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Palestinian Civil Society Index
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The Coordination Council for Palestinian NGOs
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5Environment
Structure
Impact
Value
3
Field Researchers
Research Team
Ahmad Khatab Ahmad Abu Al-Heja Amani Nazal Ayman Abdul Majeed Diana Jarrar دDr. Nadia Abu Zahrah Sarah Warasneh Dr. Saed Dorra (Team Leader) Samar Barham Samar Husary Shomous Harb Samir Seif Ola Joulani Hend Abed Fadia Hawareish Lina Jamil Mahmoud ‘Ebiat The team of Coordination Council For Palestinian NGOs Najah Samasrah Issam Arruri Nisreen Abbas Dr. Shatha Owdeh Nash’at Abdul Fattah Dr.Mouhamad Abushi Nihaya Sabri Muharram Barghothi Hanadi Nasrallah Monjed Abu Jesh Nasfat Khoufash Moatasim Zaid Mohamad Shalaldih Shafik Abu Hamad Reem khalili Dua’a Qurie Mohamad Ghazawnih Mohamad Hassaneh
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Contents Executive Summary .................................................................................................................... 5
Section One: Introduction and Definition .................................................................................... 15
1. Background ....................................................................................................................... 15
2. The Palestinian Civil Society ............................................................................................. 21
3. Objectives of the Study and Research Methodology ...................................................... 37
3.1 Objectives .................................................................................................................. 37
3.2 Methodology ............................................................................................................. 38
3.3 Phases of Consultancy Tasks .................................................................................... 40
Section Two: Civil Society Index ................................................................................................... 48
1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................... 48
2. Civil Society Index Analysis ............................................................................................... 49
2.1. Structure .................................................................................................................... 49
2.2. Environment .............................................................................................................. 78
2.3. Values ...................................................................................................................... 108
2.4. Impact...................................................................................................................... 128
3. Civil Society Index ........................................................................................................... 147
3.1. Structure .................................................................................................................. 147
3.2. Environment ............................................................................................................ 148
3.3. Values ...................................................................................................................... 150
3.4. Impact...................................................................................................................... 150
List of Annexes: ....................................................................................................................... 153
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Executive Summary
The Palestinian NGOs coordination council, which includes the Palestinian NGOs Network (PNGO) and its partners in the National Commission for Palestinian NGOs (NCPN) and the Palestinian Union of Charitable Societies (PUCS), seeks to diagnose the status of the Palestinian civil society and analyze its capacities, abilities and needs in order to provide the information needed to develop an intervention program that aims at improving the chances of sustaining the Palestinian civil society’s organization, and in order to promote its position and activate its role in social development and national struggle as well as strengthen its contribution to social change and development, towards addressing risks and challenges more efficiently. The participatory methodology was used to implement the tasks vested in this consultancy research, including the engagement of relevant stakeholders at all stages of planning, implementing and evaluating consultancy services. The relevant stakeholders include the members of the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, the project team at NCPN, PUCS and PNGO, as well as a randomly selected sample of Palestinian NGOs, Charitable societies, specialized NGO Networks, and some representatives of the private sector, unions and some official commissions. In identifying the civil society index, the methodology adopted a tool to assess the civil society. The tool was developed and prepared based on the internationally used methodology, CIVICUS. The Civil Society Index relies on four key components; the civil society structure, the external environment in which the civil society operates, the values that lead civil society organizations in their work, and the effect of civil society organizations. The research was prepared through different stages, following are the key activities:
- Explanatory meetings were held with the representatives of NGO networks, literature review with relation to consultancy services was conducted, the study methodology and final vision were drafted, and a joint team consisting of the Palestinian NGOs coordination council and the research team was formed in order to discuss the research methodology and terms of reference.
- An analytical study on the concept of civil society in the Palestinian context was prepared. The study mainly included literature review, and review of international experiences and literature with relation to the index and with similar social, economic and political conditions to the Palestinian context. A draft paper on the definition of the society as well as a concept paper on the definition of civil society in the Palestinian context were submitted. A stakeholder analysis was also prepared.
- The conceptual framework of the Palestinian civil society was prepared. In codifying the research, it was agreed to focus on the frameworks and institutions
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known as NGOs that operate in accordance with law No. 1 of 2000 (NGOs and Charitable Societies) and adopt the lists of member organizations at the three networks. The total number of organizations was 410 after the exclusion of mutual members.
- The “indicator” and the qualitative and quantitative research tools were developed. A draft questionnaire that includes the key indicators to Palestinian civil society organizations was developed to be used as the basis for the automated database and NGOs map. The civil society index was also developed based on the revision, adaption and amendment of Civicus Civil Society Index in accordance with the conceptual framework of the Palestinian civil society, while maintaining the key elements of the index to ensure its transparency and appropriateness to constitute a qualitative and quantitative research tool. An automated software has been developed to be used to fill the questionnaire, and then to serve as a database for NGOs.
- The field work team which covered all geographical areas: the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza Strip, was formed. The targeted sample from the field work was identified. In order to develop the database (NGO work map), the total number of targeted organizations was 410 after review. In order to develop the index and identify the status of the civil society, over 35% of the member organizations at the different networks were targeted (115 organizations), taking into account the sectors, field of work, and fair geographic distribution of active organizations.
- In order to collect qualitative data to develop the Civil Society Index, workshops and meetings were held with representatives of the groups composing the civil society and targeted categories (political factions, independent unions, the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions, a feminist organization, the Independent Commission for Human Rights – the ombudsmen bureau, AMAN, Media Review Network, specialized networks – the Palestinian NGO Against Domestic Violence Against Women and the Human Rights Coalition).
- All the collected information was analyzed after being reviewed and the final report was drafted. The index was identified from such information, while ensuring existence of information on the aforementioned four components and rating each indicator and component.
The field work team faced a number of obstacles, namely: organizations’ membership in
several networks, notably membership in PUCS and NCPN at the same time; a number
of registered organizations have been inactive for several years; some societies are
registered as cooperatives; some organizations refused to cooperate with the field work
team despite having a clear mission in this regard, including five societies from Nablus;
when visiting the listed address of some organizations, it turned out that they are not
located there; and there was limited response from some organizations where they
filled one questionnaire and refused to fill the other one.
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The final report is composed of two key part, the first part includes a background on the
Palestinian civil society and its evolution based on the concept papers prepared during
the research, as well as the definition of the civil society and its components based on
the concept note on civil society adopted by CIVICUS, and a presentation of the research
objectives and the adopted methodology in detail. While the second part of the report
focused on the analysis process of the four civil society index components based on the
information collected from different sources, the analysis was as follows:
The Structure: the analysis of the civil society structure included 6 indicators, as follows:
1. Broad Participation: the analysis was based on the participation and
involvement of the public in the civil society, including public participation in
politics and organizations receiving regular donations for humanitarian causes;
membership in NGOs; and NGOs’ reliance on voluntary work and volunteers.
This indicator received a 2.4 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed
information. Accordingly, we can state that participation amongst civil society
organizations is notably high.
2. The Depth of Public Participation: the analysis was based on the depth and
meaning of public participation in the civil society, the frequency and intensity of
public engagement in the civil society, the amount of regular annual donations,
and the amount of voluntary work done for the benefit of civil society
organizations. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected
and analyzed information. Accordingly, we can state that the depth of
participation amongst civil society organizations is good but not as good as the
previous indicator.
3. The Variety of Participants in the Civil Society: the analysis was based on the
variety of representation in the civil society and the equal participation of social
categories in the civil society; the variety of social categories who participate in
NGOs’ activities or who are targeted by the NGOs’ services; and the categories
represented in the leadership of civil society organizations. The variety of
participants received a 2.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed
information. Accordingly, we can state that there is notable variety in the active
and targeted categories amongst civil society organizations.
4. Level of Organization: the analysis was based on the organization of the civil
society; the quality and level of participation, including having umbrellas
(networks) in which the organizations are members and the efficiency of such
umbrellas; the efficiency of self-organization efforts of NGOs and NGO networks
to build the capacity of civil society organizations; the level of support provided
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by the surrounding environment to the civil society; and membership in
international networks or umbrellas. The level of organization received a 2 out of
3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information. Accordingly, we can
state that the level of organization is good but not as good as expected from
umbrellas in the civil society.
5. Relations: the analysis was based on the strength and productivity of relations
between civil society representatives, the efficiency of the civil society in terms
of organizing and participating in activities and communicating with civil society
organizations on issues of interest to the civil society, and civil society alliances
and coalitions in which organizations participate and which are crosscutting with
the organizations’ line of work. The relations between civil society organizations
received a 2.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information.
Accordingly, we can state that the relations in the form of coalitions and
alliances are very good compared to the level of organization.
6. Resources: the analysis was based on the availability of sufficient resources at
civil society organizations for them to achieve their objectives; and the
organizations’ funding sources, human resources, technical resources and
infrastructure. The resources indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the
collected and analyzed information. Accordingly, we can state that the status of
resources is good but not as good as expected since funding sources have a
negative effect on the resources indicator.
As an end result, the structure received an average rating of 2.25 out of 3, which is a
very good rating, as the civil society structure has been subject to long developmental
stages that have led to increasing this rating. Therefore, we reached the following
conclusions and recommendations:
- Participation is a sensitive issue and could be lethal to NGOs. In order to
maintain their identity and not become organizations for the elite that benefit
only themselves, these organizations must work strenuously on promoting deep
public participation, opening membership to their general assemblies for such
categories, developing teamwork culture at their organization, and
implementing their activities.
- Networks may develop capacity building programs for organizations on
activating participation, including awareness raising and training, documenting
and sharing best practices in terms of participation, transfer of experience with
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relation to creating work regulations and manuals, reviewing the laws and code
of conduct with the general assemblies of other organizations.
- The variation of funding sources and increasing the self and local funding margin
in the financial structure of NGOs constitute a safe approach towards ensuring
the sustainability of services provided by NGOs. Networks must work on and
contribute to building the capacity of NGOs, namely grassroots NGOs, in terms of
mobilizing self and local funding and improving their readiness for accountability.
The Environment: the analysis of the civil society environment included 7 indicators as
follows:
1. The Political and Legal Context: the analysis was based on the political situation in the country, its effects on the civil society and its reflection on NGOs and their implementation of their activities; the effects of the existing factions system on the work of NGOs; the application of rule of law on higher authorities; the control over corruption in the public sector; the ability of the authorities to achieve the goals adopted in the strategic plan; and government spending on local governments. This indicator received a 1.05 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very low rating. Accordingly, we can state that the political and legal context is an impeding element before the work of civil society organizations and will negatively affect the surrounding environment indicator.
2. Political Freedoms and Rights: the analysis was based on the extent to which civil freedoms are protected by the law and practices, public access to governmental documents and information, and legal guarantees to the freedom of press and the application of such laws. This indicator received a 1.33 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a low rating as there are violations of freedoms and there is a lack of laws that guarantee freedom of access to information.
3. The Socio-economic Context: the analysis was based on the socio-economic situation in the country and its effects on the civil society, and the effects of prevailing socio-economic factors on the work of civil society organizations. This indicator received a 1 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very low rating that shows the negative effect of the socio-economic situation on the work of civil society organizations.
4. The Socio-cultural Context: the analysis was based on the effect of socio-cultural standards and behaviors on the civil society through examining the trust of individuals of the society in each other, the extent of tolerance between individuals in the society, and the sense of belonging amongst individuals in the society. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a high rating compared to the other environment indicators, due to the positive cultural standards with relation to the Palestinian civil society’s work.
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5. The Legal Environment: the analysis was based on the extent to which the current legal environment allows for the civil society to work, namely the registration of civil society organizations; the freedom of civil society organizations in engaging in advocacy and support programs and/or in criticizing the government; and the tax exemption system that encourages individuals and organizations to use tax deduction and loans in tendering procedures. This indicator received a 1.58 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a low rating, due to the constraints in the civil society’s legal environment.
6. The Relation between the Civil Society and the State: the analysis was based on the nature and quality of the relation between the civil society and the state through enabling the civil society to exist and work independently without state intervention, the dialogue between the state and the civil society, and the extent to which the civil society obtains resources from the state. This indicator received a 1.43 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information. The rating is low due to limited relations, the existence of some issues that limit the work of civil society organizations and the limited dialogue and its decreased efficiency.
7. The Relation between the Civil Society and the Private Sector: the analysis was based on the nature and quality of the relation between the civil society and the private sector through examining the private sector’s view of civil society organizations, private sector institutions’ commitment to their social responsibilities, and the support received by NGOs from the private sector. This indicator received a 1.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information. The rating is low due to limited relations and partnerships with the private sector, and the limited support provided to the civil society.
As an end result, the environment received a 1.41 out of 3 rating, which is a low rating due to the fact that the surrounding environment around the civil society may be impeding to the work of the civil society. Accordingly, the following conclusions and recommendations were reached:
- The environment surrounding civil society organizations is characterized by challenges, instability and in many times difficulty, which requires the three networks to conduct an in depth and detailed study on the different aspects of this environment and develop interventions to address them in order to improve the work conditions of NGOs and charitable societies.
- The social values system is subject to numerous negative effects, namely constricting collectivity values such as trust, tolerance, acceptance, and social belonging. Which requires attention to this trend and the development of promotional and awareness campaigns on positive social values that encourage participation and voluntary work.
- Should NGOs be unable to stabilize the political situation and expand the horizon of hope, the three umbrellas are able to develop intervention programs with different socio-political parties, including political parties and unions, to thwart
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the deterioration in public participation and promote participation, voluntary work and social values that strengthen collective belonging.
The values: the analysis of values that guiding the civil society included 7 indicators as follows:
1. Democracy: the analysis was based on the civil society’s practices of democracy through the organizations encouraging their targeted categories on practicing democracy, and promoting democracy on the social level. This indicator received a 2.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a relatively high rating because civil society organizations stated that they practice democracy and promote it in the Palestinian society.
2. Transparency: the analysis was based on the civil society’s practice of transparency through examining the extent of corruption in the civil society, the extent to which NGO’s publish their financial reports to the public, and the processes and activities promoting governance and participation transparency. This indicator received a 1.87 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is low compared to that of democracy because there are few civil society organization that provide their information to the public and engage in activities to promote transparency, such practices are found in central organizations.
3. Tolerance: the analysis was based on civil society organizations’ practices of tolerance values in light of the fact that civil society is the embodiment of tolerance, and the organizations’ activities towards promoting tolerance on the social level. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society put tangible efforts into spreading and promoting tolerance values.
4. Non-violence: the analysis was based on the civil society practices of non-violence values and promoting non-violence through raising awareness on non-violence definitions, and how NGOs deal with combatting violence. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society puts tangible efforts into spreading and promoting non-violence values.
5. Gender Equality: the analysis was based on the civil society practices of gender equality and promoting gender equality, and how NGOs deal with positive discrimination in favor of women. This indicator received a 2.3 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society exercises tangible efforts to this end and always works on positive discrimination in favor of women.
6. Combatting Poverty: the analysis was based on the extent to which the values of combatting poverty are promoted amongst the civil society through projects and activities implemented by NGOs towards combatting poverty. This indicator received a 1.8 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information,
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which is a relatively good rating, as civil society provides efforts to this end and always attempts to combat poverty.
7. Environment Sustainability: the analysis was based on the extent to which the civil society maintains the sustainability of the environment through the projects and activities implemented by NGOs to this end. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as civil society provides efforts to this end and always attempts to maintain the environment.
As an end result, values received a 2.07 out of 3 rating, which is a very good rating as the civil society is led by a number of positive values. Accordingly, we reached the following conclusions and recommendations:
- The civil society worked on promoting democracy and gender equality through its different activities and continued communication with the public. This was evident from the numerous activities implemented by the civil society towards promoting democracy values and raising public awareness on this issue.
- There is a strong approach from civil society organizations to reach gender equality. NGOs are exercising great efforts to reach gender equality and they are also working on networking and cooperating with other public and private sectors towards promoting gender equality.
- A large number of civil society organizations have signed the code of conduct, however work needs to be done in this context on two components; the first is that these organizations should incorporate the code of conduct provisions in their regulations and policies and apply them. The second is that the umbrella networks must discuss the code of conduct with the general assemblies of organizations and build the capacity of the organizations in this regard.
- With regards to transparency and accountability, civil society organizations need to increase their preparedness for accountability and build the capacity of their staff on handling and applying accountability considerations.
- Civil society organizations must promote transparency and increase publication of financial and administrative reports.
Impact: the analysis of the civil society’s impact included 5 indicators as follows:
1. Effect on Public Policies: the analysis was based on the efficiency and success of the civil society’s effect in public policies through examining the efficiency of the organizations’ activities and programs aiming at effecting public policies, the experiences of organizations in working on effecting public budget, and maintaining integrity in partnership and cooperation with the public and private sectors. This indicator received a 1.25 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a relatively low rating, as civil society experiences in effecting policies were limited.
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2. Maintaining Integrity in Partnerships and Cooperation with the Public And Private Sectors: the analysis was based on the efficiency and success of the civil society in maintaining integrity in partnerships and cooperation with the public and private sectors through examining the organizations’ participation in campaigns and programs aiming at monitoring government performance and maintaining integrity, and the organizations’ efforts in maintaining integrity in projects implemented in partnership with the private sector. This indicator received a 2 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a very good rating, as there are good experiences in this regard.
3. Response to Public Interest: the analysis was based on the civil society’s response to public interest through examining NGOs’ response to the priorities in social interests, and trust with the public. This indicator received a 1.5 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a relatively low rating, as there are good but limited experiences in this regard due to limited financial resources.
4. Empowering the Public: the analysis was based on the efficiency and success of the civil society in empowering the public, particularly marginalized categories, to be able to make life changing decisions through educational programs on public issues; and the efficiency and success of NGOs in: building the capacity of the public to organize themselves, identify resources, and work collectively to solve general issues; the programs implemented by NGOs with the aim of empowering marginalized categories; the programs aimed at empowering women; the programs and activities aimed at building social capital; and the efficiency of the civil society in creating and supporting employment. This indicator received a 1.75 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a good rating, as the civil society is exercising great efforts to this end, and such efforts are conditioned by the availability of financial resources.
5. Meeting social needs: the analysis was based on the civil society’s efficiency and success in meeting social needs, particularly those of indigent people and marginalized categories, through examining NGOs’ achievements in pressuring the government towards meeting urgent social needs; the services provided by NGOs to meet urgent social needs; and the evaluation of services in comparison with the services provided by public organizations in the same field of work in terms of quality and quantity. This indicator received a 1.43 out of 3 rating based on the collected and analyzed information, which is a low rating, as there are efforts from the civil society in this regard but these efforts are dependent on the availability of financial resources.
As an end result, the effect received an average rating of 1.64 out of 3, which is a very low rating because the civil society’s effect is contingent on combined and complementary efforts from all civil society organizations. Accordingly, we reached the following conclusions and recommendations:
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- Civil society organizations were successful in pressuring political powers for the greater national interest in limited instances, such as spreading the culture of human rights. They also had a role in encouraging political participation and affecting decision making, even though it was not at the required level many times.
- The successes of the civil society included increasing the effect of its wok through civil society organizations’ ability to respond to the social needs, namely rapid response in aid processes; implement projects to create employment opportunities; and build the capacity of marginalized and targeted categories, as well as providing economic, social, educational and medical support to these categories.
- Civil society organizations must involve the largest targeted categories in needs assessment processes, planning and implementation of activities targeting them, in parallel with promoting and accumulating the effect of their work.
- Civil society organizations must review national policies and plans and build on them to increase the effect and ensure its accumulation in order to achieve greater results from their programs and projects.
- Increase the visibility of civil society programs’ effect through the use of media and social media, which could be done through the umbrella networks.
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Section One: Introduction and Definition
1. Background
The subject of civil society emerged as one of the most important issues being discussed
at this period of time during which many changes are taking place globally, and in the
Arab World in particular. The central concept of civil society is manifested in
contemporary literature related to democratic transition in different countries around
the World, including the countries of the Arab World1. It is noticed that arguments
related to the civil society, as a concept and as a social structure, are usually raised
during historical eras that witness many social transformations and changes. Especially
changes related to the governing regime and ruling authority, and in the economic,
social and living patterns connected to these regimes2. One can also notice that this
concept appears in political literature and ideological debates, then starts to vanish
gradually and later disappears so that the related debates no longer exist, but then it
comes back to the top strongly, this time in a different context in terms of the historical
moment, related content and the needs that this debate tries to provide answers to.
This was the case when there was a need to revive the concept of civil society, it was
described by saying that “the main source for forming a social capital lies within the
social society”3. Just like other concepts, the concept of social society is connected to
the ideological school addressing the concept and the historical context contained
within it.
Libraries are loaded with publications, theories, interpretations and readings related to
or discussing the subject of civil society. Despite this attention, this concept, and the
1 Shukor, AbdulGhafar (2003) “Civil Society and its Role in Shaping Democracy.” In AbdulGhafar Shukor
and Mohamed Moro. Domestic Society and its role in Shaping Democracy. Damascus: Dar Alfikr. P.57. 2 Seymour Martin Lipset, Jason M. Lakin, (2004) The Democratic Century, Norman: University of
Oklahoma Press, 128. 3 Michael Leicht, A Reformed European Model: Social Capital as a Competitive Advantage, (Norderstedt:
GRN Verlag, 2000), P. 72.
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reflections it has on the socio-economic and political structures, is considered one of the
most debated concepts as there is a large gap between the different views of the
concept and in the method used how to handle it. Differences include: definition; as it is
difficult to agree on one unified definition, there are many dissimilar definitions,
although in some cases definitions have some similarities. In addition, writers also have
different views about its components, conditions and its roles or uses.
Although the 1980’s have witnessed a return of the discussions about the concept of
civil society on an international level due to the changes that took place in Eastern
Europe, the notion in Palestine was noticed strongly after the year 1994, when wide
debates and arguments were triggered among Palestinian researcher and intellectuals.
The debates and discussions related to the concept of civil society in Palestine escalated
due to the political developments that were unusual to the Palestinian society. The most
prominent development was the formation of the Palestinian National Authority as a
product of Oslo Accords. The Palestinian Authority represented a new social structure in
the Palestinian society which was unfamiliar to the society. The issues of governance, a
state, democracy, citizenship, human rights and civil society were some of the hottest
topics in the context of developmental thought and political thought, which aspired for
changes despite the incomplete process of national liberation and independence. This
new structure resulted in a need to search for interpretations and definitions for
existing social formations and new ones, to provide explanation for the related
concepts, and to highlight the strong relation between them and the position of each
formation in the social structure. Through this research, Palestine went through detailed
discussions and debates about local organizations and the civil society, their emergence,
development, the terms of their existence, their components, their roles and
definitions.
There were many different opinions related to the concept, roles, terms of existence
and the emergence of a civil society, some researchers agreed that the Palestinian civil
society was formed amid the formation of the contemporary social structure and during
the resistance against colonialism before the Palestinian Nakbah of 1984 and before the
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existence of Israel4. Others believe that the “Palestinian Civil Society” has been formed
during the resistance of the Israeli occupation after the year 19675. Furthermore,
others, who believe that the existence of a national state is a main condition for the
development of a civil society, said that the “Palestinian Civil Society” was formed after
the existence of the Palestinian National Authority, i.e. after 19946.
Due to the unusual formation of the Palestinian civil society, as it was formed in the
absence of a national state and while under occupation, the issues related to the
objective conditions that should exist in a society in order to be able to accept the fact
of the existence of a Palestinian civil society and to recognize it was the most dominant
issue in the current debates. Some specialists considered that there are some main
conditions and distinctive characteristics that should exist in a society so that it could be
considered a civil society, probably the most important conditions are: having a national
state, separation between governmental organizations and civil organizations, the
existence of a democratic political system, having an effectively participant society, and
having a society that shows recognition of all its citizens, despite the differences in their
affiliations, and a society that differentiates between contemporary and historical social
structures7. Due to the overlap between these conditions, and since the Palestinian
society was put under notable external pressure, many researchers refused to
acknowledge the existence of a civil society due to the absence of an independent
Palestinian State and the absence of the related structural and divisional formations.
