative aureole.

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The true art of creative city development is not to please or to exploit individuality, but to bring thecharacter of the place to the world and the world back to the place. 'Find a niche in the world',says Landry. Be special and authentic, to make a difference in the world. This localness can berecognized in the individual, but can never be carried by him or her alone. There is always acollective. Whether it is a firm, an institution, a religion, a club or a family, it has to have a traditionthat lasts longer than the life span of the individual.

A good example of this kind of creative development is given by the Italians in the way that theyindustrialized, but never forgot their crafts. Take the region of Treviso, native land of brands likeTecnica, Benetton and Lotto. The production is outsourced, often to China, but the design stillborn out of craft is kept at home. In the Italian way, this means with mama; located in family drivenfirms.

The small town Solingen in Germany is another classic example of how a community of 160.000people is world famous for exporting hand-made knives to an amount of 2.1 billion euro. Knivesare made everywhere in the world, but Solingen, being the name of a town and of a registeredbrand, just makes special knives and they're not cheap.

The point in these examples is that making a town, with all the attractive cultural, or evenhedonistic amenities does not make a community and therefore does not lead to local character.Social cohesion, collectiveness, is conditional for such a place. In itself an urban lifestyle doesnot lead to social cohesion. Professions, the kind of work people do, have always groupedpeople together in a tradition of making a living. That will remain the base for communities andgive them reason to organize themselves in urban environments. Those communities are thesoil in which creativity can be sewn. The openness and tolerance of a creative city is just themeans to fertilize it.

It would be unfair to state that Rotterdam denies the third T in Florida's triple: Tolerance. The cityis not neglecting the issue of social integration. Great effort has been taken to address and calmdown the cultural differences between Islam in particular and our native culture. Unable to seethat tolerance and indifference is not the same thing, it took us a while to understand the severityof the social clashes in the poor parts of the town. Still it is fair to say that the minorities whichmake up about half of the population are insufficiently represented in the development of acreative city. The efforts remain restricted to welfare and top down advocacy. Housingprogrammes are still aimed at injecting middle class people or even high income into poordistricts in order 'to obtain a social balance and to force people to move into better housing' asthey claim. But it has never worked out this way. The misconception here is that you can createsocial cohesion by simply building a new town, while it is always the other way round. A true cityemerges from social cohesion and the communities that come forth, and strive with each otherfor territory in the scarcity of space.

Here we end up with a third weakness in the teachings of Florida and Landry. By swopping theconcepts 'city' and 'community' it masks the fact that the planning strategy of creative citydevelopment can easily become part of the struggle between classes in town. Rotterdam clearlyshows this phenomenon. It suggests that in the creative idea of development, you can make acity as a spatial organization that is best for all. Here is the swop; by being the best organizationfor all, it creates community and consensus. But instead of an ideal home for the community, thecity is the arena for communities to compete. In the emphasis on the organizational aspect werecognize the language of management consultancy. But a city is not an organization, nor abusiness. How is this typical approach, based on organizational psychology, being applied to thecity?

On top of the false analogy that you can treat a city as an organization, is also the idea that youcan change the way a dynamic entity such as a city operates by changing the mindset of itsleaders and governors. These blocks for a creative city development programme are seen as

CONFLICTING INTERESTS

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blocks in thinking or mentality. Blocks can be removed by changing the mindset. Rules,bureaucratic restrictions, binds between disciplines, lack of knowledge, ignorance, are all justdust. It can be swept away by a different kind of thinking; by creativity itself! Here we see oncemore the baron of Munchhausen helping himself. Creativity to emerge needs creativity.

Not much is being said about power structures; vested interests that freeze a status quo. Neverthe remark that you often need power too, stubborn stiff-necked or compromising, instead of anopen mind and good reasoning to break that power base.

In 2004-2005 our office was among the ones commissioned by Shell headquarters in The Hagueto help them change there attitude to working and learning. We built a Learning Centre with adormitory, restaurants, informal meeting spots and shops. One can make an appointment with ahairdresser and meet a colleague in one of the many coffee corners, all within the heart of themain office in The Hague. Shell did so to break open the nine to five work mentality and change itto an almost 24 hour's economy. The boundaries between working, learning, leisure, meetingpeople were to disappear. The objectives of Shell were to a high degree similar to the concept ofa creative city.Amental change to bring out the creativity every employee hides, facilitated by anenvironment of incentives and hospitality. We actually tried to do the reverse from what Landryadvocated in his example of the Dutch town of Tilburg. There the city authorities organizedthemselves as a private firm; we tried to transform a firm into a city. In carrying out thisassignment we experienced that the concepts of 'city' and 'organization' are notinterchangeable. Both must house communities, both are supported by communities. But asmetaphors of each other, they point to certain aspects they have in common. The comparisonmight help you to see things differently, as long as you understand that they're not the same. Anorganization might also be looked upon as a power play between competing fractions, but thedifference with the city is that formally it has a common goal. Every member of an organization isalways subordinate to that common goal. A city on the contrary, is essentially a public, thereforeneutral, place. It is a meeting place between citizens, people with equal rights and a particulargoal of their own.

In this respect Landry makes a questionable suggestion to change the old industrial metaphor ofthe city as a machine into the metaphor of a biological organism. It explains his unbalanced, one-sided focus on the mindset of city planners and urban governance.

The image of an 'organism' means that the organs do not exist in their own right. The right handdoes not compete with the left. They wash each other for the benefit of the whole body. In anorganism there is always a ruling centre, which steers and manages the processes in theorganism. Thinking in cooperation with the nerve system forms an example of such a centre.

A city is something different, quite the opposite actually. At least in countries where there is ademocracy, whether in the over developed West or in Indonesia, the city must be conceived as adynamic structure where no individual, group or government has absolute steering power overthe whole entity that we recognize as a city.Apart from separate aspects such as public services,and despite the wishes of some of its inhabitants, this dynamic whole receives no steering fromone centre or another. Its city council is a public space where interest groups compete with eachother along democratic lines. There certainly is a dynamic equilibrium in this structure that sooften looks chaotic. It is constantly shifting, as a result of different drives, strives from differentcompeting groups. The city has to be seen as a sifting brew of often overlapping territories,pacified areas where different groups rule with power following the exclusion of others.

Rather than as 'organism', it may be better to regard the city as being 'organic'. The organic ofDarwin's garden, where new forms, designs and inventions emerge, compete, win or loose.Here the creative find niches to exist, conquering ground in order to be different.

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CONCLUSIONS

In a criticism of Rotterdam's practice of city planning we have examined some main conceptsfrom the teachings of Florida and Landry. Aside from the tremendous inspiration these writersgive with their conviction that creative initiatives can open unforeseen opportunities, someconcepts make their thinking too defenceless against abuse and utterly anti- social cityplanning. We have challenged the picture of the city as an organism with the balance ofconflicting communities. We have argued that the focus on the individual and his mindsetsuggests that decision making in urban planning can be enhanced, while in fact this actuallymasks a neo-liberal policy that believes in competition between individuals and in fact retreatsfrom its main task: providing the conditions for strong community building.

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CULTURAL-BASED ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES ANDTRANSFORMATION OF TEBET, SOUTH JAKARTA

Wita SIMATUPANGArchitect/Planner - PT Cipta TrimatraLecturer - Graduate Program of Urban and Real Estate Development,Tarumanagara University - INDONESIA

Economic activities based on cultural assets can contributesignificantly to local economy, community life, and creation of places.Tebet is a kecamatan located in city of South Jakarta.Administratively, itis divided into Kelurahan Tebet Barat, Tebet Timur, Kebon Baru, BukitDuri, Manggarai, Manggarai Selatan, and Menteng Dalam. However,the research is focused only in 2(two) kelurahan: Tebet Barat and TebetTimur, which are specifically designed in the early 1960-ies. It wasprepared to resettle inhabitants of Senayan, whose house and landwere demolished to construct the Senayan Sport Complex.

Tebet was designed as a living area with modern design principles:mixed dwelling units in carefully arranged compound, local facilities inwalking distance, abundant open spaces, intimate human scale, and

[email protected]

ABSTRACT

Activities of creative economy can contribute significantly to localeconomy, community life, and creation of places. Developed in 1950-ies,Tebet was designed as a living neighbourhood with classic design principles:mixed dwelling units in carefully arranged compound, local facilities in walkingdistance, abundant open spaces, intimate human scale, and goodaccessibility. Tebet is obviously a loveable home.

Recently, Tebet has housed an emergence of new economy. Fuelledby its own qualities that attract people to mingle, new functions appear: distro,café, production house, music studio. It has transformed from a quite area intoa bustling zone. People now can see music corner sponsored by internationalcompany, performances by national artists, branded restaurants; all inevitablyleads to an economic blow. More than 30% of its functions now are creative-based commercials or their affiliates many took place only in the last twoyears. They have occupied commercial areas and dwelling units, eaten up itspublic spaces, plus highly used its facilities.

Citing Santoso on his thesis of Perma-City (2007), we can observe atleast four different people fighting for urban spaces. First is people inkampong; who live and earn his living from within his neighbourhod. Second iscitizen; who actually lives, works, use facilities, and makes contribution to hisurban environment. Third is commuter; who only works, yet lives elsewhere.Last type is those who highly use facilities, yet neither lives nor makescontribution. Imbalance provision of urban spaces to one of them wouldthreaten the quality of urban life and the places it creates.

The paper will observe transformation of Tebet with this approach.Which type these talented creative people will become and to what extent theywill transform the place? Furthermore, the paper will see how this approachcan inform urban planners of similar trend taking place elsewhere.

creative economy, TebetKeywords:

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good accessibility. It is obviously a loveable home. Referring to the classic classification ofneighborhood unit (Perry, 1929), I would rather see Tebet as an urban neighborhood community.It is a unit part of Jakarta with its carefully planned accessibility to urban transport system; yet asa distinct entity in itself with its carefully planned facilities and mix housing units.

Tebet has clear physical boundaries on all of its four sides: city-artery road at Southern edge,city-collector roads at Northern and Western edge, and rail track at Eastern edge. In the middle,a small river runs from North-South and its banks are allocated for urban forest. It is currentlyused as plant nursery and common facilities, such as solid waste collection points, localgovernment offices, etc. The greeneries also physically mark the division of Tebet Barat andTebet Timur. The area has clear internal street system, which consists of:

Its primary streets, which are jalan Tebet Raya, Tebet Barat Dalam, and Tebet Timur DalamIts secondary streets, such as jalan Tebet Barat, Tebet Timur, and Tebet UtaraIts tertiary streetsThis hierarchy street system is apparent from its dimensions and infrastructure, as well ascollides with the building plots on each. As essential feature of urban neighborhood, Tebethas some facilities which are strictly local and specific to a well-arranged residentialcommunity, such as:School; several elementary and secondary schools are distributed in this area to ensurethat such facilities are within walking distance from the housesParks and playgrounds; different size of parks are provided in hierarchy accordingly to thehousing plots and community groups they serveLocal shops; few commercial stripes are located in its internal primary and secondarystreet, so it is accessible but not next to houses, adequate for the population to be served

Even from it is early establishment, Tebet has seen commercial activities in its daily life. Yetrecently, it has housed an emergence of “new” kind of economic activities; more functionsappear: distro, café, production house, music studio. Spatial quality inevitably can encouragespecific economic activities; therefore it is not without reasons that Tebet is particularlyinteresting for small enterprises to settle and further fuelled to flourish by recent economicchanges.

