Other Second-Millennium Royal And

VVVV

Other Second-Millennium Royal andCommemorative Inscriptions

A

.

R

.

GEORGE

89

MS 4716 is a cone inscribed with a buildinginscription in the name of Ime-Dagan, king ofIsin (19551937). It is unusual in two respects:(a) the text is in the Akkadian language, unlikeIme-Dagans other building inscriptions, whichemploy Sumerian; and (b) the text continuesfrom the head to the shaft, and the latter is divid-ed into two columns whose lines are perpendic-ular to its long axis, instead of parallel.

The building whose construction is record-ed on this cone is a defensive wall comprisingan earthen rampart and a ditch (

ikum

) beyondit. Ime-Dagan is known to have constructedor restored two city walls: that of Isin, his cap-ital, and that of Drum, a garrison town nearUruk (formerly misread as D

2

r in eastern Baby-lonia). The former wall is the subject of a well-known cone inscription in Sumerian, of whicha further exemplar is published below as textNo. 39. Ime-Dagans work on Drums wall isrecorded in a Sumerian inscription writtentwice, once on the head and again on the shaft,on a single clay nail first published in 1937(Frayne 1990: 42 E4.1.4.11). The present text

exhibits a similarity of structure with the latter,especially, but, if I have understood l. 22 cor-rectly as containing a toponym, it reports a dif-ferent geographical location.

Noteworthy is the Akkadian version ofIme-Dagans royal titulary: as demonstrated inthe notes below, it differs in several unexpectedways from the standardized titulary of his Sum-erian inscriptions (RIM E4.1.4.12, 1112 and15: 17'20'). The inscription is important alsofor its detailed metrology, in a passage whichgives two measurements for the width of thewalls ditch, first in

nindan

rods (the twelve-cubit measure,

ca

6 m) and again in anotherunit, previously unattested. The inscriptionends in an unexplained repetition of

nindan

,from which it appears that the text is defectiveor unfinished.

The text displays several examples of third-millennium sign values;

d

(

TU

)

-ri-im

(l. 21) for

drim

,

a-d

(

TI

)

-im

(24) for

adm

and

i-k

(

GA

)

-am

(26) for

ikam

are all unremarkable; but

-

for thepossessive suffix (30:

ru-pu-u-

) is extraordinarybefore the late second millennium.

Ime-Dagan of Isin

No. 38 MS 4716 Pl. XXXII

In addition to the great barrel of Sn-iddinamedited in the preceding chapter (No. 37), thereare in the Schyen Collection some thirty roy-al and commemorative inscriptions of the sec-ond millennium (Nos. 3867). Many of theseare duplicates of already known texts, but sev-eral are new: an Akkadian cone inscription ofIme-Dagan (No. 38), a Sumerian clay-nailinscription of Gungunum (No. 44), a Sumerian

cylinder inscription of Sn-irbam (No. 50, pre-viously known but falsely attributed to Sn-iddinam), four formal texts from the reign ofRm-Sn (Nos. 5154), a dedicatory inscrip-tion of Kurigalzu (No. 61), a few fragments ofunattributed monumental inscriptions on stone(Nos. 6366), and a commemorative label on apotsherd (No. 67).

90

Roya l I n s c r i p t i on s and Re l a t e d Tex t s

head1

d

i

-me-

d

da-g

[

an

]2

za-ni-in

3 [

n

]

ippuru

(nibru)

ki

4

tu-ku-ul-ti

5

urim

5ki

6

a-e-er

7

eridu

(

NUN

)

ki

shaft col. i8

na-i-i

[

r

]9

mi-i

10

uruk

(unug)

ki

11

mu-ut e

4

-tr

12

e-lum

13

d

ama

(utu)

-si-in

ki

14

ar u-me-ri-im

15

-l

16

ma

-at

17

wa-ri-im

18

ta-li-im

19

d

en-ll

20

d

i-me-

d

da-gan

21

a d-ri-im

22 [

]

a

?

na

?

-a

Z

-na-an-ni / -im

23 [

e-p-ri-

]

u

?

shaft col. ii24

ki-i

-ma a-d-

im

!

25

-a-a-p-ik

26

i-k-am

27

i-na mi-i-lam

28

i-na

/

ni-in-da-an-ni-im

29

ru-pu-u-

30

e-re-et

31

i-na we-e-li-im

32

ra-pa-a

33

mu--ra

34

-s-ir-u35 ni-in-da-an

Ime-Dagan, provisioner of Nippur, main-stay of 5 Ur, provider for Eridu, guardian ofthe rites of 10 Uruk, sacred spouse of thegoddess Itar, sun of Isin, king of Sumer, 15god of the land of Warium, brother of thegod Enlil.20 (I), Ime-Dagan: as for the wall [of] Naz-nannum(?), its [earthwork(?)] 25 I had piledup as high as a mountain. With a ditch two and a half its width in rods, 30 ten widein wlum units I enclosed it to the fore. 35Rod.

23. Akkadian znin Nippuru corresponds to -a nibruki in the Sumerian version of Ime-Dagans titulary, a routine equivalence.

45. tukulti Uri // sag-s urim5-maki is an unex-

pected equivalence.67. ir Eridu // ud-da gub eriduki-ga, also

unexpected. 810. nir m Uruk is a paraphrase of Sumerian

en unugki-ga en-priest of Uruk.1112. mut Itar ellum is a variant counterpart of

dam ki-g dinanna-ka beloved spouse ofInanna.

13. ama Iin is a free variant of lugal -si-inki-na king of Isin.

14. ili mt Wariim instead of ki-uri landWarium. Warium was the hinterland ofAkkade, with which Sum. ki.uri was usuallyequated.

2123. A reading t urrim dawn watch seemsimprobable in the context, and so a genitiveconstruction, i.e. a drim, is presumed. Thisphrase anticipates the eventual object ofuapik; I cannot find that object in l. 22(which seems to contain an otherwise unat-tested toponym), so restore l. 23 accordingly.The expression (ipik) eper apkum to raiseearthworks is a clich in royal buildinginscriptions.