According to this point of view, a civil society will be established under the case of
mutual exclusion from the State. Another point of view refused to acknowledge the
4 Abrash, Ibrahim (2006) “The Palestinian Civil Society from The Revolution to the Establishment of a
State”, General Information Association: Ro’ya Magazine, issue, February, P 60-61. 5 Ziyad Abu Amr (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, Ramallah: MUWATIN
The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, P. 27. 6 Jukman, George (1995) “Civil Society and the Palestinian Authority”, in Mousa AlBudairy et al,
Palestinian Democracy: Cash Money, Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, P. 108; Mustafa AlBarghouthi “The Current Era and Changes to Civil Organizations in Palestine”. In May AlJayyousi (Edited), Liberation, Democratic Transformation, and Building a State in the Third World: Proceedings of MUWATIN Conference held in Ramallah on the 7
th and 8
th of November
1997, (Ramallah: The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, 1998), P. 77. 7 Azmi Bshara Civil Society, Critical Review, Ramallah, MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of
Democracy, P. 33
18
existence of a Palestinian civil society, even after the existence of the Palestinian
National Authority, considering that this Authority does not have independent
sovereignty, and the existence of an independent democratic state is a main condition
for having a civil society8, thus, this point of view did not consider the mere existence of
a Palestinian Authority enough. As for the group who adopted the point of view which
defended the right of recognizing a civil society in Palestine, there were some variations
in their conditions; some did not consider the existence of a Palestinian Authority a
condition to acknowledge the existence of a civil society, they considered that the
existence of a civil society is a result of social and historical development and that it was
formed before the existence of the Palestinian Authority, and that democratic formation
is an accumulative historical process in which the civil society is shaped and hardened,
despite the fact that the democratic process is occurring during the ongoing conflict on
political authority. Others considered that the establishment of the National Authority
and the existence of a Palestinian Parliament are enough for the acknowledgement of
the existence and development of a Palestinian civil society, and see that the Palestinian
civil society, with its different components and organizations, and the strength of the
society and its different connections and interactions, are all part of the Palestinian
social structure9.
As for the debate related to the components of a civil society, it can be summarized in
the nature of these components (structures) that should be either included or excluded
from the framework of the recognized civil society. Some considered that the
components of a civil society shall include social structures that are based on willingly
created connections between the individuals as citizens, and shall not include any
connections that are based on blood or inheriting connections. In other words,
connections which exclude family members and connections based on family ties.
Others chose to exclude political parties from the context of the civil society as they are
8 Ziyad Abu Amr (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resource, P.
123, 148. 9 Jukman, George (1995) “Civil Society and the Palestinian Authority”, in Mousa AlBudairy et al,
Palestinian Democracy: Cash Money, Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, P. 108.
19
considered one of the components of a state, others excluded cooperatives due to the
nature of their relation with the market. It may be that the different opinions related to
the components of the civil society are a result of the different opinions related to the
definition of a civil society, as the differences in defining the civil society were reflected
on the components and terms of creation of a civil society. The debate over the role of
the civil society was limited between those who found a positive effect for the
Palestinian civil society, whether the role is spreading positive values in the society and
meeting its needs or its role in affecting policies, on one hand, and those who have not
found such positive role on the other10.
From the perspective of CIVICUS Methodology11, the concept of civil society is used
recurrently and in a simplified manner only to describe non-governmental and non-
profitable organizations. Each society consists of:
- Public Sector (Governmental and State Organizations): which is the ruling and
controlling sector, it includes the governmental executive body, the legislative body,
civil services and military and judicial bodies. This sector is the sector that controls
the legitimate use of power.
- Private Sector (Business and Market Sector): which is the sector that regulated
businesses and works towards creating wealth for individuals and organizations
through gaining profits by offering different products and services. This sector
consists of companies, business organizations, and other profitable organizations.
- Civil Society Sector (Citizens Sector, Non-Governmental and Non-Profit Sector):
which is the third sector and can be considered the vaguest of all three sectors due
to the many different concepts, definitions and understandings of this sector. It is
formed of the groups of citizens who have come together for purposes other than
controlling people or generating profit.
10
For more information about the Palestinian Civil Society and the surrounding arguments see: Nadia Abu Zaher, (2008) “Civil Society” between the Descriptive and Normative, Dismantling the Concept Issue and the Chaos in Meanings, Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy. 11
World Alliance for Citizen Participation, Assessing the State of Civil Society: a user guide for the CIVICUS Civil Society Index Rapid Assessment (CSI RA) 2012 Part: 1, 2, 3, 2012
20
What differentiates the civil society from the private and the public sectors is that the
organizations forming the civil society are formed slowly on the basis of increased
interest in the rights and benefit of people supported by these organizations. Many
organizations were formed in an intent to give a voice to citizens, away from the voices
of the governmental and business sectors. These “popular organizations” include a
group of voluntarily created organizations, such as trade unions, specialized unions,
traditional organizations, organizations created based on religious beliefs, civil
organizations (non-governmental), vocational unions, retirement organizations and
others.
The debates regarding the civil society in the Palestinian situation remain ongoing, and
despite the importance of such theoretical debates in creating and enriching social
knowledge, there is also an urgent need to shed more light on the practical status of the
Palestinian civil society through which the civil society is evaluated in terms of its
practical effect on the standards of living and on the development of the society, in a
way that enhances the understanding of its concept, its components, its role and
capabilities, and the connections of strength between it and the other sectors. In order
to have an objective diagnosis, it is very important to use objective and previously
tested measurement tools in the diagnosis process. CIVICUS Methodology provides the
methods and measurement tools required for developing a Civil Society Index, as it
offers many objective and tested measurement tools that help in measuring the status
of a civil society. In order to develop this measurement tool, we have used the
methodology suggested by CIVICUS, which was developed based on practical group
experiments conducted in many countries, including Lebanon12, Morocco and South
Africa13.
12
International Management and Training Institute (IMTI) An Assessment of Lebanese Civil Society, Beirut 2006. 13
CIVICUS (2015), Consultation Document and Southern Africa Pilot Report: The Civic Space Monitor, CIVICUS. http://www.civicus.org/images/CvivicSpaceMinitorPilot.pdf
21
2. The Palestinian Civil Society
Historically, there have been large numbers of charity and relief associations and
organizations that have operated in Palestine, which have been established based on
different considerations, including family and clannish basis, and were established to
provide services to the poor in the Palestinian Society. Such organizations were very
active during periods of war and after wars, in order to provide all kinds of help for the
people who were affected and displaced. Furthermore, these organizations have played
a vital role in the history of the Palestinians during the Israeli occupation which intended
to neglect the provision of services and to weaken the Palestinian economy and to
connect it with the Israeli economy, in addition to the negligence of the Palestinian
infrastructure and basic and social services. The absence of the National Authority or
any other official Palestinian governmental body in the West Bank and Gaza resulted in
pushing the non-governmental organizations and associations to work on covering the
deficiency resulting from the absence of official authorities, and to provide citizens with
the different vital services. Palestinian non-governmental organizations assumed the
role of providing services in the absence of a centralized national authority. Even after
the creation of the Palestinian National Authority, these non-governmental
organizations were responsible for 60% of the provided medical and primary care
services, and 49% of the provided secondary and third level services14. During the period
of Israeli occupation, Palestinian non-governmental organizations had two major roles,
which were: contributing in the resistance of the Israeli occupation on one part, and
supporting the Palestinian Society and protecting it from the effects of this occupation
from the other.
The Palestinian civil experience is one of the richest experiences, both in terms of its
ability to maintain the Palestinian social pattern, and in terms of maintaining the
solidarity of the Palestinian Society despite the huge amount of international pressure
14
Sari Hanafi. Linda Tabar, The Emergence of the Palestinian Globalized Elite: Donors, International Organizations, and Local NGO’s, (Ramallah: MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, 2006), P. 210.
22
which has in many cases “thrown many other societies in a case of internal security
breakdown”15.
The Palestinian civil experience is one of the richest experiences of its kind as the
services and support that were provided by the civil society were used to cover the
deficiency caused by the lack of governmental services. This experience was also
characterized by the extensive popular contribution; as organizations of the civil society
depended for implementing its activities, and in some cases offering protection, on
popular initiatives and constructive partnership between the different categories of the
Palestinian society, which earned them a lot of respect especially during the first
Intifada (uprising)16.
Civil organizations were considered the base of developmental work in Palestine for a
long period of time, especially in the absence of an official Palestinian authority in the
Palestinian Territories. With the support of the Palestinian Liberation Organization and
other Arab and international organization, and since the civil organizations existed
alongside the public (was located on ground), these organizations were empowered and
have implemented many programs related to developmental and human rights issues,
provided services, and were directly engaged in the Palestinian people’s daily issues
and challenges. This gave the civil society an advantage over the “external leadership” of
the Palestinian Liberation Organization with its different factions. It is also worth
mentioning that the political nature, due to which many civil organizations were formed,
has in many cases encouraged the concept of actual contribution in the decision making
and implementation processes.
Despite the importance of their roles, Palestinian non-governmental organizations are
heterogeneous and have many differences on many levels, including: their perspective
15
George Jukman, “What is Political Word? About the Palestinian Party Crisis in the Current Stage?”, in The Palestinian Party Crisis: Proceedings of MUWATIN conference held in Ramallah on 24/11/1995, (Ramallah, MUWATIN The Palestinian Institute for the Study of Democracy, 1996), P. 82. 16
Naser Shaikh Ali, (2008) The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, Thesis (Master’s Degree), An-Najah National University – Faculty of Graduate Studies – Political Planning and Development Program, P. 112.
23
towards civil work, the size of their organizations and their goals, the geographic
location and operating location, their developmental and political orientations, and the
developmental and charitable dimensions of these organizations. This helps in
explaining the dissimilarities in developmental trends and geographical location for
these organizations. With the forming of the Palestinian Authority, these organizations
had different opinions about the Palestinian Authority. In the times when some non-
governmental organizations were able and willing to fully merge with the institutions of
the Palestinian Authority and to become an integral part of it in terms of funding,
management, and types of offered programs, other organizations were able to maintain
their independence from the Palestinian Authority to a large extent, which resulted in
some kind of “competition” between the Palestinian Authority and these organizations
in many issues, particularly the issue of foreign funding17, on which both parties highly
depended in their operations. And as expected, the second category of civil
organizations were the most demanding for adopting a “mutual participation”
cooperation basis in defining plans, stating policies and decisions and applying them on
ground, unlike the first category of civil organizations which melted in the Authority and
there was no way to deal with them as civil organizations in its comprehensive meaning
(there were no differences between these organizations’ philosophy and Authority’s
philosophy in relation to developmental issues). Based on this, the independent
organizations requested the development of a modern law that regulates their relation
with the society, the Authority, and with other civil organizations, to protect their rights
and independence, and to reduce the chances of being controlled by the different
bodies on the Palestinian Authority in general, and the security forces in particular.
These organizations succeeded in forming some effective pressure committees that
secured the Legislative Council’s approval of its proposals which were provided in a form
of a proposed draft resolution for civil organizations and charitable societies. The
Legislative Council voted for the approval of this draft resolution in its first, second and
17
Majdi AlMalki, Taser Shalabi, Hasan Ladadwah, Census Report of Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, (Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute (MAS)), P. P. 1-2.
24
third readings, and which was returned to the office of the Head of the Legislative
Council for the revision of some core issues mentioned in it, such as the issue of
registration, although these issues have been previously discussed in details by the
Council. The draft resolution was certified by the Palestinian President after
transforming the registration process of civil organizations under the responsibilities of
the Ministry of Interior, after which it became the first law of the year 200018.
As for the Palestinian National Authority’s views of civil organizations, they are also
mixed. On one hand, some believe in the importance of finding a clear mechanisms to
control and regulate the work of civil organizations, as part of their view of a dominance
relation between the Authority and civil organizations in general. This view is a result of
the unacceptance of competition and the inability to accept the others, and the fear of
some Palestinian Authority officials of being replaced politically or developmentally with
other organizations, and for reasons related to the management of public money. This
view limits the chances of cooperation and effective partnership that are being
requested by the heads of many independent civil organizations. As for the other view
of the National Authority, it prefers to regulate the work of these organizations through
a “contemporary” law that gives these organizations the ability to function with
guaranteeing a “fair” degree of contribution, accountability and transparency. The
people adopting this view are concerned about many aspects, some see the work of the
civil society organizations from a “pragmatic” point of view. Controlling the work of
these organizations might lead to a decrease in the provision of the vital services they
offer. Others look into the importance of “collaboration” between civil society
organizations and the Palestinian Authority in the process of national liberation and in
enhancing the development process. The other justification for this view is some of the
Palestinian Authority’s member belief in the important role that some civil society
organizations play as a monitoring and accountability body over the organizations of the
National Authority itself, especially that many of these organizations were originally
18
Jean Francesco Costantini et al, (2015), An Analytical Mapping of the Palestinian Civil Society Organizations – Update 2015, European Union, P. 16, available on: http://wwas.europa.eu/delegations/westbank/documents/news/2015/pal_csomapping_2015_ar.pdf
25
created for political purposes. In the absence of an active political opposition to the
National Authority, there is an urgent need for such organization19. These opinions
result from the fact that many leaders and members of the Palestinian Authority have
many important roles and direct and effective relationship with civil organizations and
organizations of the civil society.
Establishment and Formation: The developmental work in Palestine depended on civil
initiatives, historically and until the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority
on parts of the Palestinian land. These initiatives usually contradicted and conflicted
with the ruling authorities in terms of goals, policies and operating methods. These
initiatives aimed at filling the gap in the services sectors and at dealing with the
negligence imposed by the ruling authorities (Ottoman Rule, British Mandate, Jordanian
Mandate and Israeli Occupation), in an effort to “develop” the society in a manner that
helps it in its resistance against Israeli occupation, and to attain proper living conditions
for Palestinians20. The successive authorities (Ottoman, British, Jordanian, and Israeli)
played a limited role (and in many cases destructive roles) in providing social services to
citizens and in investing in human capital, therefore, civil organizations filled a
significant part of the gap resulting from these systematic practices.
Civil initiatives generated some organized bodies in the form of charity organizations
and non-governmental organizations, and other bodies that were of more mass-related
nature such as federations, unions, popular movements, and local councils (especially
during the first uprising “Intifada”). All these bodies (which will be referred to as civil
organizations) played a primary role in the developmental process in an effort to stop
the process of developmental retrogression (then followed by organized direct and
indirect destructive behaviors from the Israeli government). Despite these behaviors,
Palestinians were still able to maintain a “reasonable” standard of human development
19
(Hammami, 1995) 20
In the early eighties, the concepts of impossible development, resistant development, development for durability and popular protection development have imarged, which gave the concept of “civil” a special meaning connected to the Palestinian situation. See AlDaqaq (1995), Samarah (1990) and Abdulhadi (1996).
26
according to international standards, especially in the fields of education, health and
social programs.21
Until the early eighties, the role of cooperative and charitable organizations operating in
the West Bank and Gaza, which was also the usual role for civil organizations, was
limited to charity and aid works that aimed at providing aid for the poor and
marginalized in general, and on providing human rights services. These types of
organizations coincided with the developmental theories that were prominent at that
time, and which dealt with poverty and ignorance as temporary symptoms that can be
defeated by offering different types of aids, without giving any real attention to treating
the root causes of such social issues. In addition, the 1980’s witnessed the spread of
other types of non-governmental organizations which appeared in the form of popular
committees and mass organizations lead by a political motive, which is resisting the
Israeli occupation22. This period also witnessed an increase in the contribution of people
from different categories of the Palestinian society, including students, workers and
some active women working under different political parties. The general interest of
non-governmental organizations, at that time, was focused on activities and events
directed at the resistance of occupation and its negative effects, without being involved
in any real developmental initiatives. From here came the concept of “development for
the sake of resistance”, which took a defensive form, and “resistant development”,
which resists the effects of destruction caused by occupation.23
With the beginning of the first uprising “Intifada” in 1987, there was an increased
importance of contribution, and it expanded to include different cities, villages, and
Palestinian refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and occupied Jerusalem.
Political work was not restricted to certain categories, it extended to the different layers
of the society. Resistant development programs resulted in increased focus on the
importance of developing the Palestinian society through encouraging the development
21
The life expectancy index for Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip is 71.5, adults literacy index is 85.5. 22
(Sullivan, 1995) 23
Samara (1995, AlDaqaq, 1990)
27
of local economy and the unofficial sector, such as the “house economy” which relies on
local resources and decreases the reliance on the Israeli economy, as an introductory
step for obtaining an independent Palestinian State. During that period, there were
many developmental initiatives that depended on the contribution of masses, such as
cooperatives “development through popular protection”, and there was an increase in
the number of non-governmental organizations that supported the building of
capacities to increase the efficiency of individuals and the society. Popular committees
started to form in most areas and neighborhoods in order to fulfill the different needs of
these areas in the fields of health, education, security, and providing food and water to
those in need. In light of this change, new concepts related to building the society’s
capabilities have emerged, in an effort to build a strong society that guarantees political
pluralism, protects democracy, and respects human rights.24
Many questions were raised about the role and importance of civil organizations,
especially in the field of reinforcing the contribution of individuals and the weak and
marginalized categories of the society, and the role of these organizations in
development and building the capabilities of the Palestinian people in light of the
historical changes in relations between the ruling authority and civil organizations. Do
civil organizations enhance the reinforcement of participation? And how? And how does
the Palestinian Authority deal with the important role of civil societies? Have they
defined a specific formula to regulate their relation? How successful is this formula? All
these questions form the topics of ongoing debate in the Palestinian Society.
Moreover, the absence of actual opposition, represented by political parties, led to
political emptiness and the absence of effective force that observes the performance of
the Authority and holds it accountable for any mistakes. This opened the opportunity
for Palestinian civil organizations to fill this gap; they organizations observed the
performance of the Authority, especially during the building phase which requires
monitoring on the status of human rights and the legislation process, and stressed the
24
(Sullivan, 1995)
28
importance of striving to set democratic laws and ensuring their proper implementation
by forming pressure groups for the decision makers in the Palestinian Authority, which
was in many cases conducted in coordination with members of the Palestinian
Legislative Council. This is the strongest role known for civil organizations on the
international level. An in a rarely occurring initiative, Palestine is one of the few
countries in the world in which a specialized ministry for civil organizations was formed
(it was later disbanded), its mission was to regulate the work of civil organizations in
Palestine and regulate its relation with the Authority on the basis of integration and
comprehensiveness.
Types of Civil Organizations in Palestine: The name civil organizations covers a large
sector of organizations, associations and frameworks that form the civil society,
including clubs, unions, cooperatives, professional links, the press, and different kinds of
associations with their various interests25. The Palestinian definition of non-
governmental organizations has varied according to the phase. Charitable and
organizational traits were absent during the Ottoman rule and British Mandate. The
charitable trait was visible during the Jordanian Mandate. During the Israeli Occupation,
the name (characteristic) non-governmental organization was used for every
organization or association that was not under Israeli control, and that was non-
profitable, and worked voluntarily in the fields of humanitarian, social, developmental,
educational or political services. For this reason, some considered cooperatives part of
civil organizations, despite its relation with the market and the difference between the
basis of their creation and their principals of operation and those of other civil
organizations. Many non-governmental organizations were not officially registered.
Currently, and after the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority on parts of
the West Bank and Gaza Strip, this definition is starting to shift in another direction
related to the identity of the organization, its framework, nature of its registration as a
charitable association or civil organization, or educations, sports, social or legal
organization, according to the related ministry for that organization, which are: the
25
Different documents issued by the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network (PNGO).
29
Ministry of Interior, the Ministry of Social Affairs, the Ministry of Justice, Ministry of
Culture, Ministry of Planning and International Corporation, Ministry of Youth and
Sports, Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Labor and other, each according to its
field of specialization. There is no law that regulates the registration of associations,
unions, or even political parties. Currently, the registration of civil organizations of all
types and the related certification and monitoring is conducted by the Ministry of
Interior.
Role and Status: During the last decades, Palestinian civil organizations have worked,
and are still working in a rapidly changing and unstable atmosphere. Their operations
have been faced with many complications, limitations, successes and failures.
Undoubtedly, the complications of the current status, represented in the continuation
of Israeli occupation and Judaizing Jerusalem, political split and obstruction of
democratic life, the absence of a legislative council and what follows this absence either
internally or externally, all these complications put forward great challenges, which
might be new in their nature, in front of civil organizations, which also resulted in
setting the role and status of these organizations. And just like in any new phase, the
new reality requires a revision of the roles mechanisms and tools that control these
organizations, and to review them, if required, so that these organizations can continue
to play their historical and strategic role in the life if the Palestinian society which looks
forward to gaining its freedom and independence, to end the Israeli occupation, and to
attain development.
Despite the many complications, limitations and difficulties, the civil sector in Palestine
was able to set some basis for its relation with the different ruling authorities and state
bodies, which are based on three main principles setting the framework for this relation,
they are:
First: The legal framework of the relation which is based on the main law and the law of
associations and civil organizations number (1) for the year 2000, which is based on the
30
regulations of the main law related to the rights of individuals and groups of creating
and forming civil organizations.
Second: The developmental framework of the relation between civil organizations and
the bodies and organizations of the state, which are built on the basis of harmonized
and integrated vision of social and economic development, and on the right of civil
organizations to pressure, influence and support the organizations of the state to adopt
developmental policies that serve the needs of the poor and marginalized in the
Palestinian Society.
Third: The framework of mutual official and social accountability, and the civil society’s
responsibility of defending the freedom of individuals and groups, and the role of civil
organizations in the reinforcement of civil rights movements, the freedom of formation
in the different groups of the society, and the engagement of these groups in defending
their civil and social rights.
On the internal level of civil organizations, the civil sector was able to fulfill many urgent
needs, including setting regulations, developing work procedures and processes,
developing integrity and democracy systems related to the operation of organizations,
developing the system of values that controls and regulates the work of these
organizations26, learning from their experiences and enhancing the systems of good
governance and utilization of services, and building the capabilities of the staff.
Although their cooperative work experience is still new, during the past 3 years,
Palestinian civil organizations have showed a positive example of serious work for the
development of a free, independent and sturdy society. Civil networks, with the
Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network (PNGO) and the Palestinian
National Institute for NGOs (PNIN) and the General Union of Voluntary Societies, played
a major role in the coordination and activation of the Palestinian civil work efforts. This
role was developed through three main experiences:
26
See The Palestinian NGO’s Code of Conduct, The Civil Coalition for the Code of Conduct.
31
First: In the year 2012, there was a development of a relationship between the different
networks through the partnership in the program for the reinforcement of the
capabilities of Palestinian non-governmental organizations, and the contribution in the
decision making process and the democratic process. This project was implemented by
the NGO Development Center (NDC) and was funded by the European Union through
the European Commission Office in Jerusalem. The project was considered a huge
progress in the reinforcement and development of dialog and partnership between the
European Union and the Palestinian civil organizations network.
Second: In the year 2014, civil networks formed the “Coordination Council of Palestinian
NGOs”, which acts as a democratic framework for civil society organizations, it is based
on a vivid developmental vision and works on protecting the independence of civil work,
enabling it and reinforcing its role in the national struggle and building democracy
through affected the public opinion, improving social coordination, networking and
participation, in addition to mobilizing the energies of the members of the civil sector,
based on the values of social justice and the rule of law, and protecting humans and
their dignity.
Third: In the year 2015, the leading civil networks, in coordination with the civil
organizations of specialty, launched the Civil Society Organizations’ Reinforcement
Project, which was directly implemented by the networks and the European Union. The
Project aims at reinforcing the role of Palestinian civil networks and unions in the
process of developing the Palestinian Territories through strengthening coordination,
cooperation and integration among these organizations, in addition to finding new
methods and tools for affecting governmental policies and the orientation of
international donors in a way that increases the effect of the role of civil society
organizations, fulfills the needs of the marginalized and promoted developmental
priorities on a national basis.
As part of its efforts to develop the Palestinian civil sector and activating the
cooperation between the basic components of the society, the Networks are now
32
seeking to develop and prepare the Civil Society Index using a clear tool that was tested
in the context of civil societies, in order to reinforce the sustainability of the civil society,
to strengthen its role in positive social change and to enable it to face threats and
challenges in a more effective manner.
The civil networks’ vision of developing a methodology for evaluating the status of the
civil society is based on regional and international past experiences in this field,
particularly the experience of the World Alliance of for Citizen Participation (CIVICUS)
which offered a revelation of the status of civil societies in a large number of countries
around the world.