First and might be most significant quality which makes Tebet interesting is its goodaccessibility. It is located in inner city area and easily accessible from inner-city toll road, arterialroad, and collector roads. The artery road Jl. Gatot Subroto easily links Tebet with Jakarta'sbusiness district such as Sudirman Central Business District, Kuningan, and Sudirman area; thecollector roads directly link and serve as alternative roads to Jakarta's other business andprominent areas. Second quality is its availability of “affordable” properties. Designed asresidential community, on its primary roads there are some buildings designated as commercialfacilities. These buildings have considerably lower rent price than its competitors located in thebusiness areas, yet still have fairly good accessibility. Creative people and projects needbuildings at affordable prices especially for younger (or small) business or social entrepreneurs(Landry, 2000). Cheap spaces that can be innovatively adapted to reduce financial risk andencourage experiment are highly demanded. These buildings are often rent out and used forother functions, which sometimes are not facilities nor do not directly serve local population. Thistrend has long been ignored; the last economic crisis has only strengthened it.

Friendly environment, availability of public spaces and facilities are other qualities. Streets andpedestrians are proportioned to its probable traffic load, and designed to facilitate internalcirculation; yet to discourage its use by through traffic. This makes point-to-point walking ispossible and quite convenient in Tebet. Public space as neutral territory helps creative ideas,because they are areas where people feel comfortably relaxed, stimulated, and challenged bycontact with an environment that is more socially heterogeneous than normally experienced(Landry, 2000). Here it takes places in an intimately comfortable space not too big, not too small.A large city-wide urban plaza might be intimidating for five people trying to discuss about theirmusic club, a small cake corner might does it better. Public space also facilitates interactionbecause it allows people to go beyond their own circle of family, to interact with larger circle ofneighbors, friends, and to create other social relations (Landry, 2000); yet here it is all happening

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within own neighborhood. To be able to live, work, and socially interacts with wider social groupswithin an area of a neighborhood is very conveniently manageable. This ability is intrinsically avaluable feature in Jakarta, where travel time consumes so much time of people's daily life. Thequantity, quality, variety, and accessibility of a combination of cultural facilities and activities arecrucial for encouraging creative processes in city, since it attracts skilled and talentedindividuals.

I believe that these are certain critical features that help to stimulate culturally based economicactivities and to foster creativity processes for its people. However, although this issue is highlyinteresting to be researched, that premise is not the centre or at least the only point to discuss -of my paper this time. I would rather highlight how cultural-based economic activities have nowtransformed urban place in Tebet. I find it quite difficult to have an explicit and clear definition ofterminologies, such as creative economy or cultural industry, as definition characterizes otherprimary sectors. Therefore here, I would like to use my quite implicit understanding on cultural-based economic activities and focus my research on it.

Cultural-based economic activities have widely become a fast growing economic sector. Withthe decline of existing resources and manufacturing industry, culture is seen as renewableresources. As long as it is stimulated and its development is facilitated, it will almostautomatically flourish out of the brain of new-talented-young generations of urban inhabitants.Cultural resources were embodied in people's skills and talents; as they were not only things likebuildings, but also symbols, activities, and repertoire of local products in craft, manufacturing,and services (Landry, 2000) I understand that cultural-based economic activities exploit theseresources into consumption. Only when it reaches certain magnitude and coverage then it isincluded as industry. It also helps to foster development of social capital and the organizationalcapacity to respond to change, strengthen social cohesion, increase personal confidence andimprove life skills, improve mental and physical well being, strengthen people ability to act asdemocratic citizens and develop new training and employment status (Landry, 2000). As fromthis understanding, I would highlight two critical aspects of cultural-based economic activities:resources and (social) impacts.

In order to better understand the trend in Tebet at the moment, a simple reconnaissance surveyof non-residential functions was conducted in the area. The survey is divided into 2(two) areas:

primary and secondary roads, as well as other roads which show non-residential function(Jl. Tebet Raya, Tebet Barat, Tebet Timur, Tebet Timur Dalam, Tebet Barat Dalam, TebetBarat 1, Tebet Barat 4, Tebet Barat 9, Tebet Barat Dalam 2, Tebet Timur Dalam 2, TebetUtara)tertiary roads and inner housing plots

The survey has identified 358 non-residential establishments of different functions. Please notethat some establishments are either grouped together or ignored during identification, because itis simply too small or non permanent; which means that the real number of establishments ismuch higher. Spatial distribution of these establishments can be observed in Image 1.Furthermore, I would also examine to which extent these economic activities impact the socialrelationship, whether they foster social interaction and strengthen social cohesion which is asthis point, it is even more difficult and intangible to measure.

To understand whether these economic activities are eventually related to any cultural-basedresources, the survey tries to examine some characters, which are:

Goods and services offered; to know whether it produces something out of people's skill andtalent. It is necessary to highlight that one particular function does not necessarily offer onetype of goods or services.Locality of product; to know whether the products use any resources locally exist, owned, orrecognized.Scale of service; to know whether their customer or their marketing extends beyond theneighborhoodPeople involved; to know who are involved as customer, workers, and ownersSpaces or facilities used; to know which spatial assets that they use or consume

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Most of the establishments are Commercial (73.74%) and small number of Office (20.67%).There are some other kinds of establishments, for example facilities (kindergarten school),education (vocational school), and many health functions (specialist medical centre, clinic, etc.).Please refer to Table 1.

The findings show that most offers Food and Beverage (33.24%), followed by Talent and Skill(22.91%), Health and Beauty (14.53%) and Information-Media-Computer (10.61%). Pleaserefer to Table 2.

However, let us not be mesmerized by the numbers. As it is difficult to recognize culturalresources, it is also similarly difficult to generalize it from this simple classification. Few points Iwould like to highlight:

Some Food-and-Beverage-types are long-established restaurant or small food stall, butnearly half are new establishment: around Tebet Utara only, noted 30 new establishments.They are new style café', coffee shops, and restaurants; often with outdoor seating areas,live music, and wifi. They are located adjacent to fashion-types, which are mostly newlyestablished distro (about 19 out of total 29 establishments). Although this style ofestablishment mingles around considerably small part of Tebet, they start to disperse toother parts.Health and Beauty establishments can be differentiated into 2(two) types, one is pharmacyand one is for hair and body treatment. I would like to emphasize to the latter. AlthoughTebet has long been famous for its good hairdresser, many has emerged only recently andspecifically targets similar market segment with its-closely-located café' and distro.High number of Talent and Skill type establishment owes to many offices and banks.However, the survey only finds few establishments related to artistic skill such as productionhouse or to special interest community such as theatre club. Surprisingly low number is alsoshown in information-media-computer related establishment.

Distribution of these different commercial functions are not even, but recognizable. For example,before commercial functions are located along the main roads of Tebet Raya and surrounding itstwo local markets (Pasar Tebet Barat and Pasar Tebet Timur). However, most of the newgeneration Food-and-Beverage, Fashion, and Health-and-Beauty establishment now areclustered in one small segment in Tebet Timur (or around Jl, Tebet Utara, which was before asmall access point to Tebet from Jl. Mas Mansyur one of the city's collector road). Since itsemergence about 2(two) years ago, many other café open in another part of Tebet; yet this smallzone remains the most visited and well known zone for café and distro.

Coverage scale of the establishments has also gradually shifted. Although most are local brandor only found in Tebet, yet more franchise establishment come. People now can see musiccorner sponsored by international company and performances by national artists. Cultural

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No Functions Number %

1 Commercial 264 73.74%

2 Office 74 20.67%

3Other (incl facilities, education, religious,health) 20 5.59%

total establishments 358

No Goods and Services Offered Number %

1 Food and Beverage (FB) 108 30.17%

2 Health and Beauty 52 14.53%

3 Fashion 29 8.10%

4 Information, Media, and Computer 38 10.61%

5 Talent and Skill 82 22.91%

6 House and Living (HL) 23 6.42%

7 Facilities 8 2.23%

8 Other 18 5.03%

total 358

Table 1. Type of Functions

Table 2. Type of Goods and Services Offered

events have also been held in Tebet; such as the Jakarta International Video Festival in 2007,which some of its activities are held in one of the distro and Ruang Rupa in Tebet (details ofevents can be found in www.ruangrupa.org), picture exhibition at Ruru Gallery (details of eventscan be found in http://upcoming.yahoo.com/event/733499) All inevitably leads to an economicblow.

Most of the houses in the inner housing plots are kept intact from commercial functions.However, many of them are now rent out and used as offices, especially a kind of offices that donot need direct contact with clients. Some others remain as housing, yet not as single-familyhousing but as rental housing. Since Tebet is closely located to business areas and itself hascatered as one, rooms of these houses are rented out to employees. However, it is difficult toclearly ensure which houses are turned into offices without doing a thorough census or interview,since most of them work rather in low profile manner (if not in secret after all) and do not put theirname board. During the survey, we identified these houses from the number of vehicles parkedin front, existence some security guards and office boys in front, or character of openness.So, are these economic activities in Tebet eventually related to any cultural-based resourcesafter all? Looking at the long established functions which exploit and root into more culture, localrepertoire, and local skills, such as local food (as we can see some food are only to be found inthis area as well as its cook), local artistry (as we can see florist and its nursery or hairdresser);and existence of communities; it is arguable that it might have started as cultural-basedeconomic activities. Only then, fuelled by social changes (when material resources are gettingscarce and social resources gained more importance and acknowledgement) as well aseconomic changes (when price increase and economic structuring occurred); these economicactivities have grown with extensive pace. Yet, whether they still cultural-based is even muchmore arguable.

This economic trend has encouraged physical-spatial transformation in Tebet in recent years.One of the most apparent impacts is the transformation of functions. Looking at buildings andspaces consumed as indicated in Image 1, and the inner housing plots turned into offices, morethan 30% now are non-residential functions. At whole, most of them are still closely related withlocal repertoire, but most recent establishments - although exploits art, fashion, food or such areless related. More and more buildings, including houses along its primary and secondary roadstransformed into commercial functions, mostly for young generation and middle-high incomegroups consumption; then property was increasingly under control of commercial. At thebeginning the process starts when the front yard is turned into small shop or food stalls, but thenthe whole house is rented out and the function totally changes.

Another impact of the economic bloom is that land and property value increase significantly. Toillustrate this, a commercial shop house on Tebet primary road can have a 30% increase of rentprice annually.Anew and modern building can even reach 60% increase of rent price comparingto similar old building. Cultural-based economic activities need affordable places and are morevulnerable to price shock; so as rent price increase, it is difficult for them to retain and survive. Formany, the options would be either to move to another cheaper area or to rent out the houses inthe inner housing plots which are considerably cheaper than those on the main roads. As thesecond option is not possible for many commercial functions which need direct showcase totheir prospective customers, many have to go for the first option. The second option is morefavorable by office or community functions which do not need direct contact with their clients.This process had an indirect impact to reduction of inner city housing stocks, which lead to adecreasing population in the inner city. Moreover, when business starts to penetrate to housingstocks, it will gradually increase house rent price (although not as much as commercial buildingrent price), making it much valuable to rent a house rather than to live in it, especially for ownersof small housing plots.At some point, cultural-based economic activities suffer even more.