2728. Two and a half rods is the equivalent ofabout fifteen metres. Given that the metro-logical unit hitherto normalized as nindanumis a loanword from Sumerian nindan, it wasalways likely that a spelling would eventuallyappear that argues instead for nindannum.

31. In isolation WE-e-li-im might be a spellingof plim limestone or pelm egg, though

Othe r S e c ond -Mi l l e nn ium Roya l and Commemo r a t i v e I n s c r i p t i on s 91

/pe/ so spelled sits uneasily with /pi/ writtenp in uapik (l. 25). But the context suggestsinstead that WE-e-li-im signifies a metrologicalunit alternative to the linear unit nindannum.The stated equivalence of 2.5 nindan = 10

WE-e-li-im makes one of the latter units theequivalent of three standard cubits.

34. mura is understood as a variant of the spa-tial adverb mara.

No. 39 MS 4741 Pl. XXXIII

This is a perfect cone inscribed in two columnswith a well-known building inscription ofIme-Dagan, king of Isin. The text is mostrecently edited by Douglas Frayne (1990: 3132 E4.1.4.5) from sixteen exemplars. The firstto be published, in 1937, was acquired on theantiquities market by the Nies BabylonianCollection, now at Yale. Many further exem-plars have been reported since 1990, includingeight excavated at Isin by the German expedi-tion in 1986 (Krebernik 1992: 10912), one in

Denmark (Westenholz and Eidem 198990:113 no. 7), three in the Bible Lands Museum inJerusalem (Westenholz and Westenholz 2006:8788), and nine in the Michail Collection inItaly (Pettinato 1997: 15260 nos. 7583). Theinscription, in Sumerian, commemorates theconstruction of the wall of the city of Isin. Notsurprisingly, those exemplars with archaeolog-ical provenance all stem from Isin, mostly fromthe temenos wall around the temple of Gula(Frayne 1990: 32, Krebernik 1992: 109).

col. i1 di-me-dda-gan2 nita kalag-ga3 lugal -si-in / ki-na4 lugal an-ub-da / limmu-ba-ke45 ud nibruki

6 uru ki-g7 den-ll-l8 g-bi 9 mu-un-du

col. ii10 ren-bi kaskal-t[a]11 ba-ra-an-zi-ga-a12 bd gal

13 -si-inki-na14 mu-un-d15 bd-ba16 di-me-dda-gan17 den-ll-da / an-gal18 mu-bi-im

Ime-Dagan, mighty male, king of Isin,king of the four corners of the world: 5when he discontinued the tribute obliga-tions of Nippur, the city beloved of Enlil,(and) 10 freed its workforce from militaryservice, he built the great wall of Isin. Thename 15 of that wall is By grace of EnlilIme-Dagan is powerful.

1617. For this translation of the walls namesee George 1996: 366.

92 Roya l I n s c r i p t i on s and Re l a t e d Tex t s

col. i1 dli-p-it-e4-tr2 re-i-um3 pa-li-i4 nippuru(nibru)ki

5 i-ka-ru-um6 ki-nu-um7 a uri(urim5)

ki-im8 la mu-pa-ar-ki-um9 a-na eridu(NUN)ki

10 num(en)um

11 s-ma-at12 uruk(unug)ki

13 ar -si-inki

14 ar ma-at15 u-me-ri-im16 a-k-d-im17 b-b-il18 li-i-ba e4-tr19 a-na-ku20 ga-ni-in

col. ii21 b-b-i[l]23 i-d den-[ll]24 dmullil(nin.ll)-[tim]25 i-na -[si-inki]26 a-al ar-ru-ti-[ia]27 i-na ba-ab [ekallim(.gal)lim]28 dli-p-it-[e4-tr]29 ma-ru den-ll30 a-na-ku31 i-nu-mi32 ki-i-ta-am33 i-na ma-at34 u-me-ri-im35 a-k-d-im36 a-ku-nu-ni37 e-pu-u

Lipit-Itar, shepherd who reveres Nippur, 5steadfast ploughman of Ur, unceasing inthe care of Eridu, 10 en-priest worthy ofUruk, king of Isin, king of Sumer andAkkad, favourite of Itar am I.

30 When I, Lipit-Itar, son of Enlil, estab-lished justice in the land of Sumer 35 andAkkad, I built 20 a storeroom pleasing(?) toEnlil and Ninlil, 25 in Isin, my royal capital,at the gate of the palace.

This complete cone, partly encrusted withmineral salts, is inscribed in two columns witha very well-attested inscription of Lipit-Itar,king of Isin (19361926). The text was last edit-ed, from fifty-three exemplars, by DouglasFrayne (1990: 4951 E4.1.5.3). The first exem-plar to be published, in 1921, was acquired bythe British Museum in 1920, but another hadalready been accessioned by the same museumas early as 1882, and other exemplars of thecone are scattered all over the world. At leastanother nine can be added to Fraynes list,including examples kept in museums in Han-

nover (Neumann 2000: 78586 no. II), Cam-bridge, Stockholm, and Jerusalem (Westenholzand Westenholz 2006: 89), and four shorter,variant versions excavated at Isin in the late1980s and rapidly published (Sommerfeld 1992:15458). The inscription, in Akkadian, com-memorates the construction of a warehouse forEnlil and Ninlil at the palace gate of Isin. Mostexemplars are without archaeological prove-nance, but eleven derive from scattered archae-ological loci at Isin (see further Sommerfeld1992: 158).

Lipit-Itar of IsinNo. 40 MS 1869 Pl. XXXIII


MS 1935 is a one-third-size brick stamped withthe standard Sumerian inscription of Br-Sn,king of Isin (18971876). The text has mostrecently been edited by Douglas Frayne, whorecords at least nineteen exemplars (1990: 69

70 E4.1.7.1; see in addition Spar 1988: 161 no.118). The first to be published, in 1893, is in theUniversity Museum in Philadelphia. Thosewith an archaeological provenance come fromNippur and Isin.