Classification of Civil Organizations: Palestinian non-governmental civil organizations
can be classified into many categories based on different measurements and standards
related to the level of operation of these organizations, the activities they conduct, the
source of funding, and other basis. And since the applied work methodology in this
Index is CIVICUS, there is need to clarify the classification adopted by this methodology.
Definition of the Civil Society according to CIVICUS: CIVICUS defines a civil society as
the “institutional space, organizations and individuals, existing within the family, the
state and the market, in which individuals voluntary engage, participate and correlate in
order to improve a situation or for a case of shared interest among them”.
There are multiple types of connections and fields of “shared interest”, which may or
may not be acceptable for some individuals, or which could be properly treated by all
the workers in civil society organizations. Knowing that freedom of opinion and freedom
of association are very important elements of a democratic society in which a citizens
are allowed to ally, engage and connect together in any fields of interest they choose,
without being equally attractive for other individuals.
Organizations which support the environment of civil work: Organizations which create
an environment that is adequate for civil society development and that promotes its
prosperity are those which are created within the framework of a country that provides
a space for hearing its citizens’ voices. According to the democratic liberal pattern which
33
became widely and naturally accepted in the last 10 years (even if not actually
implemented), these organizations are: the executive authority, judicial authority,
legislative authority and media, local governments, popular organizations, universities
and transparent independent organizations, such as: the Elections Committee, human
rights organizations, anti-corruption committees, General Audit Committee, law firms
and observers. 27
Civil Society Organizations and organizations claiming to be so: According to CIVICUS,
civil society organizations can be classifies into two groups according to their role, in
addition to another group of organizations claiming to be civil organizations.
1. Organizations of Shared Interest: These organizations are formed of individuals
who are connected together to create a committee in which they become members,
individuals have a governance function to elect those who manage the organization, and
members reap benefit from these organizations. Such organizations may be very small
in size; a social organization in a particular geographical area, or a large organization
with a national framework. Examples of such organizations are: cooperatives, unions,
professional associations and self-support groups in villages. Such organizations may
include temporary components for topics such as boycott, strikes or other topics.
Below is an overview of the types of organizations classified under this group, and they
will be experimented one by one, despite the possibility of the existence of other local
variations.
1.1. Groups based on religion: this refers to organizations that serve their members
who belong to a certain religious sect, such as a specific religion (like Muslims or
Christians), or more common, religious sects (Shazly sect), or groups of a separate
religious framework of their own (not popular in our areas, if available they are kept as
secret since being part of such groups leads to punishments).
1.2. Community Organizations for Native Inhabitants: this refers to organizations
formed by native inhabitants, which reflects the interest, benefit and civilization of
27
For more details, see the related analysis attached to this report.
34
those who belong to a certain geographical society or the native inhabitants of a certain
area (such as Samaritans, Turkman, or Bedouins).
1.3. Introduced Community Organizations (Proposed): this refers to civil
organizations that are introduced from outside the work environment, and formed from
people from outside the related society, it is formed and includes members (with
different levels) by locals. It means the social organizations that were proposed or
created by the State, donors, non-governmental organizations, or past members who
are often interested in a certain program or governmental project (nature preserving
groups).
1.4. Ethnic Organizations: Ethnic organizations offers a sense of identity for many
members of minority groups, especially against the controlling majority. Such
organizations are defined by individuals who share the same lingual group or come from
the same geographical background. Geography and language remain the main source of
power when ethnic origins are weak (cultural or lingual groups for Armen and
Circassians).
1.5. Political Parties: Some might say that political parties should be classified within
the governmental sector instead of the civil sector as “they might become a
government”, and therefore, the issue of political parties in always in question.
1.6. Employment Related Unions: this consists of organizations that represent
people according to the nature of their work, this includes:
- Labor unions
- Specialized unions of dentists, veterinarians, teachers … etc.
- Less formal unions, such as freelance workers, fishermen, tailors, pottery makers,
and others.
1.7. Cooperatives: just like the case for political parties that were classified under the
governmental sector, it is better to classify cooperatives under the business sector by
placing a question mark after it, as they are organizations created from the partnership
between individuals who perform different types of businesses. Such organizations
35
possess huge developmental reserve, but in some countries they were controlled by the
governmental sector.
1.8. Popular Groups / Social Movements: This term covers a wide framework of
unions, which form a wide range of geographically specified gatherings. Some examples
include:
- The union of a large number of community based organizations (CBOs) which unite
with each other on a local basis, area basis or national basis.
- Wide groups from different popular sectors, such as women, youth or people with
special needs.
- Membership groups targeting a particular cause (topic), such as anti-child labor
movements, anti-corruption movements, pro-women projects movements.
- Organizations for wide mass gatherings established on religious or political
backgrounds.
1.9. Student Unions: Most counties include many students and former students who
have formed student unions that cover many interests (dealing with issues of interest to
them or their former colleagues to create a public life at their schools/universities) or to
support a specific social, cultural or general policy issues.
1.10. Entertainment and Cultural Organizations: Such groups (sports clubs and gyms,
birds’ observation groups, choirs) have a preserve for building social capital.
2. Organizations of General Interest: Below is a list of organizations that were
formed in the framework of general interest, they will be tested one by one, and there
might be other examples of such organizations.
2.1. Private Charitable Organization: This includes organizations that were formed
by wealthy members of the society allocating money and resources for specified groups
of people. The areas in which the resources are spent are defined by the investors.
2.2. Public Charitable Organization: Such organizations are usually shapes as
foundations which are created by an individual, or a group of individuals from the
business or government sectors, to attain public interest. In some cases, such
36
foundations act as a direct implementer of its purpose for the benefit of the related
individuals. In other cases, such foundations, such as Rotary Clubs and Business Society
Services Club, aim at supporting certain groups. Another is example is Ford Foundation,
Abd Al Hamid Shoman Foundation, A. M. Qattan Foundation, or Welfare Association.
2.3. Religion-based Organizations: Such organizations were created based on
specific religious principles or regulations, however, the services and support they offer
are not limited to those who belong to these groups (in comparison with the previously
mentioned groups based on religion).
2.4. Location-specific Charitable Organizations: Such organizations are formed by
people coming from a geographical areas they no longer live in. they could live in the
capital of their country or in a foreign county. This type of organizations can be found in
larger numbers with the increasing immigration movement to cities or to other
countries, and with the trend of separating people from their roots. Such groups usually
form local shared interest groups or councils that carry the vision of people who have
willingly changed their location. Members of these groups usually gather to attend
weddings or funerals. (El-Lid Charitable Society, Lifta Charitable Society, and others)
2.5. Civil Organizations for Political Advocacy: Such organizations include those
organizations which aim at supporting other groups or organizations in the process of
changing laws, policies, procedures, or conducts. This type of organizations can be found
on an international level, such an Amnesty International, Greenpeace and others
2.6. Non-Governmental Developmental and Charitable Organizations: Such
organizations are created by citizens sharing the same interest in improving the living
conditions of less fortunate individuals, or improving the country in general. These
organizations are usually registered according to the laws of the country in which they
exist, they also has an official managerial structure and a paid staff (this does not exist in
small non-governmental organizations), examples of such organizations include:
1. Executive services organizations
2. Advocate organizations
3. Networking Organizations
37
4. Research and investigation organizations
5. Organizations for building capabilities and providing support to non-
governmental organizations
6. Representative organizations
3. Organizations claiming to be Civil Society Organizations: This section addresses
the case of organizations that introduce their selves in a dishonest way by pretending to
be democratic, independent, and of shred interest, but in fact they are not. The reason
behind shedding light to this group is due to the negative environment they create
which questions the work of civil organizations, and to quickly change the attitude of
people by making them sarcastic and pessimistic of the civil sector and its role in many
countries. Organizations claiming to be civil organizations are spreading because this
type of organizations start their operations as true shared interest organization, but
with time they become profit gaining entities that provides income to their creators.
Examples include:
- Government-Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (GONGOs): These
organizations claim to be non-governmental organizations, whereas in fact they are
created and financed by the government.
- Business-Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (BONGOs): which are
organizations owned by the business sector, and they are considered very
dangerous.
- Donor-Organized Non-Governmental Organizations (DONGOs): Donors create non-
governmental organizations to perform their agendas without the complications of
clarifications and explanations.
3. Objectives of the Study and Research Methodology
3.1 Objectives
Based on the terms of reference for this consultancy research, the Coordination Council
of Palestinian NGOs, which includes the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations
Networks and their partners in the Palestine National Institute for NGOs, and the
38
Palestinian General Union of Charitable Societies, and through conducting these
consultancy services, aim at diagnosing and evaluating the status of the Palestinian civil
society and evaluating its abilities, capabilities and needs. The goals of this research is to
provide the necessary knowledge base for the development of a guided intervention
program that aims at improving the chances of sustainability in Palestinian civil
organizations, and to reinforce their role in the process of social development and
national struggle. This consultancy study aims at supporting the national efforts exerted
for the development of the Palestinian civil sector and encouraging cooperation
between its different components, in order to reinforce the sustainability of civil society
organizations, to strengthen its role in social change and development, and to enable it
to face dangers and threats more effectively.
The vision of Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Networks for the future of
civil work in Palestine is based on learning and benefiting from regional and
international experiences in developing a methodology and an evaluation tool
appropriate for the case of the civil society in Palestine.
More precisely, through this research, the Networks, represented by the Coordination
Council of Palestinian NGOs, aim at creating a report that explains the status of the civil
society in Palestine on the national level basing the research on a special tool used for
the evaluation of civil societies developed and prepared based on CIVICUS
Methodology, which was used regionally and internationally in the creation and
development of a Civil Society Index, to detect and analyze the status of the Palestinian
civil society, represented by the Palestinian non-governmental civil sector organizations.
This research coincides with the development of an electronic database for non-
governmental and charitable civil organizations in Palestine which are part of the
networks forming the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs.
3.2 Methodology
The methodology adopted for conducting this consultancy research service is the
participatory approach, which included the participation of stakeholders and
39
shareholders, including members of the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, the
project team from Institute, the General Union and the Palestinian Non-Governmental
Organizations Networks, a random sample of Palestinian civil and charitable
organizations, some networks specialized in the field of civil organizations in addition to
representatives of the private sector, unions and official bodies, who participated in all
stages of planning, implementing and evaluating the consultancy services.
In reference to the Civil Society Index used by CIVICUS28, the methodology used to
develop the Index was based on four main dimensions:
First Dimension: the concept and structure of the civil society, which focuses on issues
such as membership, voluntary work, the number and characteristics of the related civil
organizations, their infrastructure and their human and financial capital.
Second Dimension: The external environment in which the civil society functions, in
terms of legislative, legal, political, cultural, economic environments, and the civil
society’s relation with itself and with others.
Third Dimension: The values that guide the operations of the civil society organization,
such as democracy, transparency, integrity, anti-corruption, and the relation affecting
decision making.
Fourth Dimension: The level of effect a civil society organization has on public policies
or on reinforcing people and local societies, and the degree to which it meets the needs
and priorities of local societies.
Based on the dimensions on which the research was based, which are very vital as they
form the basis upon which the index was developed and the adopted methods for
issuing international reports, and according to this perspective, it is very essential to
conduct detailed analysis for the concept of civil society in the Palestinian situation
within the broad accumulated experience of civil and domestic work in Palestine during
the different time periods starting from the 20’s of the last century and until now.
28
World Alliance for Citizens Participation.
40
3.3 Phases of Consultancy Tasks
Consultancy tasks were performed on a number of phases:
The Preparatory Phase, which included:
- Conducting introductory meetings with representatives of the civil organizations to
ensure the mutual understanding of the consulting services.
- Reviewing all the related literature to the field to get a better understanding of the
goals and expectations from these consultancy services, some resources are:
Assessing the State of Civil Society – A User’s Guide, Part 1, 2, 3, 4 and Annexes,
(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459)
Assessing the Strengthening Civil Society Worldwide, Assessing the Health of Civil
Society, and an Assessment of Lebanese Civil Society,
- Developing the research methodology in its final shape, in coordination and revision
of the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs and the reference committee.
- Developing a detailed work plan for the implementation of the consultancy tasks.
- Forming a joint team from the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, and a
research team to discuss the methodological and referential steps for conducting
the research, in a way that serves the vision and interests of civil organizations.
- Expanding the council created from the partnering organizations and enabling the
research team with abilities and experiences from outside the Council in order to
form a National Consultancy Group.
- Adopting the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs as a reference for working on
the Palestinian Civil Society Index and the Palestinian NGOs Map.
Phase One: Analytical study of the civil society concept in the Palestinian context, this
included:
- Reviewing all related literature which addressed the issue of Palestinian civil society
in a historical context (mentioned in the context of the study).
41
- Reviewing international experiences and literature that included work on the index,
and which are similar to the Palestinian situation in terms of social, economic and
political status.
- Submitting a draft worksheet about the definition of a civil society which included
an overview of the different definitions of a civil society based on literature
published by CIVICUS, the Palestinian Civil Society map issued by the European
Commission, and a number of reports from centers studying this topic (MAS and
other centers).
- Submitting a conceptual paper about the concept of civil society inside the
Palestinian context, which used international concepts and accommodates them
with the Palestinian context with reference to interpretations attempts conducted in
Palestine.
- Discussing the paper with the National Consultancy Group, which included the
representatives from the different organizations of the Network, and adopting the
most appropriate definition for conducting the analytical study for the civil society.
Phase Two: An analytical study for the concept of the civil society in the Palestinian
context and stakeholders Analysis
- Deep Stakeholders Analysis is an analysis for all related organizations, frameworks
and groups of the civil society.
- Analyzing the general space and the civil society’s role in this topic, fuzzy boundaries
between the civil society, the state and the market through reducing the focus on an
organization and focusing on the roles and equations, and the fact that the civil
society implicates complex concepts.
- Forming the National Consultancy Groups (NAG), which is formed from
representatives of the different groups which form the civil society, stakeholders
and shareholders, representatives of the civil society and the other sectors related
to the work of the civil society.
- Submitting a pilot report about the analysis conducted by the NAG to be discussed
and approved.
42
- Presenting the findings in a national workshop (conducted in Jericho, on the 15th and
16th pf April 2016), which included activists from the three networks.
- Approving the methodology and research framework concluded from the report.
Phase Three: Developing the conceptual framework for the Palestinian Civil Society
- Based on the results of the analysis and the related report, and through the reviews
conducted in a workshop attended by representatives from the Coordination
Council of Palestinian NGOs (including representatives from the three frameworks),
the methods for proceeding with Civil Society Index was agreed as below:
Focusing on the frameworks and organizations known as non-governmental
organizations, operating according to Law number (1) for the year 2000 (Civil
Organizations and Charitable Societies).
Adopting the lists of organizations that are members in the three networks. The
total number of organizations is 410, after excluding duplications in
memberships and lists.
Based on the above, the research subject was set (organizations targeted by field
survey). (See Annex 1) (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459)
Providing the research team with the main lists containing the names of civil
work organizations from the three networks.
Based on the annual report of the Independent Commission for Human Rights (Board of
Grievances), the total number of organizations registered in the West Bank is 2901 / 226
of which are international organizations. The number of disbanded organizations in the
West Bank, according to the Law of 2015, is 22 organizations, and the number of newly
registered organizations in 139 local organizations and 12 international organization
during the year 2015, 29 organizations were disbanded in 2015. As for Gaza, the number
of organizations registered in the Ministry of Interior until 21/12/2015 was 1005, 89
43
were disbanded in 2015, and the number of rejected registration requests for
organization registration was 29 requests in Gaza and 0 in the West Bank. 29
Phase Four: Developing the “Index” and the research qualitative and quantitative
tools
- In order to build a database: an initial questioner was developed containing the
basic indicators of Palestinian civil society organizations to be used as a base for the
electronic database and NGOs map. The form contains basic information related to
names, addresses, objectives, field of work, geographic coverage, employment and
voluntary work, networks, target groups and other information essential for the
creation of a civil society index.
- In order to develop a Civil Society Index: based on the results of the literature review
and through workshops, a review for CIVICUS Civil Society Index was conducted, the
Index was then customized and amended to be in line with the conceptual
framework of a Palestinian Civil Society, with maintaining the main components of
the methodology to warranty its transparency and fitting. The indicators were
developed according to the below principles:
1- Adopting the four main dimensions (environment, structure, values and effect)
as a base for building the indicators’ matrix.
2- Adopting the main indicators mentioned in CIVICUS literature, and the indicators
used in other similar studies, such as the study conducted in Lebanon.
3- Adopting the special characteristics of the Palestinian situation, and the chances
of interaction between the indicators and the Palestinian situation.
4- Adopting the conceptual frame and the set of values dealt with in CSI-RA.
- A centralized workshop was conducted, with the participation of the Coordination
Council of Palestinian NGOs and a number if activists from the participating
networks of civil society organizations, to discuss the Index and its development.
29
The Independent Commission for Human Rights (Board of Grievances), Human Rights Status in Palestine, Annual Report for 2015
44
- Adopting an appropriate draft of the database form.
- Adopting an appropriate draft of the information matrix 30 related to the Index,
adapting it and connecting it to the related measurement tool31 in order to create a
quantitative and qualitative research tool, in which the measurement tools include
the main dimensions mentioned previously, which are: the structure of the civil
society, the values that govern their operations, the external environment, and the
level of effect of an organization. Annex (2) (http://index.cso-
index.net/?page_id=5459).
- Developing data collection tools (forms/questioners) based on the information
matrix and categorized according to the source of information.
- Developing a computer program used for filling the forms and to be later used as a
database for civil organizations.
Phase Five: Field Surveys
- Forming a field work team, which will cover all the geographical areas: the West
Bank and Gaza Strip.
- Defining the sample to be targeted by the field survey, according to the below:
1. In order to develop a data base (civil work map), the survey targeted all civil
society organizations registered at the Ministry of Interior and which are
members in the three civil networks.
2. After receiving the lists from the three networks, the organizations mentioned
more than once in the same list or in the other lists were deleted (to avoid
repetition and duplication), after the audit, the total number of targeted
organizations is 410.
3. In order to develop the Index and determine the status of the civil society, over
35% of organizations which are members in the different networks were
targeted (115 organizations), taking into consideration the sectors, fields of work
and fair geographical distribution of active organizations.
30
Attached to this report 31
Attached to this report
45
- Field research related to database (map):
1. Testing the form and developing the system.
2. Providing training for the field work team on filling the prepared form.
3. Starting the data collection process from all targeted organizations based on the
lists provided from the organizations’ database, after removing the repeated and
duplicated lists.
4. Data collection through visiting the targeted organization and entering the
related data to the system directly.
5. In cases were direct entry was not possible, the data entry process was done in
the Consultancy Group’s office.
- Field Survey related to the measurement tool:
1. Providing the fieldwork team with training on the use of the qualitative and
quantitative research tool. See Annex (3) (http://index.cso-
index.net/?page_id=5459).
2. Defining the list of organizations, which form 35% of the organizations in the
database.
3. Collecting data from the selected organizations through field visits.
- Collecting qualitative data to develop the CSI index, based on the below process:
1. Conducting workshops and meetings with the representatives of the groups
forming the civil society and targeted by this study (political parties, independent
unions, General Federation of Trade Unions, a women center, The Independent
Commission for Human Rights (Board of Grievances), AMAN-Transparency.
2. Reviewing the press, the related networks (Palestinian Non-Governmental
Organization against Domestic Violence against Women (Al-Muntada), Human
Rights Coalition).
46
3. Reviewing all literature resources (mentioned in the text) to collect additional
secondary data.
The fieldwork team faced a number of obstacles. Some of the major obstacles were:
1. Repetition of the registration of many organizations in the records of more than one
network, most notably in the records of the Palestine National Institute for NGOs
and the Palestinian General Union of Charitable Societies.
2. Contact information was incorrect in many cases (phone number, contact person ..
etc)
3. A number of registered organizations are inactive since many years.
4. Some organizations are listed and cooperatives.
5. Some organizations refused to cooperate with the fieldwork team although they had
a letter for this purpose, this included five organizations in Nablus Governorate.
6. The fieldwork team had to repeat the same visit several times based on the schedule
of the related person.
7. Visiting the headquarters of some organization and finding out that they do not
exist.
8. Limited response from some organizations, in some cases, only one form was filled
and they refused to fill the remaining forms.
Phase Six: Analysis and Writing Phase
- Revising and auditing field data related to the database and Index.
- Entering data into the developed electronic database. Visit the website of the
Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network.
- Reviewing data and correcting any mistakes found.
- Collecting, classifying and categorizing data.
- Analyzing all data related to the Index and extracting the needed data reflecting the
four dimensions mentioned previously, assigning a weight for each indicator and
component, and issuing a pilot report of the results and findings. See Annex 4, and
Annexes 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4. (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459)
47
- Developing a draft national report and assigning initial weights for indicators
(weighing processes / quantitative evaluation) for the Index, according to the results
of the field survey, and producing the Index results.
- After presenting the results to the coordination council (the National Consultancy
Group), the Group recommended the use of the researchers’ point of view in
assigning weights at this stage, and to review the report two years from now and
develop the updates Index. See Annex (6) (http://index.cso-
index.net/?page_id=5459).
- Presenting the reports to the different parties for comments and feedback, and
updating the national report accordingly.
- Approving the final draft of the report and preparing in in Arabic and English.
- Approving an analysis for the stakeholders from the civil society and presenting it to
the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs.
48
Section Two: Civil Society Index
1. Introduction
The analysis for the civil society status was done based on information collected from a
number of different sources, including a randomly selected sample from the civil and
charitable organizations targeted by the research, individual and group interviews with
related members in the Palestinian civil society, and the information extracted from the
different literature on the subject (as detailed in the Methodology). The questionnaire
was used to collect data from civil and charitable organizations by targeting a randomly
selected sample of the organizations related to the three networks: the Palestinian Non-
Governmental Organizations Network, Palestinian National Institute for NGOs (PNIN)
and the General Union of Voluntary Societies. The sample was selected randomly based
on the lists provided by the networks, as one of every three organizations mentioned in
each of the lists was selected, and researchers were able to visit the selected
organizations and fill the related questioner for the database. At the end of this process,
115 civil society organizations were visited (36% of the organizations forming the target
society). Based on the target random sample, the Civil Society Index questioner was
filled, which was developed based on the components of the civil society index used in
CIVICUS methodology after amending it to suit the Palestinian context. The questioner
was filled by 26 organizations in Gaza Strip and 89 organization in the West Bank, the
organizations’ distribution according to governorates was as below:
49
2. Civil Society Index Analysis
The civil society has been analyzed based on the four dimensions of the index and the
results were as follows:
2.1. Structure
Institutionalization in civil society is the process of building a civil society organization
and the extent to which these organizations are based on the elements of institutional
construct in the fields of governance; administration; resources; financial; programs and
projects; relationships and networking for sustainability, and the extent to which
institutional construct is based on the regulatory legal principles to which the
organization resorts and on a management structure that identify how to manage the
work and the mechanism of decision making as well as the degree of the organization’s
commitment to the regulations and procedures in place, even if the organization has
Jerusalem4% Bethlehem
3%
Jenin8%
Ramallah10%
Jericho1%
Salfeet4%
Tulkarem10%
Gaza Strip23%
Qalqilia8%
Nablus14%
Hebron15%
Distribution of the Sample of NGOs for Civil Society Index
50
expertise and human capital leading its work, in addition to the set of values driving the
work of the organization (which will be tackled in the dimension of values).
Moving to civil society organizations in the Palestinian case, it is worth referring to the
USAID report which found that Palestinian civil society organizations have, in
comparison with other Arab countries, an advanced organizational capacity and
infrastructure, especially in terms of its qualified cadre, in addition to the advanced
capabilities for work. However, the problem that USAID noticed through its report was
that having a qualified cadre does not apply to all civil society organizations, as the small
organizations have a difficulty in competing for employing highly skilled professional
staff and in keeping them. Despite the advanced infrastructure, with regards to the level
of institutionalization, it was not as strong, as when it comes to management structures,
boards of directors still work usually with an authoritarian, inherited or non-transparent
style, as per USAID’s description in its report. Boards of directors and members of
general assemblies rarely participate in the processes of policy making for civil society
organizations. Civil society organizations form local committees for the projects which
hire volunteers, yet as soon as these projects are completed, those structures get
dissolved32. Through its report, the USAID concluded that civil society organizations
operating in the countries covered in the report, including Palestinian civil society
organizations, suffer from weakness of internal management systems because of the
inactive boards of directors and unclear distribution of responsibilities. And in terms of
having internal democratic structures, those structures are rarely ready for work33.