This early post independence urban development phase has seen development of high qualitytropical settlements, provision of modern urban facilities including commercial andentertainment facilities (Santoso, 2007). In the context of creative economy, urban facilities andspaces are critical showcases for ideas (embryo of resources) and interaction (impact);especially when such facilities and spaces remain as public domain. This concept is particularly

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threatened by recent trends towards the privatization of public space. As economic flourishesand property value increases uncontrolled, business becomes more and more feasible only tobig enterprises or entrepreneurs. While, it needs those targeting for middle-low income groupsas much as those targeting middle-high income groups. The small and medium businessesoften apparent as informal economy consume the only space left: public space. In Tebet, it isobvious to see a CD vendor taking over one whole segment of pedestrian path, a meat ballvendor with its cart blocking a small street, an office extending its parking plot, or a parkingattendant telling you to pull over and park on main street. When this condition continues, it willlead to decline of quality of public facilities and spaces. Pedestrian path, which are designed tosustain load of people gets broken when it is continuously used for vehicle parking. Internalstreet system are damaged and broken because it has to sustain traffic load much beyond itsdesigned capacity. Café, coffee shop, distro have different kind of activities with othercommercial functions since it tends to last long hours and crowded.

In Jakarta, and most often in Indonesia, it is the inhabitants who carefully and highly take goodcare of their neighborhood. Yet, houses are not much available, economic spaces areexpensive, facilities and public spaces are declining; there is not much reason to stay forinhabitants. Less inhabitants mean less maintenance, and for one neighborhood it meansfurther decline.

We cannot ignore that the impact of latest trend of these economic activities is not limited tophysical-spatial transformation, but also to socio - spatial transformation. We can observe atleast four different people groups fighting for urban spaces. First is people in kampong; who liveand earn his living from within his neighborhood. Second is citizen; who actually lives, works, usefacilities, and makes contribution to his urban environment. Third is commuter; who only works,yet lives elsewhere. Last type is those who highly use facilities, yet neither lives nor makescontribution. One of the main objectives of cultural based economic activity is to flourishinformation exchanges between people, beyond their family circle towards wider socialrelationships, yet imbalance provision of urban facilities and spaces to one of the groups or tolocal-visitors would threaten the quality of urban life and the places it creates.

Most of economic activities in Tebet now have wider scale of coverage than just Tebet alone. Ihave not yet conducted a quantitative survey on this point, yet the symptoms are there toobserve. People who are actually citizen in Tebet will not need all restaurants, groceries, salons,boutiques, etc the amount is simply too many comparing to the population. Local population willbe less likely to use vehicles since facilities and functions in Tebet are well distributed and withinwalking distance. So it is surprising to see severe traffic jam during peak hours or to see a parkingattendant in front of one's house. This point still needs more quantitative and sensitive researchto prove.

The imbalance provision later might create friction over responsibility of maintenance onfacilities between local inhabitants and visitors. It is expected that public authority is in charge tomaintain facilities, but the issue is who will be in charge when facilities are used beyond itsdesignated capacity and damaged. The flourishing activities have also increased tension ofsegregation between local inhabitants and visitors. Many tertiary roads leading to primary roadsare blocked by iron gate; mostly it aims to prevent through traffic to enter internal housing areasbut also to prevent economic activities (including street vendors and car parking) to penetratefurther to inner housing plots. However, in some parts this space in front of the iron gate evencreates more parking spaces for adjacent shops. Tebet is designed and has long remained asan-open-street-system area. However, this situation creates many “clustered housing plots” or“small gated communities” inside Tebet; and iron-gate no matter its objectives are creates alsofeeling of insecurity and segregation. Thus, it has at least the same negative impacts onsustainability as the spatial-environmental damage.

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CLOSURE

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Tebet might have seen cultural-based economic activities flourished before and paced recently.This trend even has been observed and used by large or global economic players, which haveinfiltrated into Tebet's urban fabrics either by opening its branch or packaging 'culture' intoevents. Culturally based-economic activities essentially exploit its local assets and people skillsince culture is one product of civilization. Therefore, the danger is when these cultural-basedeconomic activities ignore and dis-attach itself from its local cultural assets, ignore its localityand other cultural resources, damage social cohesion between inhabitants-visitors or amongstinhabitants, then they might as well become only a “polished product” and the place it creates willbecome simply like its market. The question might be then “how much is too many?”

Tebet might see a creative cluster self emerges in near future. However, such cluster should beguided by specific planning policy, which carefully understands the resources it uses for itsprocesses as well as the transformation it might and have created. Economic bloom actuallyprovides opportunity to make creative ideas. It would be necessary, however, to discusschanges and development 'financed' by this bloom with people involved and affected.

Hall, Peter and Pfeiffer, Ulrich, (2000), Urban Future 21: A Global Agenda for Twenty FirstCentury Cities, E&FN Spon, London, Chapter II. Trends and Outcomes: The UrbanWorld of 2025

Landry, Charles, (2000), the Creative City: A Tookit for Urban Innovator, Earthscan PublicationLtd, Bournes Green

Rosemann, Jurgen (ed.), (2007), Permacity,TU Delft, BarcelonaSantoso, Jo, (2006), [Menyiasati] Kota Tanpa Warga, Kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, Jakarta

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TRANSFORMATION VS LIVING HERITAGE:VALUE SPACE REGENERATION FOR GEORGETOWN CITY

Robert Sitorus

Sibarani Sofian

Chris YOSHII

ABSTRACT

Director U+D StudioINDONESIA

SeniorAssociate, Team Leader - EDAW SingaporeSINGAPORE

Principal - EDAW Economics

-

[email protected]

[email protected]

[email protected]

The dynamic history of George Town in Penang Island formerlycreated by different cultures and people makes a unique identity for thistown. From the 17th century, British, Jewish, Chinese, and Malay people aslocal ethnic from Penang Island have contributed and merged their owncultures, resulting in the multi-cultural society of Penang Island. Thisphenomenon shows how Penangites acceptance and the ability in adoptingnew values and cultures from foreign people.

However, once a economic and cultural center of Southeast Asia,Penang is facing competition in various sectors, especially electronics andindustry, due to lost competitiveness in global stage, exodus of talents, scarcityof land and higher economic cost. George Town, in particular, being thecultural and heritage heart of the island, is facing even greater challenge as thecore of the city is hollowing out and now in state of severe social,environmental and economic decline. The core area has becomeunderutilized despite it's wealth of beautiful heritage buildings. This is alarminggiven the fact that George Town, along with Malacca, is being considered forUNESCO World Heritage Site status this year. Contributing to the urban decayis the overall loss of economic life in the core area as unique stalls, restaurantsand small business owners are diminishing.

There is a great hope that George Town can be transformed and re-gain it's role as cultural and creative hub of Asia. The city has already been thebase of technological industry (Intel, Dell, Microsoft). The city's diversity ofculture, ample source of talents, strong identity and organizational cultureprovide ideal setting and necessary elements to attract creative class andentrepreneurs to come and set up business and industry. The city needs toorganize itself and provide the right policy and implement strategic change.In this paper, we wish to share the case study of transforming and revitalizingGeorge Town by repositioning it self as creative center while recognizingculture as its greatest asset and ensuring that new developments do notcompromise old values. The effort is initiated by Khazanah National, agovernment linked corporation which invited EDAW as lead consultant inEconomic, Planning and Environment discipline, Scott Wilson as TrafficEngineer, Badan Warisan as heritage advisor of the city. Lawrence Loharchitect and Charles Landry are two leading experts being the advisors of theprojects.

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This paper primarily focus on socio-economic and cultural aspect, market trends in Penang,UNESCO world heritage status impact, assets-obstacles and Northern Corridor Economic Region(NCER) context. The approaches for the project is more empirical and based on data gathering, interviewwith key prominent person or institution and finally involve analysis of historical research to examining thepast to find solutions for the present.

This paper presented George Town Transformation as an ongoing process and not a final result.Due to the length of the project, lack of information and on ground research, a lot of assumptions weretaken and still many outstanding issues to be explored further.

heritage, transformation, identity, creative cultural industryKeywords:

BACKGROUND INTRODUCTION

PenangAnd George Town Introduction

George Town Transformation Project Introduction

Once a cultural center of Southeast Asia, Penang is seeking new economic growth options as itfaces competition from across the region. Most acutely impacted by a quarter-century ofregional competition is George Town, whose core area is now in state of severe social,environmental and economic decline. The core area has become so underutilized that manybuildings have been turned into breeding grounds for birds. George Town is a case study for aSoutheastAsian center with a wealth of cultural identity but one that has been drained of people,vibrancy, and economic activity.

Over the past 25 years, Penang has had impressive economic growth, but its competitiveness inthe Electronics & Electrical products (E&E) Industry is slipping due to a lack of skilled workers tohelp move it up the value chain, and due to low-cost competition from China, Vietnam, India andother countries in the region.As a result, manufacturing employment has been decreasing sincethe mid 1990s.

As Penang experienced 25 years of growth, George Town experienced nearly 40 years ofdecline. Starting with the loss of free port status, countless attempts were made to revitalizeGeorge Town, but many failed due to their short-term outlook and piece-meal approach.After therepeal of the Control of Rent Act in 2000, much of George Town has been abandoned with manybuildings converted to swiftlet breeding grounds (the bird's nest is used for medicine) whichresult in heritage loss with the release of protected properties on the market, accompanied byindiscriminate renovations to the historic shophouses, out-migration of tenants and businesses,and loss of traditional trades. Suburbanization had already begun to take effect before the repealof the act, and new residential growth areas, such as around Bayan Lepas and Jelutong, offered“modern” lifestyles replete with AC indoor shopping malls, large parking lots, and skyscrapingresidential buildings.

Today, inner George Town is in a severe state of social, economic, and environmental decline,with a host of associated problems, such as poor pedestrian safety, high urban temperatures,and unsanitary drainage. Contributing to the urban decay is the overall loss of economic life inthe core area. The viability of the small individually-run businesses (food stalls, retail shops,craftsmen's, small trader) is diminishing, as domestic markets open up to global competition,allowing the importation of cheaper goods.

Khazanah National, a semi government investment company of Malaysia, initiated the studywith the objective to alleviate the obstacles that George Town is facing by introducing'transformation' project to the city. The consultant team was lead by EDAW, a multi-disciplinaryinternational company that will examine aspects of planning, economic and environmental. Theteam is comprised of traffic engineer, heritage specialist, branding and creative industry expert.Khazanah's vision is to revitalize the town while recognizing culture as its greatest asset andensuring that new development do not compromise old values. It is hoped that thetransformation program will promote value space regeneration of the city, creating George Townas one of the best livable city in Asia, which will attract skilled new comers and it's migratedPenangites back to the city and tourist to come and enjoy the heritage architecture and culturalwealth of the city.

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GEORGE TOWNASSETSAND OBSTACLES

In assessing current issues George Town facing, the team identified obstacles and assets of thecity.

A survey of negative trends earlier in this paper identifies some of the social, economic, andphysical problems and threats currently facing George Town and Penang and puts them inhistorical perspective. Analysis of positive trends and growth potential is equally important forrepositioning George Town.

George Town as a Multi Cultural City -As a multi cultural city, George Tow has embodied by manyethnics such as : Malay as native people, Chinese, Indian, British, Armenian and Jewish.Although Chinese and Malay are the major ethnic on Penang, the social issues have neverbeen arise on George Town. The acceptance of different cultures and new values drive theirmindset to be more opened and became a asset to attract foreigner to get here. Their tolerancegives opportunity to create George Town as international city and potentially attract foreignerform world wide. This effect can multiply on tourism and heritage sector since globalization hastouches every aspect in our life.