1 dbur-dsn(suen)2 sipa nibruki / du10-du103 engar kalag-ga4 urim5

ki-ma5 gi-ur eriduki-ga / ki-bi gi46 en me-a tm-ma7 unugki-ga8 lugal -si-in / ki-na9 lugal ki-en-gi / ki-uri

10 dam me-te / r k dinanna

Br-Sn, shepherd who pleases Nippursheart, strong ploughman of Ur, 5 who re-stored the cultic ordinances of Eridu, en-priest worthy of the rites of Uruk, king ofIsin, king of Sumer and Akkad, 10 spousesuited to the holy loins of Inanna.

Br-Sn of IsinNo. 41 MS 1935 Pl. XXXIII


MS 4585 is a small barrel cylinder of clayinscribed in a single column with a fifteen-lineSumerian building inscription that occupiesthree-quarters of its surface. At least one otherclay barrel bearing this inscription is extant butof unknown whereabouts; I saw photographsin 2008. The text is a close variant of an inscrip-tion of Enlil-bni, king of Isin (18621839),known only from a clay impression thatcame to light in Afak near Nippur in the late1950s and is now in the Iraq Museum (Frayne1990: 8485 E4.1.10.9). The sole difference ofany substance lies in l. 6, which the impres-sions first editor, Dietz Otto Edzard, copied as

en me-te unugki-[g]a (Edzard 1959: 27). Edzardconsidered that the object might originallyhave come from Nippur or Isin, both beingnear Afak. The new inscription restores thename of the building whose construction itreports, but which is damaged on the clayimpression, as Egal-iminbi-lugalene Palace(that Rules) All Kings. This ceremonial nameis evidently the name of one of Enlil-bnis res-idences, and an early example of a Sumerianpalace name.1 The ideological message it bearssuits best a palace in his capital, Isin, and Isin ison these grounds a more likely provenancethan Nippur.

Enlil-bni of IsinNo. 42 MS 4585 Pl. XXXIII

1. Others, built by kings from Lipit-Itar of Isin toEsarhaddon of Assyria, are collected in George1993: 171, to which add .gal..l.la Palace ofHappiness, the name of Aur-r2a-i Is resi-

dence at Nineveh (King and Grayson 2001). Onthe ideological messages conveyed by Sumerianpalace names see George 20012.

1 den-ll-ba-ni2 sipa ng-nam r-ra3 nibruki

4 engar e ma5 urim5

ki-ma6 m nu-tm-mu7 eriduki-ga8 dam -ge pd-da9 dinanna me-en

10 ud ng-si-s11 ki-en-gi ki-uri-e

12 i-ni-in-gar-ra13 -gal-imin!(8)-bi-14 lugal-e-ne15 mu-d

Enlil-bni, shepherd who provides every-thing in abundance for Nippur, plough-man who raises tall the barley 5 of Ur,unceasing in the care of Eridu, spouse cho-sen in the heart of Inanna, am I. 10 When Iestablished justice in Sumer and Akkad, 15 Ibuilt (the palace) Egal-iminbi-lugalene.

67. The variant version of this inscription hasat this point (Frayne 1990: 85 ll. 67): en me-te unugki-ga / eriduki-ga en-priest worthy ofUruk and Eridu. In his other inscriptionsEnlil-bnis patronage of Eridu is expressedby the epithet: me eriduki-ga k-k-ge whokeeps sacred the rites of Eridu (RIME4.1.10.1: 6, 4: 8 and 5: 11).

1314. The third sign of the buildings name iswritten with eight wedges in two ranks, i.e.like ussu eight, but this makes little sense inthe context of royal ideology and I haveresorted to emendation. The expressionimin-bi, literally their seven, denotes agroup of seven (heptad, as in dimin-bi =Sebettu) but comes in academic Sumerian tomean totality; see imin = kiatu in NabntuXIV 36 and other lexical texts.


MS 1846/5 is an intact cone inscribed in a sin-gle column with a well-known Sumerianbuilding inscription of Enlil-bni, king of Isin.The text appears on cones, nails, a brick, and atablet, and was most recently edited by DouglasFrayne from ten exemplars (1990: 7879E4.1.10.2). The first of these to be published, in1911, was a clay nail in Manchester, which hassince been numbered JRL 1094 and repub-

lished by Farouk Al-Rawi (2000: 34 no. 76,59). Another nail with this inscription came tolight in the late 1980s (Sommerfeld 1992: 159d). The inscription commemorates a recon-struction or repair of the city wall of Isin. Mostexemplars come from Isin (several with exactarchaeological findspots), but one was excavat-ed at Nippur.

No. 43 MS 1846/5 Pl. XXXIII

1 den-ll-ba-ni2 sipa ng-nam r-ra3 nibruki

4 lugal kalag-ga5 lugal -si-inki-na6 lugal ki-en-gi ki-uri7 dam -ge pd-da8 dinanna9 ki-g den-ll

10 dnin-IN-si-na-ka-ke411 bd-gal -si-inki-na12 mu-d13 bd-ba14 den-ll-ba-ni-15 idam(suu)-ki-in16 mu-bi-im

Enlil-bni, who provides everything inabundance for Nippur, mighty king, 5 kingof Isin, king of Sumer and Akkad, spousechosen in the heart of Inanna, beloved ofEnlil 10 and the Lady of Isin, built the greatwall of Isin. The name of that wall is En-lil-bni 15 is firmly founded.