On the level of the set of values, it is noticed that there is a wide spread of corruption
among civil society organizations, according to a survey conducted by AMAN-
Transparency Palestine on corruption. The survey shows a wide spread of corruption
among all the Palestinian labor sectors whether it was the public sector, private sector,
32
The 2012 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, a previous resource, page 45. 33
The same previous resource, page 7.
51
civil society organizations, media, or political parties … etc34. Palestinian civil society
organizations are still unable to set up strong internal structures that are democratic,
transparent and accountable35.
Based on CIVICUS Methodology, the components comprising the structure were
formulated as follows:
2.1.1. Participation
2.1.1.1. The public’s participation in political life (such as: participating in a
demonstration, participating in lobbying and advocacy activities)
Social participation forms the main derive for development, and democracy cannot exist
when social participation is excluded, including the participation of the youth, women
and the marginalized social groups, which requires solving the existing social gaps in
participation, on top of which is the gender gap represented in the patriarchal male
domination over all sectors of the society and family life. The importance of civil society
organizations’ involvement in the process of the democratic building of the society
based on fair principles is increasing, and the awareness and need for the necessity of
society structures and systems to be inclusive of structures that encourage participation
and providing equal opportunities is increasing as well, especially when it comes to
those groups who suffer injustice, and have been tolerating it for long decades and
centuries.
The task of civil society organizations’ involvement in formulating and approving
democratic policies and systems and in the struggle for social justice requires more
depth and range, professional knowledge and high level capacities in the fields of
lobbying, advocacy and networking. The study and analysis of pioneer (entrepreneurial)
experiences led by the Palestinian civil society organizations in this regard probably
34
“A special edition of a public poll conducted by AMAN on corruption”, (2009) Newsletter: AMAN-Transparency. (8): April 1
st-20
th, pages 1-3.
35 The 2013 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, a
previous source, page 48.
52
represent an essential step for accumulating the experience, examining it and learning
from it.
80% of the studied organizations see that there is a public participation in the political
life illustrated in: participating in demonstrations and participating in lobbying and
advocacy activities, while political parties see that the public’s participation in political
life is weak. There is a discrepancy in the level of participation in activities depending on
the nature of these activities and the degree of its direct impact on the public’s interest.
For example, the public’s participation in activities of solidarity have decreased, while
the movement demanding the amendment of the social security law witnessed a high
and tangible participation. The successive disappointments probably have contributed
to lowering the public’s participation, which was confirmed by a study conducted by the
Women Studies Center, which showed an evident deterioration in women’s
participation in political life36.
36
Women Studies Center “Women’s political participation in Palestine in light of the Arab Revolutions”, 2014.
53
80%
16%
4%
Participate in Activiites Relevant to Lobbying and
Advocacy
Organise activities Relevant to Lobbying and Advocacy
No Particiaption
Public Participation in Political Life (1.1)
80%
17%
3%
Organisations' Involvment in Lobbying and Advocacy (1.2)
54
2.1.1.2. Organizations receiving regular donations for humanitarian
issues
About 15% of the studied organizations receive regular donations for humanitarian
issues, while 85% of the organizations expressed not receiving regular donations for the
same purposes. In terms of the geographic location, around 30% of the organizations in
Ramallah and Gaza receive donations, while the percentage in Hebron, Jerusalem,
Bethlehem and Salfit was 0%. As for the size of these donations, they reached up to 50
thousand dollars in two cases and it ranged between one thousand and 50 thousands in
the rest of the cases. There is a general confirmation that there is a limitation in the
public participation when it comes to providing donations for civil humanitarian issues
while the participation gets wider when talking about issues of religious origins such as
Zakat or charity handouts. In spite of that, the campaign of collecting donations for
supporting people in Gaza when the siege was intensified as well as the families of
martyrs whose homes have been demolished, has witnessed a wide public interaction.
This can be explained in the sense that public participation in the field of donations
depends on the issue for which the donations are being collected and not the related
civil society organization; the participation increases when it’s about national
campaigns, and it deteriorates when it’s about civil issues related to the organizations.
There is a margin of the regular donations (organized by local community organizations),
such as Zakat committees and similar organizations, where the donations go directly
from the donor to the beneficiary for different purposes, including covering school and
university tuitions, and for supporting the family, etc. These donations are not
registered or documented.
55
2.1.1.3. Civil society organizations’ membership
90% of the studied organizations mentioned that they depend on the membership
system in forming their bodies of reference (governance). It is worth mentioning here
that having bodies of reference relying on membership (general assembly or public
body) is a prerequisite for the establishment and work of charitable and civil society
organizations according to Law number (1) for the year 2000, therefore, it is not easy to
Yes14%
No84%
No information2%
Organisations' Receiving Donation for Human Issues (1.3)
6%
3%
91%
Distribution of Volunteers' Numbers at the Organisations for 2015
(1.4)
10-0
20-11
No Information
56
consider this indicator as an evidence for true participation, rather it is a definite
evidence for having a body of reference which rely on membership, often the
membership in these bodies is limited to a certain group of people, and mostly it is
selective, and sometimes it is inactive and a form of formality. It is difficult to determine
the percentage of people from the Palestinian society who belong to one organization
at least, yet there are unions that include a wide range of membership such as the
General Union of Palestine Syndicates, the Palestinian General Union of People with
Disabilities, and the membership of vocational unions and clubs with a noticeable
deterioration in the membership of political frames and parties, while the duplication of
some people’s or groups membership is being pointed out in several bodies of reference
among the bodies of Palestinian civil society organizations.
2.1.1.4. Reliance of organizations on voluntary work in conducting its
activities events.
90% of the studied organizations confirmed that it rely, in one way or another, on
voluntary work in conducting their work, without any detailed clarification on the nature
of volunteering. The following section has more in-depth details on the magnitude of
volunteering and its percentage of the total organization’s work. The number of regular
volunteers per organization ranges between 40 and less than 10 volunteers in 40% of
the organizations, above 50 volunteers in 12% of those organizations, and between 11-
Yes86%
No11%
No information3%
Reliance of Organisations on Membership System (1.5)
57
20 people volunteer in 25% of those organizations. Data gathered on the studied
organizations show that up to 40% of those organizations have recruited more than 50
women to participate in their group community activities during the last year (attending
a general meeting, participating in an organized social activity, in a lobbying and
advocacy campaign, or in collective effort to solve a general public issue) versus 36% of
the organizations which managed to recruit more than 50 men to participate in their
activities. The majority of organizations (55%) seek to include everyone in their activities
without any discrimination. While 15% of the organizations focus on the participation of
certain groups in their activities, and approximately 25% of the organizations emphasize
that they involve actively various groups in all institutional fields, from membership of
its bodies of reference, implementing its activities to volunteering and benefiting from
its services.
The number of regular volunteers of the studied sample organizations
Yes89%
No8%
No Information3%
Reliance of Organisations on Voluntary Work (1.6)
58
The following graphs (1.8 – 1.10) show the number of people who participated in group
community activities of the studied organizations during the last year of 2015 (attending
a general meeting, participating in an organized social activity, in a lobbying and
advocacy campaign, or in a collective effort to solve a general public issue).
45
28
11
0
8
14
9
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
10-1
20-11
30-21
40-31
50-41
More than 50
No Information
Number of Organisations
Axi
s Ti
tle
Distribution of Volunteers inside the Organsiations (1.7)
18%15%
5%3%
6%
35%
18%
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
10-1 20-11 30-21 40-31 50-41 More than 50 No Information
Female Participation in the Organisations' Communal Community Activities for 2015 (1.8)
59
2.1.2. The depth of citizens’ participation
2.1.2.1. The level of donations by people who are doing charity on
regular annual basis
When it comes to the level of donations by people doing charity, there are no official
statistics or projections that cover this aspect, while most of the citizens provide their
money Zakat annually which reaches up to 2.5% of fixed funds, in addition to donations
17%10% 10%
1%7%
31%24%
0
10
20
30
40
10-1 20-11 30-21 40-31 50-41 More than 50 No Information
Male Participation in the Organisations' Communal Community Activities for 2015 (1.9)
24%
56%
16%
2% 2%
Involvement of Different Social Groups in the Organsiations' Membership and/or Services (1.10)
Strongly involve everybody in their govenanace body and services
Involve all with no descrimination
Focus on specific groups
Receive Services only
No Information
60
and charity related to religious occasions, as it is known, which allows us to say that
more than one third of the citizens donate no less than 2.5% of their money (assets and
savings) annually, yet it is not possible to identify the percentage of people and
donations provided for civil work.
2.1.2.2. The average hours volunteers provide for voluntary work
The average hours of voluntary work varies among the studied organizations to reach
less than 10 hours in 12% of the organizations and to over 50 hours per month in 37% of
them. In terms of the percentage compared to the total organization’s activities, 33% of
the organizations have voluntary work covering more than 50% of their work and
activities, which is on one side a clear sign of the depth of voluntary work contribution
to civil society organizations, and on the other, an indicator of the nature and size of the
studied organizations, which is self-reflected on the overall image, as the majority of
studied organizations are small local ones, in which voluntary work plays a significant
role. In this context, it is noted that more than half of the studied society (188
organizations out of a total of 315) are organizations where less than 10 people are
working, including 69 organizations which have 5 or less people working and 49
organizations which have no employees at all37.
37
Refer to the Coordination Council of Palestinian NGOs, Civil society organizations and charitable societies’ data base.
61
The size of work done by volunteers compared to the organization’s total work
2.1.2.3. The percentage of civil society organizations members who have
memberships with more than one civil society organizations
12%
17%
9
8%
5%
37%
12%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
10-1
20-11
30-21
40-31
50-41
More than 50
No Information
Monthly Working Hours Provided by Volunteers (1.11)
20%
16%
9%
7%
3%
33%
12%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
10-1
20-11
30-21
40-31
50-41
More than 50
No Information
Proportion of Voluntary Work from to the Organisations Total
Work (1.12)
62
In terms of people’s membership in more than one civil society organization, there is no
data showing the size of this phenomenon, even if assessments show that this
phenomenon is common in the center (Ramallah, Jerusalem and Gaza) due to the
density of organizations and the relationships among them, yet it drops down in other
districts. This phenomenon has its explanations that are related to the degree of
connection between civil society organizations and political parties, as well as the form
of representation of intellectual and developmental elites38.
2.1.3. Diversity of participants
2.1.3.1. Social groups participating in organizations activities or targeted
by the organizations’ services
The percentage of organizations involving women in their activities of or targeting them
with their services reaches to 80% of the studied organizations, and 64% of the
organizations involve the youth, whereas the percentage of organizations which target
refugees drops down to 25%, 41% of the organizations involve people from rural areas
or target them, and 37% of the organizations involve the poor, and there are several
cases where organizations involve more than one group in the same time.
Table (1.1): Distribution of Organizations Upon the Social Groups Involvement in their
Activities and Services
% of Organizations No. of Organizations Social Group
80 93 Women
37 43 Poor at Urban Areas
41 48 People of Rural Areas
5 6 Ethnic and Religious Minorities
25 29 Refugees
38
See the results of interviews, AMAN-Transparency Palestine.
63
64 74 Youth
2.1.3.2. The groups represented in the organizations leadership (general
assembly and board of directors)
While the percentage of organizations in which women are represented in their
leadership bodies reaches to 70% and the percentage of the youth to 50% of the total
number of studied organizations, these percentages drop down with the representation
of people from rural areas, refugees, the poor and minorities.
2.1.4. Level of organization
2.1.4.1. Umbrella networks which organizations are members of
It is worth mentioning that all studied organizations are members of one network at
least, and that was one of the indicators of the studied society, (see Methodology) or
members of more than one network at the same time. The membership lists of those
networks showed duplication in the names of organizations repeated widely and
noticeably among the member organizations of the Palestine National Institute for
69%
9%
16%
3%
14%
49%
40%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Women
Poor at Urban Areas
People at Rural Areas
Ethnic and Religious Minorities
Refugees
Youth
Professionals
Groups Presented in the Organisations' Leadership Level (1.13)
64
NGOs and the member organizations of the General Union of Charitable Societies, this
group has been considered as a container for researching a group of causes, probably
among the most important is that all active organizations belong to one of the
abovementioned networks. It is rare to find an active organization providing services
and has activities and yet does not belong to one of the mentioned networks. The
following table reflects the percentage of distribution of the studied networks among
the umbrellas (networks) according to the studied organizations’ point of view that
preferred stating their membership in a certain network over the others or confirmed
the duplicity or repetition of their membership which does not necessarily align with the
networks lists. It is worth mentioning also that some organizations confirmed the
duplicity or repetition of their membership in more than one of the three studied
networks, therefore, the total percentage of organizations membership in networks
exceeds 100% to reach 138%.
2.1.4.2. Efficiency of Umbrellas (Networks)
With regards to efficiency, 32% of the studied organizations see that networks efficiency
is limited, whereas 27% of the organizations see that networks have evident efficiency
53%
23%
45%
17%
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
PNGO PNIN PUCS Other
Umbrella Networks for the Organisations belogn To (1.14)
65
in all aspects and more than 23% of them see that networks are efficient on all levels.
AMAN-Transparency Palestine sees that networking has a limited efficiency, as there is a
problem in the common understanding of networking and the coordination process,
because one of the organizations bears the main effort and the other organizations are
dependent on it. Networking would be more successful when there is a true interest
and all the work is focused on a specific shared issue. Part of the networks is established
as part of a project and networking continues with the continuation of the funding, and
usually it stops with termination of the project39.
2.1.4.3. The efficiency of internal organizing efforts taken by civil society
organizations and networks to build the capacities of civil society
organizations based on their work experience.
As for the impact and efficiency of internal organizing efforts put into building the
capacities of civil society organizations, based on the work experience of the studied
organizations, more than one third of those organizations (approximately 36%) see that
39
See the meeting and interviews results.
Tangible Effeciency at all Aspects
27%
Efficient at Specific aspects
24%
Limited Effeciency
32%
Not Efficient14%
No Information3%
Level of Effeciency of the Umbrella Networks (1.15)
66
internal efforts are efficient and are effective and evident in building the capacities of
the civil society, almost half (48%) see that networks have limited efficiency, and a little
above 10% see it to be efficient. It is pointed out that 74% of the studied organizations
have signed the code of conduct and showed readiness to commit to it. The Anti-
Violence against Women Forum “Al-Muntada” sees that the efficiency of internal
organizing efforts does not exceed 40%40.
Whereas, with regards to signing the code of conduct, the following graph clarifies that
74% of the studied organizations have signed the Code of Ethics.
40 See meeting and interviews results, Al-Muntada interview.
Tangible Effeciency
37%
Limited Effeciency
48%
Not Efficient11%
No Information4%
Effeciency of Civil Society Intenral Organising Efforts to Build the
Capacities of Civil Society Organisations (1.16)
67
2.1.4.4. The level of support by the environment surrounding civil
society
A number of private sector organizations working in Palestine support the capacity
building of civil society organizations in addition to the civil society organizations
working in this field such as NGOs Development Center (NDC), Palestine Consultative
Staff (PCS), organizations active in the field of community based rehabilitation (CBR),
and the educational institutions such as colleges and universities and media outlets that
provide support to civil society organizations, in addition to the umbrellas and unions
specialized in civil society. All these organizations provide support, capacity building and
organizing services to the civil society. To some extent, they are efficient in providing
the required support. Al-Muntada sees that the surrounding environment support is
limited, and there is an urgent need to improve that support.
2.1.4.5. Membership of an international network or umbrella
One third of the studied organizations (33%) confirmed having international connections
through their membership in an international network or umbrella, whereas 63%
confirmed having no international connections or relations.
Yes74%
No20%
No Information6%
Organisations Signed "Code of Ethics" Document (1.17)
68
2.1.5. Relationships
2.1.5.1. The level of civil society’s efficiency with regards to organizing
activities, participating in activities and communicating with civil
society organizations on issues concerning the civil society.
Most of the organizations are involved in the participating or organizing of activities,
and communicate with civil society organizations on issues concerning the society. It
was found that 35% of the studied organizations organize and lead such activities and
events, 37% organize and participate efficiently in these activities and 15% participate in
the activities only.
Syndicates see no tangible coordination between the different poles of the civil society
except when an issue of a national significance that concerns everyone arises, such as
the campaign against enforcing the social security law. The experience of joint work
among civil society is still limited, despite the urgent need for such work. There is a need
for forming a conceptual framework that gives back the consideration to the role and
tasks of civil society organizations based on the role of socio-economic correlation.
Members of the civil society are supposed to have a unified stance toward social justice
versus the interests of the open market, which is non-existent. Working on the social
security law was not on the agenda of civil society organizations, rather it was imposed
by the circumstances, and it is too early to celebrate the achievement as the
Yes33%
No64%
No Information3%
Membership of Organiations in International Networks (1.18)
69
amendments have not been approved yet and there are controversial issues and a need
for more discussion regarding this law41.
2.1.5.2. Civil society organizations coalitions and alliances that
organizations participate in and that cross the sector of the
organization’s specialty.
30% of the organizations confirmed their participation in local or international coalitions
that are active in their sector of specialty. Some of the examples of the coalitions that
the organizations participate in are:
- The Civil Rights Coalition and the Palestinian Civil Peace Network.
- The Coalition of Child Rights and Combating Violence.
- The Coalition of Justice for Change – The International Union of Graduates – The
Youth Network.
41
See meetings and interviews results, independent syndicates.
مدىأيالى
انترون
فاعلةمنظمتكم
المجتمعفً
حٌثمنالمدنً
الفعالٌاتتنظٌم
فًوالمشاركة
النشاطات
…والتواصل
Organise and Lead Activities
35%
Organise and Participate in
Activities37%
Participate in Activities
16%
Limited Participation
9%
Do Not Participate1%
No Information2%
Other11%
Effeciency of Organisations to Organise and Participate in Activities Relevant to Civil Society Aspects (1.19)
70
- End Violence against Women Coalition – Resistance against the Wall and land
confiscations.
- The Coalition of Combating Violence and Preventing Child Labor.
- Coalitions relevant to people with disabilities.
2.1.6. Sources
Civil society sustainability sources: The sources of civil society organizations’
sustainability are many, the organizational structure with its different capacities
(governance, administrative capacities, human resources, financial capacities, activities
and projects, and relationships and networking) all together represent the main source
of the sustainability of any organization, as they cover all aspects of civil society
organizations life and work. The surrounding environment helps the continuation and
advancement of these organizations. Having a proper legal environment allows the civil
society to continue its work. Public relations and lobbying and advocacy provide civil
society organizations with a climate that helps in achieving sustainability. Whenever civil
society organizations lead campaigns advocating for various humanitarian and rights
issues, it is an indicator of their sustainability. Furthermore, infrastructure is one of the
sources of civil society’s sustainability42.
Aspects of financial sustainability are given a particular significance, despite their
shortcomings in working independently from the other capacity components, which is
due to civil society organizations need for a certain degree of independency and to
reduce its reliance on external funding from donors, especially that the chances of
sustainability of civil society organizations increase through building the capacities for
obtaining support from local resources43, to increase the level of its independency and
to be liberated from abiding to the donors agendas. That can be achieved if they gain
42
The 2012 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, a previous resource, page 56. 43
Sarah Lewis et al. (2015), Building sustainability of civil society: Debates, challenges and moving forward, Oxford: INTRAC International NGO Training and Research Center, page 6.
71
funding through charity campaigns and the private sector44. Probably one of the most
important indicators of civil society’s sustainability is the sustainability of the services
provided by the civil society organizations in compliance with the local needs.
Accusations are usually thrown at civil society organizations regarding their work
priorities to be abiding to external agendas related to the donors, rather than stemming
from an internal desire and the need and state of the society45.
In the Palestinian case, most organizations depend on regional and international
support, while some other components of the civil society, such as Zakat committees or
organizations pertaining to the private sector organizations, families, or groups with the
same geographical identity, depend on funding from the local community. Zakat
committees collect financial and in-kind donations directly from the society with the aim
of providing services and in many cases to provide aid for the poor and people in need
to help them face poverty46. Zakat committees are considered the biggest donors of
food in the occupied Palestinian territories after UNRWA47.
In general, it is difficult to say that civil society organizations depend on local funding,
whether it was private sources (receiving money for services, or membership fees) or
donations from the local community. It is also noticed based on the composition of civil
society organizations that the number of NGOs depending on external funding has
increased after the inception of the Palestinian Authority48.
2.1.6.1. Organization’s funding sources
44
OECD DAC Handbook on Security System Reform: Supporting Security and Justice, Op. Cit, pp 229-230. 45
Asef Bayat, How Ordinary People Change the Middle East: Life as Politics, 2nd
Edition, (Stanford University Press, 2013), page 77. 46
Nathan J. Brown, (2003) “Palestinian, civil society in theory and in practice”, Paper for the Annual Meeting of the Structure of Government, Section 1, International Political Science Association, Washington D.C., page 14. 47
Jonathan Benthall, (2008) Palestinian Zakat Committees 1993-2007 and Their Contested Interpretations, Occasional Paper,, Geneva: The Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies IHEID, page 31, http://graduateinstitute.ch/files/live/sites/iheid/files/sites/ccdp/shared/Docs/Graduate_Institute_HEI_2008_en.pdf 48
Majdi Al-Malki, Yasir Shalaby, Hasan Ladadwah, Palestinian NGOs Census in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, previous resource, page 13.
72
The studied organizations showed diversity in their sources of funding. 77% of the
studied organizations confirmed that they rely on self-funding, without identifying their
level of reliance on it. 53% of the studied organizations confirmed relying one way or
another on Palestinian funding, while 18% stated reliance on regional funding, and more
than the half (54%) confirmed relying on international funding. It is mentioned that
more than half of the organizations are small sized local organizations and part of them
do not receive external funding at all. The study also shows that 25% of the
organizations consider the available funding they receive to be irregular, 47% of the
organizations consider funding insufficient and that they face financial issues,
meanwhile 17% declared funding to be barely sufficient, only 8% of the organizations
considered funding to be sufficient and only one organization declared the funding to be
sufficient and to have surplus.
77%
53%
18%
54%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
Relies on Self Financial Resources
Relies on Local Financial Resources
Relies on Regional Financial Resources
Relies on International Financail Resources
Reliance of Organisations on Different Financial Resources (1.20)
73
Furthermore, 70% of the studied organizations pointed out that the private sector does
not contribute to covering the organizations’ needs of funding, and approximately 84%
confirmed that the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian Liberation Organization do
not contribute to covering those needs.
The Palestinian National Authority or the Palestinian Liberation Organization’s
contribution to covering the funding needs of the organizations:
Sufficient with Surplus
1%
Just Sufficient8%
Hardly Sufficient
17%
Not Sufficient 47%
No Regular Fund25%
No Information2%
Sufficiency of Financial Resources to Organisations (1.21)
Yes30%
No66%
No Information4%
Contribution of the Private Sector in Covering Financial Resources
for Organisations (1.22)
74
2.1.6.2. Human Resources
With regards to the availability of human cadre necessary for operating the
organizations efficiently in terms of numbers, approximately 74% of the studied
organizations declared the sufficiency of the human cadre size it has to operate the
organizations efficiently, and around 84% confirmed to have the necessary qualified
human cadre to operate the organizations efficiently.
Yes13%
No84%
No Information3%
Contribution of the PA and/or PLO in Covering Financial Resources for Organisations (1.23)
74%
24%
3%0
20
40
60
80
Yes No No Information
Availability of Human Resources to Operate the Organisations in an
Efficient Manner (1.24)
75
With respect to the level of organizations focus on building capacities, approximately
87% of the organizations clarified working continuously on building the capacities of
their cadre which is done in different methods, most prominently: courses and
symposiums, empowerment and training, specialized courses and work manuals.
2.1.6.3. Technical resources and infrastructure
As for the infrastructure and technical resources necessary for operating the
organizations efficiently (headquarters, offices, office appliances, communication
devices and computers … etc), it was found that 65% of the organizations see that they
good to very good level of infrastructure, and only 6% see that infrastructure is not
available.
