I

Cecilia Chiarini

Esther Deyanara Victor Osei Kwadwo

Najeeb Rasuli Tommaso Romagnoli

Qichao Zhao

PAOLO SARPI XYZ DIMENSIONS OF COEXISTENCE AND CONFLICTS

I

ABSTRACT

“Paolo XYZ” implies the different dimensions of relationship, coexistence and possible conflicts

that manifests in Paolo Sarpi’s. The study assess the extent of coexistence and conflict between

activities and uses of space in the neighborhood using a socio-spatial approach with emphasis on

reflections from residents, shop owners and users of the neighborhood to ascertain and deepen

understanding on the state of interrelationship amidst the changing “physi-social” dimension and

uses of space by the different populations of Paolo Sarpi. Existing documentaries, researches and

press articles were also explored. The outcome of the analysis takes distance from the initial

hypothesis of physical, social detachment and differences in the Neighborhood and instead

records detachment without controversy and improvement of the quality of space but still a

diffused perception of lack of control. Finally, study points out where the actual conflict lies and

raises further questions on the role of public authorities and centrality factors in shaping

neighborhoods.

I

TABLE OF CONTENT

CONTENT ................................................................................................................................... PAGE

ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................................... I

TABLE OF CONTENT........................................................................................................................... II

LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................... IV

CHAPTER ONE

PAOLO SARPI XYZ

1.1 Introduction .................................................................................................................................1

1.2 Paolo Sarpi XYZ ........................................................................................................................... 2

1.3 Objectives of the analysis ...............................................................................................................3

1.4 Methodology (XYZ Approach) .........................................................................................................4

1.4.1 Research Design .......................................................................................................................... 4

1.4.2 Data Sources ................................................................................................................................ 4

1.4.3 Defining the Area of Analysis ....................................................................................................... 5

1.4.4 Framework of Analysis ................................................................................................................. 6

CHAPTER TWO

HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF PAOLO SARPI

2.1 Introduction ..............................................................................................................................7

2.2 Roots of the Chinese community .................................................................................................7

2.3 Paolo Sarpi – Gentrified? .......................................................................................................... 10

2.3.1 Increase and displacement of working class occupiers for middle income earners as expressed by Glass (1964). .................................................................................................................................. 11

2.3.2 Profound economic, social and spatial restructuring by Slater (2011) ...................................... 11

2.3.3 Transformation no longer based on renovated houses but newly built town houses and high-rise apartment by Shaw (2008). ......................................................................................................... 12

2.4 Paolo Sarpi – Who’s Right to the City? ....................................................................................... 12

2.5 Policies promoted by administration ......................................................................................... 13

2.6 The Role of Press in the Public Debate ....................................................................................... 13

2.6.1 Escalation and Decline of the Topic ........................................................................................... 13

2.6.2 Image Promoted by the Press .................................................................................................... 16

II

CHAPTER THREE

SETTING THE RECORD STRAIGHT

3.1 introduction ............................................................................................................................ 17

3.2 First Assumptions: Detachment and Conflict .............................................................................. 17

3.2.1 X-Y Analysis (Via Paolo Sarpi) ..................................................................................................... 17

3.2.2 X-Y Analysis (Adjoining streets) .................................................................................................. 18

3.2 X – Retail and Wholesale unrest addressed ................................................................................ 21

3.3 Y–Detachment without Controversy .......................................................................................... 23

3.4 Z – Improvement of the quality of space but still a diffused perception of lack of control ................ 24

3.5 Where the Conflict Lies ............................................................................................................ 25

3.6 From Co-Existence to Integration .............................................................................................. 26

CHAPTER FOUR

CONCLUSION

4.1 The Unpredictable Role of Public Authorities .............................................................................. 27

4.2 Centrality Factor ...................................................................................................................... 28

III

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: XYZ 2

Figure.2 Categories used to classify the population of Paolo Sarpi ......................................... 4

Figure 3: Context Map. Via Paolo Sarpi, Milano ..................................................................... 5

Figure 4: Area of Study ......................................................................................................... 5

Figure 5: timeline of development ...................................................................................... 10

Figure 6: Print Media Coverage on Paolo Sarpi .................................................................... 14

Figure 8: Via Paolo Sarpi (right and left) - activities and building heights .............................. 18

Figure 9: Adjoining streets - Activities and building heights .................................................. 19

Figure 10: Summary of Activity Census ................................................................................ 21

1

CHAPTER ONE

PAOLO SARPI XYZ

1.1 Introduction

Space is shaped by society and the sociological configuration of individuals and groups in a given

contest much determines the levels of interaction and coexistence. According to Aalbers (2006),

citing Feagin and Parke (1990), patterns of spatial divisions do not develop out of inevitable and

unalterable structural necessity but rather in a contingent manner resulting from conscious

actions taken by individual decision makers in various class, race, gender and community based

groups acting under historical circumstances.

Such contingent and conscious alterations of space is evident in the processes of gentrification

which is expressed by Slater (2011) as a profound economic, social and spatial restructuring. A

kind of restructuring that favors the creation of urban environment to serve the need of capital

accumulation at the expense of social aesthesis (Smith, 2002). The implication is the need and

concerns of business groups overshadowing urban resident’s harmony and dictated by instability

and stigmatization (Slater 2011).