This is the head of a clay nail, lacking the shaft.Inscribed on the head, in two columns of nine-teen and eighteen lines, is a Sumerian buildinginscription of Gungunum, king of Larsa (19321906). Gungunum was the fifth king of thedynasty that claimed Naplnum as founder, andthe second whose own inscriptions are extant(on his reign see Charpin 2004: 7073). Thetext commemorates his work on the wall ofLarsa, a project already documented by thename of his twenty-first year (Sigrist 1990: 910) and by a short text stamped on bricks foundat Larsa and nearby Umm al-Wawiya (Frayne

1990: 11718 E4.2.5.3). While other inscrip-tions date to Gungunums reign, hitherto thebrick inscription was the only surviving textactually written in his name. The present text isa much fuller account of the building of Larsaswall, and reveals as motivation for the work theneed to protect the city from flooding (ll. 2223). The inscription includes the earliest exam-ple yet known in Babylonia of a royal state-ment of ideal market rates of commoditiesagainst silver (on such tariffs see, e.g., Vargyas1997, and add von Dassow 2009).

Gungunum of LarsaNo. 44 MS 2871 Pl. XXXIV

col. i1 ud an-n2 den-ll-le3 dutu-r4 larsamki-ma5 nam-lugal6 ki-en-gi ki-uri7 nam-sipa kur-mar-d8 u mu-na-an-du7-u-a9 ud-ba gu-un-gu-nu-um

10 nita kalag-ga11 lugal larsamki-ma12 engar rimki-ma13 u-gi4-gi4 -bbbar-ra14 lugal ki-en-gi ki-uri15 ibila kalag-ga16 sa-mi-um-ma17 bd-gal larsamki-ma18 dutu-ki-bal-e-s-di19 mu-bi-imcol. ii20 mu-un-d21 nam-galam-diri-mu-ta22 uruki-mu ambar-ta23 -em-ta-e1124 mu-a-ka25 sig4-bi u-mu-d26 bd-gal u-mu-til27 uruki-{ni}-g murub4-ba

28 d-buranun si a-pa-ni-s29 ud-ba ud-bala-g30 e 3 e-gur-ta31 sg 10 ma-na-ta32 0.0.1 5 sla-ta33 1 gn- ganba(KI.LAM!)? -gar-m34 ugnim-mu nam-i-a35 kin-bi u-mu-ni-b-ak36 g-e lugal ng-gi-na me-en37 -ba gi -b-in-gar

When An and Enlil granted in full to Utuin Larsa 5 kingship over Sumer and Akkad,and also the role of shepherd over theAmorites, then Gungunum, 10 the mightymale, king of Larsa, ploughman of Ur,avenger of E-babbar, king of Sumer andAkkad, 15 mighty heir of Samium, 20 con-structed the great wall of Larsa called UtuConquers the Rebel Lands. By my sur-passing ingenuity I did raise my city abovethe morass. In the space of a single year 25 Idid make its brickwork, I did complete thegreat wall. Through the midst of my city Idid direct the Euphrates.

At that time, in the days of my reign, 30the market rate was set at three kor of bar-ley, ten minas of wool, fifteen litres of oilfor one shekel (of silver). My workforce 35did do its work amid plenty. I am the kingof justice, I did complete that task.


33. An alternative reading of the problematicsigns in the middle of the line is ur5

!-gin7!!

respectively. The inscriptions of subse-quent kings of Larsa employ both ganba andur5-gin7 in passages that report tariffs. Thestatement formerly attributed to Sn-iqam(Sollberger 1965: 15 on BM 132266, Hawkins1986: 95 no. 2), but since identified as Nr-Adads (Sollberger 1982b: 342), closes as fol-lows (Frayne 1990: 149 ll. 6163): ganba ma-da-g-ka k 1 gn-e ur5-gin7 ba-ra-sa10 at

the market rate (obtaining) in my realm, oneshekel of silver purchased respectively. Sn-iddinams tariff reads similarly (Frayne 1990:166 ll. 6669): ganba urim5

ki larsamki ma-da-g-[ka] k 1 gn-e ur5-gin7 a-ba-ra-[sa10]at the market rate (obtaining) in Ur, Larsaand my realm, one shekel of silver [pur-chased] respectively.

37. This line contains an unusual predication ofthe well-known compound -gi-gar-rawork assignment.

Sn-iddinam of LarsaNo. 45 MS 4765 Pl. XXXV

This piece is a very damaged cone-shaft in-scribed in two columns with a building inscrip-tion of Sn-iddinam, king of Larsa (18491843).The topic is his rebuilding or repair of E-bab-bar, the temple of Utu at Larsa. The text, inSumerian, is an abbreviated version of aninscription last edited by Douglas Frayne fromtwelve exemplars (1990: 16466 E4.2.9.6).One of these was a limestone plaque excavatedat Larsa by the French expedition of 197881;the rest were clay cones found at Ur by SirLeonard Woolley during the period 192732.The inscription was first reconstructed byEdmond Sollberger as a text of seventy-fivelines (UET VIII 72, Sollberger 1965: 15). Thepresent cone holds a text of fifty lines, in whichll. 3969 of Sollbergers text are replaced withthree lines (ll. 3840 in the present edition).The material omitted is the statement of wagesand the tariff of prices. Sn-iddinams com-memorative inscription for E-babbar thusexists in two versions, one that includes thismaterial and one that excludes it. Unfortunate-ly little of the alternative three-line passage islegible on MS 4765.

When inscribed in two columns the twoversions of the inscription can be distinguishedby the point of turn from col. i to col. ii. OnMS 4765 this occurs at ll. 2324. As can be seenfrom two exemplars published in handcopies,UET I 132 (Gadd 1928 pl. 25, Fraynes exem-plar 2) and IM 26913 (Edzard 1957a: pl. 3,Fraynes exemplar 11), the longer versionmakes the turn at ll. 3637.2 Six of the otherexemplars incorporated into Sollberger andFraynes reconstruction of UET VIII 72 holdparts of the passages omitted by MS 4765 andthus also bear witness to the long version(Fraynes exemplars 1, 3, 4+5, 7, 10, 12). With-out a breakdown of the disposition by columnsof individual lines of the two other exemplars(6, 8+9), it is not possible to allocate these piec-es with any certainty to the one version or theother. Whether or not either of them is moreproperly a duplicate of the present cone ratherthan UET VIII 72, MS 4765 effectively bears anew inscription of Sn-iddinam. It brings theadded benefit of allowing the completion ofline-ends broken off in the long version, espe-cially near the beginning of the text.