Tourism - Penang is one of Malaysia's top tourism destinations attracting approximately 3 millionvisitors per year. More than half of international visitors are from Singapore who makes the shortflight north for beaches, food and to soak up the local culture. Malaysians, mostly from theNorthern Region, come to Penang to experience its beaches and shopping, partially because ithas the l a rges t i ndoo r shopp ing ma l l i n a l l o f No r t he rn Ma lays i a .Heritage - George Town's built and living heritage is a primary asset, not only to Penang, but alsoto Malaysia. The diversity of the communities, not only in George Town, but also those living inthe state, is a living bridge to Malaysia's history that no text-book could ever truly do justice. Theinfluences of ethnic Indians, Chinese, and Malays, mixed with distinctive religious and culturaltraditions from Buddhism, Sikhism, Islam, Hinduism and Christianity, among others, produce arich palette that entertains the senses and moves the spirit. George Town, visibly a former Britishport-city because of its fort, Padang (military parade ground), and still-intact civic buildings,possesses a wealth of unique shophouse architecture dating from the early days of thesettlement. The heritage experience and the closely related culinary experience rank as the toptwo reasons why tourists come to Penang.

Leisure - The completion of the new cruise terminal at Port Sweetenham (2008/2009), theconstruction of new hotels in Battu Ferringghi, and the eventual addition of a new airport terminalare indicative of Penang's place as Malaysia's second most popular tourism destination, afterKuala Lumpur.Although the beaches need to be routinely cleaned and maintained, they are oneof Penang's major assets, especially popular with highspending visitors from the Middle East.Furthermore, Penang Hill and its extensive trails offer respite from the hot and busy downtownareas.

Creative Arts & Media - The establishment of several arts & design schools, the sprouting of artgalleries in the core area, and the presence of initiatives such as theABNAMROMalihomArtist inResidence Program, indicate the emergence of a creative arts scene in Penang, concentrated inGeorge Town. Several schools offering instruction in digital media and arts, such as EquatorAcademy of Art, have located their campuses in the core area and attract students from Penangand across the Northern Region. The presence of these schools, and the students they attract,has induced the opening of new businesses in the vicinity of their buildings, some even openedby former graduates. In tandem, art galleries have been opening up across the core area,featuring the work of local and international artists.

Professional Services - George Town has not lost its reputation as the financial capital of theNorthern Region, and financial institutions have clustered along Beach Street and Jalan HajiAhmad Shah. The presence of financial services in George Town is largely symbolic, as theyprimarily service business activity occurring in the manufacturing zone to the South and other

Assets

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activity on the Peninsula. However, the growing presence of universities focusing on relevantbusiness skills, such as Wawasan Open University, reveals the potential to match graduateswith opportunities within, and supporting, the financial sector.

Talented Human Capital - The Universiti Sains Malaysia is the Northern Region's premiereducation institution and one of the most respected research universities in all of Malaysia,known for its excellence in engineering and computer science, graduating approximately 6-7,000 students per year (total 28,000 undergraduates, 7,000 postgraduates and about 1,800lecturers). Some of these graduates find employment in Penang, but many leave Penang andare employed elsewhere in Malaysia and abroad. Reversing this 'brain drain' is crucial toretaining talent in Penang, since many spend 4-5 years studying there already. Improving theskills match between university curriculums and the private sector and providing more jobopportunities for graduates is key to retaining graduates.

Federal Government Initiates - In 2007, the Federal Government put forward the NorthernCorridor Economic Region initiative (NCER), which provides a road map for social andeconomic development to “accelerate economic growth and raise income levels” and overallquality of life in the North of Peninsular Malaysia. Many of the initiatives are focused on Penang'seconomic competitiveness and aim to improve competitiveness through diversification anddevelopment of niche markets, giving George Town the opportunity to reverse its decline.

Complex land ownership- A clear hurdle, and at the root of many problems, is land ownership.Most of the land in the core area is privately owned. Many private land-owners, such as someChinese clan associations, are expecting land values to continue to increase and are seeking tosell to developers while, in the meantime, the buildings on the prized property continue to rot.Absentee landlords are not uncommon, rendering enforcement difficult, but eminent domainlaws allow the government sufficient prerogative to repossess the land.Lack of Investor confidence - Attracting workers and residents back to the core area requires achange in mindset, or else many will continue to retain a poor image of the city. The identificationof the core area with pungent smells from the open drains, unsafe pedestrian crossings, andswiftlet houses is a difficult perception to reverse. Moreover, many Penang residents enjoy thecomforts of modern housing, with amenities such as swimming pools and gyms, many of whichcould not be provided in the core area, given the tight space restrictions.Gentrification of low income areas - Careful consideration must be given to the potentialdisplacement of low-income residents if improvements are made to George Town which raiseland values and subsequently rents, displacing those who can no longer afford to live in thecenter. Social inclusiveness of all socioeconomic groups is essential to George Town retainingthe rich diversity of cultures that make it a living representation of the historical events of theStraits of Malacca. The complexity of George Town's social, economic, and political fabric posespotential difficulties in trying to reverse negative trends and reposition George Town as anattractive place to work, live and play.

Obstacles

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Strengthening & Optimizing ExistingGrowth Areas

Promoting New Growth Areas

Manufacturing: focusing on the hightechnology segment of the valuechainLeisure & Tourism: medical tourism &MICE (Meetings, Incentives,Conferences & Exhibitions)Logistics: passenger & cargo forASEAN, South Asia, and North Asia.

Agribusiness: modern farming, supply chainmanagement.Biotechnology: medical devices & diagnostics.BPO (business process outsourcing), ITO(information technology outsourcing) & ICT(information & communications technology):leverage MSC status and the presence of largemultinational corporations and explore potentialfor satellite site for Indian BPO companies

Table 1 NCER six key focus areas

PROCESS AND METHODOLOGY

TOWARDS A CREATIVE HUB AND LIVABLE CITY

The approaches for the project is more empirical, which based on data gathering, siteobservation and interview with key prominent person or institution, as well as analysis ofhistorical research, environmental aspects, cultural assessment and economic study. It is hopedthat this multi-faceted approach will result in comprehensive 'plan' that is both powerful andinternational standards as well as sensitive to the heritage and locality of the place, despite thelimitation of strict timeframe of works and sensitivity to the Penang's strong opposition fromrelatively vocal NGO and community groups.

Cities live and die by attracting people and giving them reasons to stay. As people move backand forth from one city to another, planners and city administrators are pondering ways to keepeconomies growing while safeguarding the environment. The increasing mobility of people,goods, and services has not reduced the relevance of cities but has instead intensifiedcompetition between them to attract high-growth industries and high-value human capital. As aresult of rising interconnectivity, people have greater flexibility in choosing where they want towork, live, learn and play.

Many believed that not only the regular technology, IT, industrial and finance talents are required,creative and cultural industry players is becoming the important must-have ingredients inmaking a buzz and vibrancy in the economy of the city.

The paper argue George Town has what it takes to transformed itself to be a successful vibrantcity based on a combination of cultural and heritage asset, supporting policy and unfolding thecreative industry potential in addition to it's current strength.

Clustering of certain kinds of economic activity and their related specialized networks hasreinforced the importance of cities as central places of coordination and production. The

Livability

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Figure 1. Project's Methodology (EDAW), 2008

relatively high mobility of the factors of production, especially in the tertiary sector, has led tocities being chosen based on a new set of criteria that stresses livability. Mercer's Quality of LifeSurvey and Economist's Intelligence Units lists best cities to live in based on several criteriawhich include : safety, education, healthcare, culture and environment, infrastructure,recreation, political and economic stability etc.Jacobs and Appleyard (1987) define liveability as one of seven goals for future of a good urbanenvironment. Jacobs define some physical characteristics such as : livable streets andneighborhoods and integrated activities-living-working, shopping-in reasonable proximity toeach other. In addition, sustainability has become a foundation for livability and beingrecognized as criteria for most livable cities.

Creativity and culture activity can be viewed two ways : (1) from production/consumptionperspective and (2) creative knowledge perspective. Harvey believed that cultural products, aslong as it is transmitted by a technical medium in the form of commodities, they could be deem as'industry' (Harvey, 1989). Furthermore, any form of culture and art involving innovation andproduction is qualified as cultural industry (Wynne, 1992). According to Scott, any activity, aslong as it involved individual creativity, technology and talent, the regenerative process ofintellectual property, possessed a potential for social welfare and job creation, could be deemedas cultural industry (Scott, 1997). Pratt believes that cultural industry, even as it generatesbenefit, must unify technology, commercial support structure, capital and social networks (Pratt,1997).

However, Alexander and Seidman (1990) argue that the value of the commodity in the culturalcreative industry 'does not sell the substance itself, but the real value of the cultural products relyon it's local culture, historical memory, local mood, local milieu and aesthetic.

Relationship between livable urban environment and attracting talents has been discussed inthe past few years as so-called 'creative city' (Florida, 2002, Florida, 2005, Landry 1996). It is apowerful notion and all encompassing panacea for various urban illness such as economicstagnancy, urban shrinkage, social segregation, technological aging, global competitiveness,etc.

Capturing and producing talented workers who can positively contribute to the economybecomes paramount to assuring continued long-run growth. So, where do talented peopledesire to work, live, learn and play? What kinds of environments are most conducive togenerating high-value creative output? Florida (2005) conducted a survey to understand thelocation decisions of creative people and found that amenities and the environment are powerfulattractors.

Environmental quality has become so important not simply as an end in itself, but as aprerequisite for attracting talent. Leading corporations have established a new relationshipbetween the environment and economic competitiveness.

Environmental factors important for attracting talented workers at the firm level also apply at thecity or regional level. Seattle, headquarters of Microsoft Corporation, and Portland havedeveloped sustainable policies to improve the livability of their cities in an effort to increasequality of life, reduce negative environmental impacts, and attract talented workers and firms.

Carmona had compared some sustain issues to some designers approach and find 10principles to vision a cities as a livable cities. The 10 principles are : stewardship, resourceefficiency, diversity and choice, human needs, resilience, pollution reduction, concentration,distinctiveness, biotic support and self-sufficiency. As more detailed, Rogers mentions citiesmust be creative to response a global changes with minimize it's ecological impact (ecologicalcity) and equality of human rights in economic and social terms (just city).

The three pillars of sustainability, economic, socio-culture and environmental, capture thisholistic approach to new ways of living, learning, working and playing:

Creative and Cultural Industry

Livability + Creativity = Sustainable Creative City

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Social - Sustainability of human capital through educational & social cohesion opportunitiesEconomic - financial return and diversified economic activities to be sustainable over timeEnvironmental - Meeting the needs of the present without compromising the ability of futuregenerations to meet their needs.

Considering the assets and obstacles of George Town, site findings and series of interview,baseline analysis and strategic workshop, the team believes that George Town need to re-inventit self based by anchoring the transformation firmly in a value set based on the city's heritage andintrinsic character, maintaining the city's 'soul'. This will enable it to evolve and regain lostvibrancy and to the benefit of current and future stakeholders.

To enable meaningful decision-making to take place, it was therefore necessary to identify thecity's core socio-cultural values. Accordingly, a dip-stick audit was undertaken involvinginterviews with a range of current and potential stakeholders, followed by a workshop involvingall members of the GTTP team. The team proposed connecting the conservation and the urbantransformation by not only emphasizing on physical planning as driver, but focus onconservation as instrument of social inclusion to promote sustainable development at locallevels, enabling the communities to self-perpetuate and self-sustaining.

As a result, the team adopted the following four values to guide their endeavors to transform yetalso conserve George Town.

Inclusive Being inclusive means being home to many cultural communities. It means beingopen to ideas as well as people, fostering local talent, and welcoming new blood. It meanshaving an egalitarian mindset and caring about people.

Respectful - Being respectful is about valuing the centuries of diversity that have made thepeople of George Town who they are. It is about recognizing that the past is alive in the city'scommunities and environments. It is about authenticity, continuity and evolution. Authenticitymeans being sensitive to the local context so as to preserve (and develop) the city's fundamentalcharacter and integrity.