A question then rises on whose right to the city?, which Harvey (2008) inferred as not to be

likened to fundamental rights because such rights is given and shaped by public policies. The

dynamics of these public policies, depending on their positive sum and negative sum (Dente

2014) outcome and impact on stakeholders either can yield a successful non-incremental change

or reversely, resistance and conflicts arising from the different dimension of the socio-spatial

configuration.

Conflicts usually shocks us out of “sheeplike” passivity (Laws et al. 2014 quoting John Dewey) if

we fail to thoroughly evaluate the impact of policies on different stakeholders who co-exist in a

given space of society. As much as conflicts can be damaging to societal co-existence, it can

likewise be an opportunity and a resource that can instigate adaptive learning (Schon 1983, Laws

and Rein 2003) and subsequent co- existence amidst divisions. Destructive or constructive

patterns of interaction (Laws et al., 2014) characterize the outcomes of conflict. Both outcomes

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changes with time, hence it is prudent to draw conclusions based on current assessment and

reflections, most rightly with a socio-spatial study which blends societal manifestations with the

perspectives of locational and political characteristics (Gotham, 2002).

1.2 Paolo Sarpi XYZ

In our work we decided to use the Cartesian coordinate system to represent the socio-physical

space of Paolo Sarpi neighborhood and the relations occurring along its dimensions.

Figure 1: XYZ

Source: Authors elaboration 2015.

“XYZ” implies the different dimensions of relationship, coexistence and possible contradictions

that manifests in Paolo Sarpi’s functional occupation of space (residential and commercial),

spatial configuration of space (public, private and semi-private) and the commercial implication

of space (wholesale and retail).

In one hundred years of Chinese presence in Sarpi district there had not been even a memory

lite controversy between Chinese and Italian; the 2007 uprising was a first in its kind breaking

point. The situation currently has settled and the latter development of the pedestrian area of

via Paolo Sarpi has increased the opportunities for commercial activities whereas wholesale

3

shops and handicraft laboratory seem to be facing a phase of decline. This has left free space for

varied and new “high status” uses, drawing benefits from a more retail-oriented urban space.

Yet, coming from a backdrop of disagreements, protest, and clashes between Chinese traders

and the municipal administration, the starting point of this work stems for an assertion from

Prof. Novak which highlights some levels of physical, social detachment and differences in the

Neighborhood. His assertion points out a possible tension turmoil resulting from the "Chinese

uprising" in 2007 where oppressed traders (particularly wholesalers), expressed their

dissatisfaction against control measures put in place against them with a claim of no prior

dialogue. To test this hypothesis and understand the possible detachment and differences,

under a theme of space of division, the study seeks to answer the following questions;

X - How is the relation between wholesale activities and retail activities?

Y - Is the detachment between Italian residents and Chinese activities generating a conflict?

Z - What is the outcome of the creation of a new public space?

On this premise, the study assess the extent of coexistence and conflict between activities and

uses of space in the neighborhood. This is to ascertain and deepen understanding on the state of

interrelationship between residents, shop owners and users in Paolo Sarpi amidst the changing

“physi-social” dimension and uses of space by the different populations of Paolo Sarpi.

1.3 Objectives of the analysis

To verify the possible detachment and differences, the perspective of coexistence and conflict,

the study has the following objectives;

To examine the relation between wholesale activities and retail activities

To study the extent of detachment between Italian residents and Chinese activities

generating a conflict

What is the outcome of the creation of a new public space

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1.4 Methodology (XYZ Approach)

1.4.1 Research Design

The study adopts a socio-spatial approach (Gotham, 2002) using a qualitative and descriptive

case study which according to Yin (2003) is used to give meaning to the manifestation of a

phenomenon in a real-life context. In this case, the perceptions and reflections of three major

study variables in Paolo Sarpi including residents, users and shop owner will be considered. This

will be preceded by a historical assessment of the development of Paolo Sarpi which will be

reflected upon with references related to gentrification, right to the city, social policies and

media reviews.

1.4.2 Data Sources

Both primary and secondary information is used for this study. The secondary data from

publications, news items and documentaries on Paolo Sarpi were used as an entry point in

understanding the history, evolution and composition of the study area. This was expressed

considering some theoretical under pinning on gentrification, right to the city and social policies

to appreciate the context of development of Paolo Sarpi. More importantly primary data arising

from explicitly designed interview guide, neighborhood walks, unofficial interviews and activity

census was adopted to retrieve relevant information from residents, shop owners and users of

Paolo Sarpi considered as units of observation.

Figure.2 Categories used to classify the population of Paolo Sarpi

Source: Authors elaboration 2015.

5

1.4.3 Defining the Area of Analysis

Via Paolo Sarpi is a pedestrian street in Milan which extends for about 1 km. The focus of the

study is lies on the main street (via Paolo Sarpi) and its immediate adjourning streets.

Figure 3: Context Map. Via Paolo Sarpi, Milano

Source: Authors elaboration 2015.