2. It has not been recognized that the fragment IM26913 preserves the point of turn: on Edzardscopy i 1'15' = ll. 2237 of Sollbergers edition

(1965); i 16' = not l. 38 but l. 1 (i.e. i 1); ii 1'12'= 66 or 6778; and ii 13', which Sollberger couldnot place, is l. 38 (i.e. ii 1).


col. i1 ud dutu -babbar-ra2 nam-bi mu-un-tar-ra-[(a)]3 [me] gi-ur u-bi / [d]u7-du7-d4 [ki-tu]-bi dagal-e-d5 [gal-le]-e inim nu-kr-ru!-[na]6 [k]a-a! mu-un-bar-ra-a7 [ud-b]a dsn(suen)-i-din-na-am8 [nita] kalag-ga9 [-a] urim5

ki-ma10 [lugal] larsam[k]i-ma11 [lugal ki]-en-gi ki-uri me-en12 [ul dutu ku]r klib?-b[a-ni]-ta13 [igi zi mu-u]n-i-[i]n-bar14 [nam-sipa l]arsa[m]ki-x15 [u-mu-u]n-l-en16 [ren ma-da] lu-a-na17 [inim-mu-] -em-mi-tu18 [-g-g] gal-gal-la-na?19 [u-m]u- -em-mi-i[n-si]20 [ki-tu] -dg-ga-na21 [u] dagal di-d22 [n]am-n-tuk-mu-23 !-bi u-mu-da-an- / gcol. ii24 ud-bi-a dutu lugal-mu-r25 [in]im sa6-sa6-ge-m[u]-ta26 uruki-g i-dutu27 -b-ta-z[i]28 ugnim larsamki-ma29 a-bi um-mi-tu-?30 -gal -[e4]31 [d]g-ga-b[i-d]32 l-kin-ak-b[i-]33 a-ba-ra?-[x x]34 mu a[-k]a35 sig4

!-a[l-ur5-ra-bi]36 -b[-du]37 -babbar-[ra ki-g-g]-ni38 u-[x (x) x ]x

39 nam?-[x (x) x] x40 ki?-[(x)]-bi? u-[mu-(na)-gi4]41 dsn(suen)-i-din-na-am me-[en] 42 nun-gal [?] galam43 sig? tm-t[m-m]u? me?-en?44 ud-ba [sag-ki zalag]45 -l uruki46 -babbar-ra47 kin-bi u-mu-ni-til48 dutu49 [d]-ri5-da-ke450 u-mu-dg

When Utu determined the destiny of thetemple E-babbar and, to perfect [the rites]and ordinances, to enlarge its site, 5 [sol-emnly] made a decision [with his] unalter-able command, then on me, Sn-iddinam,mighty [male, provider] for Ur, 10 [king] ofLarsa, [king of] Sumer and Akkad, [theyoung hero Utu] fixed [his steadfast gaze,]from among all the [lands. 15 He did] raiseme up to be Larsas [shepherd.] He didmake [the workforce] of his teeming [land]dwell at [my command.] He did [pass] intomy [control] the great [task of command-ing] them(!). 20 He charged me, in my rev-erence, to enlarge the dwelling that pleaseshis heart.

At that time, 25 through my fine words, Idid expel complaints from my city for mymaster Utu. Having made the host of Larsadwell together as one, I did [give them fortheir] labour 30 wages, food and oil-[rationsto] their hearts content. In the space of asingle year, I did [mould 35 its baked] bricks.I [did build for him] E-babbar, his [belovedhouse,]. . ., 40 I did [restore it] to its (proper)state. I, Sn-iddinam, a great prince of clev-er [mind(?)] who . . . am I.

At that time, (with) the citys [beamingcountenance] and 45 joyful heart, I didcomplete that task and 50 did please thehearts of Utu and fierida.


14. Apparently not larsamki-ma-, as expectedfrom Sollbergers restoration of the longerversion of the inscription (UET VIII 72: 16).

33. From UET I 132 // VIII 72 we expect a-ba-m-m.

43. In the longer version of the inscription thebeginning of this line was read sig-nim un-ten und oben by Krki (1980: 77) and sig-tm-tm who carries off the Lower Landby Frayne (1990: 166 l. 71), but the first signis not a good sig on IM 26913, the only pub-lished source (Edzard 1957a: pl. 3 ii 6').

Nos. 4649

In addition to No. 45, the Schyen collectioncontains four hollow barrel cylinders eachinscribed with a Sumerian inscription of thesame king, commemorating his dredging of theriver Tigris. The inscription was last publishedby Douglas Frayne, who then knew fourexemplars, three barrels and a cone fragment(1990: 15860 E4.2.9.2). The first of these toappear was published in 1923, when it was inthe possession of the antiquities dealer E. S.David of New York; its whereabouts are nowunknown. A second exemplar, a barrel now inthe Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, was boughtin Baghdad in the same year. A third barrel wasacquired from E. S. David by the OrientalInstitute Museum, Chicago, in 1931. The conefragment was excavated at Larsa by Andr Par-rot in 1933 and is now in the Louvre.3 SinceFraynes edition four further barrels have beenpublished, one now in Spain (Civil 2002),another in the Michail Collection in Italy (Pet-tinato 1997: 17679 no. 97), a third in the BibleLands Museum in Jerusalem (Westenholz andWestenholz 2006: 93100), and a fourth (afragment only) in private hands in Denmark(Westenholz and Eidem 198990: 113 no. 13).Many more have been reported more briefly,including four in private ownership in NewYork (Beckman 1997), and perhaps as many asten others that were sold by auction houses inLondon, New York, and Vienna between 1997

and 2002 (Westenholz and Westenholz 2006:93).