Vibrant - Being vibrant means being a city filled with life that continuously renews and reinventsitself to be constantly relevant to its stakeholders. It is about high energy that acts as a catalystfor ideas, inventions, and innovations sparked by genuine inter-culturalism.

Excellence-Driven - For Penang to play a part on the global stage it must benchmark itselfagainst the best in the world. Being excellence-driven is a call to develop world-classinfrastructure, and to preserve and conserve using best practices, taking account of the localcontext. Equally important, excellence is about adopting sustainability as a unifying principle andconsistently implementing management plans specifically designed to support sustainability.

Integrating Value-Based Assessments into Decision-Making - Having identified the core valuesthat must inform every aspect of the team's decision making, there are then four basic steps thatmust be taken in order to integrate value based assessments into the process of developing andmanaging George Town's socio cultural assets. They are (1) creating statements of significance(2) matching values to physical resources and site characteristics (3) analyzing threats andopportunities (4) making policies and taking actions.

"Penang Leads" was a motto that was predominantly used by earlier generations of Penangites.This found credence in the fact that the State excelled in many areas related to education,sports, science, arts and culture, architecture and business, plus having the nicest beaches andhills and the best food. It was the destination for trade via land and sea, as well the being a well-

TRANSFORMING GEORGE TOWN

Core Values

Penang LeadsAgain

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patronized holiday destination. What follows are five Transformation Drivers, which aim toregenerate George Town and promote sustainability throughout Penang. TransformationDrivers are key programs and initiatives that will be important to George Town's successfulregeneration, including economic, social and environmental benefits. Five TransformationDrivers were identified as follows :

The older downtowns of cities have experienced decline worldwide as “suburbanization” andunder investment has eroded the quality of life and vibrancy of the downtown. Intelligent citiesare now encouraging residents to move back into central urban areas with a wide range ofsupport programs such as fast track development approval process and financial incentives.The primary economic benefit from living in the city is the growth in spending by the householdsector. Urban households spend approximately RM2,000 per month on food, transportation,rent and other goods and services. This spending is vital to the economic health of the downtownarea. In addition, there are indirect benefits in that local residents are more likely to work andestablish new businesses in the local area thereby increasing the economy.

Penang has a long history as an education center for South East Asia. Education is a keyinfrastructure element for any modern and competitive economy. George Town is well suited tobecome an urban campus with multiple institutions offering a range of opportunities for culturalexploration, professional service excellence and skills improvement, Education directly impactslocal businesses making them more competitive and successful. This in turn drives investmentin unique places for people and companies.

Reputable campus/university and polytechnic can attracts international student to live in andlearning in George Town. After graduation, some will be able to stay and become youngentrepreneur in the city. Local government should continue this effort by endorsing culturaleconomic policy, which can have wide applications in the arts, media, crafts, fashion, recreation,architecture and townscape planning, historical preservation, tourism, dining andentertainment, local history etc. (Bianchini and Parkinson, 1993; See also Wynne, 1992). Thispolicy needs to be rooted in the local culture, engage a dialogue with the locale, and respect theunique character of the locale. For small scale cultural merchants and creators, creativitydetermines their future income and constitutes the source of their productivity and capacity forinnovation (Banks et al., 2000) Cultural economic policy will contribute to the impetus of newentrepreneurship by providing incentives, incubator, catalyst/flagship projects in creativeindustry.

Spatially, certain area can be identified to be the 'creative district', linking and complementingback into the heritage trails of George Town. Connectivity between heritage trails and creativetrails became a storyline for Inner City Development with improvement on the street andbuilding. Following this, hopefully, George Town not only can keep it's people in the city, but canalso add skilled and creative class with distinct skills and culture mix which will complement andenrich the existing resident and eventually induce vibrancy and economic benefit.

Transaction spaces are formal and informal venues where people work and communicate, andexchange ideas, goods and services. Where people choose to work and meet can be just asimportant as the encounter itself, with the space giving a character to the nature of the exchange.Spaces to work, play and interact with others cover a spectrum from office towers andshophouses, to coffee shops and parks.

Transactional spaces target tertiary industries such as tourism, professional services, creativeindustries, education and financial services. Malaysia and Penang have experienced strongeconomic growth since the Asian Financial Crisis with the secondary sector (manufacturing)playing a leading role in the growth of Penang. However, the tertiary sector is most relevant toGeorge Town. George Town is well suited to capture this demand in the future as well as demandin tourism and retail facilities. New projects are expected to generate about 7,000 jobs whileremodeled and upgraded existing buildings can accommodate another 10,000 jobs.

a. Living and Learning in the City

b. Transaction Spaces

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c. Heritage Structures + Innovative Design = Unique Neighborhoods

d. Heritage & Contemporary Culture Experience

e. Mobility &Accessibility

Expected Results

The inner city was built as beautiful heritage city, however many parts of the city was demolishedand replaced it with a generic high rise modern building. This 'total physical planning approach'that has little understanding about the local and based on mostly Western planningmethodologies should be avoided and replaced by innovative approach to integrating andadapting the structure of the heritage building that refer to it's cultural context, roots andtraditions embedded within. As suggested by Laurence (2007), the 'Maximum Retention withMinimum Intervention' should be endorsed with strict selection of heritage grade in mind. Lowerheritage rate building can be transformed and intensified using new technology to createmodern and smart building while keeping it sensitive to the context, using appropriate materials,and understanding the intended capacity and nature of use.

This definitely not a simple task for developers and architects, however, this is the preferredavenue which will eventually result in a New George Town that sustainable and has a unique builtenvironment rich with character and interpretation. Applying this approach in the overall citytransformation will result in unique neighbourhoods which offer districts distinct identity thatallow living and working in and between the old architecture.

To estimate the impact of increased tourism to George Town, two key elements were considered.Firstly, tourism growth to Penang is currently well below Malaysia as a whole and in fact,international tourism is declining. Secondly, large investments in tourism and heritage productsis expected to increase tourism on the order of 20% for international tourists and 15% ofdomestic tourists by 2012. The economic benefit of this increase in tourism spending (receipts)is likewise quite substantial resulting in RM2.6 billion per year in increased spending by 2012.Increased tourism can greatly increase the economy in the local area stimulating new jobs andbusinesses. However, research also indicates increased tourism must be well managed tomaintain the integrity of the site.

George Town has ample resources to develop into a world-class cultural tourism destination.The benefits of cultural tourism are manifold: Increased resources for the protection andconservation of natural and cultural heritage resources, increased and induced income fromtourism expenditures, new and induced employment opportunities, increased tax base,increased civic pride

Due to projected vehicular and passenger growth from 2010 to 2020, and limited roadinfrastructure, it is necessary to develop, encourage and enforce a transport modal shift fromprivate to public transport. The current mode of transport for Penang is estimated to be 75%private transport and 13% public transport; this is an unsustainable ratio. Future transportinitiatives should encourage a ratio of 40-45% private transport and 40-45% public transport.This would reduce car usage by 3,000 and motorcycles by 5,000 per hour during peak periods.

The George Town Transformation Program will have significant positive benefits to the people,businesses and government of George Town, Penang and Malaysia. These benefits aremeasured in terms of GDP contribution, jobs, business formation and increased tax receipts.However, more importantly, the transformation program benefits society and civic pride throughthe celebration of culture and heritage as well as creating a healthy living environment and safestreets.

Economic benefits or economic impact follow two major avenues: 1) financial Investment anddirect financial return to investors, and 2) growth of the economy in terms of new jobs, businessand higher land values that eventually pay higher taxes and fees to government. While theprivate sector focuses on direct economic returns, governments should focus on growing theeconomy, civil society and the environment. There are three principal areas of economic benefitof the Transformation Project: 1) increased tourism receipts, 2) new business formation and 3)increased land values and rates.

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Several qualitative impacts expected as a result of the George Town Transformation Program.These impacts will spread throughout the community to all levels of society :

Civic Pride: Civic pride in enhancing the unique culture and heritage of PenangRetention of Skilled Workers: Retention of skilled Penangites and attracting talents fromMalaysia and beyondSafe Streets: Reduction in crime and street improvements to provide safe streets forresidents and touristsEducational Excellence: Providing linkages between high quality education and high valueindustries such as creative industries and professional servicesSustainable Communities: Improving the living condition including the environment,transportation and public realm.

The George Town Transformation Program is indeed a complex and dynamic project that theconsultant team found it extremely challenging given time limitation and lack of information andengagement with local people. It is therefore become more a on going process and should befollow up and substantiated with more involvement from various party, disciplines, NGO andother key players.

We learned and understood that George Town is a multi-faceted city which offers bothopportunities and challenges. Heritage and conservation alone require deep and thoroughunderstanding in specific subject, not to mention it's relationship with UNESCO's Heritage Listrelated issue. Local culture and milieu present intricate web of activities, cross-cultural racereligion, which need to be considered seriously. Local and regional politics and strong oppositionfrom local NGO also play a very serious role in the decision making and selection of strategies.Internally, we are a team of engineers, planners, environmentalist, economist, landscapearchitects, heritage specialist, quantity surveyors, architects, branding specialist and creativeconsultant, which require a lot of coordination, cross discipline understanding, room tocompromise and finally, capability to draw a conclusion. For us, it is a very meticulous anddelicate project to handle which definitely need more thought and time to achieve expectedresult.

However, we believe that through multi-disciplinary approach, enough understanding on localcontext, good discussion among the team and experts input, the project expectedly can havebetter outcome compared to the top-down singular approach that typically happen in many citiesin Asia. By focusing more on process and maintaining balance between economic, physicalplanning, conservation and environment approach, George Town Transformation project wasable to cover broader aspects, more contextual and responsive to the sustainability issues.

Bianchini and Landry (1995), Parkinson, M.,(1993), 'Cultural Policy and Urban RegenerationThe West European Experience'.

Carmona, Matthew et al (2003), Public Places-Urban Spaces : The Dimensions of UrbanDesign,Architectural Press, Oxford

EDAW (2008), George Town Transformation Programme, SingaporeHarvey, D. (1989) The Condition of Postmodernity. Basil Blackwell, OxfordJeffrey C. Alexander, Steven Seidman (1990) Culture and Society: Contemporary Debates,

Cambridge University PressFlorida, R (2002) The Rise of The Creative Class: and How it's transforming Work, Leisure,

Community and Everyday Life, New York, Basic Books.Florida, R (2005) The Flight of the Creative Class, New York, Routledge.Jacobs A. and Appleyard, D. (1987), Towards an Urban Design Manifesto : A Prologue, Journal

of theAmerican PlanningAssociationLandry,C. (Ed.) (1996), The creative city in Britain and Germany, London: Anglo-German

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CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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FoundationLandry,C. (2000), The Creative City:AToolkit for Urban Innovators, Comedia, LondonLoh, L.K.Y (2007) 'Sustaining Conservation Through Managing Urban Transformation'

Pratt, A. (1997) Production Values : from Cultural Industries to Government of Culture,Environment and PlanningA, 29:1911-1917.

Rogers, Richard (1997), Cities for a Small Planet, Faber & Faber, LondonScott, A.J. (1997) The Cultural Economy of Cities, International Journal of Urban and Regional

Research, 21 (2):323-339.Wynne, D., (ed) (1992) The Cultural Industry,Aldershot:Avebury.