Figure 4: Area of Study

Source: Context Map. Via Paolo Sarpi, Milano

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1.4.4 Framework of Analysis

The study adopts qualitatively, a figurative “XYZ” dimensional analysis to understand the layers

of coexistence and conflicts within the Paolo Sarpi neighborhood summarized below;

X - is the relationship/configuration between wholesale and retail

Y- is the relationship between the ground floor and upper floor

Z - is the relationship and use of public street and semi- public spaces (courtyard)

Each layer is analyzed with an initial description (based on observation and secondary

information) of how the dimension is being manifested in Paolo Sarpi. More importantly, the

image promoted by the press throughout the development of the neighborhood (200-2014) is

analyzed to reflect how Paolo Sarpi is seen in the perspective of “outsider”. This was followed

with a primary survey using interview guides to record at first hand perceptions and reflection of

residents, users and shop owners. These personal perceptions and reflections are anticipated to

inform the deepening and understanding of how spaces composed of differences with divisions

coexists in Paolo Sarpi. The units of observation (residents, shop owners and users) are

implicated differently in the XYZ dimensional analysis. Subsequent conclusions are therefore

based on the outcome of interviews with the specific actors involved in each dimension.

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CHAPTER TWO

HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF PAOLO SARPI

2.1 Introduction

This chapter indicates the transformation of Paolo Sarpi through time while empirically

presenting the current census of activities the makes up the spaces in the area. The

transformations are also discussed with references relating to relevant theoretical literature.

2.2 Roots of the Chinese community

Since the late 1920’s a small presence of Chinese community started migrating towards the

present Paolo Sarpi. Mostly males, they came to start businesses and married Italian wives

(Interview 3, shop owner). The presence of Chinese inhabitants did not expand much until the

90’s.Once the borders and the trades of the People’s Republic of China were opened, a lot of

immigrants started to trickle in. These immigrants started working for small handicraft shops,

making handbags and other leather products (interview3, shop owner), and later started

opening their own activities with Chinese imported products. This happened when the

production of handicraft ceased to be profitable compared to wholesale and retail activities of

finished products directly imported from China. The Chinese subsequently transformed into

commercial intermediaries of goods produced in their mother country and marketed in Italy

(Bàculo 2006). The growing Chinese community started substituting the declining handicraft

activities in the neighborhood , buying commercial space in cash (which the Italians considered

very appealing), modifying the real estate market in this area, raising the prices and moving

some of the previously existing activities and inhabitants far from Paolo Sarpi.

Today I shut down! tomorrow there will be another shop open at my place. There was a

bloody hunting. With the crisis of 98’, 99’, 2000’s property values had decreased, and this

also allowed the Chinese to come. They were paying quite high prices, just for the need of

coming here. Nowadays the prices can only increase (interview shop owner 1).

For sure the Italians living here are richer than the previous ones because it’s a famous street,

in the city centre, linked with the public transports, so it’s normal that prices of rents and real

8

estate is increased. For this reason Italians that buy here are richer than before and many of

the previous ones went away because it was more convenient (interview resident 2).

Despite the fact that the Chinese immigrants never substituted the Italian inhabitants, their

activities started to grow so fast that by the year 2000’s their activities occupied the majority of

the commercial space in the district. This drew to the district, the label “China Town” of Milan.

The activities were mostly wholesales, characterized by low quality and cheap products. At the

same time their (Chinese) shop windows lacked the appealing Italian aesthesis which aroused

complaints from Italian residents and shop owners who felt such a bad appearance could

damage the image of the neighborhood (Interviews 1,2,3,4… shop owners).

One decisive factor regarding the expansion of Chinese wholesale trade is the entry into force of

the law of trade reform (D. Lgs. 114/1998 Riforma della disciplina relativa al settore del

commercio, a norma dell’articolo 4, comma 4, della legge 15 marzo 1997, n. 59 and the next D.

Lgs. 223/2006 Disposizioni urgenti per il rilancio economico e sociale, per il contenimento e la

razionalizzazione della spesa pubblica, nonchè interventi in materia di entrate e di contrasto

all’evasione fiscale). This law stated that the regions could define the general guidelines for the

establishment of commercial activities pursuing some goals including the preservation of historic

centers and the compatibility of commercial settlements. Despite this, neither the region nor the

city council had made any instrument regulating the freedom of trade and the transformation of

urban space. It is not possible to attribute the choice to act as a “governo minimo” to a weak

administrative capacity, because it was perfectly coherent with the political line of the Municipal

Council, based on the idea of minimizing the presence of the public authorities in economic

activities in favor of a self-organized market that plays as the main regulatory mechanism. By

this, we can say that the local government answered to residents’ requests and aspirations of

“governo millesimale” based on the same organization of distribution of weights for what

concern the decisional power of each resident in a house. This resulted in accepting private

interests of Italian residents as an elective and electoral reference to which paying particular

attention was justified (Monteleone quoted in Bricocoli et al 2010). Business continued and the

9

presence of an increasing number of wholesale activities resulted in congestion arising from an

urban space very much not suited for the logistics required.

“I have the Chinese butcher at the ground floor of my building, and in addition to the

unspeakable stench, they always have the truck in front of my house, they shouldn’t but they

have it always! If I have to put my car in the courtyard for some reasons, I can’t or maybe I

can enter but then I have to wait for them to move it and so on...” (interview resident 2).

The consequence of this condition was a decline of the attractiveness of the neighborhood with

bad repercussions on the commercial activities and the residents. Associations of residents and

shop owners of Paolo Sarpi started claiming the lack of control from the public authority and

asked for interventions especially on the theme of congestion.