Miguel Civil speculated that those barrelsnot actually excavated at Larsa may neverthe-less have come from there (2002: 245). That ispossible, but the two barrels that passedthrough Davids hands have been attributed tosites other than Larsa: Bismayah (ancient Adab)and Tell al-Buzekh, by which must be meantTell Ibzaikh (ancient Zabalam). Both Adab andZabalam lay on the western branch of theTigris, which at this time entered the territoryof Larsa upstream of Makan-pir (Tell AbuDuwari) and watered much of southern Baby-lonia either via the old Iturungal, a watercoursethat branched off the Tigris between Karkaraand Zabalam and flowed south toward Larsaitself, or via its successor. The Tigris was a cru-cial resource for the well-being of Sn-iddi-nams state. Both Zabalam and Adab are thusplausible provenances for this kings Tigris cyl-inders, but, given E. S. Davids close profes-sional relationship with Edgar J. Banks, theerstwhile excavator of Bismaya and notorioushawker of antiquities, they may be fictitiousprovenances. Another possible provenance forinscriptions of Sn-iddinam that report thedredging of the Tigris is Makan-pir, for abuilding inscription composed for this kingsconstruction of the wall of this town alsoreports that he provided its people with water

3. AO 25110 = L.[33].7A: correct Frayne 1990: 158from Arnaud 1977: 6, 1994: 13 no. 93.


by dredging the river that ran through it. Thename of the river is damaged in the text, but,given that Makan-pir lay on the Tigris, itmust be that river.4

The four cylinders published here are notexact duplicates. Differences between themand the exemplars edited by Frayne are mostlyvery minor, but note No. 47: 70: gi4 for gub(dittography from l. 68). Fraynes edition canbe corrected in the following substantive points:

(a) Nos. 46: 15 // 47: 15 // 48: 15 // 49: 15:ki-bi- for ma-bi-The new sources agree with at least eightother exemplars. The photograph of theMichail Collections barrel has ki-bi-(Pettinato 1997: 177 top), despite Petti-natos transliteration ma-bi- (176 i 15).Fraynes reading derives solely from thebarrel copied by Langdon, where thedrawing suggests ki! as easily as ma!(Langdon 1923 pl. 7 i 16).

(b) Nos. 46: 41 // 47: 43 // 48: 43 // 49: 42:in-dub libir for in-dub pd Note that the sign is clearly libir on theonly exemplar hitherto published in cune-iform copy (Langdon 1923 pl. 7 ii 8), andwas so read by I. Krki (Krki 1980: 61 l.43). One of Sn-iddinams brick inscrip-tions refers also to the in-dub libir (RIME4.2.9.11: 6, ed. Frayne 1990: 17172).

(c) Nos. 46: 52 // 47: 54 // 48: 54 // 49: 54: 1(bariga)-ta for 1 gur-ta In agreement with at least six other exem-plars (Beckman 1997 sub l. 54, Civil 2002:247, Westenholz and Westenholz 2006: 97ii 18). The numeral 1, when written withDIfi, cannot signify one kor, which was byconvention written Afi gur; DIfi in capacitymeasure signifies 1 bariga = 60 sla. Fraynes1 gur-ta derives from the two exemplarsformerly in the possession of the dealer E.S. David of New York and from the barrelin the Ashmolean Museum. Langdonscopy of the one David barrel has e x-ta,where x can be interpreted alternatively asillegible traces of a damaged or erased signbefore the numeral DIfi (Langdon 1923 pl.7 ii 19). O. R. Gurney was unsure of thetext on the Ashmolean barrel (Gurney1977: 93: sign after e appears to be thenumeral 1, possibly followed by a damagedgur); he did not reveal whether the nu-meral was DIfi or Afi. In other inscriptionsof kings of Larsa the figure for each work-ers barley ration is usually thirty litres (3bn, Nr-Adad and Warad-Sn), once fortylitres (4 bn, Sn-iddinam, Steinkeller2004b: 142 ii 6). The more generous sixtylitres (1 bariga) in most exemplars ofE4.2.9.2 is a plausible match for reality(Civil 2002: 246), but the variant 1 gur-ta(three hundred litres), if real, is excessiveand surely an error.

4. Steinkeller 2004b: 142 ii 323: d x x [ . . . ]-la uruki-ba u-mu-ba-al. The absence of bothcopy and photograph of the fragments on whichthis line occurs prevents certainty, but one may

provisionally restore didigna [d gu (or dagal)]-la, as in the present inscription, and translate: Hedug out the Tigris, the [great (or wide) river,] in-side that town.


col. i1 dsn(suen)-i-din-na-am2 nita kalag-ga3 -a rimki-ma4 lugal larsamki-ma5 lugal ki-en-gi ki-uri6 lugal -babbar dutu-ke47 mu-un-d-a8 [g]i-ur dingir-re-e-ne9 [k]i-bi- b-in-gi4-a me-en

10 [u]d an-n den-ll / dnanna dutu-bi11 [b]ala dg ng-si-s12 ud-bi s-s-ud-r13 g-ra sag-e-e-e / ma-ni-in-rig7-e-a14 gtu dagal-la-mu15 [k]i-bi- gar16 sag-bi- -a-ta17 uruki ma-da-mu-18 a dg g-g-d19 a-r z-m20 nam-ur-sag-g-mu21 ud-da egir-bi-22 pa--a ma ak-d23 an-ra den-ll-ra / inim in-ne-sa6-sa624 a-r-zu gi-na-mu- / u-mu-i-in-e-

ge-e-a25 []didigna ba-al-a-da26 [k]i-bi- gi4-a-da27 [u]d ti-la s-ud-r-28 mu-mu g-g-d29 [i]nim nu-kr-ru-bi-a30 -bi u-mu-da-an-g-e31 ud-ba dug4-ga-dug4-ga32 an dinanna-ta33 e-ga den-ll / dnin-ll-l-ta