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COMMODIFICATION AND NATIONALIZATION OFLAND MATTERS ACROSS THE NUSANTARA: THECASE OF BALI

GustiAyu Made SUARTIKALecturer - Department of Architecture, Urban Planning andDevelopment,Udayana University - INDONESIA

Indonesia is recognized as one of the most socially diverse countries inthe world. Apart from its large population, it compromises more than360 ethnic groups, and 250 spoken local languages with a massivevariety of different cultures and traditions, scattered across the 13,677islands that form the Nusantara Indonesian archipelago (Soemarjanand Breazeale 1993; Cribb 1999). On the one hand, this diversityrepresents immeasurable cultural wealth. On the other, it constitutes abarrier to national development. Kumar (1979) was of the view that interms of its natural geography and ethno-culture, Indonesia does notpossess unity. Together with its religious differences this could easilylead to social disintegration (Geertz 1993). For example, there havebeen ongoing religious conflicts occurring in Ambon (Mollucasprovince) and Palu (a province of the Sulawesi Island) since 1999.Also,migration from more populated provinces to less populated ones hasbeen always promoted by the state. This in turn has created racialtensions such as those affecting the Maduranese of the East Java intheir migration to the southern part of Kalimantan Island where theDayak people reside.


ABSTRACT

SOCIO-POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE NUSANTARA

The proposed paper examines the revolutionary influences ofnationalizing the governance of territoriality land matters and land utilizationon the continuity of socio-spatial as well as cultural practices and forms acrossthe Nusantara Indonesian archipelago. Discussion is concentrated onBalinese culturally-based territoriality that is the subject of two prominent stateagendas of advancing the national economy and promoting national unity. Itconsists of three main sections. The first explores the diversity of Indonesiansociety and its top-down political environment which determines how landmatters are organized in terms of local traditions and modern systems of thestate. The second section provides a fundamental explanation of thecomplexities and richness of Balinese culture, especially those pertaining toterritorial forms and practices. This is followed by an analysis of critical impactsbrought about by the implementation of Indonesian state land managementsystems on the Adat-based practices of the Balinese. As territoriality arguablylies at the core of a culture and its survival, the final section allocates specialemphasis to the implementation of the Indonesian Basic Regulation on LandMatters and Agrarian Principles (BRLMAP) and the profound effects andimplications this law has for existing patterns on the territoriality of the island.

commodification, nationalization, socio-politics,traditional & modern land governance

Keywords:

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Given the above circumstances development in Indonesia has from the beginning pursued twodominant strategies. The first was a call to achieve a 'sense of one nation,' bridging the variousethnic groups in order to build up a solid national amalgamation under a national strategy ofPancasila (five national ideologies). The second was to enhance the national economy throughdevelopment. Having inherited a deep nationwide impoverishment from centuries ofcolonization, this agenda came with the urgency of expanding the economy, and distributing thefruits of development equally throughout the country. Both of these overarching strategies havedisparate and fragmented manifestations in the way Indonesian politics is designed and applied,factors to be elaborated in detail in the following section. What I will demonstrate is that anydevolution of authority to local agencies is largely illusory, and that centralized state control overlocal culture remains the order of the day.

Indonesian politics is mediated through a system of government consisting of a centralized-administrative hierarchy, and the nationalization of resources that exist across the archipelago.The system is divided into two major sections in accordance with Indonesian Law No.22/1948.The first division comprises central/national government, located in Jakarta, the nation's capitalcity. The second division consists in the various provincial governments, located in the regionalcapital of each province. In principle, within Indonesia's top-down system of government,government bodies located at a lower level are accountable to those above them. De facto, thereis little local autonomy despite lip-service to this ideal.

Accountability from subordinate government bodies involves the responsibility to comply withpolicies and decisions instigated at a higher level. Having this kind of political arrangement, theultimate role of decision-making falls into the hands of national government departments. Thereis however a mechanism that local departments or government institutions are charged with toamend policies introduced by national government in order to suit local circumstances.Ironically, these amendments require national approval and must not contradict with concerns inpromoting national integration and economic growth. The national interest subverts the local andwhile there is a tiny incorporation of grass-roots politics, it only serves to legitimize the system.

In addition, there is a process of creating overall an appropriate ideological environment fornational policy. This nationalization process is achieved with the instigation of statist forms ofsocial control and law the legitimation process. In the case of Bali for instance, Indonesianstatute law has replaced traditional Adat systems. Adat in this case means a collection ofcommunal codes and practices homologous with the Adat community; conformed to by the Adatmembers; and evolved over centuries to respond to various challenges faced within thecommunity (Suartika 2005). Control over natural resources including land, labour distributionand capital allocation are all managed by rules legislated by the national government. In theory,this strategy is aimed at controlling the equitable distribution of revenues among and betweenthe various provinces. The ultimate objective is to achieve balanced development throughoutthe nation, despite its obvious concentration in favoured locations, such as Jakarta and itssurrounding areas.

Focussing on the issue of space, the nationalization of land is particularly critical in a marketeconomy. This process allows governments to introduce various methods of managing andutilizing land in societies that may not yet operate on the basis of exchange values; to define andprotect property rights; to encourage market competition, and the need to promote the dominantpursuit of self-interest by individuals, led by the 'invisible hand' of the market (Sandler 1997). Ingeneral, nationalization provides the state/government with a monopoly over the resource base,and to intervene in order to support its economic agenda allowing it to generate revenues fromtaxation, including profits derived from the exploitation of land, including natural and culturalresources, etc.

It is within this overall context of national policy that the plethora of Indonesian ethnic groups co-exists. In order to illustrate the divergence of interests between national and local situations, thefollowing section provides a brief explanation of Balinese social and cultural environments, oneamong hundreds of local ways of life that exist across the Nusantara.

State policies over land matters

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CULTURAL BASED TERRITORIALITY OF THE BALINESE

The strength of Balinese culture derives from the Adat, a 'quasi-feudal' system of values whichcements the community together (Suartika 2005, 2007). It has the capacity to define its ownproblems and solutions, and is constituted and reflected in every form of social interaction(Sentosa 2001, Samadhi 2001, 2004). The Adat system is a cultural legacy, a continuouslydeveloped means of morality and obligation, growing and updated in accordance with socialchallenges occurring within the Adat community. So the governance role falls to the Adatinstitutions (community associations), which in turn govern several Banjar (neighbourhoodassociations). Decisions are made based on consensus, with community meetings heldregularly. Typically, the culture evolved as an agriculturally based society, where rice farmingwas the prime form of subsistence.A tropical climate and active volcanic geomorphology acrossthe island supported a well-established system of land cultivation that evolved a complexirrigation system and concomitant social relations called Subak.

Balinese society is extremely hierarchical, and this manifests itself in a diversity of socio-spatialand religious practices. For example, the concept of three Tri is prominent to all components oflife, i.e. cosmic, village, temple, house and human beings. Tri Angga, outlines that things aredivided into three, head, body and feet, which is interconnected with hierarchical concept ofutama (highest level = head), madya (middle level = body) and nista (lowest level = feet).Balinese language for instance, has three levels that are used to communicate among fourdifferent groups within the society. Ritual ceremonies are also classified into three categories.Space is not in exception. The whole island temple, village, houses is zoned in accordance withthe TriAngga principle.

In general, the sacred zone (utama) is for ritual purposes, the madya zone is for living, and theleast sacred (nista) is zoned for disposal. This zoning system is oriented by the vertical axisbased on the direction of 'mountain' and the horizontal axis is determined by the rotation of thesun, a tradition which ignores normal polar orientations. The mountain is the most sacred site,and is the 'north' direction. In reverse, the beach is the 'south' direction. The point where the sunrises every morning is the 'east', another most sacred direction. The most of the most sacredzone will be the northeast, where north and east meet. However, there is no isolation betweeneach of the zones. The beach for instance is a nista zone, but it is a sacred place at the sametime. The beach is a place where purification activity takes place. Neither will the beach becontaminated by this process nor will it contaminate the living and non-living creatures in thisworld. It is interesting to note here the clear conflict existing between traditional practices and thesun, sand, and sea worship of mass tourism (Picard 1991, Britton 1991, Rojek &Urry 1997).

As territoriality lies at the core of culture, the Adat system views land as a community's ancestrallegacy and therefore a communal resource. So each Adat community has a philosophicalrelationship with their territory/land. It is not merely a matter of possessing land to live on, butmore about a relationship between theAdat members and their ancestors. Land that is governedby the Adat system is referred to as Adat land throughout this paper. Balinese Adat territorialprinciples do not recognize the potential exchange value of land for monetary purposes or anyother form of reward. This fact alone represents a significant barrier to state commodification andthe market mechanism, placing traditional belief systems and land tenure in conflict with socalled 'modernization.' Land is only used for the collective benefit of the Adat community and itsinstitution, temples, and Adat community members. Each of these elements has tenure overcertain Adat lands, with the obligation to provide physical (ayahan) and non-physical (patus)contributions where applicable.

In accordance with principles of tenure, Adat land may be defined as having two majorcategories (Suartika 2005, 2007):

1. Tenure held by theAdat Institution, and used by the whole community.2. Tenure held by Adat members, and used by each individual household, as long as this

household belongs to theAdat community.

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Today, given the extent of national integration, Balinese cultural values and practices are subjectto national objectives to advance the national economy and unity. A National EconomicDevelopment Plan (NEDP) that denotes Bali as the centre of cultural tourism in Indonesia hasbeen adopted as the chosen method through which the above cultural forms and practicesbecome commodified. Moreover, the idea of national unity forces the Balinese to redefine theircultural practices in conformity with state objectives, and under certain circumstances evendown to the specification of forms of clothing. The presence of the state and its mechanismstherefore represent a threat to the foundation of Balinese culture and its long-term survival.Before explaining in greater detail the form of threats inflicted by the political system, thefollowing section examines more generally the impacts of the Indonesian state.

Overall, Bali has been affected by Indonesian national strategies in various ways. These may beexplained in three major categories, as follows.

Specific forms of practices and codes which were in the past constituted by the Adat, havebeen replaced by a more 'modern' form of national legislation. These come as a set ofwritten regulations (statute laws) with various legal sanctions applied to those who disobeythem.To support the implementation of the national systems of governance, the Balinese AdatInstitutions are set aside, since they share dissimilar sets of values from the state. This hasbrought about a duality of structure ofAdatState within the Balinese community.The difference between the Adat and State systems is expressed in the legitimationprocess. The Adat and its products are regarded as non-legal forms of social control. Theybind Balinese people, but are regarded as illegitimate in regard to matters pertaining to thestate. The statute laws of the state systems on the other hand, are legal mechanisms. Theyare imposed equally throughout the nation, and require acceptance and conformance fromall Indonesians. This involves the incorporation of huge ethnic groups such as theAcehnese, Timorese, Sundanese, Maduranese, Balinese, etc.The creation of a new Indonesian state has also eliminated traditional boundaries betweenprovinces, in which migration from one locality to another is facilitated and promoted inorder to diffuse cultural differences and promote national integration (Hugo 1996).However, the political agenda behind this internal migration has not come with appropriatephysical and social infrastructures to accommodate migrants.EconomicBali's resources and its economic development is defined, directed, and controlled by theNational Economic Development Plan for Bali (NEDPB). This development plan outlinesBali as the central point for tourist development within the nation, on the basis of its uniqueculture and environment. This overall development strategy is focussed solely on inflatingnational revenues, with no serious incorporation into law of any appropriate system for theconservation of local culture.These revenues are to a large extent generated from taxation. The idea of nationalizationprovides national government with full control over the extraction, management,distribution, and use of these taxes. Hence a disproportionate share to government withmuch less return to local people has been a common occurrence. There is no statistical dataavailable to demonstrate this statement, but the fact becomes apparent when one observesthe moderate provision of social and physical infrastructures in Bali. The poor capacity ofBali's medical services which were required to help the victims of the 2002 Bali bombing isan obvious example of how the NEDPB undermines the very origins of its own revenues.The government's modest financial capacity to accelerate development of tourist amenitiesin Bali, motivates the NEDPB to promote and prioritize participation by private enterprises.This leads to a trend where the role of private investment is prominent. As a generalillustration, during the period of 1999-2004, the total capital invested for development in Baliwas 10,547.21 billion Rupiah (US $ 1.628 billion) (Planning Development Board of Bali