A pedestrian area was proposed by ViviSarpi association, but before that, a ZTL (traffic limited

area) was introduced by the municipality, along with regulations on the loading and unloading of

goods in the area. This new regulations were strongly enforced by the public authorities, but this

raised the malcontent of the Chinese community, that felt as the target of an ethnic oriented

policy of exclusion.

“We have opened the shop here because they allowed us to open and now they want to send

us away not explicitly... but through indirect, unpleasant methods, to say the least, through

penalties and very strict controls.” (Chinese trader in “Milano Downtown”, interview collected

by Lidia K. C. Manzo in November 2008)

This feeling to a larger extent is justified by some interventions made by exponents of local

authorities who had clearly declared the real purpose of the creation of the ZTL: “it represented

the means to expel Chinese traders of wholesale activities, for the reinsertion of retail stores”

(Monteleone, Manzo, Milano Downtown, 2010)

“They cannot stay there. Now in via Sarpi there is the pedestrian island. […] Which is the

declared goal of this pedestrian island? The one to make wholesale activities go away. Why

did we make it there? Not because we want to improve the quality of the air in Paolo Sarpi,

but because we want to send away these people.” (Deputy Mayor De Corato in “Milano

Downtown”, interview collected by Lidia K. C. Manzo in November 2008)

10

The resentment was suppressed until the urban riot in April 2007, in which the Chinese

community asked for an equal treatment. This riot was repressed by the police but from that

point on did not generate any other uprising. In 2011 the pedestrian area was completed,

changing completely the face of Paolo Sarpi, with new stone pavement, lines of trees, hedges,

and new urban furniture.

Figure 5: timeline of development

Source: Authors elaboration based on historical account from survey, 2014

2.3 Paolo Sarpi – Gentrified?

The issue of gentrification and what makes a gentrified space has been evolving with different

values attached by different literature on it characteristics (Smith and Williams, 1986,

Sassen1991, slater 2011, Shaw 2008). Understanding the changes in Paolo Sarpi within the 80’s

to date brings out some converging definition of gentrification. We can divide the gentrification

aspect in Paolo Sarpi in three different steps.

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2.3.1 Increase and displacement of working class occupiers for middle income earners as

expressed by Glass (1964).

Behind Manzo’s (2011) description of Sarpi as creole metamorphosis is an insurgent inhabitation

by wealthier population mostly Chinese who for reasons of proximity to the city center, fair zone,

Sempione park and post war reconstruction (Novak 2002) have revamped the commercial

functions of the area leading to subsequent infill by the middle class residents and services.

The first step is concerning the period right after the Second World War. During the phase of the

reconstruction, lots of the housing stock - mostly belonging to working class - was demolished

and substituted by buildings meant to be inhabited by higher classes while trying to create at the

same time new transportation axis that could have connected Corso Sempione to piazza

Baiamonti. Due to a progressive democratization of the political decisions the project was

interrupted, leaving a partially renewed area behind Paolo Sarpi street. This partial renewal did

not change much the social structure of the neighborhood which also started to host immigrants

coming from southern Italy.

2.3.2 Profound economic, social and spatial restructuring by Slater (2011)

The second phase of gentrification, which defines the social composition of the neighborhood

nowadays, happened during the 80s. After the abolition of the law 27/7/1978 n°392, concerning

the definition of a maximum rent (Equo Canone), the liberalization of the housing market

encouraged real estate speculation. This speculative phase encouraged the growth of the

tertiary sector in the city centre, forcing a large part of the middle class to move out of the inner

belt of Bastioni. One of the destinations of this population was Paolo Sarpi neighborhood yielding

to a substitution of the working class (Novak, 2002). The Sarpi neighborhood according to Novak

(2002) has experienced a transformation from residential and craftsmanship into an arguably

perceived ethnic area (Cologne, 2008) characterized by a socially diverse composition and

economically complex structure that improves the attractiveness of the area. This is mainly

attributed to the service and commercial investment by Chinese wholesalers in the 1990’s

(Manzo, 2011).

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2.3.3 Transformation no longer based on renovated houses but newly built town houses and

high-rise apartment by Shaw (2008).

The last phase of gentrification, which seems to be happening currently, is driven by the new

identity as the “china town of Milan”, the urban renewal and the proximity to the main projects

like Porta Nuova, and M5.

Paolo Sarpi might have started with mere renovation of craft shops to retail and wholesale

services but the current transformation goes beyond renovation to include new residential

apartments. Sarpi now exhibits consumption choice changes signifying the role of capital

investment in the area. After the growth of the Chinese community, the neighborhood has

gained a new identity and visibility, attracting new inhabitants and functions.

2.4 Paolo Sarpi – Who’s Right to the City?

In agreement to Harvey (2008) the right to the city is far more than the individual liberty to

access urban resources: it is a right to change ourselves by changing the city.