col. ii34 dikur dingir-mu 35 -ta-g-ta36 usu ma dnanna / dutu-ta37 didigna38 d -gl-la dutu-ke439 -ma-mu-ta40 gal-bi -em-mi-ba-al41 ki-sur-ra in-dub libir-m[u]-42 ka-bi um-mi-tum443 a-gam-ma-bi-44 si-gal -em-mi-s45 a da-r46 -gl m nu-tm-mu47 larsamki kalam-ma-mu-48 -em-mi-gar49 ud didigna d gu-la50 mu-ba-a[l-(la)]-a51 l-di-e52 e 1 (bariga)-ta53 ninda 2 sla-ta54 ka 4 sla-ta55 2 gn-ta-m56 ud a-a57 ur-gin7 u a-ba-an-ti58 l -l59 l -ta60 ba-ra-b-tuk61 usu ma-da-mu-ta62 kin-bi -em-mi-til63 inim ka-a-bar64 dingir gal-e-ne-ta65 didigna d dagal-la66 ki-bi- -em-mi-gi467 ud ul-du-r-68 mu-mu -em-mi-gub

No. 46 MS 2014 Pl. XXXVI


No. 47 MS 2034 Pl. XXXVI

col. i1 dsn(suen)-i-din-na-am2 nita kalag-ga3 -a urim5

ki-ma4 lugal larsamki-ma5 lugal ki-en-gi ki-uri-ke46 lugal -babbar dutu-ke47 mu-un-d-a8 gi-ur dingir-re-e-ne9 ki-bi- b-in-gi4-a me- / en

10 ud an-n den-ll / dnanna dutu-bi11 bala dg ng-si-s12 ud-bi s-s-ud-r13 g-ra sag-e-e-e / ma-ni-in-rig7-e-a14 gtu dagal-la-mu15 ki-bi- gar16 sag-bi- -a-ta17 uruki ma-da-mu-18 a dg g-g-d19 a-r z-m20 nam-ur-sag-g-mu21 ud-da egir-bi-22 pa- ma ak-d23 an-ra den-ll-ra24 inim in-ne-sa6-sa625 a-r-zu gi-na-mu-26 u-mu-i-in-e-g[e-e-a]27 didigna ba-[al-la-a-da]28 ki-bi- gi4-[a-da]29 ud ti-la s-u[d-r-]30 mu-mu g-g-[d]31 inim nu-kr-ru-bi-a32 -bi u-da-an-g-e33 ud-ba dug4-ga-dug4-ga

col. ii34 an dinanna-ta35 e-ga den-ll / dnin-ll-ta36 dikur dingir-mu 37 -ta-g-ta38 usu ma dnanna / dutu-ta39 didigna40 d -gl-la dutu-ke441 -ma-mu-ta42 gal-bi -em-mi-ba-al43 ki-sur-ra in-dub libir-mu-44 ka-bi um-mi-tum445 a-gam-ma-bi-46 si-gal -em-mi-s47 a da-r48 -gl m nu-tm-mu49 larsamki kalam-ma-mu-50 -em-mi-gar51 ud didigna d gu-la52 mu-ba-al-la-a53 l-di-e54 e 1 (bariga)-ta55 ninda 2 sla-ta56 ka 4 sla-ta57 2 gn-ta-m58 [ud a]-a59 [ur-gin7] u a-an-ti60 [l] -l61 [l] -ta62 [ba-ra-b]-tuk63 [usu ma-d]a-mu-ta64 [kin-bi ]-em-mi-til65 [inim ka]-a-bar66 dingir gal-e-ne-ta67 didigna d dagal-la68 ki-bi -em-mi-gi469 ud ul du-r-a-70 mu-mu -em-mi-gi4


col. i1 dsn(suen)-i-din-na-am2 nita kalag-ga3 -a rimki-ma4 lugal larsamki-ma5 lugal ki-en-gi ki- / uri-ke46 lugal -babbar dutu-ke47 mu-un-d-a8 gi-ur dingir-re-e- / ne9 ki-bi- b-in- / gi4-a me-en

10 ud an-n den-ll / dnanna dutu-bi11 bala dg ng-si-s12 ud-bi s-s-ud-r13 g-ra sag-e-e / ma-ni-in-rig7- / e-a14 gtu dagal-la-mu15 ki-bi- gar16 sag-bi- -a-ta17 uruki ma-da-mu-18 a dg g-g-d19 a-r z-m20 nam-ur-sag-g-mu21 ud-da egir-bi-22 pa- ma ak-d23 an-ra den-ll-ra24 inim in-ne-sa6- / sa625 a-r-zu gi-na-mu-26 u-mu-i-in-e-ge- / e-a27 didigna ba-al-a-da28 ki-bi- gi4-a-da29 ud ti-la s-ud-r-30 mu-mu g-g-d31 inim nu-kr-ru-bi-a32 -bi u-mu-da-an- / g-e33 ud-ba dug4-ga-dug4-ga

col. ii34 an dinanna-ta35 e-ga den-ll / dnin-ll-l-ta36 dikur dingir-mu 37 -ta-g-ta38 usu ma dnanna / dutu-ta39 didigna40 d -gl-la dutu-ke441 -ma-mu-ta42 gal-bi -em-mi-ba- / al43 ki-sur-ra [i]n-dub / libir-m[u]-44 ka-bi um-mi-tum445 a-gam-ma-bi-46 si-gal -em-mi-s47 a da-r48 -gl m nu-tm-mu49 larsamki [ka]lam-ma-mu-50 -em-mi-gar51 ud didigna d gu-la52 mu-ba-al-a53 l-di-e54 e 1 (bariga)-ta55 ninda 2 sla-ta56 ka 4 sla-ta57 2 gn-ta-m58 ud a-m59 ur-gin7 u a-ba-an-ti60 l -l61 l -ta62 ba-ra-b-tuk63 usu ma-da-mu-ta64 kin-bi -em-mi-til65 inim ka-a-bar66 dingir gal-e-ne-ta67 didigna d dagal-la68 ki-bi- -em-mi- / gi469 ud ul-du-r-70 mu-mu71 -em-mi-gub