THE IMPACTS OF INDONESIAN SOCIAL AND POLITICAL STRATEGIES ON BALI AND ITSTERRITORIALITY

Political

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2005). The Indonesian government only provided for 24.74 % of this total investment, withthe remaining 75.26 % made available by the non-government/private sector. Thegovernment support for tourism is basically generated from the national budget (51.22 %),the budget based on the Presidential Instruction (20.76 %), and the local budget (28.02 %)(Planning Development Board of Bali 2005).Aditjondro (1995) suggests that the majority of private investors commandeering Bali'stourist industry are those of national and national-international joint enterprises whose baseis in Jakarta. The centralized government decision-making process in Jakarta hasnourished such monopoly practices. This mechanism provides more political and economicopportunity to individuals who have close ties with government officials, thereby allowingthem to intervene in the decision-making process.The above monopolies continue to be a determinant factor strengthening nepotisticpractices. State-licensed companies exist at many levels of the hierarchy resulting indevelopment capital having a 'free for all' in regard to the available resources.At the same time Bali's mass tourist development has generated a lucrative imagecontinuously attracting economic migrants from the neighbouring provinces (Pitana 2004).Ironically, while a transmigration policy has been aimed at reducing Bali's population byallocating large numbers of Balinese families to various less-populated provinces acrossthe nation, no government policies have been instigated to regulate the inflow of economicmigrants to the island. Rather than enhancing Balinese culture as a major economicresource, such policy failures undermine the very 'Balineseness' of the island.

Bound by the concept of national integration and unity, every component part of Balinesesociety which was in the past founded by theAdat system is now to be directed by nationallyinstigated notions of Indonesian nationhood.Bali's compliance to being part of a nation extends to its acceptance of various practicesand forms of Indonesian national culture, a process furthered by government policy whichonly supports local practices whose values coincide with the national agenda.The longevity of Balinese society and its culture is further endangered as the developmentof Bali's tourist industry has not been equipped with a mechanism in which cultural practicesare nurtured and conserved as they are simultaneously exploited to support the productionof state revenues and those of private capital.

In a modern state like Indonesia, the state has the controlling power over its territory and people,and the practices related to its market society are prominent, ownerships are defined, individualinterest and competition are promoted etc. In the case of the traditional Adat systems on theother hand, members of the Adat community have the most important position, shared valuesare highly regarded, and community interests and needs are addressed before those ofindividuals. Threats emerge when the state bureaucracy is imposed onto a complex societysuch as Bali, with little or no concern for the Balinese and theirAdat.

Threats facing local culture may therefore be categorized into those relating to nationaleconomic strategies and practices, and those relating to the state's agenda to build, strengthen,and maintain national amalgamation. The first group contains threats induced by nationalizingand commandeering local resources to support the nation's revenue, and also to support wealthcreation for privileged groups. The second group considers threats resulting from state action tonationalize and undermine local political systems and traditional communities.

The critical practices mentioned above are the National Economic Development Plan (NEDP)introduced to promote national cultural tourism, and the implementation of the BasicRegulations on Land Matters and Agrarian Principles (BRLMAP) introduced to manage matterspertaining to land. These will be discussed in greater detail below.

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Social

The threats to Balinese culture and its socio-spatial practices

The threats resulting from the national agenda on economy

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The tourist industryThe strategy to promote Indonesian national cultural tourism goes in line with present globaltrends where local culture aligns with 'tourist culture' (Urry 1995, Chambers 1997, Waters 2000).The diversity of cultural capital which exists throughout the archipelago has enabled the countryto take part in the global tourist market (Hill 2000). In choosing Bali as the centre of Indonesia'stourist development, it is apparent that Balinese culture and its associate products and ritualsare a prime target for commodification to meet tourist needs, as well as meeting nationalobjectives in generating revenues.

Threats to culture take place when strategies merely aim at giving priority to economic goals setby the national government and its development partners, without providing proper mechanismsto protect culture from the damaging impacts of capitalistic practices in Bali (Mitchell 1995,Aditjondro 1995, Picard 1996, Suartika 2007). These practices began when the state's limitedpolitical and financial capacity to develop the industry was seen to be a major obstacle,especially when the industry was designed to boost national revenue. The NEDP wasintroduced as the mechanism which would encourage the private sector to participate. Thisparticipation has since triumphed with eighty percent of investment schemes in major touristfacilities in Bali being held either by national or national-international joint private corporationsbased mostly in Jakarta and Surabaya (Aditondro 1995). The remaining participation consistsmainly of local and or local-national joint enterprises. How much of the profits are returned to theBalinese still remains a matter for significant speculation.

This situation has no doubt contributed to the Balinese economy by creating more jobs for e.g.waiters, room service attendants, receptionists, accountants, handicraft makers, etc. The entireprocess however is aimed at exploiting various factors of production labour, land, and culturalcapital in generating profits. Crudely stated, the underlying system of barter inherent to quasi-feudal society, the exchange of goods and labour, as well as free service to the community isundermined. In its place, this practice is inevitably traded in modernity for wages and a 'free'labour market. As part of this overall process, Adat community members and their collectiveculture are then slowly turned into an exploited service industry for state joint ventures andventure capital, promoting a service mentality to the detriment of significant cultural rituals andprocesses.

Bali's tourist industry supported by national development planning has deepened the entirescope of cultural commodification (Suartika 2005). For instance, sacred dances are presentedas tourist attractions; the duration for several art performances are compressed from 3 hoursinto 30 minutes to suit the tourist timetable; many territorial forms are sacrificed to allow thedevelopment of various tourist facilities markets, community squares, beaches, paddy fields,temples; elements used in religious shrines are misused as elements of landscape by varioustourist facilities; certain forms of religious offerings are used as interior decoration in hotels andtheir rooms etc. These misdemeanours are practiced to supply tourists with 'appropriate'facilities and surrogate cultural experiences. As the numbers of tourists increase, more facilitiesare required, and practices relating to cultural commodification are impacted. While evencolonization by the Dutch recognized the inherent value of Balinese culture, the newcolonization of global and national finance capital shows no such respect (Picard 1996).

The national government's support for capitalist practices does not adequately generatingproper strategies to protect local culture. To recognise and establish these strategies, manythings need to happen: first, an analysis of the bearing capacity of Bali's physical, social, andcultural environment (Kakazu 1994); second, a study of Balinese culture to identify its criticalcultural forms and practices in order to sustain the culture; third, recognition of the strategic rolesof the Adat institution in relation to Balinese society; and fourth, the inception of a developmentplan that balances economy, environment, and culture. All these strategies are omitted from theNEDPB and there can only be two reasons for this. Overall, there is the immediate need for thenation to generate revenue by all possible means, and this coincides with the idea of wealthcreation within a global market society, of which the Indonesian economy is a part. Then we alsohave to deal with the presence of corrupt government officials, with personal economic andpolitical interests that have provided paid access to private enterprise to interfere, and to also

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direct, the decision-making process in favour of the business goals of such enterprises, and theirshareholders.

In the short term this condition has brought huge economic successes for investors. However,the focus has fundamentally changed, as the main value of culture as lifestyle changes intoculture as a means for revenue and wealth creation the culture industry (Scott 2000, Adorno2001). Because there is no other employment, people are forced to participate in thedeconstruction of their own cultural heritage. This continuous modification of Balinese culturalelements will inevitably result in permanent changes that will destroy one of the most uniquecultures left on earth, a consequence that is not expected to be good for future generations ofBalinese, tourists, financial investors, and even the national government. Typically, theunrestrained greed of capitalist enterprise is slowly destroying the object of its own wealthcreation.

State involvement endorsing capitalist market practices is further evident with theimplementation of the Indonesian Act No. 5, 1960 concerning the Indonesian Basic Regulationon Land Matters and Agrarian Principles (BRLMAP). Prior to this, there were two land systemsthat existed in Indonesia. The first was the traditional customary law rights, and the second wasthe more capitalized system of having written land titles and land registration (MacAndrews1986, Warren 1993). The implementation of thisAct provided the Indonesian state with the abilityto nationalize various land arrangements by registering and issuing land titles, with theIndonesian National LandAgency responsible for coordinating the process.

Realizing that land has social and political functions beyond its narrow economic value, theBRLMAP attempted to portray itself as 'user-friendly' to local people. It states that theimplementation of local land arrangements will be considered when they are not in conflict withnational interests, which de facto they are much of the time. While this does not sustain socialspace locally, it further emphasizes the domineering control of the BRLMAP/state authority. Wecan deduce from this that the BRLMAP was designed to achieve three ultimate goals. First, tonationalize the management of land. Second, to transfer the control of resources from any localinstitutions to the Indonesian state. Third, to fulfil its agenda of economic and nationalamalgamation, state control and the enduring exploitation of this factor of production across theNusantara.

Consequently local land arrangements and related local institutions have, for all practicalpurposes, been extinguished by national law. In this regard, the BRLMAP is thus responsible forthe continuous eradication of various traditional territorial forms. In the case of Bali for instance,instead of conserving local practices, the implementation of the BRLMAP has undermined anderoded them by:

1. eliminating land tenure principles, leading to the position of communal rights over land asnot preferred.

2. disintegrating theAdat land.3. installing the Indonesian National Land Agency to take over role of the Adat institution

over land matters relieving this community institution from its authority over roles, rights,and duties.

Revolutionary changes to land tenure practices are caused by the basic requirement under theBRLMAP to register land and the identification of rights over land. Articles 16, section 1 of theBRLMAP states that these rights over land include the right of ownership; right of exploitation;right of building; right of use; right of lease; right of opening up land; and right of collecting forestproducts. Failure to register land results in its classification as unregistered land. Rights oversuch land are consequently taken over by the state. This policy has further disintegrated thecoherence of Adat land by redefining tenure held by Adat members into private rights. However,

THE INDONESIAN BASIC REGULATION ON LAND MATTERS AND AGRARIANPRINCIPLES (BRLMAP)

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in the case of Adat land tenure held by the Adat institution, its right over this land has not beenconfirmed, as the institution is not considered a legal entity. Rights to these lands are jointlyshared between the state and the Adat institution. This interference requires the Adat to consultwith the government for all changes to its traditional land use allocation and subsequently meansthat Balinese socio-spatial practices are to be subsumed to state imposed agendas and subjectto state approval. While this may be viewed as wholly justifiable and in the national interest,surely it is also possible for development to take place where local interests are included to thebenefit and long term interests of both parties.

The BRLMAP however gives hak ulayat (right of use) over communally used Adat land to theAdat institution as a representative of the Adat. In relation to this right, article 3 of the BRLMAPstates that:“…….the implementation of the 'Hak Ulayat' (the propriety-right of communal property of anAdat(community) and rights similar to that of Adat communities), in so far as they still exist, shall beadjusted as such as to fit in with the national and state's interests, based on the unity of the nationand shall not be in conflict with the acts and other regulations of a higher level.”

This article obviously carries two significant implications for the hak ulayat:1. The first relates to the existence of hak ulayat. This right will only be recognized by the

BRLMAP if it existed on the day of the inception of this regulation. Hak ulayat is notrecognized in areas where the right existed in the past but is no longer current. Further, hakulayat will never be introduced to an area where such rights have never existed.