Yes84%
No14%
No Information2%
Availability of Qualified Human Resources to Operate the Organisations in an Efficient Manner (1.25)
Yes85%
No13%
No Information2%
Regular Efforts of Organisation to Raise the Human Resources
Capacities (1.26)
76
It is worth mentioning that organizations that have no headquarters or centers through
it operates were excluded from this study.
2.1.7. Conclusions regarding the structure of Palestinian civil society
Based on the study and literature review, some conclusions on the structure can be
summarized as follows:
1. Participation is a sensitive topic, and it could be fatal to civil society organizations,
and for these organizations in order to preserve its civil identity and not turn into
elite organizations that only serve itself, they have to work hard on enhancing public
participation through opening to its target groups and providing information to its
audience, opening the membership of its bodies of reference to these groups,
developing the team culture in managing the organization and implementing its
activities, and expanding the participation opportunities of the target groups in
developing the organization’s plans and policies as well as in monitoring and
evaluating its performance. In this regard, networks can develop programs for
building the capacities of the organizations in the field of activating participation to
include raising awareness and training, documenting and mainstreaming the best
practices in the field of participation, transfer experiences, building the systems and
work manuals, and reviewing the laws and code of conduct with the organizations
bodies of reference, etc.
Very Good-Good65%
Good - Weak11%
Bad7%
Not Available6%
No Informatio11%
Availability of Appropriate Infrastructure and Technical Resources to Operate the Organisations in an Efficient Manner (1.27)
77
2. NGOs, charitable societies and civil society organizations relay in general, one way or
another, on voluntary work to conduct their work and manage their affairs.
Regardless of the details of the voluntary work, in terms of the size, type and nature
of contributions, voluntary work is one of the pillars of civil society, which is formed
in a voluntary way and on voluntary basis. Therefore, networks should give special
significance to developing, systemizing and to well manage and use voluntary work
in its member organizations, whether it was through promotion of voluntary work or
through developing work manuals and systems for managing voluntary work well
and benefiting from it or building the organizations capacities to be able to manage
them and use them well.
3. Networking is one of the foundations of NGOs and charitable societies’ sustainability
due to the shared benefits it brings forth, especially for relevant organizations. It
became clear from the issues that emerged regarding the networks membership, in
terms of the repetition and duplication of membership, the name of inactive
organizations in the membership lists, or organizations that do not consider itself
members of a certain network, in addition to organizations with identities that differ
from the identity of the network such as cooperatives and youth clubs and other
issues that illustrated problems in the networks’ membership and in organizing the
networks relationship with its member organizations. Due to the importance of
networking and joint work, it is recommended to review the aspect of membership
of the three organizational umbrellas that form the Coordination Council for
Palestinian NGOs on all levels: membership conditions, the members commitment
to the conditions and participating in the networks life, monitoring the organizations
lists, activating the role of networks in building capacities among other topics
relevant to the networks membership.
4. Varying funding sources and increasing the margin of self and local funding in
forming NGOs budget represents a safe introduction for continuing provision of
NGOs. The networks should work on and contribute to building the organizations’
78
capacities, particularly grassroots organizations with regards to self and local funding
and to enhance its readiness for questioning.
2.2. Environment
A civil society enabling environment means the level of relevance of the surroundings or
conditions in which the civil society works, whether it was economic, political, social,
cultural, legal or technical … etc, in empowering it to be active in the society and to have
a positive impact on one hand, and the citizens ability to participate voluntarily in the
civil society on another. The more relevant and enabling the environment is to the civil
society’s work the more people’s volunteerism and participation is activated which is an
indication of a healthy civil society49, and the more the environment is hindering its
work and people’s involvement is limited, it indicates an unhealthy civil society. There
are those who considered the civil society enabling environment to be “a group of
conditions that impact the citizens’ and civil society’s ability to participate in
development processes in a sustainable and effective way, whether in terms of drafting
policies and budgets, or implementation, support, impact on public programs and
projects or in continuation of achieving shared goals50.
The second dimension, which comes in second place in the Index, is the inspection of
the environment in which civil society works in the Palestinian case to know to what
extent this environment is enabling of its work and has a positive impact on people’s
participation or to what extent it is inhabiting and obstructive of its efficiency.
2.2.1. Legal and political context
49
Assessment Tools for Measuring Civil Society’s Enabling Environment, vol 4, issue, International Center for Not-For-Profit Law (ICNL), page 3. Available at: http://www.icnl.org/research/trends/trends5-1.pdf 50
Jeff Thindwa, Enabling Environment for Civil Society Organizations & CSOs Governance, World Bank, page 2. Available at: http://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/Event/MNA/yemen_cso/english/Yemen_CSO_conf_Pres_WB_EN.pdf
79
Political environment in which the Palestinian civil society works affects the nature of
the role these organizations play within the society in general, and overshadows the
style and nature of a civil society. The political reality of the Palestinian context has
given civil society organizations a special status that made it differ from other civil
society organizations, stemming from the Palestinian Issue itself and the fluctuation of
the political circumstances the Palestinian society undergoes. This special status is
depicted in the civil society organizations being overshadowed with the national
libertarian work and its uniqueness in terms of its inception in the absence of a national
state and under occupation, adopting national libertarian programs on top of the social
programs. Palestinian civil society organizations were established and developed in the
absence of national state and while the Palestinian society was under non-national
authorities, the latest is the Israeli occupation authority and then within the frame of a
Palestinian Authority, with a small margin of freedom of organization through which
political and social organizations and institutions conducted its various activities with
the continuation of the occupation and the presence of a Palestinian state with limited
sovereignty51.
With the inception of the National Authority, the political environment remained a
challenge facing the civil society and NGOs working in various geopolitical environments
in terms of the political authority and the legal reference. Organizations working in the
West Bank are subject to the procedures, regulations and practices imposed by the
Palestinian National Authority forces which are not always abiding to the legal
references, such as putting their hands on charitable societies and NGOs, dismantling
elected boards of directors or delegating boards external to the institution’s references
to manage it, while these organizations are subject to Israeli monitoring and control
when part of their activities or work is implemented in the so called Area C in
compliance with Oslo Accords, or if they work in Jerusalem. These organizations suffer
sometimes from pressure, search campaigns and its members and leaders being
51
Nadia Abu Zaher, (2008) “Civil Society” Between the Descriptive and the Normative: Deconstructing a Conceptual Muddle, previous resource, page 237.
80
arrested by the Israeli occupation regardless of where it is active. In addition to the
pressures facing organizations working in the West Bank from the Palestinian Authority
forces and the Israeli occupation, they face many difficulties and various obstacles in
conducting their activities in Jerusalem, Gaza or Area C. Organizations working in
Jerusalem are subject to different political and legal working conditions stemming from
the Israeli control over Jerusalem. Those organizations registered in Jerusalem must
have the readiness to face this reality and work under these circumstances while
preserving its Palestinian national identity and steadfast against the harassment of the
different Israeli forces. In Gaza Strip, civil society organizations are subject to different
political working conditions and to the regulations and procedures of the civil and
security forces controlling the authority in Gaza. These organizations suffer from the
pressures and control of the authority forces working in Gaza and managed by Hamas.
The obstacles and challenges facing civil society organizations working in various
environments have contributed to the exclusion of some organizations and prevented
other organizations from operating and being active. This reality became a challenge
that pushed organizations to refine themselves, strengthening their regulations and
organizational structures and to develop their capacities and enhance their readiness for
accountability, even if it automatically led to imposing a nationalistic political libertarian
agenda on top of those organizations social, cultural, rights, charitable or developmental
agendas.
Due to this intense overlap between civil society organizations within the Palestinian
context and the political environment embodied in the libertarian Palestinian issue, the
future of Palestinian civil society and the role it plays in the society as well as its impacts
with the developments and mobilization within the political scene, which forced the civil
society organizations, on multiple occasions, to prioritize the political nationalistic
agenda over the social, cultural and developmental agendas, and to switch from
developmental activity to relief work and provision of humanitarian aid. During the first
Intifada, for example, civil society was forced to play a political role in facing the Israeli
occupation which was violating the humanitarian security of the Palestinians and their
81
freedoms, and to provide health services, and social and educational care which the
nonexistent Palestinian State was supposed to provide. People back then were ready to
participate voluntarily in the different civil society activities52.
The political environment through which the civil society worked during the
establishment of the Palestinian Authority, following Oslo Accords, had its impact on the
role of civil society and its development as well as the growth of one of its components
rapidly. On one hand, the establishment of the Palestinian Authority contributed to the
rapid spread of NGOs, increasing the number of civil society organizations53. On the
other hand, the new political environment drew the attention of civil society which has
engaged in the debate regarding the shape of the upcoming political system for the
emerging Palestinian Authority. It contributed to stating questions regarding the shape
of the Palestinian political system and the extent of the Palestinian civil society’s
contribution in determining the shape of that system54. Thus, the future of the
Palestinian civil society and its impact on the democratization process became linked
organically to the political developments in the region55.
The stage following Oslo Accords witnessed a significant historical turning point in the
history of the Palestinian People in terms of the establishment of the Palestinian
Authority for the first time since the establishment of the State of Israeli Occupation in
1948 over the lands of the Palestinian People, and in terms of a new reality and turning
point for the civil society. This called for a reconsideration of the identity of the
organizations of this society, its role and vision. The political split within the Palestinian
political parties also created another turning point for the Palestinian civil society.
Despite the increased number of civil society organizations after the split, this increase
52
Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013) The Role of Palestinian Political Elite in Generating Social Capital, Doha: Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies, pages 146-147. 53
Mhaisin, Taysir, (2001) “Political Parties and Voluntary Organizations within the Palestinian Context”, Ro’ya Magazine, Issue 11, page 6. 54
Al-Malki, Majdi (1999) “Democracy and Civil Society: A Review of Palestinian Literature”, Palestinian Politics, Issue 24, page 34. 55
Manuel Hassassian, (2002) “NGOS in the context of national struggle” in Benjamin Gideon, Stanely N. Katz and Yeheskel Hasenfeld (eds), Mobilizing for Peace: Conflict Resolution in Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and South Africa, Oxford: Oxford University Press, page 134.
82
did not prevent the increase of the authority’s interventions in the work of the civil
society, both in the West Bank and Gaza. The split contributed in the weakening of civil
society organizations and their ability to affect policy making and to complicating the
role of human rights organizations in the field of advocating for civil and human rights56.
The legal framework regulating the formation of NGOs and charitable societies and their
registration, and organizes and determines their relations among themselves, with the
state and society, is the main component of the legal environment through which civil
society organizations work which differ in principle from the state and represents the
modern social structures which occupy the space between the individual and the state
outside the market and are independent of the institutions of the state, hence
separating the civil society from the state57. This separation is very important even if the
state is organizing the civil society through creating a legal frame, registering society
organizations, and controlling its work58.
The requirements and foundations of the legal environment through which civil society
organizations worked within the Palestinian context varied from one political stage to
another, and in principle it differed from the experiences of its counterparts in the Arab
World, whether in terms of the surrounding circumstances, or in terms of the laws
regulating the right to from associations and the control over its activity. Civil society
organizations; NGOs and charitable societies, are subject to the Ottoman Law on
Associations of the year 1907, where article (2) was indulgent to forming associations
given that it does not require a license, article (6) banned the work of secret
associations and article (7) imposed strict control over its work59.
56
The 2013 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, USAID, page 50. 57
Nancy Fraser, (1992) “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy”, in Craig Calhoun (ed), Habermas and the Public Sphere, Cambridge: MIT Press page 133. 58
Claudia- Yvette Matthes, (2003) “The Economic Foundations of Civil Society: Empirical Evidence from New Democracies in the Baltic Sea Region”, in Norbert Gotz and Jorg Hackmann (eds), Civil Society in the Baltic Sea Region, England: Ashgate Publishing Limited, USA: Ashgate Publishing Company, page 86. 59
Mazin SiSalem, Isac Muhanna and Soliman Dahdouh (preparation and assembly), The Set of Palestinian Laws, volume 7, edition 2, 1994, (D. N.), page 29.
83
During the British Mandate, civil organizations were subject to the defense (emergency)
regulations, 1945, which dictated many constrains on its work60. After the Israeli
occupation of the Palestinian lands in 1948, civil society organizations both in the West
Bank and Gaza Strip underwent two different legal systems. In Gaza the Ottoman Law
on Associations remained valid, with no amendments by the Egyptian Administration;
whereas the Jordanian Law was applied to the West Bank and the rest of the active
Palestinian organizations around Palestine were subject to the Israeli Military Orders.
Since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, the Palestinian Basic Law
guaranteed the freedom of forming associations according to item (2) of Article (26) of
the law adopted by the Palestinian Legislative Council in 1996, which was signed by the
late president Yassir Arafat in 2002, and was amended by the Palestinian Legislative
Council in 2003 and 2005. The law states that “Palestinians have the right to form
syndicates, associations, unions, leagues, clubs, and public institutions in compliance
with the law”61. The main element of the legal environment through which civil
organizations work within the Palestinian Context is Law (1) of the year 200 on civil
bodies and charitable societies62. The Palestinian Legislative Council issued this law
which identifies the conditions necessary for charitable societies’ formation and activity,
while the executive regulations of this law, issued with a decree by the Cabinet, clarifies
several detailed issues related to the conditions of forming a charitable society, the
authorities responsible for its registration, the specialty of the departments responsible
for its registration and the registration mechanisms, and illustrates the ministry
responsible for follow up its activity among other details on the societies and their
commitments … etc63.
60
The previous resource, page 39. 61
Item (2) of Article (26) Part 1, The Basic Law amended in 2005, Ramallah: The Palestinian Legislative Council, page 17. 62
Law (1) of the year 2000 on Civil Bodies and Charitable Societies, Ramallah: The Palestinian Legislative Council. 63
Cabinet Decision (9) 2003 regarding the executive regulations of Charitable Societies and Civil Bodies Law number (1) 2000, Ramallah: Fatwa and Legislation Office, available through:
http://www.dft.gov.ps/index.php?option=com_dataentry&pid=8&Itemid=27&des_id=427
84
The Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA) exalted the Palestinian laws that
guarantee the right to forming associations in Palestine compared to the Arab
Countries. According to the network, the freedom to establish associations in
accordance with the Palestinian law “The Civil Bodies and Charitable Societies Law
1/2000” makes it relatively advanced compared to the Arab Countries, based on the
laws applied in the region, despite the political pressure and the violation of rights in
both the West Bank and Gaza Strip64. Despite this praise, the Civil Bodies and Charitable
Societies Law and its executive regulations face many critiques65 as it gives the
governmental authorities the space to interfere in civil society organizations.
Furthermore, executive practices obstruct its work; in addition to critiques66 on issuing
Presidential decrees and regulations in violation of the law that obstruct the
development of the civil society.
With regards to practice, the Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report pointed out
that what the governments led by the Palestinian National Authority and Hamas did in
terms of continuation of security check of civil society organizations applying for
registration is a form of violation of the Civil Bodies and Charitable Societies Law. Such
security check requires the approval of the Ministry of Interior and the Intelligence
64
Jamal Atwan et al, (2013) Initial Assessment of Social Accountability in the Arab World: The Final Report of the Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA), Care International Egypt, London: Integrity Research and Consultancy, page 102. 65
The most important critiques on the law and its executive regulations can be summarized into:
The law gave the Minister of Interior the power to dismantle any association in violation with its own basic law, where it should have given the Minister the right to resort to Judiciary requesting dismantling the association, as associations should not be dismantled unless with a court verdict.
Article (29) of the draft executive regulations limited the term of an association’s board of directors to three years, where the law didn’t dictate any duration of board of directors’ term, and left its identification to the internal law.
Articles 1 and 2 of the executive regulations confined the field of activities the associations can be involved in. This means that associations cannot operate outside of those fields dictated by the regulations, unless the Minister approves it.
66 “Forming Associations in the Areas of the Palestinian National Authority between the Law and
Practice”, (2002) Reports Series (15), Ramallah: The Independent Commission for Human Rights, pages 5-
7. Available in Arabic through: http://www.ichr.ps/pdfs/sp15.pdf
85
Department both in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and this delays in many cases the
registration process of civil society organizations or obstruct it67.
There is another issue concerning the particular legal environment in which the civil
society organizations work, besides the succession of several governing authorities and
changing the laws governing the work of civil society organizations, related to Gaza and
Jerusalem. Civil society organizations in East Jerusalem and in Area C of the West Bank
to military orders and the Israeli law68, as for Gaza, after the division, civil society
organizations there are under the authority of Hamas government which amended the
executive regulations of the Law number (1); the aforementioned decision carries the
number (11/205/3) of the year 2011, regarding modifying the Cabinet verdict number
(9) of the year 2003 regarding the executive regulations69. In conclusion, the references
and supervisory committees and authorities are numerous. Control mechanisms and
Anti-Corruption are used as tools for control and exclusion by the Palestinian Authority
in Gaza and the West Bank as well as by the Israeli authorities after providing the
security mechanisms and justifications.
2.2.1.1 Reflection of the political reality on organizations and the implementation of
its activities in terms of the strictness of constrains over the citizens political
rights
67
The 2012 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, USAID, page 44. 68
According to the Israeli Law, there are three laws regulating the freedom of forming associations:
The Law on Associations (1980) which regulates the process of forming and the work of NGOs, companies and cooperatives.
The Criminal Law “Prevention of Terrorism Ordinance” (1948)
And the “Interim Agreement on the West Bank and Gaza Strip” (1994) and the Prohibition of Financing Terrorism Law (2005).
69 Article (9) which has been added is considered the most criticized by the civil society organizations in
Gaza and is considered in principle in violation with the Charitable Societies Law. The Article states: “1. all branches of local associations and bodies should provide the Ministry and the responsible Ministry with any files, documents or papers when requested. 2. the Ministry and the responsible Ministry preserves the right to monitor the work and activities of the branches of associations and bodies to confirm that its money has been spent for the purpose of it was allocated for”. See: the Palestinian Center for Human
Rights (2011), Available through: http://pchrgaza.org/ar/?p=4079
86
Around 11% of the organizations confirmed the existence of serious constrains on the
political rights of civilians preventing citizens participation and suffocating the
organizations, while approximately 33% of the studied organizations indicated the
existence of some constrains on the political rights of civilians that restrict the citizens’
participation and hinder the organization’s work. The percentage of organizations
declaring no constrains and that the organization works freely and that the citizens
practice their political rights reached to 53%.
2.2.1.2 The impact of the factional system on which organizations’ work is based
Despite the Palestinian Basic Law guaranteeing the freedom of affiliation with and the
formation of factions, there is no law regulating the work of political factions until now.
In spite of its continuous role the struggle for liberation, existing Palestinian
organizations and factions did not reach the level of parties and yet carry some features
of resistance movements due to the ongoing stage of national liberation which makes it
difficult to describe it as political parties70.
70
Meetings and interviews, the political parties meeting.
الواقعٌنعكسكٌف
منظمتكمعلىالسٌاسً
لنشاطاتهاتنفٌذهاوعلى
علىالقٌودقوةحٌثمن
المواطنٌنحقوق
السٌاسٌة؟
0%
There are Limitation
11%
There is a Certain Limitation
33%
There is no Limitation
53%
No Information3%
otherا56%
Reflection of the Political Context on the Civil Society's Activities Relevant to the Citizens Political Rights (2.1)
87
2.2.1.3 The level of enforcement of the rule of law in the Palestinian Authority areas
according to the organizations
According to the studied organizations, 16% of the organizations believe that the rule of
law does not exist, which is what has been confirmed by the representatives of the
factions by saying that enforcing the law is weak, while 48% indicated that the rule of
law exists but limited, and 31% of the studied organizations confirmed the existence of
the rule of law efficiently. According to the political parties, syndicates and media, there
is an overlap between the authorities and there is no clear separation among them71.
2.2.1.4 The level of corruption witnessed in the public sector (governmental) according
to the organizations
Opinions varied on the issue of corruption. According to 39% of the studied
organizations, corruption exists evidently in the public sector, the same that has been
confirmed by the parties, syndicates and other civil society organizations including
AMAN-Transparency, and that has been reflected in the reports of the Anti-Corruption
71
See the previous resource, in addition to the syndicates’ meeting
No Enforcement17%
Limited Enforcement
49%
Efficient and Tangible
Enforcement31%
No information3%
Level of Enforcement of Law at PA Areas (2.2)
88
Commission, the Board of Control and AMAN-Transparency, while the Federation of
Industries sees that it’s too early and there must be an agreement on the definition of
corruption first72, and 17% of the studied organizations confirmed no corruption in the
public sector.
2.2.1.5 The level of the Palestinian Authority’s ability to achieve the goals stated in the
strategic plan according to the organizations
In terms of the Palestinian Authority’s achievement of its goal, 10% of the studied
organizations only sees that the Palestinian Authority was able to achieve its goals while
almost half of the studied organizations (48%) that achieving the goals was limited, and
35% sees that the Palestinian Authority did not achieve its goals which is what the
political factions, syndicates and networks has confirmed.
72
See previous resource, The Federation of Industries Interview.
39%
%
17%
5%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
Tangible Existence
Limited Existence
Does not exist
No Information
Level of Corruption Witnessed at the Governmental Sector (2.3)
89
2.2.1.6 The level of the government’s expenditure on local authorities
There are no allocated budgets for the local authorities at the central authority despite
having allocated taxes items for those purposes, and local authorities get funding
through projects or grants. Local authorities rely in managing its affairs on what it gains
in the form of fees, taxes and cost of services, in addition to external projects funding,
whether it was direct or through the Municipal Development and Lending Fund. In rare
occasions local authorities finance NGOs or cover the costs of its activities (such as the
experience with the Women Corner in Nablus).
2.2.2. Political freedoms and rights
2.2.2.1. The level of ensuring civil freedoms by the law and practices
Political factions see that civil freedoms are ensured to a limited extent; in Jerusalem
Israel violates the freedom of citizens and their rights systematically including their
livelihood. In the West Bank and Gaza Strip the human rights organizations’ data
indicate (Al-Haq for example) the executive authority violating citizens’ rights in aspects
of freedom of expression, gathering, organization, and the rest of civil rights. There are
complaints documenting these violations, for example, the Independent Commission for
Human Rights report (Board of Grievances) of the year 2015 that the commission
Tangible Acheivement
10%
Limited Achievement
49%
Did not do any Acheivement
35%
No Information6%
Level of PA Acheivemnet of its Strategic Goals (2.4)
90
received 56 claims of human rights violations regarding freedom of speech, 15 out of
which are in Gaza73. As for organizations opinion, 29% of the studied organizations
admitted that freedoms are ensured in a tangible way, 41% admitted that freedoms are
poorly ensured, while 30% see that there is violation of freedoms.
2.2.2.2. The level of public’s access to governmental documents and
information according to the organizations
There is no law regulating the process of access to and obtaining information (according
to the interview of AMAN-Transparency and the Independent Commission for Human
Rights). Half of the studied organizations see a difficulty in access to information, and
30% see that it is not possible to obtain information, while 14% see that it is easy to
obtain information. Political factions confirmed the absence of the law and a difficulty in
access to information.
73
The Independent Commission for Human Rights (Board of Grievances), The State of Human Rights in Palestine Report, 2015.
29%
41%
30%
1%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45
Tangible Commitment
Weak Commitment
There is Violation
No Information
Level of Commitment to Ensure Civil Rights by Law and Practice (2.5)
91
2.2.2.3. The law guaranteeing freedom of press and its implementation
according to the organizations
There is no law regulating the work of press and that guarantees its freedom, also there
is no law regulating the work of the Journalists Syndicate which works according to its
own rules of procedures. With the inception of the Palestinian Authority a Presidential
decree regarding printing and publication, which was approved by the Palestinian
Legislative Council at later stage and it is the law in place in this field. According to the
Journalist Syndicate, journalists are exposed to different types of harassment and
continuous violations whether it was by the Israeli occupation, the Palestinian Authority
or the Government in Gaza. Harassments reach to intimidation, physical assault,
imprisonment and attempt on the life of the journalists. Journalism organizations also
suffer from various harassments74. 59% of the studied organizations see that the law
ensures the freedom of press in a limited way, and only 23% of them see that the law
ensures the freedom of press in a tangible way.
74
See meetings and interviews, the Journalist Syndicate interview.