“To me everything is fine, but it's a beautiful chinatown, not the crap that is now. There may

be also the proposal of the Chinese gates, but you have to give a dignity to the whole

neighborhood, now it's nothing, a kind of no man's land where nobody intervenes .. let's put

even the arches Chinese but we make everything more beautiful.” (Interview resident 5)

He implied the freedom to make and remake the city as one of the most precious yet most

neglected of our human rights. In the context of Sarpi the right to the city in this sense was

infringed quite diplomatically when specific policies like the pedestrianisation of the street and

selective fines was to be a disincentive that will push Chinese out of Sarpi. The breaking point

was the protest in 2008 but this aside the publicity stunt on the area, achieved nothing more

than a compromise by the right seekers to what we might call the ‘conceded rights’. “No to

wholesale and yes to retail” (Manzo, 2012) was the stance and those who felt it hampered their

rights to the city had eventually being pushed out in Lacchiarella. All the same, other reasons

such as the economic downturn cannot be overlooked.

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“The improvement was definitely there and in any case there are no cars, trolleys have

decreased, however, the pedestrian has been left to itself, there is no maintenance. It is

completely neglected, was a 'propaganda operation.” (interview resident 5)

Right to the city, thus right of changing the city is unlike fundamental rights given and shaped by

public policies which defines what you can modify, provided you have the right to the city.

2.5 Policies promoted by administration

Councilor Masseroli cited by Manzo (2012) indicates the intention of the local government to

build on the scenario of gentrification in Sarpi to consciously attract the creative and young

people of Milan by providing incentives and creating pathways. This conforms to neoclassical

economists’ take on gentrification as something to be celebrated as part of an apparent middle-

class return to the central city from suburbia (Lipton 1977; Wheaton 1977; Kern 1981; LeRoy and

Sonstelie 1983; Schill and Nathan 1983).

However the provision of incentive depending on the interest of the target groups can yield

either a positive sum or negative sum results (Dente 2014) which can trigger reactions. In 2011

the city of Milan intervened to pedestrianize via Paolo Sarpi after the latter had already become

a ZTL (zone of limited traffic) in the late 2008 which sparked series of agitations by Chinese shop

owners. They felt they were unfairly treated as the policy hindered their commercial activities

(wholesale activities) and favored residential dwellers (predominantly Italians). It is inevitable

that these changes affects the way of life in the area, apparently, some wholesalers out of the

unfavorable trading environment were forced out remaining mostly retail activities. Addressing

an issue of a sanity environment that favors residents, the administration creates a problem of

cohabitation considering the fact that the first floors are almost completely Chinese, in terms of

use and attendance and the second one is almost completely Italian (Novak 2002).

2.6 The Role of Press in the Public Debate

2.6.1 Escalation and Decline of the Topic

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Much related to the timeline in figure 5, and as indicated in figure 6, the media spotlight in Sarpi

was at its peak within 2007 – 2008 (conflict point) which marked the point of conflict captured

with headlines such as;

DNews 11/11 - "Sarpi, sale la tensione per la Ztl: comunitàcineseesasperata”

(Sarpi, the tension is mounting for Ztl: Chinese community exasperated)

Il giornale 17/11 - "Sarpi, via alla rivoluzione: sulla ztl è già polemica” (Sarpi, via

the revolution: the ZTL is already controversy)

Repubblica 18/11 - “Chinatown, la pace dopo le polemiche” (Chinatown peace

after the controversy)

Corriere della Sera 28/11 - "Chinatown, rivolta dei negozianti incassi crollati,

l’isola è un danno” (Chinatown, revolt of shopkeepers receipts plummeted, the

Island is a damage)

Figure 6: Print Media Coverage on Paolo Sarpi

Source: Personal Elaboration with data from http://www.viapaolosarpi.com/

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

Corriere della Sera Repubblica Libero

Il Giorno Il Giornale Leggo

15

The subsequent years, 2009 – 2011 (resolution and agreements) had a sharp drop in reportage

but featured headlines related to implementation of ZTL and traffic flow control which

represented the contradiction and disagreements in term of interest as the policy weaned its

way into the configuration of Paolo Sarpi.

Corriere della Sera 13/1 "I residenti di Chinatown: più isola pedonale”

(The residents of Chinatown more pedestrian)

Republica 17/3 “Lettera di un residente contrario alla Ztl e isola pedonale per la

via Sarpi” (Letter from a resident opposed to the limited traffic and Pedestrian

street for Sarpi)

Libero 23/7 - "Sarpi pedonale slitta ancora, residenti furiosi” (Sarpi pedestrian

sled again, residents furious)

Il Giorno 28/6 - "L’edicolante di Sarpi: rovinato dalla Ztl”(The newsagent Sarpi:

ruined by Ztl)

In 2012-2014 (implementation of agreements and impacts on livelihood), there were barely

media attention on Paolo Sarpi, especially in 2012 which had just 2 news items by only Corriere

Della Sera having a retrospect on contradictions and looking at the influence of the Chinese

community in light of the developments.

25/3/2012 - "La comunità cinese contro il Comune: ci fa la guerra” (the

Chinese community against the City: there is war).

2013-2014 however, brought back some attention, focusing on the coexistence in Paolo Sarpi

considering the use of new space configurations.