2. The second point is the application of the hak ulayat. The hak ulayat shall be applied in away that is consistent with national aims and objectives that are based on national unity, andis not against national law and other higher regulations.

The BRLMAP furthermore explains when the application of hak ulayat is restricted:1. Hak ulayat does not apply, when its application is not in line with the national aim of issuing

the right of exploitation (hak guna usaha) of land by a particular party.2. Hak ulayat is not recognized when community members refuse to allow major

deforestation activities to take place in order for the government to carry out major projects,such as developing a new housing area and the development of large cultivated areas toincrease food supply.

3. Being part of a system that recognizes national law, the community with its hak ulayat mustnot in line with national aims and objectives.

4. It is not possible for the hak ulayat to have absolute right over land, as its existence is inconjunction with other parts of the nation that may also have similar rights and needs forland.

The introduction of individual rights over land is critical in a market society in order to endorsemarket practices such as, selling and buying land, land leasing and transfer etc. Hence withincapitalist society, communal rights, communal consensus, and community agreements are notfavoured. They tend to slow down market practices, and do not promote the idea of atomised,individualistic wealth creation, respecting communal interests instead. Both of these principlesare in serious conflict with the basic functions of state sponsored capitalism. Moreover,communally shared practices and use values are in contradiction to modern society's individualinterests and exchange values, as promoted within the BRLMAP. By curtailing the participationof theAdat institution, the BRLMAP has restricted community access to community land while atthe same time pronouncing private wealth creation. Therefore, the mission of the BRLMAP tosecure legal access to land for all Indonesians has not been evident and above board.

Hence we may conclude that the implementation of the BRLMAP constitutes a threat to Balineseculture, not simply savaging its territorial traditions, but in its entirety. According to Hall (1973),territoriality is one of ten major elements that construct culture. In his'Matrix of Culture,' hedenotes each of these cultural components as a primary message system. Together they areintertwined to form the cultural matrix. So disturbance to one has the potential to destabilize theentire culture.

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Threats resulting from the agenda to promote national integrationIn explaining the threats facing local culture resulting from state-owned agendas to promotenational amalgamation, this paper has addressed selected state actions taken to nationalize itsvarious political agendas: the development of an Indonesian national culture; nationalizinginstitutional systems; instigating national forms of law; creating national forms of social control;and establishing a national form of sanction and authority. Apart from being tools for state-consolidation, these actions have also undermined local cultural systems, such as that of Bali.Heterogeneity within the nation is conceived as a major threat in achieving national unity. Hencethe answer, a uniformization process that requires immediate conformity, is created, decided,imposed, directed, and controlled by the national government at the highest level. On this basis afully state/national government dominated process, foreign to local people, takes priority overthose who have little or no involvement in determining their own condition of existence.

Threats resulting from the above situation may be classified into three categories. The firstcategory consists of threats that disestablish elements of local culture, as an emerging nationalculture develops. This process is promoted by the state on one hand, and rejected by the variouscontributing groups on the other. For instance, Balinese handicrafts, forms of offerings, artperformances, etc. are to a large extent freely embraced as part of this national identity, althoughthey are in fact undermined and commodified to fit capitalistic enterprises and packaged for sale.Territory related Balinese arrangements incorporated within the Adat are not included in theBRLMAP. On several occasions this concern was only expressed when the Adat communityinterests were not in contradiction with state-owned sanctions. Ironically, this can be seen as aprocess of deconstructing the unity of the various elements that provide cultural coherence anda thriving social matrix.

The second category consists of threats that reconstitute basic values that have been a part ofthe local culture for centuries. This different form of threat is yet inseparable from the first. Whenculture is fragmented, the values attached to its component parts are also lost (Durrenberger1996, McGuigan 1996). In the case of Bali, the imposing presence of national law, sanctions,and authority are intended to push the Adat aside, when in fact the Adat is the soul of Balineseculture, highly regarded, shared, and obeyed.A further example is the role of theAdat institution,seen as a relatively important form of the overall Balinese institutional system, yet it is denieddemocratic participation at any level of the Indonesian national government. As has beenexplained earlier, the Adat institution as the community representative consists of prajuru desa(Adat leaders) who are knowledgeable on matters relating to tradition as well as the Adat.Consequently, participation by the Adat institution could provide a substantial contribution todecision-making activities, especially when decisions are aimed at being implemented at thelocal level. The absence of these two forms of local representation within the state systemseverely threatens the sustainability of Balinese cultural values.

The third category consists of threats that transform an independent society into a dependentsociety, interconnected with the first two threats demonstrated above. As a result of nationalintegration, local conformity to state imposed systems is mandatory, and recognition of stateauthority over local matters is one outcome of such compliance. When problems occur, the localcommunity members will be less likely to resolve problems which do not correspond to their ownlocal system. The community will have to seek solutions from the national government at thelocal or the national level. If roles of the Adat continue to exist, its members and its institution willbe able to overcome these problems internally. A clear example of this is when there is an issuewith land registration. People cannot seek help from the Adat institution as was the case in thepast. It is presently considered beyond the Adat institution's knowledge and authority to do this,as issuing land registration and titles are now a part of the State system which directly enablesthe government to apply land tax, its central objective in revenue raising. This accelerates theprocess from an independent society into a dependant society and from democratic decisionmaking to exclusionary politics.

Given the three types of circumstance resulting from the enforcement of state control in Bali tothe detriment of the existing Adat system, the state system therefore cannot be consideredculturally appropriate, democratic or in line with conservation best practice. This is due to the fact

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that firstly, unlike the Adat, state systems are not derived from, nor widely recognized within theBalinese community. Secondly, State systems act independently yet when it comes tosurmounting difficulties at a local level, the systems fail to get to the core of the problem.Currently, there exist many local cases pertaining to land and culture which remain unresolved,due to conflicting values between the Adat and the state, despite the fact that the Adat systemhas the proven capacity to have to resolve conflicts having managed these communities forcenturies. Thirdly, due to the relationship between 'state' and 'government,' the state system issubject to change every time the nation elects a new government to power. In contrast, the Adatsystem is completely stable and changes to its practices are enabled in accordance with theprinciples of desa (place), kala (time), and patra (context).

It is clear that the implementation of state imposed systems have contributed not only tobreaking down the Balinese cultural system, but also the unique and complex system of theAdat. This paper refers to this condition as the process of deculturization. The above discussionhas demonstrated this fact based upon an analysis of the conditions of Indonesian society andits politics in general, Balinese culture, and the commodification process affecting its culturalforms and practices.

The roots of this deculturization process are various nationalization practices imposed by theIndonesian state on Bali that do not embrace participation of the grass root level, as is thepractice elsewhere across the Nusantara. The exclusion of the Adat institution from the nationalgovernment hierarchy in managing land matters is a clear example. Such circumstances havebecome a reason for public discontent and the creation of a society that is governed by a set ofregulations foreign to its traditions. This condition indeed brings about various social and politicalconflicts which nonetheless have not resulted in civil strife in Bali such as has taken placefrequently in many areas across Indonesia (i.e. Aceh, West Papua, Riau). A centralized politicalsystem has the tendency to provide limited space for the public to learn. Given the complexity ofIndonesian social geography, serious constraints are therefore placed on the majority tocontribute and participate at various development stages. Overall, this condition nourishes theformation of an unhealthy dependency at the community level, while eroding their accustomizedautonomy.

If in the national interest, cultures and traditions are to be sustained, there is an urgent need tomediate this situation by reorientating social and political systems in Indonesia to embrace localtraditions as a resource. All of these call for future research aimed at formulating a planningmechanism in which cultural elements are appropriately accommodated within state systemsand empowered at local level. Culture is a major resource in supporting the national economy.Like any other resource, local culture cannot be considered self-sustaining while being deprivedof autonomy, authority, resources and traditions. Future studies should therefore address how torectify these problems within considerate and humane planning strategies, not only in Bali, butacross the multitude of ethnic groups and culture across Indonesia.

Aditjondro, G J (1995), Bali, Jakarta Colony: Social and Ecological Impacts of Jakarta-BasedConglomerates in Bali's Tourism Industry, Working Paper No. 58, Asia Research Centreof Murdoch University.

Adorno, T.W. (2001) The Culture Industry: Selected Essays On Mass Culture Ney York:Routledge.

Britton, S (1991), Tourism, Capital, and Place: towards a Critical Geography of Tourism,Environment and Planning: Society and Space, 1991, pp 451-478.

Chambers, E (Ed), (1997) Tourism and Culture: An Applied Perspective, United States ofAmerica: State University of New York Press.

Crang, M (1998) Cultural Geography, London: Routledge.

CONCLUSION

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THIRDSPACE, URBAN INFORMALITY ANDCREATIVE COMMUNITIES:REDEFINING CAFÉ IN CONTEMPORARYBANDUNG

Ahmad Rida SOEMARDI

DR. Dhian DAMAJANI

ABSTRACT

Lecturer - Architectural Design Research Division, School ofArchitecture, Planning and Policy Development, Institute ofTechnology Bandung - INDONESIA

Lecturer - Architectural Design Research Division, School ofArchitecture, Planning and Policy Development, Institute ofTechnology Bandung - INDONESIA


[email protected]

This paper critically examines the nexus between discourses onthirdspace, urban informality and creative communities in the contemporarycity. While dealing with the broadest theoretical concerns emerging throughempirical research, this study focuses on the phenomena of café and itsimplications on the quality of public space. The city of Bandung provides thecontext for development of a community-based creative city, in which thephenomena of café is situated, examined and redefined.

In the context of a developing country such as Indonesia, thirdspaceare types of places that are socially produced and constructed primarily bycommunities whose main activities are within the informal sector. The informalsector should be firstly seen as community expression of the creativeeconomy, with informality as a paradigm for understanding urban place-making. From the empirical study conducted, five variables emerge thatdescribe the diversity of cafés in Bandung, which can be categorized in termsof scale, economic level, type, location, and duration. As integratedphenomena, these variables underline cafés' significant impact towards theproduction of social spaces. Its emergence in quantity, diversity and settingsalso describes the great potential of Bandung communities on developingcreative responses in the making of public places.

The paper provides deeper understanding and empirical findings ofthe café phenomena in Bandung and its relationship to public space. Findingspresented may inform policy-making on the design and planning of publicspaces, as well as contribute to the building of theoretical discourse oncreative communities and place-making in the contemporary city.

thirdspace, informality, creative communities, café,Bandung

Keywords:

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BOWLS OF CREATION

DR. Ramalis SUBANDIResearcher - Research Center for Human Settlements, Ministry ofPublic Works - [email protected]

Spaces are assembled through processes of planning, constructionand regulation governed by authority and stimulated by the market. Both of theabove factors operate diversely in the dynamic processes used by the creativecommunity, capitalizing on the opportunity of technology and the intensity of art- culture. The present debate on “creative knowledge regions” focusses on theneed to attract certain types of economic activities, provision of “soft locationfactors”, “meeting places” that the “talent pool” needs for these economicactivities; as well as the adjustment of urban - building structure toaccommodate new function and interactions.

Using the means of IT community in Bandung, this paper shows thebureaucratic comprehension gap in the transformation of lifestyle, structure,opportunities and economy in urban areas and its impacts on the marketdistortion, social exclusion, environmental degradation and the obstruction ofcreative courses of action. Planners as a group in society have the advantageof access in order to bridge the gap by incorporating language and processesby using participatory methods. This paper suggests a gradual process ofincorporating stakeholders in the development process, through capacitybuilding and role sharing, and a dynamic adaptation of procedure using newtypes of social networks as well as technology.

creative, places, participatoryKeywords:

ABSTRACT

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