Easily and Widely14%
Hardly with Limtied Access
50%
No Access29%
No Information7%
Level of Access to Information and Governmental Documents (2.6)
92
2.2.3. The socio-economic context
The social medium in which the civil society organizations work has an impact, in the
Palestinian context as well, on the nature and the role civil society plays and the degree
of its impact on the society. Social behaviors and values that dominated the periods of
resisting the occupation has affected the civil society organizations in terms of acquiring
it the spirit of social cooperation and coherence as well as participation. NGOs enjoyed
the public social trust, and the tolerance and forgiveness among the different members
of the society, which gave these organizations a mass’s nature and contributed to the
Palestinian society embracing it. Due to the dominance of public interest over the work
of NGOs, community volunteerism contributed to supporting civil society with tangible
energies and competencies that helped activate the role and enhance the status of
charitable and civil organizations within the Palestinian social structures. Whereas the
blockade of the political horizon and the security and political deterioration in the
region, as well as the despair and poor performance of the different forms of
organizations along with the weakness or absence of their social agenda has led to
changing and deterioration of the collective values versus personal values and gains and
to bouncing from collective salvation to individual salvation75, and to the deterioration
75
Meetings and interviews, Independent Syndicates and the Journalist Syndicate interview.
Tangible Commitment
23%
Weak Commitment
59%
There is Violation16%
No Information2%
Level of Commitment to Ensure Media Freedom by Law and Practice (2.7)
93
of social participation include voluntary work and the public political and social
activities. All of that was reflected in the deterioration of trust, tolerance and
acceptance of the other and the lack of general belongingness. The study that was
conducted to measure social capital in Palestine revealed the presence of a Palestinian
society dominated with a high degree of lack of trust among individuals in general, as
well as in the Palestinian Authority institutions, factions, syndicates and civil society
organizations, in addition to the international organizations and donor countries76.
The relationship between economy and civil society is controversial. Opinions ranged
from those defending the role of economy in civil society because economy protects the
civil society from the state violations and its interventions therefore protecting its
independency, to those arguing that civil society needs protection from the economy in
the first place77. Whatever the argument on the relation of economy to civil society is,
whether it was a positive or negative relation, the economic environment in which the
civil society works affects the nature of the role it plays in the society. When the
economic environment is poor, the role of the civil society usually focuses on fighting
poverty and affecting the public policies of the state to fight poverty and achieve more
economic development. But if the economic environment is rich, usually the civil
society’s role is focused on achieving more social welfare and to impact the state’s
policies to achieve that.
In the Palestinian context, both issues of poverty and unemployment are considered
among the most significant issues civil society suffers from. The Israeli occupation
imposes restrictions on the Palestinian People’s control over its assets and on its use of
its available economic and natural resources by fully controlling the natural reserve of
economic resources in Area (C) and Jerusalem, including control over all agricultural
lands, the Dead Sea, the touristic sites, access to the Jordan River and connection
between the different areas of the West Bank. This limits opportunities for development
76
Mohammad Nasr, Jamil Hilal, (2007), Measuring Social Capital in the Palestinian Territories, Ramallah: Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute (MAS), page 95. 77
John Varty, (1997) "Civic or Commercial? Adam Ferguson's Concept of Civil Society." in Robert Fine and Shirin Rai (eds), Civil Society: Democratic Perspectives, London: Frank Cass & CO.LTD. p.p 27-30.
94
and increases poverty and economic dependence, which pushed a high percentage of
the Palestinians to give the highest significance to improving the economic situation and
fighting poverty and unemployment78. A high percentage of the Palestinian society
prioritizes enhancing the economic situation and fighting poverty and unemployment,
which pushes civil society organizations to work on fighting poverty and unemployment
by adopting a set of policies that strengthen the Palestinian citizens’ participation in the
development process and providing their basic needs. This calls for creating a form of
participation between the civil society and both the governmental and private sectors79.
2.2.3.1. The impact of dominant socio-economic factors on the work of
civil society organizations
75% off the studied organizations see that the dominant socio-economic
factors hinder the work of civil society organizations, while 17% see that it
aids the work of NGOs.
78
Mohammad Nasr, Jamil Hilal, Measuring Social Capital in the Palestinian Territories, previous resource, page xix. 79
Saed Abu Odwan, (2013) The Role of Palestinian Civil Society Organizations in Enhancing Human Development (West Bank as a case study), Master Thesis, Nablus: An-Najah National University – College of Graduate Studies – Political Planning and Development Program, pages 105-106.
17%
5%
76%
2%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Support the Work of Organisations
No Effect
Prohibit the Work of Organisations
No Information
the Effect of Socio-Eonomic Aspects on the Work of Civil Society
Organisations (2.8)
95
2.2.4. The socio-cultural context
2.2.4.1. The level of community members trust in one another
AMAN-Transparency sees that there is trust among the community members, yet this
trust is not deep and is weakened by factional and ideological affiliations, and is
weakened in the civil society by competition over the same funding resources. Values of
trust and tolerance and social belongingness deteriorated due to the changes that
happened to style of living and the structure of values dominant in the society. The
Palestinian society is witnessing a significant deterioration in the values of joint work,
social belongingness, acceptance and tolerance in favor of the values of individualism
and extremism. This could be due to the bloody conflicts in the region and the
continuation of the occupation and the poor performance of the official institution and
failure to achieving the nationalistic goals80.
2.2.4.2. The level of tolerance among community members
Some of the interviews on the issue of trust indicated a superficial degree of trust which
is weakened by the factors of despair, the narrow future horizon and the bad living
conditions.
2.2.4.3. The sense of public spirit (belongingness) among the community
members according to the organizations
More than half of the studied organizations see that the sense of belongingness among
the community members is a normal feeling, while 23% see that the sense of public
spirit is strongly present and the same percentage sees that it is weak or nonexistent.
80
See meetings and interviews: factions, Journalist Syndicate and independent syndicates.
96
2.2.5. The legal environment
2.2.5.1. The registration process of civil society organizations according
to the organizations
More than 35% of the studied organizations see that the civil society organizations
registration process is an easy and quick process and in accordance with the law, while
48% see that the process requires attention and time, and there is around 15% who see
the registration process to be long, difficult and in violation of the law. The Independent
Commission for Human Rights confirms the existence of violations and transgressions in
the registration process of NGOs and considers the so called clearance and obtaining the
security forces approval of the founders’ names as a violation of the law.
Strong and Tangible
24%
Moderate53%
Weak to Absent
23%
Level of Public Spirit (Affiliation) Among the Society Members (2.9)
97
2.2.5.2. Civil society organizations’ freedom in engaging in lobbying and
advocacy activities and/or criticizing the government according to
the organizations
60% of the studied organizations see it is allowed for civil society organizations to freely
engage in lobbying and advocacy or criticizing the government, while 26% see that it is
happening on a wide scale, and 10% see that it is not allowed. Independent syndicates
see that the process of allowing is selective and is due to the nature of the topic and the
authority doing it, which is what the specialized networks confirm.
فان،لتجربتكموفقا
مؤسساتتسجٌلعملٌة
المدنًالمجتمع
0%
Easy, Fast and Upon the Law
36%
Needs Time and Effort
49%
Hard, Long and Violate the Law
15%
Assessment of the Organisations' Registration Process (2.10)
98
2.2.5.3. Evaluation of the tax exemption system in place according to the
organizations
38% of the studied organizations sees the tax exemption system in place is practical and
appropriate, while 31% declared that the system is difficult with many complications,
and 22% saw that there is no tax exemption (inconsistent, undeclared and
nontransparent). The Federation of Industries confirmed that the system in place
requires changing and modification to become encouraging for donations and enabling
of NGOs and charitable societies to obtain the necessary tax exemptions.
Widely Spread
26%
Limited with Restriction
60%
Not Allowed10%
No Information4%
Level of Freedom of the Civil Society Involvement in the Lobbying
and Advocacy Activities or/and Criticizing the Government (2.11)
99
2.2.5.4. The level of encouragement of individuals and organizations to
use tax rebate and loans in the process of giving
There is no wide use of the tax system to encourage donations to civil work, as
procedures are not clear or unknown to the users. Tax exemption is dealt with by the
Ministry of Finance with discrepancies; in some cases tax exemption was awarded and it
wasn’t in most of the cases, which makes it difficult to talk about an adequate system
without that system being written, announced and known to beneficiaries.
2.2.6. The relation of civil society with the state
Many have discussed the power relations within the civil society; some relied in
determining this relation on the strategic power relation of the authority, which is
determined through the relation of attraction and exclusion between the state and the
civil society, and the economy81. In terms of the civil society relation to economy, this
relation is determined by the market needs, as it is the case for the civil society, of
democracy and of the margin of freedom necessary to enable both of playing their
roles, that kind of margin that protects the civil society and the market from the state’s
81
Jean L. Cohen, Andrew Arato, (1994) Civil Society and Political Theory, London: the MIT Press, Page 286.
Appropriate and Practical
38%
Hard with Many Complications
31%
No Vat Exemption
22%
No Information9%
Assessment of the Vat Exemption System (2.12)
100
violation82, furthermore, development is linked to the society’s efficiency and its civil
organizations’ participation83. The relationship of the civil society with the state (the
authority) is characterized by plurality of bases. On one hand each has its position in the
social structure (the hierarchy), and on the other hand it’s a relationship of struggle over
influence between two opposing social powers; the civil society against the state84.
Others find the relationship to be determined in a “parallel” way for the governments to
prevent its tendency to tyranny85. This means for the civil society to be strong enough to
be equivalent to the state, thus preventing the state from controlling the society or
dividing it86. Therefore, some authors called for limiting the state’s interference in the
civil society in order to protect individual rights87.
Regarding the Palestinian context, the power relations within the community between
the state (the authority) and the civil society reflected in the relationship between NGOs
and the Palestinian Authority. The factions and some unions and public frames are an
extension of the PLO which is not easy to separate from the authority even if it was
among the opposition camp. It is alright to say that this relationship has its discrepancies
and uniqueness before and after Oslo.
Before Oslo, and due to the absence of the Palestinian State, civil society organizations
worked on bridging the gap resulting from the absence of the state in terms of services
and meeting the main needs of the citizens, in addition to its social civil role as civil
society organizations or charitable societies. These organizations provided health,
education, cultural, social and rights services … etc, and the relationship between these
organizations and the PLO, back then, was characterized by cooperation and support
82
Vidhu Verma, (2002) Malaysia: State and Civil Society in Transition. Bolder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, p.2. 83
Seymour Lipset, (ed.) (1995) The Encyclopedia of Democracy, Vol. 1. London: Routledge, p.31. 84
Marc Morjé Howard, (2003) The Weakness of Civil Society in Post- Communist Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, p.38. 85
John W. Harbeson, (1994) "Civil Society and Political Renaissance in Africa." in John W. Harbeson, Donald Rothchild and Namomi Chazan (eds), Civil Society and the State in Africa, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, p. 26 86
Helmut K. Anheier, (2004) Civil Society: Measurement, Evaluation, Policy, London: Earthscan, p. 20. 87
Gunilla Dahlberge, et al. (1999) Beyond Quality in Early Childhood Education and Care: Postmodern Perspectives, London: Falmer Pressp, 71.
101
based on the national agenda88. After Oslo and the establishment of the Palestinian
Authority, the work fields of the civil society organizations got limited and some of these
fields were transferred to the Palestinian Authority tasks89, and the role of civil society
expanded in the field of monitoring the Authority’s performance and its violations of
human rights, in addition to monitoring its policies, and the relationship between the
civil society and the Palestinian Authority became, sometimes, a confrontational one.
With the absence of effective opposition and the exclusion of the Legislative Council,
civil society organizations played a supervisory role over the performance of the
executive authority and its commitment to the basic law or overstepping it, and it
played a role in fighting corruption90. The relationship between the Palestinian Authority
and civil society organizations was described as disturbed due to the competition over
accountability, legitimacy and resources91. The Palestinian Authority also interfered in
the work of the civil society according to the Arab Network for Social Accountability
(ANSA), and due to that intervention, civil society organizations in Palestine suffer
political interventions and obstacles to human rights92.
The relationship following the division was characterized by the Palestinian Authority’s
tendency towards domination; the domination of the Palestinian Authority over civil
society organizations, where it sought (whether the authority of Hamas or Fatah) to
marginalize the civil society organizations93. Both sides (Hamas and Fatah) sought
following the division, to weaken the role of civil society, as the government closed over
88
Mohamed EL-Sayed Said, (2005) "Global Civil Society: An Arab Perspective," in Marlies Glasius, Helmut K. Anheier and Mary Kaldor 89
Majdi Al-Malki, Yasir Shalabi, Hassan Ladadwah, (2008), Palestinian NGOs Census in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, Ramallah: Palestine Economic Policy Research Institute (MAS), pages 1-2. 90
Ahmad Majdalani, “Basic Responsibilities of the Palestinian Civil Society”, Al-Bayan Newspaper, April 16
th, 2003, available through: http://www.mafhoum.com/press5/142S24.htm
91 Jamal Atawnah, et, others, (2013) An Initial Assessment of Social Accountability in the Arab World: The
Final Report of the Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA), Care International Egypt, London: Integrity Research and Consultancy, page 102. 92
Jamal Atawnah, et, others, (2013) An Initial Assessment of Social Accountability in the Arab World: The Final Report of the Arab Network for Social Accountability (ANSA), Care International Egypt, London: Integrity Research and Consultancy, page 34. 93
“The Civil Society Stance on the Palestinian National Dialogue and its Possibility to Succeed”. The Palestinian Forum Nama’. September 2
nd, 2008. Available through:
http://www.pdf.ps/index.php?page=NewsDetails&NewsID=13&CatID=2
102
100 associations in the West Bank affiliated one way or another with Hamas, while the
authorities in Gaza Strip took similar action of closing the civil society organizations
affiliated with Fatah94.
The Palestinian Center for Human Rights reports showed that, during the phase of
internal Palestinian division, after 2007, the level of violations by the official authorities
committed by both sides increased in an unprecedented way. Violations varied from
closure and dismantling of associations, raiding and searching associations by the
different security forces of both sides, appointing new boards of directors affiliated with
one of the political parties of both sides, firing the boards supervising the work of those
associations, not granting the new associations close to or affiliated with the side
opposing the authorities in Gaza or the West Bank95. Both sides involved civil society
organizations in the crisis at hand between them96. Following the division, civil society’s
impact on spreading democracy was weakened leading to the deterioration of
democracy in Palestine to a great extent, as well as the democratization within the
Palestinian context turning Palestine from lack of democracy to barbaric regimes97.
2.2.6.1. Civil society’s ability to exist and work independently from the
State
21% of the studied organizations see that civil society organizations are able to exist and
work independently from the state on a strong and tangible level, while 47% confirmed
it happens but on a limited and poor scale, and 28% see that organizations cannot work
independently from the state.
94
The 2013 Civil Society Organization Sustainability Report for the Middle East and North Africa, previous resource, page 47. 95
Report on: Palestinian Violations of the Right to Form Associations within the National Authority. Ramallah: November 16
th, 2009, pages 8-12.
96 The previous resource, page 17.
97 The Economist Intelligence Unit’s Index of Democracy 2008. 14 August 2010. Available at
http://graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy%20Index%202008.pdf, p. 9
103
The following graph illustrates civil society’s freedom to work with no governmental
interference.
The following graph also shows the level of the government monitoring process
insistence towards protecting the legitimate public interest.
Strong and Tangible
22%
Limited and Weak47%
Can not Work28%
No Information3%
Ability of Civil Society Organisations to Work Independently from
the State (2.13)
Strong and Tangible
24%
Weak and Limited
46%
Can not Work26%
No Information4%
Level of Freedom of Civil Society Organisations to Work with No
Governmental Interference (2.14)
104
2.2.6.2. The government’s dialogue with the civil society
18% of the studied organizations see that there is a mutual dialogue between the civil
society and the state which is effective and tangible, while 53% see that the dialogue
takes place but poorly, and 24% see that there is no dialogue between the civil society
organizations and the state.
2.2.6.3. The level of civil society’s access to the state’s resources
27%
50%
18%
4%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Tangible
Weak
Do Not Protect
No Information
Efforts of the Organisations to Monitorg the Government Toward
Protecting the Public Interest (2.15)
Tangible and Efficient
18%
Weak53%
No Dialogue
24%
No Information5%
Dialogue Between the Civil Society Organisations with the State (2.16)
105
While 8% of the studied organizations see a wide margin for receiving different
resources from the state, more than 52% see that the margin is narrow, and 37% see
that there is no margin for receiving any resources from the state.
2.2.7. The civil society’s relation to the private sector
2.2.7.1. The private sector’s image of the civil society organizations
The private sector image of cooperation with civil society organizations is positive
according to 27% of the studied organizations, whereas 53% see that the private
sector’s view is a doubtful and limited one, and around 18% believe that the private
sector views civil society negatively with no cooperation. The General Federation of
Industries confirms the private sector’s organizations openness towards cooperation
with civil society organizations that need more promotion of themselves and their
activities in order to enhance the private sector’s trust, which in return seeks to
promote itself through supporting the civil society.
Wide8%
Narrow52%
There no Access
37%
No Information3%
Ability of Civil Society Organisations' to Receive/ Access to the
State's Resources (2.17)
106
2.2.7.2. The level of private sector organizations assuming its social
responsibility according to the studied organizations
20% of the studied organizations see that private sector organizations assume their
social responsibility in an effective and tangible way, while 60% see that the
performance of the private sector is poor on this matter, and 16% see that the private
sector assumes no social responsibility.
27%
53%
18%
2%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Positive Attitudes Toward Cooperation
Questionable Attitudes Toward Cooperation
Negative Attitudes Toward Cooperation
No Information
Private Sector Perspective of the Civil Society Organisations (2.18)
Tangible and Efficient
20%
Weak60%
No Responsibility16%
No Information4%
Commitment of Private Sector to Social Responsibility (2.19)
107
2.2.7.3. The size of support civil society organizations receive from the
private sector organizations
Private sector organizations’ support is very limited, for example, in 2015, the
percentage of the studied organizations that received support from the private sector
did not exceed 21%, 10% of them received less than 10 thousand Dollars annually from
the private sector, and those who received donations above 50 thousand Dollars were
less than 3% of the total number of the studied organizations.
2.2.8. Conclusions on the Palestinian civil society environment
The study and analysis outcomes led to the following conclusions with regards to the
environment:
1. The environment surrounding civil society organizations is characterized with
challenge, instability and difficulty many times, which calls, on the three networks,
for an in-depth detailed study of the aspects of this environment including the
political, legal, social, cultural and economic contexts, and to develop interventions
to tackle it and face it, in order to improve the working conditions of both NGOs and
charitable societies.
10%
3%
0
3%
3%
3%
79%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
10-0
20-11
21-30
31-40
41-50
More the 50
No Information
Distribution of Civil Society Organsiations Based on the Size of
Donation Received from the Private Sector (KUS$) for the Year 2015 (2.20)
108
2. The system of social values is suffering various negative impacts, which revolve
around the collective values such as trust, tolerance, acceptance of the other, and
the values of social belongingness, which requires attention to this phenomenon
and the development of awareness and promotion campaigns regarding the good
social values that encourage participation and voluntary work.
3. The ambiguity surrounding the Palestinian taxation system, in addition to its
shortcomings, is considered a negative factor that limits the local fund raising
opportunities depriving the organizations from the tax exemption sums, which
makes it harder to collect. The networks have to organize and manage lobbying and
advocacy campaigns to amend the law items in a way that serves encouraging
donations for civil and charitable purposes, developing the existing procedures,
documenting, distributing and mainstreaming it to those interested in facilitating the
procedures of donations and the procedures of receiving tax exemption, and
developing and implementing promotion programs to encourage the private sector
organizations to donate and benefit from the tax rebates.
4. If it is not expected for NGOs to work towards making the political situation stable
and to increase the margin of hope, the three umbrella networks has the capacity to
develop intervention programs with the different socio-political parties, including
factions, syndicates and unions to put an end to the deterioration of public
participation and to promote participation, voluntary work and the social values that
strengthen the spirit of collective belongingness.
2.3. Values
Civil society contributes to enhancing the positive values within the community by
playing its different roles. It will probably be difficult in this context to mention all the
values that the civil society contributes to the enhancement of, yet some of it manifests
in strengthening democracy as well as political equality and participation. Democracy
can be enhanced by building trust and communication among the citizens, especially
that the civil society carries people’s interests to the government and limits the abuse of
109
the government’s power98 towards the citizens whenever that is possible, it reached to
extent of considering the civil society as the “school for democracy”99, and to
considering the civil society the main source of generating the social capital100, which
according to Putnam, is based on cooperation, tolerance and trust, all of which are
values that keeps the integrity and coherence of any society101. Yet Putnam stated that
deterioration of trust threatens democracy102, and that civil society also contributes to
fighting poverty within the society which several negative values are connected to the
spread of.
The civil society has witnessed many changes and transitions to the system of values
leading its work throughout its history; civil society contributed to the consolidation of
several positive values during the First Intifada. The public committees which were
widely spread throughout the locations and neighborhoods contributed to spreading
public trust and the values of cooperation and mutuality, and the spirit of volunteering
and belonging to the collective as well as working for the public interest rather than the
personal. With that, the civil society through the public committees managed to
generate a positive social capital within the Palestinian society103. The civil society also
managed to play a tangible role in resisting the Israeli occupation, by strengthening the
steadfastness of the citizens and enabling them to face poverty caused by the
occupation and to organize processes for defending the various citizens’ rights and
combating the poverty the occupation caused the Palestinian society.
Public committees also contributed to fighting poverty within the Palestinian society
through collecting donations and distributing it to people in need. It provided aid to
98
Michael McFaul et al. (2004) Between Dictatorship and Democracy: Russian Post- Communist Political Reform, Washington D.C.:
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, p.p.140-141. 99
Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1993), p. 338. 100
Michael Leicht, (2000) A Reformed European Model: Social Capital as Competitive Advantage, Norderstedt: GRIN Verlag, p 72. 101
Although some authors refuse to consider trust at the core of social capital, and consider trust to be one of its outcomes, there
are others who see that trust and cooperation form the core of the concept, see: Anirudh Krishna, (2000) "Creating and harnessing social capital", In Partha Dasgupta, Ismail Serageldin (eds.) Social Capital: A Multifaceted Perspective. Washington. D.C.: The World Bank, p. 75. 102
Charles Tilly, (2005) Trust and Rule, New York: Cambridge University Press, p. 133. 103
Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013), The Role of Palestinian Political Elite in Generating Social Capital, previous resource, page 234.
110
everyone with no discrimination, and it generated the most prominent examples of the
Palestinian People’s solidarity, cooperation and coherence104, and its work was more
voluntary and for the public interest rather than the factional. It also provided support
for the Palestinian society during emergencies105. The public committees formed the
most prominent examples of the Palestinian society’s solidarity, cooperation and
coherence106.
The civil society also managed during the First Intifada, to contribute to strengthening
democracy within the Palestinian context, especially that its experience was considered
more democratic than the experiences around the Arab World107. Civil society
organizations that were formed during the First Intifada were characterized by absence
of centralization and non-hierarchical relationships108, especially that, public
committees were formed out of all the segments of the Palestinian society; therefore, it
was considered a democratic form open to the widest public participation109.
The values that civil society contributed and still contributes to the enhancement of
differed after the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority from the way it
was prior to Oslo. That is probably do to the difference between the roles civil society
played in the two different stages. Especially that in addition to its traditional role in
bridging the gap in the developmental services field, it became, in light of the active
political parties, a must for the civil society to play the role of the Authority’s monitor,
and to organize opposition and resistance campaigns to face the violations of human
rights and shifted the focus to mainstreaming the values of democracy, human rights,
gender equality, transparency and fighting corruption, in addition to strengthening the
citizens’ steadfastness in resisting the occupation. This placed the civil society in
104
Khaled Ayed, (1988) The Revolutionary Intifada in Palestine: Interior Dimensions, Amman: Dar Al-Shorouq, page 50. 105
Ziad Abu Amr, (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resources, pages 73-74. 106
Khaled Ayed, The Revolutionary Intifada in Palestine: Interior Dimensions (Amman: Dar Al-Shorouq, 1988), page 50. 107
Al-Tahir Labib, (1992) “The Relationship of the Democratic Project to the Arab Civil Society”, Al-Mostaqbal Al-Arabi, Set 14, Issue
158, page 103. 108
Ziad Abu Amr, Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resource, page 95. 109
Hassan Ali Ayyoub, (2006) The Horizons of Democratic Transformation within the Palestinian Political System: The Controversial
Relationship between the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the Palestinian National Authority (1993-2003) A Pivotal Factor, (Masters) Thesis, Nablus: An-Najah National University – College of Graduate Studies, Political Planning and Development Program, page 207.