Libero 9/4 – “Milano: nuovi orari per Ztl in zona Sarpi” (Milan: new times for

Ztl near Sarpi)

Libero 22/2 “Milano: Uniic, comunità cinese si sta integrando” (Milan:

UNIIC, communities' China is integrating)

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2.6.2 Image Promoted by the Press

There had been a calm co-existence for years but the sudden rise in media coverage on Paolo

Sarpi within 2007 – 2008 conveyed a message of revolt and conflict with the Chinese in Paolo

Sarpi as the focal subjects of controversy. Strong descriptions employed such as “revolt “and

“chaos” blew the nature of the issue out of proportion likewise the Italian resident – Chinese

shop owners dimension of the rift as indicated in some headlines such as;

DNews 18/12/2008 - "E gli italiani imitano i cinesi: anche noi usiamo il

carrellino” (And Italians 'mimic' the Chinese: we also use the trolley).

This was not a true reflection of the situation. Actually, the confrontation was directed towards

the political administration form both Chinese and Italian for different but related reasons. The

central point was the reduction in the attractiveness of the area for resident (traffic), users

(commercial) and shop owners (frequency of customers) with the increasing wholesale activities.

Measures to address this by the administration, singled out Chinese who felt unfairly treated

with the imposition of fines and most importantly, inadequate consultation before the

implementation of the measures.

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CHAPTER THREE

SETTING THE RECORD STRAIGHT

3.1 introduction

The outcome of our analysis takes distance from the initial hypothesis of physical, social

detachment and differences in the Neighborhood considering the current reflections from

residents, users and shop owners. The method of the analysis provided an understanding of the

real processes and relations ongoing in Paolo Sarpi drawing inferences from the opinion of the

people that were interviewed. In this part of our paper we define the effective role of each

category of actors that were involved in the processes of transformation of this district paying

attention to the XYZ method.

3.2 First Assumptions: Detachment and Conflict

The first assumption briefly analyses the findings arising for the field survey based on activity

census, observations and interview guides. It maps out the makeup of Paolo Sarpi in light of the

framework of analysis which is the XYZ dimensions.

3.2.1 X-Y Analysis (Via Paolo Sarpi)

The most visible feature coming out from the activity census in the main street is the

differentiation between the upper and the lower part of the street. In the first section there is a

much more strong concentration of Chinese and wholesale activities compared to the last

section, where the few Chinese activities are only retail activities with a higher quality.

“That is where we now are having a revaluation: there are new shops of clothes, shoes,

children accessories, all products have a higher quality, and they attract people walking here.

Of course, if you pass in front of those shops maybe you stop to see what is inside, if you pass

here, what can you see? A row of synthetic wigs, nothing else. And it doesn’t make you stop

in this zone to smoke a cigarette or to drink a coffee, it makes you run away”. (Interview

resident 3)

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Figure 8: Via Paolo Sarpi (right and left) - activities and building heights

Source: Field survey and activity census, 2014

3.2.2 X-Y Analysis (Adjoining streets)

The creation of the ZTL at the beginning, and then the pedestrian process have had as a

consequence in the movement of the majority of Chinese wholesale activities in the adjoining

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streets. Even if most of them have morphological characteristics very unsuitable with this kind of

activities, such as the passage of the tram, the low amplitude of the sidewalks and the roadway,

etc., they represent one of the pole of trading post of Italy.

Figure 9: Adjoining streets - Activities and building heights

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Source: Field survey and activity census, 2014

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Figure 10: Summary of Activity Census

Source: Field survey and activity census, 2014

The inadequacy of the streets for the logistics necessary to support wholesale has caused some

unpleasant experiences shared by residents.

“They also park in front of the entrance of the building. It happened some time ago, when I

had to call an ambulance and they couldn’t enter so I had to go downstairs myself. They have

a permanent parking, because for example in via Messina, if one truck goes away, another

one put boxes there to keep the parking lot.” (Interview resident 3).

3.2 X – Retail and Wholesale unrest addressed

This is the most evident aspect that came out of our analysis. The relation between the

wholesale activities and the retail has been the center of the critique toward the role of public

authorities. The lack of a strong guidance in the transformation of the neighborhood has aroused

the discontent of the shop owners (who in some cases also blame the Italian, who attracted by

the payment in cash, sold their activities to the Chinese). Those who were initially favored by the

typical configuration of Paolo Sarpi as a commercial district, saw their area change into a less

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favorable wholesale district of low quality products which resulted in the decline of their

customers.

“The problem is the number of Chinese wholesales, because they have damaged the shops

that were here before.. and if I have to go around to buy a t-shirt, and I see all shops with the

word “wholesale” I won’t enter, even if maybe they would sell you the single thing even if

they shouldn’t. Before it was much more a commercial street, there was so much more

people coming for shopping, it was the second street of Milan (together with Corso Buenos

Aires) without houses at the ground floor. All of them were shops, restaurants, bars…”

(interview resident 2)

Irrespective and according to the interview, the shop owners mostly accused the municipality to

have missed their purpose of protecting their activities thereby destroying a traditional part of

Milan. No shop owner blames the Chinese for setting their shops in the area, who is to blame is

the municipality. This is also stressed by the Chinese shop owners, who had a lot to complain

about. Aside being strongly affected by a pedestrianization, they were also the singled out

targets of a public policy of control during the rule of Vice Mayor De Corato and the mayor

Moratti. The intervention to control the loading and unloading of goods, confirmed by residents

and Italian shop owners became so strict that it culminated into the Chinese riot. Even after the

riot public authorities were considering the condition of Paolo Sarpi a “Chinese problem”, rather

than the outcome of a public intervention that arrived too late and in the wrong way (a point

most of the shop owners interviewed strongly agree).