111
opposition with the emerging authority and opened the door widely for incitement and
undermining the management and governance of civil society organizations and its
efficiency. If we add to that the disappointments caused by the bilateral agreements
between the PLO and Israel during Oslo Accords, and the peace process following that
along with the consolidation of the occupation and its inhuman practices against the
Palestinian People, it becomes possible to understand the deterioration of the set of
social values which the civil society was supposed to enhance, Leading to the emergence
of both concepts of the deterioration and shrinking role of civil society in building the
set of values and causing the democratic transformation within the Palestinian
society110. There are those who doubted the civil society’s capacity to mainstream such
positive values in the community, considering the presence of democracy as a condition
for civil society’s creation, and many were disappointed who bet on the civil society to
cause the desired democratic transformation, due to their belief that civil society
organizations can accomplish what the authority and political factions couldn’t in terms
of building the democratic social structures. Some others saw the political affiliations of
the civil society organizations a reason for the deterioration of values, as they saw that
civil society organizations work according to the agendas of the political factions that
created it, therefore it holds the same diseases those factions have111. Many of the
positive values that the civil society contributed to mainstreaming during the First
Intifada deteriorated; such as the readiness to volunteer for the public’s interest, and
some of the positive nationalistic values deteriorated as well, such as solidarity,
advocacy and cooperation which the civil society contributed to the mainstreaming of
during the days of the First Intifada112, and there has been an evident increase in the
values that reflect the interest in the personal individualistic interest more than the
interest of the society. The stage following Oslo became a stage of individualistic
110
See: Ziad Abu Amr, Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous resource, page 75, Majdi Al-Malki, (1999)
“Democracy and Civil Society: Review of Palestinian Literature”, previous resource, page 34. 111
Naser Sheikh Ali, (2008) The Role of Civil Society in Enhancing Political Participation in Palestine, (Masters) Thesis, An-Najah
National University – College of Graduate Studies – Political Planning and Development Program, page 68. 112
Nadia Abu Zaher, (2014) The Need for Civil Society Reform within the Palestinian Context after the Division, Paper presented
during the SCCS conference, Dar Al-Janoub, Vienna: Dar Al-Janoub. Page 6.
112
projects and the pursuit of personal interests113. Some of those organizations entered
competitive relations mainly due to struggle over funding114. The division led to the
recession of the social capital, which the civil society was supposed to contribute to the
building of, in favor of increasing the impact of the elites against the deterioration of
rule of law115. This increased the disintegration of the Palestinian society, deteriorating
the connections among families116. Cooperation and trust also deteriorated117, and the
deterioration of democratic transformation in Palestine118, as well as transparency as
Palestine became one of the most corrupted countries around the world according to
the Corruption Perceptions Index of Transparency International 2010119. The increase in
the number of civil society organizations following the division did not reflect any
improvement in readiness for volunteering; rather it was created for different purposes.
After 2006, the number of civil society organizations created by both sides, Hamas and
Fatah, increased significantly, due to their belief that civil society organizations have an
effective role in enhancing the status of the political faction that could help win the
elections120, so both sides were aware of the importance of civil society121, thus the
majority of the newly registered civil society organizations were created by the political
113
George Giacaman, (1998) “Dangers of the Past to the Future: A Critique of the Palestinian Liberation Organization Model”, in
May Al-Jayousi (ed), Liberation, Democratic Transformation and State Building: Muwatin Conference November 7th-8th, 1997, Ramallah: Muwatin, page 31. 114
Majdi Al-Malki, Yasir Shalabi, Hassan Ladadwah, (2008) Palestinian NGOs Census in the West Bank and Gaza Strip 2007, previous source, pages 1-2. 115
Nadia Abu Zaher, The Role of Palestinian Political Elite in Generating Social Capital, previous resource, page 395. 116
A Poll Regarding the Impact of Internal Division on the Palestinian Family. Palestinian Women Information and Media Center March 22
nd –April 8
th 2008.
117 The Palestinian Human Development Report 2009/2010: Investing in Human Security for a Future
State, (2010) volume (5), a Series of Palestinian Human Development Reports. Jerusalem: UNDP, page 13, page 83. 118
Khalil Al-Shiqaqi et others, (2008), Democracy Report in Palestine 2007, Ramallah: Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, page 9. 119
Corruption Perceptions Index 2010. Berlin: Transparency International (2010), Available at: http://www.transparency.org/content/download/55725/890310, p.p 8-9. 120
Roger Heacock, (2008) Barriers To Democracy: The Other Side of Social Capital in Palestine and The Arab World by Jamal. Reviewed in Political Review Net. 10 April. Available at: http://www.politicalreviewnet.com/polrev/reviews/INTA/R_0020_5850_746_1007867.asp 121
Benoît Challand, (2010) "Comments on Palestinian CSOs how to trace down the impact of external aid". Paper presented at the Regional Conference on Research on Civil Society Organisations: Status and Prospects. Jordan, 26-28 January, Available at: http://foundationforfuture.org/files/Comments_on_Palestinian_english.pdf
113
factions, especially both sides “Hamas and Fatah” to serve factional purposes. This
reality and context requires focusing the attention of civil society organizations to
mainstreaming and enhancing values that serve the public interest of the Palestinian
society.
2.3.1. Democracy
2.3.1.1. Organizations’ encouragement of their target groups to practice
democracy
The majority of the studied organizations, approximately 84%, admitted that they adopt
democracy clearly and directly throughout their institutional work, and 10% admitted
practicing democracy poorly. Practicing democracy is illustrated in conducting regular
elections and in taking collective decisions as well as giving the space for everyone to
express their opinion and commitment to the code of conduct; 60% of the studied
organizations admitted confirmed their commitment to the code of conduct. The
Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions confirmed implementing democracy in
terms of having elections, because elections are considered a legal condition and is part
of the law. There is a difference in the democratic practices, as the practice is a formality
in many cases, which is what was confirmed by Al-Muntada representative.
114
2.3.1.2. Strengthening democracy on the social level
Civil society organizations conduct many initiatives, awareness activities and training
courses on democracy and strengthening it within the society, based on the data
collected from the studied organizations of the civil society. The civil society plays an
active role in increasing the level of education on democracy and its practices, within
Tangible and Direct84%
Weak10%
No Response2%
No Information4%
Commitment of Civil Society Organisations To Practice Internal
Democracy Especially in Decision Making Process (3.1)
Total Commitment
54%
Partial Commitment
24%
Does not Apply11%
No Information 11%
Commitment of Civil Society Organsiations to Apply the "Code of Athics" (3.2)
115
the available financial and human capacities, which is what the Union of Syndicates
confirmed as it explained that the majority of civil society organizations are open to
different groups and has strong relationships with the public, a thing that allows
strengthening the positive values including democracy.
2.3.2. Transparency
2.3.2.1. The spread of corruption in the civil society according to the
organizations
28% of the studied organizations see that corruption is widely and deeply spread in the
civil society, while 49% see that the spread of corruption is limited, and around 20%
believe that corruption hardly exists, and if it did, it is superficial. During the interview
with AMAN-Transparency it was pointed out that there is a recession of corruption due
to a group of factors, including the enhancement of official control through the Anti-
Corruption Commission and the State Audit & Administrative Bureau, the activation of
monitoring the donors and the increase and activation of public control as well as the
organizations’ integrity structures. This is what the Palestinian General Federation of
Trade Unions, while the representative of the Journalist Syndicate sees that corruption
is widely spread among all organizations. The 2015 Report on Corruption shows that the
share of civil society organizations on corruption is 8% of the total corruption in
Palestine, and the Control Bureau’s report of the same year shows that the size of
wasting finances in the sector of civil work did not exceed thousands of Dollars.
116
2.3.2.2. The level of organizations financial accounts exposure to the
public
The majority of studied organizations (67%) indicates exposing its financial accounts
openly and regularly for the public’s review, while 29% expose its accounts partially
every now and then, and there is only 2.6% of the organizations that do not expose its
accounts to the public, while the Independent Syndicates see that the percentage of
organizations exposing its accounts reaches to 80% , especially the central NGOs and a
lower percentage among grassroots organizations, while political factions, the Journalist
Syndicate and Al-Muntada disagreed stating that the percentage is limited and does not
exceed 20% of the organizations.
28%
49%
20%
4%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Deeply and Widely Spread
Spread
Shallow and Hardly exist
No Information
Existence of Corruption Among Civil SOciety Organisation (3.3)
117
2.3.2.3. Process and activities of enhancing governance and participation
transparency among organizations
Organizations, in various and different ways, practice processes of transparency,
governance and participation, which is done through: regular elections (13% of the
studied organizations), participation in decision making (4%), openness to the society
and provision of awareness and education (8%), holding regular periodic meetings of
the board of directors and general assembly (22%) and presenting financial and
administrative reports (16%). Meanwhile, political factions and Independent Syndicates
see the process of publishing information and declaring conflict of interest is limited and
in most cases is confined to presenting information on general assemblies and boards of
directors.
67%
29%
3%
2%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Regularly and Openly
Partially and not Often
Do not Allow
No Information
Commitment of Civil Society Organisations to Allow the Access of
Public to their Financial Records (3.4)
118
2.3.3. Tolerance
2.3.3.1. Civil society: An arena for tolerance
According to the political factions, civil society can be considered, moderately, as an
arena for tolerance by working on extenuating the level of social rivalries and the use of
various tools for conflict resolution and lessening grudges, as well as development social
peace. Whereas the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions and the
Independent Syndicates confirm the existence of the values of tolerance and the
negative non-discrimination within the civil society organizations. While Al-Muntada
considered civil society to be an arena for competition and sometimes conflict rather
than dialogue, especially with regards to competition over funding resources.
13%
10%
22%
4%
16%
11%
8%
16%
0 5 10 15 20 25
Regular Election
Present Information to General Assembly
Regular and Frequent Meetings of the Managemnt Board
Communal Decision Making
Present Administrative and Financial Reports to the General Assembly
Allow Community to Acess the Organsiaition's Informations
Public Awareness and Community Participation
No Information
Means Used by Civil Society Organisations to Promote Transparency (3.5)
119
2.3.3.2. Organizations activities on the process of enhancing tolerance
on a social level
Organizations with various levels conduct activities enhancing the values of tolerance in
the community, 28% of the studied organizations believe that their practice of the
principle of social equality is one of the most important actions organizations take to
enhance tolerance, and that 26% of the studied organizations achieve that through
raising awareness.
The examples on the activities conducted by the organizations for enhancing tolerance
on a social level include:
Inclusion of different groups in the organizations’ activities,
Working on social justice and implementation of its principles when conducting the
organizations’ programs,
Awareness raising regarding tolerance,
Organization and management of open dialogues with the community,
Partnership with other organizations, civil, official and the private sector when
conducting its activities,
Using cultural and recreational means such as theater as means of mainstreaming,
fixing and consolidating the values, principles and culture of tolerance.
2.3.4. Non-Violence
2.3.4.1. The level of spread of non-violence
In this context, it is important to mention the role of occupation in spreading all forms
and tools of violence and encouraging it; as the occupation practices all forms of
violence, including: restrictions on movement, intimidation and terrorizing, humiliation
and inhumanity, physical assault on possessions and field executions. The occupation
targets women and children with no discrimination. Such actions, which are systematic
and organized, create violence enhancing climate, and the occupation actions narrows
120
the space to adopt non-violence, and in principle the Palestinian security forces, both in
the West Bank and Gaza Strip, replicates, in many cases, the actions of the occupation
and spread a climate of violence. The study outcomes showed that there are
discrepancies in the spread of non-violence from one area to another, as it increased in
the urban residential centers, while violence increases in the marginalized
environments. All meetings showed no tangible or clear violent practices within the
frame of civil society and there is a tangible spread of the concepts of non-violence,
especially in the frame of civil society’s interaction with the public.
2.3.4.2. Civil society organizations tackling issues of combating violence
There is a difference in the way organizations tackle issues of non-violence illustrated in
a group of interventions that include: social justice programs, fighting poverty and
employment programs, empowerment and advocacy programs, and special programs
on supporting groups vulnerable to violence such as children and women or victims of
armed conflicts, as shown by the representatives of the political factions and Al-
Muntada. As for the opinion of the studied organizations, the following graph shows
some of the interventions in this field, and it is noticed that approximately 60% of the
studied organizations use awareness and workshops to tackle issues of violence, while
only 2% use rights and legal services which is due to their specialization.
2%59%
3%4%
2%2%
4%24%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
Using non-violent measn in dealing with the …Raising Awarness
Partnership with Specialised OrganisationsAdopting Announced Strategy Against Violence
Provide Legal ServicesImplement Project Related to Violence
Do not work in this FieldNo Information
Means Used By the Civil Society Organisations to Deal with Violence
(3.6)
121
2.3.5. Gender equality
2.3.5.1. Practicing and enhancing gender equality among civil society
organizations
The work principles of civil society organizations are based on a gender view stemming
from justice and equality. Organizations seek through its programs to avoid gender
based discrimination, and some of the civil society organizations have strategies to
bridge the historical gender gap. Civil society organizations tend to implement programs
that discriminate positively in favor of women, and there was no noticeable gender
based discrimination in employment, knowing that there are discrepancies when talking
about the occupational hierarchy with tendencies of high positions to be in favor of
men. Al-Muntada representative confirmed the will for equality among civil society
organizations that conflicts with the reality we live in, as discrimination still exists in
many forms, and there are efforts to develop and adopt policies of positive
discrimination in favor of women.
2.3.5.2. The number of organizations with gender equality
It is safe to say that most of the organizations that signed the code of conduct practice
to some extent gender equality as 65% of the studied organizations explained having
announced and effective policies guaranteeing equality between the two sexes.
122
2.3.5.3. Organizations tackling the positive discrimination in favor of
women
Civil society organizations practice a group of interventions in favor of women to narrow
the gender gap, the most prominent of which is encouraging applying for jobs, targeting
women organizations through projects, and the establishment of women organizations.
The following graph shows the most prominent interventions.
Yes65%
No24%
No Information11%
Availability of Anounced and Endorced Policy to Ensure Gender
Equity (3.7)
123
2.3.6. Poverty Eradication
2.3.6.1. The projects and activities organizations conduct to eradicate
poverty
Civil society organizations work through different means on poverty eradication, some
of which are direct such as relief programs and the various employment and
development projects, job opportunities, vocational lending and training and capacity
building, and some others are indirect such as, combating corruption, and lobbying with
decision makers to adopt policies directed at combating poverty, lobbying for justice in
15%
17%
6%
15%
9%
3%
3%
33%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Target Women in the Activities
Allow Women Participation and Involvement in the Management Board
Allow Women Involvement in the Community and Organisation's Activities
Provide Empowerment and Awareness Activities
Provide Jobs and Employment Opportunities
Apply Policies to Support Women
No Positive or Negative Discrimination
No Information
Means Used by Civil Society Organisations to Guarantee Positive Discrimination for Women (3.8)
124
distributing burdens and resources, which complies with the statements of the political
factions and the syndicates. As for the studied organizations, they declared
implementing many projects in the fields of poverty eradication. Those activities can be
summarized in the following graph:
7%
28%
14%
3%
9%
6%
15%
18%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Provide Training and Workshops
Provide Economic Empowement Activiites and Income Generation Projects
Provide Financial and In-Kind Support
Implement Initiatives to Eliminate Poverty (Laons and Funds)
Provide Professional and Vocational Training
Provide Job Opportunities
Provide Nothing
No Information
Means Used by Civil Society Organisations for Poverty Eradiction (3.9)
125
7%
28%
14%
3%
9%
6%
15%
18%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Provide Training and Workshops
Provide Economic Empowement Activiites and Income Generation Projects
Provide Financial and In-Kind Support
Implement Initiatives to Eliminate Poverty (Laons and Funds)
Provide Professional and Vocational Training
Provide Job Opportunities
Provide Nothing
No Information
Means Used by Civil Society Organisations for Poverty Eradiction (3.9)
7%
28%
14%
3%
9%
6%
15%
18%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Provide Training and Workshops
Provide Economic Empowement Activiites and Income Generation Projects
Provide Financial and In-Kind Support
Implement Initiatives to Eliminate Poverty (Laons and Funds)
Provide Professional and Vocational Training
Provide Job Opportunities
Provide Nothing
No Information
Means Used by Civil Society Organisations for Poverty Eradiction (3.9)
126
2.3.7. The environment’s sustainability
2.3.7.1. Projects and activities conducted by organizations to preserve
the environment and its sustainability
Civil society organizations have the awareness toward preserving the environment,
especially that there are many organizations active in this filed on all aspects; there is
also the Palestinian Environmental NGOs Network which is responsible for the affairs of
environmental organizations and the coordination among them. Practices of preserving
the environment are not limited to the environmental organizations; rather, it includes
many of the other organizations which have interventions directed to preserving the
environment, directly or through forming coalitions for preserving the environment
which are explained in the following graph:
2.3.8. Conclusions on the values of the Palestinian civil society
1. The values of civil work which lead and govern the work of civil society in Palestine
were consolidated during the working history of civil society organizations since its
inception. The areas of focus varied from one period to another, even if it was in
1%
10%
2%
11%
23%
19%
34%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
Partnership with other Organisations
Implement Voluntary Environmental Days
Networking with the Environmental …
Provide Awareness And Training
Implement Project to Sustain the Environment
Do Nothing
No Information
Activities Implemented by Civil Society Organisations to Sustain the Environment (3.10)
127
total referring to the values of the public’s interest, giving, nondiscrimination and
participation. The study confirmed the civil society’s contribution to enhancing the
positive social values whether through playing its different roles or through the
programs and activities directed to enhancing the desired social values.
2. The civil society worked on enhancing democracy and gender equality through its
various activities and its continuous communication with the citizens, which was
evident in the civil society organizations stances towards the governmental policies
and its impact on enhancing or narrowing the gender gap.
3. Civil society organizations face many political, social and cultural obstacles and
restrictions that hinder its endeavors towards justice and equality between the two
sexes, and they do a lot of efforts to strengthen the social justice programs and to
generate the social capital. It is confirmed, as proven by the experiences, that the
impact of NGOs on social justice is bigger and more tangible when they work jointly
and through networking and cooperation with the civil society organizations and the
other sectors, both the governmental and the private sector towards strengthening
and enhancing gender equality. This can be one of the areas of focus of the three
umbrella networks.
4. A high percentage of the civil society organizations members of the three umbrella
networks (85%) have signed the code of conduct, which represent the foundation of
values and the structure of principles leading Palestinian civil work, while the study
outcomes show the need of NGOs and charitable societies for constructing and
investing in its structures of values. It is suggested in this context to work on two
axes, the first is for the organizations members of the three umbrella networks to
work on including the items of the code of conduct into their own systems, policies
and procedures, and to work on its implementation, and the second is for the
umbrella networks to discuss the code of conduct with the organizations bodies of
reference and to work on assessing the capacities of those organizations in
accordance with the code of conduct and then to build the organizations capacities
in the field of implementing it.
128
5. The Palestinian NGOs Coordination Council can develop intervention programs
direct at building the capacities of NGOs in the field of integrity (transparency,
accountability and participation), that will enable those organizations to equip itself
and increase its readiness for accountability while building the capacities of its
cadres to deal with implementing this system of integrity.
6. The Palestinian NGOs Coordination Council can work on encouraging NGOs and
motivating them to work on publishing and declaring their administrative, financial
and operational data and to organize that process of publishing and declaration.
2.4. Impact
The differences in perspectives regarding the existence of a civil society in the
Palestinian situation, and the conditions that need to be met for its existence, depend
on the effect of the civil society. It is expected that researchers, who deny the existence
of a Palestinian civil society, will negate the existence of any effect, neither positive nor
negative, in the Palestinian situation. This idea might be logically concluded; how could
a nonexistent thing have a positive or negative effect. Accordingly, the analysis of the
different perspectives related to the effect of the civil society will be limited to the views
that believe in the existence of a civil society in the Palestinian situation.
In summary, the perspectives range from those who see the positive effect of the civil
society, and that its services are provided according to the needs of the local society,
and those who questioned the existence of a positive effect, and believe that the
provided services are provided according to the priorities of the donors, not the
priorities and needs of the society. It can be said that the perspectives range from those
defending the positive effect of the civil society, and those who attack and doubt the
positive effect of the civil society. Since it’s difficult to enclose all the perspectives that
defended or questioned the positive effect of the civil society, we will only give some
examples about the perspectives.
129
Some studies defended the positive effect of the civil society, either in the field of
reinforcing citizenship122, in democratic change123, in defending freedoms, anti-
corruption, accountability towards the executive authority124, or in the process of
monitoring and offering a huge part of the social services125.
Another perspective found that the effect of the social society was weak and did not
meet the expected levels, either in the field of political involvement or in pressuring the
political authority for the higher national benefit126, or in achieving human
development127, voluntary contribution, dissemination of human rights culture128, the
field of changing the security policies for the Palestinian Authority, or in observing
security services and the reform of the security sector129, or even in the field of
spreading democracy and defending freedoms. Despite the role that some organizations
have in analyzing the national budget for the Palestinian National Authority and in
providing their feedback in this regards, such as AMAN-Transparency, civil society
organizations did not have any effect on the allocation of the national budget which are
approved by the President directly, without going back to the Legislative Council. The
deficit in the Palestinian Authority’s budget continued without any monitoring from the
122
Qadri Fadel Kasbah, (2013) Civil Society Organizations and the Reinforcement of the Concept of Citizenship, Thesis (Master’s), An-Najah National University, Faculty of Graduate Studies – Planning and Development Department, P. E. 123
Ziyad Abu Amr (1995) Civil Society and Democratic Transformation in Palestine, previous reference, P. 105. 124
Ahmad Majdalani, (2003) “Essential Responsibilities of the Palestinian Civil Society”, AlBayan Newspaper, April 16
th, available on http://www.mafhoum.com/press5/142s24.htm
125 Jean Francesco Costantini et al, (2015), An Analytical Mapping of the Palestinian Civil Society
Organizations – Update 2015, European Union, P. 9, available on: http://wwas.europa.eu/delegations/westbank/documents/news/2015/pal_csomapping_2015_ar.pdf 126
Naser Shaikh Ali, (2008) The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, previous reference, P. P. 85-86. 127
Saed AbuEdwan, (2013) The Role of Palestinian Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Human Development (West Bank as a case study), Thesis (Master’s), An-Najah National University, Faculty of Graduate Studies – Planning and Development Department, P. L. 128
Khaled Rabaa, (2013) The Role of Civil Society Organizations in spreading Human Rights Culture from the Perspective of University Students in Gaza Governorates, Thesis (Master’s), AlAzhar University, Faculty of Education, Department of Fundamental Education, P. H. 129
Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013) The Role of the Civil Society in Changing Security Policies in the Palestinian Authority, a paper submitted in the Second Annual Conference for Research Centers in the Arab Area “The Palestinian Issue and the Future of the Palestinian National Project”, Doha: Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, P. 1.
130
civil society on the executive authority130. In addition, the increase in the number of civil
society organizations following the signature of Oslo Accords does not necessarily
indicate an increase in the effectiveness of these organizations, as many organizations in
fact form a body that does not have any effect, or they act like private organizations for
the political and cultural elites, and therefore, they remain isolated from the active
stream on one hand, and change into a tactical ally for to the National Authority on the
other hand. An ally that is closer to the Authority than it is to the society in many core
interests131. In light of this discrepancy, the effect was analyzed from the perspective of
the studied organizations and the perspective of the stakeholders interviewed during
the research process.
2.4.1. The Effect on General Policies
2.4.1.1. The effectiveness of the activities and the programs conducted
by organizations in affecting general policies
Sixty-four (64) of the targeted organizations stated that they have participated or
implemented an activity in order to affect general policies, such activities include
pressure and support campaigns in the fields of disabilities, violence and education, in
addition to campaigns that aim at changing laws and developing or amending policies. It
is hard to say that such activities always have an effect on general policies, and this was
confirmed by political parties, unions and Al-Muntada, who assured that the civil
society’s effect on policies is still weak, and this includes its effect on legislations.