Today the relation between wholesale and retail is still polemic, but the face of the

neighborhood is changing again. We can see that Chinese activities are often evolving into better

looking ones, often changing their activity toward a more quality oriented retail and letting the

district re-gain its commercial vocation. It is also interesting to see that some of the Italian shop

owners are considering the “China town” issue as a potential resource, which helped Paolo Sarpi

to recover from the crisis of retail, gaining a new visibility on the metropolitan if not the national

scale.

“It must be seen under a different point of view. It attracts other kinds of trade. Now people

come here also because it became an attractive place, for the fact of being defined a

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“Chinatown”. This Chinatown has nothing to do with the English and American ones, but now

they also bring groups of tourist.” (interview shop owner 1).

Summing up, the existing conflict of some years ago is changing totally. Presently there is a

strong revival of the district, taking advantages from the quality of the public space, the renewed

Italian activities of quality products, the new emerging Chinese retail and the ethnic connotation.

3.3 Y–Detachment without Controversy

We cannot say contradiction never happened (confirming form press review 2007-2008)

between occupiers of the ground floor and the upper floor. The growth of wholesale activities

and its consumption of space which affects traffic flow and commercial attractiveness of the

neighbourhood was a major point of disagreement. Interestingly the complaints were not

narrowed only on the issue of traffic but also on the fact that the expanding wholesale activities

reduces the commercial attractiveness of the neighbourhood in terms of users.

“You can see the typologies of exposition that they have, they are inadequate. Once all

shops had all those little lights, signboards, today not, they have only one little light in the

window and that’s it. Because they don’t have anything to show. Maybe only in the other

side of Paolo Sarpi (near Piazza Gramsci) they tried to improve the quality of the window

but here not.” (Interview resident 3)

The survey indicated that, the point of conflict arising from the contradictions was not between

residents and shop owners but rather grievances directed at the public administration who in an

attempt to address the concerns of residents in the upper floors incurred the wrath of shop

owners on the ground floor (2007 – 2008). Within 2009 - 2014 which saw the resolution of the

conflict with agreements and subsequent implementation of policies such as the ZLT and

pedestranisation (press review), respondents (residents and shop owners) confirmed a peaceful

co-existence.

There is a very good neighbourhood relation between Italian residents and shop owners and the

Chinese ones. However, another aspect that was highlighted by the Italians was the feeling of

living next to a much closed community, and even the new generations of Chinese seems to live

24

a “parallel life”, in which they are well integrated in the Italian community but their Chinese

counterpart seem to be completely detached from the rest.

“There is no relationship. The life is completely separate.” (interview resident 5)

“The new generations are very much italianized. If you just hear them talk without turning

you can’t distinguish them from the Italians. The “top” was when a Chinese guy that I know

very well told me “I can’t stand these Chinese anymore” and I said “Come on!” and he replies

“but I think as a westerner!” (interview shop owner 5).

3.4 Z – Improvement of the quality of space but still a diffused perception of lack of control

The making of via Paolo Sarpi closed to traffic has reduced the available space open for

transformation by residents and mostly shop owners. The public streets remain totally opened

for all but as it enters into the semi – public spaces they get personalized depending on the

activity run by the building. Some of them used as private garden were related to activities such

as beauty salon and yoga studio and some used as storage or car park (grocery, clothes shop).

The making of via Paolo Sarpi a public street is lauded by both resident, users and shop owners

as indicated in the interviews but its existence has compelled the privatization of existing semi-

public spaces. According to the interviews of both Italians and Chinese it seems like there was

much conflict in the use of public and semi-public space during the phase prior the

pedestrianization of Paolo Sarpi, with the use of the street by the wholesale activity, but also the

Italians played a big role in stressing the phenomenon of congestion because of the high level of

private traffic that the commercial street was attracting. Currently the pedestrianization has

improved the quality of the public space and the issues of congestion are not directly affecting

the main street. The side streets still present a quite bad condition, because of vans loading and

unloading goods and a generally, less well maintained public space. On these last issues the

complaints are not focusing on the role of Italians or Chinese, wholesale or retail, but on the lack

of control by public authorities, in particular the municipal police.

“I think the problem of Sarpi, but also of the whole Milan, is the municipal police. They don’t

work. When they arrive here they stay in their cars, instead of going out and help, or to see if

25

there’s something wrong, like a vase on a balcony that risks to fall, if bicycle are going too

fast… once I asked to a policeman and he replied “do you really look at these things?”, I just

went away… you are public officers, once you receive your mandate you should be always

working, you should impose to yourselves to do your best. i’m not saying they should just give

tickets… they should intervene and say “if I catch you again I will make you pay a fine for

that”. There must be a certain approach… I’m not saying “pam!” (implying “suddenly

punish”), but come on…” (interview resident 4)

“Who cares about it are we, not policemen, there is no intervention, they do nothing,

absolutely nothing! They intervene only if they are called, but with some effort, it

seems that bother them .. there is a sort of wall that they arise so you have to really

insist, otherwise they count on the fact that you desist after a while.” (interview

resident 5)

3.5 Where the Conflict Lies

The conflicts we initially perceived were completely different from the one characterizing the

neighborhood. The “sensational” way the press described the processes ongoing in Paolo Sarpi

helped to shift the attention from a conflict generated by a substantially bad or incomplete

public management of the socio-spatial transformation that affected the neighborhood, to an

ethnic-based conflict in which the responsibility of the decay of the area was the Chinese

community. This view of the neighborhood was also enforced by the politicians in charge of the

administration of the city, especially the city council.