2.4.1.2. Success stories of activities conducted by organizations through
which they affected general policies
As mentioned earlier, 64 organizations from the targeted organizations have stated that
they have conducted activities, and some of these activities have succeeded and had
effect on the society, such as the campaign against imposing taxes on agricultural sector
130
Nadia Abu Zaher, (2013) The Role of the Civil Society in Changing Security Policies in the Palestinian Authority, previous reference. P. 9. 131
Naser Shaikh Ali, The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, previous reference, P. P. 64.
131
returns, the campaign requesting the inclusion of sign language translation in public
facilities in the northern governorates of Gaza Strip, the campaign for improving the
salaries of imprisoned women, the campaign for providing protection for battered
women, the campaign for amending labor laws and the campaign for amending social
security law. The parties, unions, Al-Muntada and AMAN-Transparency organization
have mentioned that there are other successful experiences, such as the creation of the
Palestinian Information Council, and making some amendments to the regulations of
semi-governmental public corporations. On the other hand, 11 organizations stated that
they have conducted activities in the same contexts, but they did not succeed. For
example, they conducted activities and pressure and support campaigns related to the
amendment of the national budget, ending the split, and requested the creation of a
budget for the youth, however, until now these campaigns did not succeed. The
Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions stated that there have been some
accomplishments that are credited to the civil society, such as labor law, the
amendments on social security law and the implementation of minimum wage laws.
Some independent unions see that the weakness of the effect of the civil society is a
result of the lack of networking, coordination and partnership between the different
components of the society, such as parties, unions and civil organizations. As for the
opinion of the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organization against Domestic Violence
against Women (Al-Muntada), they have recorded some success stories that could be
summarized in the following accomplishments: pushing the government to create a
protection center for battered girls, the creation of a family protection division in the
Public Prosecution, the development, approval and implementation of a national
transfer system for battered women, amendments to the family protection law,
amendments to the criminal law, and many other success stories.
2.4.1.3. Experiences conducted by organizations to work on affecting
national budget allocation
As for the attempts of civil society organizations to affect national budget allocation,
around 14% of the targeted organizations confirmed that they have participated in
132
activities in an effort to affect the national budget, whereas 75% of the targeted
organizations said that they did not contribute in such activities. It is worth mentioning
that there is a special National Committee for affecting the allocation of national
budget, it works on analyzing the budgeting project and pushed making amendments on
the budget.
As explained by AMAN-Transparency, a national team was formed to affect the budget.
The team provided an analysis and proposed amendments for creating a just budget,
without achieving any results until this day. All political parties, independent unions,
AMAN-Transparency, Al-Muntada, the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions
and the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, all confirmed that the effect of the civil
society in this field ranges from poor to non-existing.
2.4.2. Maintaining Integrity in Partnership and Cooperation
Partnership and networking are considered an essential components of organizational
structure, it is a form of cooperation between civil society organizations and a successful
instrument not only for the exchange of knowledge about the needs, solutions, best
expertise, benefits and in contributing to spreading them, but it’s also a successful mean
There is an experience
14%
There is no experience
75%
No Information11%
Experience of Civil Society Organisations in Affecting the National
Budget Allocation (4.1)
133
for strengthening non-governmental organizations through unifying their message and
increasing the effectivity of negotiations and pressure. In addition, networking
contributes in the reinforcement of democratic performance and activating the
developmental role of civil society organizations. Networking forms a starting point for
capacity building and a tool to strengthen non-governmental organizations in their
quest for independency in making decisions in their quests to confront the
government’s tendency to dominate them132.
The circle of criticism for the effectiveness of cooperation and networking between civil
society organizations in the Palestinian situation is expanding. Notes have been made to
the poor status of collaboration and networking efforts between civil society
organizations, especially those working in the same field of specialization, in addition to
the existence of some kind of hidden conflict tween these organizations based on their
political or party affiliation of their management, which opens the way for the transfer
of these political or ideological rivalries to the organizations, which enhances the
phenomenon of party and clan affiliation of citizens instead of the vital affiliation to the
Country and to citizenship133.
Despite the existing criticism of the cooperation and networking between the
organizations of the Palestinian civil society, we cannot overlook the cooperation and
networking between the civil society organizations, which reflected this cooperation by
establishing a number of networks and coalitions including the Palestinian General
Union of Charitable Societies, the Palestinian National Institute for NGOs (PNIN) and the
Non-Governmental Organizations Network (PNGO), which were established in 1993.
Such networks have played and still play an essential role in bringing civil organizations
together and to defend their mutual interests. The achievement accomplished to set
and approve Law number (1) for the year 2000 might be the best example of the
effectiveness of unified civil work. In addition, there are a number of networks that
132
Networking and Coordination between Civil Society Organizations, Beirut: Arab NGO Network for Development, P. 2. 133
Naser Shaikh Ali, The Role of Civil Society Organizations in Reinforcing Political Participation in Palestine, previous reference, P. P. 120.
134
work of mobilizing the abilities of the civil work sectors or some specialized groups from
this sector, which function according to the values of social justice, the rule of law,
democracy and human rights, and work on enabling civil organizations to achieve their
mission134.
2.4.2.1. Contribution of organizations in campaigns or activities to
monitor the Government’s performance and integrity
66% of the studied organizations explained that they did not contribute in any activities
related to monitoring Government’s performance and integrity, whereas 17% of the
studied organizations said they did contribute in such activities.
As for the topic of the organizations’ possession of information that enables them in
monitoring, 52% of the studied organizations explained that they were not able to get
the necessary information.
Despite that, AMAN-Transparency still sees that there is an increasing effect for the
monitor of social and civil organizations to the Government’s performance, there is an
increase in propagation off corruption issues by the media. For example, AlQuds
134
See: The Palestinian Non-Governmental Organizations Network’s Website, available at: http://www.pngo.net/?lang=ar
Yes They Participate
17%
No they Did not66%
No Information
17%
Civil Society Organisations' Particpation in Activities to Monitor the
Government's Performance and Integrity (4.2)
135
Newspaper provides a large space for publishing articles related to anti-corruption acts,
including providing coverage for updates from AMAN-Transparency and the
Independent Commission for Human Rights. Al-Muntada’s representative noted that the
absence of the right of obtaining information has negatively affected social monitoring.
Furthermore, The Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions confirmed that there
is monitoring, but it is restricted due to the lack of proper group work and the absence
of completion in work, however, we cannot overlook the role of the civil society and its
positive effect in monitoring the Government’s performance, especially in the absence
of an effective role from political parties.
2.4.2.2. Organizations’ work in partnership projects with the private
sector, and applying integrity measures in their partnership
20% of the studied organizations mentioned that they were involved in partnership
projects with the private sector, and these organizations seek to apply integrity
measures in their work with the private sector. Whereas 70% of the studied
organizations did not have any work relations with the private sector, and this is
justified by the limited partnerships between the civil society and the private sector, due
to the differences in their priorities. However, we cannot deny the existence of
cooperation between the two sectors in specific national issues such as solidarity with
4%
26%
52%
17%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Has Access to the Needed Information
Has Partly Access to Needed Infromation
Has No Access
No Information
Ability of Civil Society Organisations to Acess to Information that
Support their Monitoring Process (4.3)
136
Gaza Strip and solidarity for building the homes of families of martyrs destroyed by the
occupation.
2.4.3. Responsiveness to Social Interest
2.4.3.1. Responsiveness of Civil Organizations to The Community’s
Priorities:
Around 75% of the studied organizations assured that there is significant response to
the social priorities and interests by civil society organizations, whereas 18% of the
studied organizations said that responsiveness is limited. In the two interviews
conducted with AMAN-Transparency and the General Federation of Trade Unions, the
representatives said that there is a certain level or responsiveness with community’s
interests, for example, the issues of water and waste were treated positively by the
organizations of civil society.
As for independent unions, they see that responsiveness is found through the work
relations between organizations and citizens, civil organizations are exerting efforts to
response to the needs of the community. However, the level of responsiveness is
related to the availability of resources and funding. There are some examples that show
the effectiveness of responsiveness to the interests and needs of the community, which
There are efforts
21%
There is No efforts
70%
No Information9%
Efforts Done by the Civil Society Organisations to Apply Integrity
Measure in their Work with the Private Sector (4.4)
137
can be seen in the different solidarity and support campaigns organized during the
attack on Gaza, which were organized by civil organizations.
The below chart shows some activities, and the nature of responsiveness of civil
organizations with the interests and needs of the community and the targeted groups.
2.4.3.2. Level of Trust with the Community
Wide and Direct75%
Limited18%
No Responce1%
No Information6%
Responce of Civil Society Organisations to the Communities'
Priority (4.5)
3%
6%
2%
10%
2%
2%
5%
6%
14%
2%
6%
9%
5%
30%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Provide Legal Services to the Marginalised …
Involve Social Groups in the Need …
Provide Vocational Training and Job …
Provide Training and Capacity Building …
Provide Support with Focus on Women and …
Networking with Other Organisations
Provide Support to Public Interest Cases
Establish Educational Facilties
Provide Community Services
Provide Health Support
Implement Income Generation Projects
No Information
Nature of Activities Provided by the Civil Society Organisations
to Response to the Communities' Needs (4.6)
138
There is not information showing the percentage of citizens who trust civil society
organizations, however, the interviews conducted with members of political parties, the
General Federation of Trade Union, independent unions and others, indicate that there
is a limited level of trust due to the general frustration factors in the society, the poor
performance of some organizations, and due to sedition campaigns. Citizens usually
turn to their parents or relatives when in trouble or in need, only some turn to civil
organizations.
As explained by the representative of the Palestinian Non-Governmental Organization
against Domestic Violence against Women (Al-Muntada), 60% of citizens trust civil
society organizations, despite some attempts to shatter this trust and some incorrect
actions of some civil organizations which in some cases caused a decrease in this trust.
The General Federation of Trade Union mentioned that the people’s level of trust in civil
organizations is not less than the level of trust in the Palestinian National Authority
when it comes to services. This view is due to the people’s view of civil organizations as
services organizations in general, and they are also viewed as a framework for
governance or as a limited legal representation body. Another group views the civil
society as an unfamiliar body, which makes many people resort to clan or family
representatives in many cases, instead of civil society organizations or the State.
2.4.4. Enabling Citizens
2.4.4.1. Programs conducted by organizations to educate and raise
public awareness towards public interest issues
Most studied organizations see that awareness programs in the field of public interest
are being conducted in a relatively effective manner. While 25% of the studied
organizations see that such programs are effective, another 12% of studied
organizations see that such programs have no effect on educating the public and raising
awareness towards public interest issues. Political parties see that the effect is weak.
139
2.4.4.2. Organizations’ Efficiency and success in building the public’s
capacities to organize themselves, specify resources and work
together towards solving community issues
About 53% of studied organizations see that capability building programs that aim at
teaching the public methods to organize themselves and work together towards solving
community issues is considered effective to a certain level. Whereas 33% of studied
organizations see that these activities are effective and influential. Political parties
confirmed that such activities have limited effect.
26%
55%
12%
7%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Efficient and Influential
Effcient
No Effect
No Information
Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Raising the
Public Awareness Toward Public Interest Issues (4.7)
140
2.4.4.3. Efficiently and success of programs conducted by organizations
aiming at empowering marginalized groups
About 47% of studied organizations confirmed that activities and programs conducted
by organizations are effective and influential in empowering marginalized groups, 33%
of these organizations see that such programs are effective to a certain degree, while
political parties and unions agree that these programs have medium effect.
34%
53%
8%
5%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Efficient and Influential
Effcient
No Effect
No Information
Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Building the Public Capacities to Organise Themselves and To Work Toghter Toward
Solving a Communal Problem (4.8)
47%
34%
6%
13%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
Efficient and Influential
Effcient
No Effect
No Information
Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Empowering
the Marginalised Groups (4.9)
141
2.4.4.4. Effectiveness and success of programs aiming at empowering
women
About 50% of studied organizations see that their programs that aim at empowering
women were effective and influential, while 30% of these organizations see that their
programs are effective to a certain extent. Whereas interviews show that these
activities have medium effect.
2.4.4.5. Programs and activities conducted by organizations to promote
social capital
25% of studied organizations consider programs that aim at promoting social capital as
effective and influential. 27% of studied organizations consider such activities efficient
to some extent, while 29% of organizations see that they have no effect in promoting
social capital. Political parties confirm that the effect is weak.
50%
30%
10%
9%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Efficient and Influential
Effcient
No Effect
No Information
Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Empowering Women (4.10)
142
2.4.4.6. Effectiveness of civil organizations in creating and supporting
employment
The below graph shows the different categories and numbers of employees working in
the studied organizations. The graph also indicates that about 27% of organization have
less than 10 employees, 12% have 11 to 18 employees, and 12% of studied
organizations have over than 19 employees.
As for work opportunities that the studied organizations were able to create through
their programs and activities in 2015, the result are as below:
24%
27%
29%
20%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Efficient and Influential
Effcient
No Effect
No Information
Assessment of Civil Society Organisations' Effeciency in Promoting the Social Capitals (4.11)
12%
15%
12%
12%
49%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Less than 4
5-10
11-18
More the 19
No Information
Categories of Working Staff in the Civil Society Organisations (4.12)
143
43% of studied organizations were able to create 0-10 full-time work opportunities and
11% were able to create 11-20 full-time work opportunities. As for part-time work
opportunities, 32% of organizations mentioned that they were able to create 0-10
opportunities, and 9.5% of these organizations were able to create 11-opportunities. It
is worth mentioning that since the start of the Second Uprising “Intifada” in 2000 and
until now, there is a general trend within civil organizations in creating projects that
create work opportunities, in recent years, the main focus is on creating work
opportunities for the youth.
43%
11%
0%
1%
3%
3%
39%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50
0-10
42694
21-30
31-40
41-50
More than 50
No Information
Categories of Full-Time Working Staff in the Civil Society Organisations
for 2015 (4.13)
32%
9.5%
2%
2.5%
1%
5%
48%
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
0-10
11-20
21-30
31-40
41-50
More than 50
No Information
Categories of Part-Time Working Staff in the Civil Society Organisations for 2015 (4.14)
144
2.4.5. Meeting the Community’s Needs
2.4.5.1. Civil Society Organizations’ accomplishments in pressuring the
Government to meet the community’s urgent demands
Since the beginning, the civil society concentrated its work on meeting the needs of the
community. There are many examples of initiatives and achievements of civil society
organizations in pressuring the government to meet the community’s urgent needs.
Some of these initiative, mentioned during interviews with the studied organizations,
are:
Conducting many meetings to pressure decision makers to end separation,
Pressuring related parties to provide services to individuals of special needs, such as
having a special trainer for people with impaired hearing,
Putting pressure to create centers and homes for providing protection for battered
women, in addition to creating a family protection division in the Public Prosecution,
Pressuring for getting tax exemption for some projects, but it was obtained for
limited projects,
Pressuring to amend the Social Security Law. Accomplishments in this field are still
limited, and this is what the representatives of political parties and unions stressed.
2.4.5.2. Services offered by organizations to meet urgent needs of the
community
In relation to the issue of pressuring for attaining community’s urgent needs, below are
some examples of initiatives accomplished by civil society organizations in offering
services to meet the urgent needs of the community:
- Providing relief and emergency services in many cases, such as during the attack on
Gaza Strip,
- Providing health services and health insurance to women, mothers and disabled
individuals,
- Offering material and financial aid to women, children and orphans,
145
- Implementing income-generating projects, with focus on families supported by
women,
- Providing education and infrastructure to schools and kindergartens.
Political parties see that these services are insufficient, poor, and unsustainable taking
into consideration the large need of the community.
2.4.5.3. Evaluation of offered services compared with services offered by
Palestinian National Authority organizations in terms of quantity and
quality
There is a discrepancy in organizations’ points of view when comparing the services they
offered with the services offered by the Government, this question was only answered
by 21% of the studied organizations. 7% of studied organizations see that the services
they offered are better than those offered by the Palestinian National Authority, 11%
see that they offer distinctive services, 28% see that their services are good. 8% of
studied organizations see that the level of their services is lower than the level of
services offered by the PNA, 10% consider their services insufficient, and 5% consider
their services complementary.
7%
8%
2.5%
11%
10%
5%
28%
1%
1%
2.5%
1%
2%
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Better than the PA Services
Less Than PA Services
More Efficient
Distinguished Services
Not Sufficient
Supplimentary Services
Good
Hard to Compare
There is no PA Services
Similar
Services are Related to Resources
No Information
Assessment of Civil Society Orgnisations' Services in Comparison to the
PA Services (4.15)
146
2.4.6. Conclusions about the effect of the Palestinian Civil Society
Opinions have varied regarding the positive effect of the civil society between the
existence of tangible effect and weak effect. However, there is no doubt that civil
society organizations have a positive effect, as seen in the below examples:
1. The success of civil society in reinforcing the effect of its contribution was reflected
through the civil society organizations’ ability to provide quick responses to
emergency needs, such as relief operations, and in implementing project that aim at
creating job opportunities, reinforcing the abilities of marginalized and other target
groups, and providing economic, social, educational and health support to these
groups.
2. The success of civil society organizations can also be seen in pressuring the political
authority to develop policies and programs to serve the higher national interest, to
work on achieving human development, spreading the culture of human rights and
defending it, in addition to having a role in encouraging participation and affecting
the decision making process, although in many cases such activities did not meet the
expected level.
3. Civil society organizations had an effect on the community through quick responding
to urgent community needs and conducting relief campaigns, and in creating
projects that offer work opportunities in order to reinforce living capabilities for
targeted and marginalized groups, as well as improving economic, social,
educational, and health standards for these groups.
4. To increase their effect, civil society organizations shall work on reviewing national
policies and plans, start from there and build on them in order to reinforce effect
and assure its accumulation to result in a larger effect for these programs, and to
stress the accumulativeness of the developmental process.
5. It is recommended to work more on increasing the visibility of the effect of civil
society programs through using media tools and social media, which can be done
through the umbrella networks.
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6. During organized cooperative work, civil society organizations succeeded in
pressuring the political authority to attain the higher national interest in a number of
cases, including: making amendments to the Social Security Law, amendments to
Penal Law, increasing its involvement when defining developmental and sectoral
strategies, and other. It also had a role in encouraging community involvement in
national issues, such as Gaza siege and the demolishing of houses by Israeli forces,
which requires coordinating and gathering efforts towards clear and specific goals.
7. There is still a lot of room for more effect in the decision making process. Networks
shall learn from their experience and shall initiate more pressure and support
activities through hard and organized work, and according to a carefully studied
program and with wide contribution.
8. To ensure reinforcement and sustainability in the work of civil society organizations,
there should be more involvement of targeted community groups in the process of
defining needs and in the planning and implementation of activities.
3. Civil Society Index
Based on the results obtained through the analysis of data collected from different
sources, field surveys with organizations, and the meetings with the representatives of
networks, political parties, unions and different organizations, the research team
specified a mark for each detailed indicators that are part of the four main dimensions
(components) of the Civil Society Index. According to the mark of each sub-indicator
mentioned in the data matrix and in the mark assigning tool, the average mark for main
indicators of the four dimensions were specified, and based on them, the mark for each
dimension forming the Civil Society Index was determined.
The scores for main indicators and dimensions of the Civil Society Index were as below:
3.1. Structure
Table 3.1 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Structure
dimensions (component). It is obvious that the indicators of the increase of participation
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and the diversity of participants and relations obtained high marks compared with
indicators related to the depth of participation, level of coordination and resources.
Based on the marks shown below, the Structure dimension got a final mark of (2.25) out
of (3), which is a relatively high mark. Detailed marks are shown in Annex (6)
(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).
Table 3.1: Structure
Indicator Description Suggested
Mark
1. 1. Breadth of
citizen participation
How widespread is citizen involvement in civil society?
What proportion of citizens engages in civil society
activities?
2.5
1. 2. Depth of citizen
participation
How deep/meaningful is citizen participation in CS? How
frequently/extensively do people engage in CS activities?
2
1.3. Diversity of civil
society participants
How diverse/representative is the civil society arena? Do
all social groups participate equitably in civil society? Are
any groups dominant or excluded?
2.5
1.4. Level of
organization
How well-organized is civil society? What kind of
infrastructure exists for civil society?
2
1.5. Inter-relations How strong / productive are relations among civil society
actors?
2.5
1.6. Resources To what extent do CSOs have adequate resources to
achieve their goals?
2
Structure Average Mark 2.25
3.2. Environment
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Table 3.2 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Environment
dimension (component). It is obvious that the marks of indicators forming this
dimension are not high when compared to the indicators of the Structure dimension.
The marks of the main indicators were all less than 1.5, except in the indicator of socio-
cultural context, and in the indicator relate to the relation between the private sector
and civil society and the legal environment. Based on the marks given to the main
indicators as shown below, the Environment dimension (component) got a mark of
(1.41) out of (3), which is a relatively low mark. Detailed marks are shown in Annex (6)
(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).
Table 3.2: Surrounding Environment
Indicator Description Suggested Mark
2.1. Political context What is the political situation in the country and its
impact on civil society?
1.05
2.2. Basic freedoms
& rights
To what extent are basic freedoms ensured by law and
in practice?
1.33
2.3. Socio-economic
Context
What is the socio-economic situation in the country and
its impact on civil society?
1
2.4. Socio-cultural
Context
To what extent are socio-cultural norms and attitudes
conducive or detrimental to civil society?
2
2.5. Legal environment To what extent is the existing legal environment
enabling or disabling to civil society?
1.58
2.6. State-civil society
relations
What is the nature and quality of relations between civil
society and the state?
1.43
2.7. Private sector-
civil society relations
What is the nature and quality of relations between civil
society and the private sector?
1.5
Environment Average 1.41
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Mark
3.3. Values
Table 3.3 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Values dimension
(component). It is obvious that the main indicators, which are related to: democracy,
gender equality, and environment sustainability got some relatively high marks in
comparison with indicators related to transparency and fighting poverty. Based on the
marks given to the main indicators below, the Values dimension (component) got a
mark of (2.07) out of (3), which is a relatively good mark. Detailed marks are shown in
Annex (6) (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).
Table 3.3- Values
Indicator Description Suggested Mark
3.1. Democracy To what extent do civil society actors practice and
promote democracy?
2.5
3.2. Transparency To what extent do civil society actors practice and
promote transparency?
1.87
3.3. Tolerance To what extent do civil society actors and organizations
practice and promote tolerance?
2
3.4. Non-violence To what extent do civil society actors practice and
promote non-violence?
2
3.5. Gender equity To what extent do civil society actors practice and
promote gender equity?
2.3
3.6. Poverty
eradication
To what extent do civil society actors promote poverty
eradication?
1.8
3.7. Environmental
sustainability
To what extent do civil society actors practice and
promote environmental sustainability?
2
Values Average Mark 2.07
3.4. Impact
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Table 3.4 shows the marks calculated for each main indicator in the Effect dimension
(component). It is obvious that the marks of indicators forming this dimension are not
high when compared to the indicators of the Values dimension. The marks of the main
indicators were all less than 2, except in the indicator of maintaining integrity in
cooperating with the Government and the Private Sector. Based on the marks given to
the main indicators as shown below, the Effect dimension (component) got a mark of
(1.64) out of (3), which is a relatively fair mark. Detailed marks are shown in Annex
(6)(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).
Table 3.4: Effect
Indicator Description Suggested
Mark
4.1. Influencing
public policy
How active and successful is civil society in influencing public
policy?
1.25
4.2. Holding state &
private corporations
accountable
How active and successful is civil society in holding the state
and private corporations accountable?
2.3
4.3. Responding to
social interests
How much are civil society actors responding to social
interests?
1.5
4.4. Empowering
citizens
How active and successful is civil society in empowering
citizens, especially traditionally marginalized groups, to shape
decisions that affect their lives?
1.75
4.5. Meeting societal
needs
How active and successful is civil society in meeting societal
needs, especially those of poor people and other marginalized
groups?
1.43
Impact Average Mark 1.64
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Based on the marks given to the four dimensions (components) the below diagram
(Diamond) was extracted and developed for the Palestinian Civil Society Index:
Diagram 3.1
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5Environment
Structure
Impact
Value
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List of Annexes:
Annex (1) – List of the Names of Organizations Members in the Three Networks
(http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).
Annex (2) – Data Collection Matrix (Tool) (http://index.cso-index.net/?page_id=5459).
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