The shift in attention did not solve the problem of the conflict in the way of use of the public

space in Sarpi, and also culminated into a riot. Only the active participation of Italian shop

owners to promote the pedestrianization changed the face of the street, enforcing a better

control of the area.

The Chinese community played a very passive role, unable to be heard by the city council that

probably did not take into account their request as legit. When the wholesale activities started to

decline in Paolo Sarpi, it was only because of the growth of the demand of Chinese products that

26

forced these activities to move to more suitable areas in the periphery of Milan, not because of

an active political intervention.

The problems of having a large Chinese community, as De Corato states in Manzo 2012, is

proven to be wrong since both residents and Italian shop owners do not seem to have much to

complain about their presence, and in the end the latter transformation of the Chinese activities

is proving their presence as a resource that in the end is giving a new image to the district,

attracting new shoppers, residents and even tourists, for the benefit of the whole street.

“But, as far as I know the residents here are very happy. The Chinese are not immigrants, they

occupy a territory.” (interview resident 4)

“We can only say that this area is a place where Chinese people do business and work.”

(interview shop owner 2)

3.6 From Co-Existence to Integration

Even if the area has a tradition of Chinese community, the consequence of the latter exploit of

their presence are still affecting Paolo Sarpi, but the impression is that 2nd and 3rd generations

are quite open and in line with the Italian community. This can also be seen by the style and the

products of the most recent commercial activities.

Probably integration will happen over time, but right now the neighbourhood seems to be

characterized by good relations among the individuals belonging to their respective community

even though a reciprocal conflict seems to still exists when talking about generic issues,

especially from the Italians who still identify the Chinese community as very introverted.

“Everyone suffers from being in Chinatown. We would like to be in an Italian place. Here you

go out and you get “almond eyes” (interview shop owner 1)

“They are a much closed ethnic group, so they do their thing between them. I’ve never heard

about any direct confrontations between “us” and “them”.” (interview resident 2)

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CHAPTER FOUR

CONCLUSION

4.1 The Unpredictable Role of Public Authorities

What happened in our case study tells us the story of a neighborhood in which the lack of

control on a certain transformation, changed completely the face of the place.

Aalbers (2006), refers to the unpredicted consequences and side effects in the social sphere of

political choices and in our case study we put in evidence that the new identity that Sarpi gained

is the result of lack of political actions and misleading perpetration of reportage of the media.

The fact that this transformation in the end achieved a positive change without the help of top-

down policies can tell us about the inherent qualities of a place and how these can be far more

effective in shaping its society in contrast to their more official counterpart.

Lack of intervention from public authorities (which is something on which there are a lot of

complaints from the inhabitants of the district) and contingent factors let the place evolve

rapidly. If the municipality had controlled the way wholesale activities started to open in Paolo

Sarpi, probably we could not have realized our “sort of” China town as we recognize it nowadays.

If the crisis of the retail, due to the loss of attractiveness, did not generate as a response, the

request for the pedestrianization, probably the area would not have looked so hospitable. A

respondent even hinted that a lot of the residents who moved ten years ago now regret their

choice.

But, more importantly we also have to consider contingent factors: the need for the wholesale

activities to move in more suitable places, due to the growth in demand of products imported

from China generated by the economic crisis; new ongoing projects of urban renewal and the

construction of the new metro line also increased the overall quality and attractiveness of the

place.

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4.2 Centrality Factor

We cannot take for granted the fact that what has happened to Paolo Sarpi was something that

could be replicated anywhere else. There are not replicable conditions in this context. The area

was traditionally renowned for its trade in the Milanese area. It lies in the dead center of Milano,

with inhabitants that belong to upper-middle class. Probably these first conditions, which we can

group in the “centrality factor”, made this area a very good spot, full of opportunities, also for

the Chinese activities. The conflicts that hit Paolo Sarpi during the late 2000’s and the way the

press propagated this story increased the visibility of an area in decline, in which the potential of

the condition of the centrality factor were hidden.

The strength of the local actors and the impact of an incredibly large and visible Chinese

community renewed the face of the neighborhood promoting physical change and creating a

new brand as “China town”. It is not the typical ethnic district. The ethnic presence has been

there for almost 100 years and never substituted the local inhabitants.

The success of the latter transformation which are leading to an even more gentrified and retail-

oriented district is a consequence of the inherent potential of the area as a very “central” one.

Thanks to this, it makes sense to renovate activities that were selling cheap products into a more

profitable one, re-creating that scale-economy that was disappearing during the 90’s and early

2000’s.

However, if the processes of ethnic connotation occurred in the periphery (in the case of Milano,

via Padova is probably a good example), this could have had completely different effects because

of the lack of commercial opportunities of such a peripheral position, and the lack of a local civic

society, strong enough to affect the choices of the city council.

29

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