No. 48 MS 3552/1 Pl. XXXVI


col. i1 [dsn(s]uen)-i-din-na-am2 [nita] kalag-ga3 [-a u]rim5

ki-ma4 [lugal lar]samki-ma5 [lugal ki]-en-gi ki-uri-ke46 [lugal] -babbar dutu-ke47 [mu]-un-d-a8 gi-ur dingir-re-e-ne9 ki-bi- b-in-gi4-a me-en

10 ud an-n den-ll 11 dnanna dutu-bi12 bala dg ng-si-s13 ud-bi s-s-ud-r14 g-ra sag-e-e-e / ma-ni-in-rig7-e-a15 gtu dagal-la-mu ki-bi- gar16 sag-bi- -a-ta17 uruki ma-da-mu-18 a dg g-g-d19 a-r z-m20 nam-ur-sag-g-mu21 ud-da egir-bi-22 pa- ma ak-d23 an-ra den-ll-ra24 inim in-ne-sa6-sa625 a-r-zu gi-na-mu-26 u-mu-i-in-e-ge-e-a27 didigna ba-al-la-a-da28 ki-bi- gi4-a-da29 ud ti-la s-ud-r-30 mu-mu g-g-d31 inim nu-kr-ru-bi-a32 -bi u-mu-da-an-g-e33 ud-ba dug4-ga-dug4-ga34 an dinanna-ta35 e-ga den-ll dnin-ll-l-ta

col. ii36 dikur dingir-mu 37 -ta-g-ta38 usu ma dnanna / dutu-ta39 didigna d -gl-l[a] / dutu-ke440 -ma-mu-ta41 gal-bi -em-mi-ba-al42 ki-sur-ra in-dub libir-mu-43 ka-bi um-mi-tum444 a-gam-ma-bi-45 si-gal -em-mi-s46 a da-r47 -gl m nu-tm-mu48 larsamki kalam-ma-mu-49 -em-mi-gar50 ud didigna 51 d gu-la52 mu-ba-al-la-a53 l-di-e54 e 1 (bariga)-ta55 ninda 2 sla-ta56 ka 4 sla-ta57 2 gn-ta-m58 ud a-a59 ur-gin7 u a-ba-an-ti60 l -l61 l -ta62 ba-ra-b-tuk63 usu ma-da-mu-ta64 kin-bi -em-mi-til65 inim ka-a-bar66 dingir gal-e-ne-ta67 didigna d dagal-la68 ki-bi- -em-mi-gi469 ud ul du-r-70 mu-mu -em-mi-gub

No. 49 MS 3552/2 Pl. XXXVI


Sn-iddinam, mighty male, provisioner ofUr, king of Larsa, 5 king of Sumer andAkkad, king who built E-babbar, the templeof Utu, and restored to their former state therites of the temple of the gods, am I.

10 When An, Enlil, Nanna and Utu be-stowed on me a pleasant reign of justiceand long days, 15 in my great wisdom, pris-tine and pre-eminent, in order to bringfresh water to my city and land, 20 to makemy nature, honour and heroism supremelymanifest to future time, I addressed the fin-est words to An and Enlil. Having con-curred 25 with my steadfast prayer, by theirirrevocable command they charged methat the Tigris be dug and restored to itsformer state, so 30 to establish my name fora long life-span.

Then, by order of An and Inanna, 35 withthe agreement of Enlil and Ninlil, by leaveof Ikur, my god and helper, through the

supreme power of Nanna and Utu, I didthoroughly dig, 40 in my success, the Tigris,Utus river of abundance. Having taken itsintake back to my border, the old bound-ary, 45 I did thoroughly improve its courseas far as its (end in the) marshland. I did es-tablish a permanent water supply and un-ceasing abundance for Larsa and my land.

50 When I dug the Tigris, the great river,the wages of a single man were: sixty litresof barley, 55 two litres of bread, four litresof beer, two shekels of oil such (a ration)was received daily. I let no man 60 have less,no man more.

By the power of my people I did com-plete that task. 65 By the decisive commandof the great gods I did restore the Tigris,the wide river, to its former state. For fu-ture time, in perpetuity, 70 I did establishmy fame.


This is a solid cylinder inscribed in two col-umns with a Sumerian building inscription ofSn-irbam, briefly king of Larsa (18421841).The cylinder is rejoined from two fragmentsand its surface is in poor condition. The build-ing whose reconstruction or repair is com-memorated by the text is the E-babbar, Utustemple in Larsa. The text duplicates lines pre-served on two even-more fragmentary claycones already published and allows for the firsttime their correct attribution. One was exca-vated by William Kelly Loftus at Larsa in 1850and is now in the British Museum. This cone isone of the first Sumerian building inscriptionsever published (as I R 3 no. 9, in 1861), and hashitherto been attributed to Sn-irbams prede-cessor, Sn-iddinam (RIM E4.2.9.7, ed. Frayne1990: 16667). The second exemplar is a piecefrom the shaft of a clay cone or nail acquired bythe Iraq Museum soon after its founding and

published by D. O. Edzard in 1957 (RIME4.2.0.3, ed. Frayne 1990: 32122). In theabsence of a royal name and titulary it couldnot be attributed to any specific reign. The cyl-inder published here reveals that the namehitherto read in l. 7 of the British Museumscone as dsn-i-[di-in-nam] is, in fact, to berestored as dsn-i-[ri-ba-am]. Together the twocones and the cylinder bear witness to the firstmonumental inscription of this king so farknown. Their importance lies not only in thisexpansion of the historical record, but also inthe revelation that Sn-irbam was not the sonof his predecessor, but of an otherwise un-known person called Gae-rabi.

Because this inscription has not previouslybeen reconstructed and the sources are frag-mentary, it is given here in both synoptic(score) and composite transliterations.

Sn-irbam of LarsaNo. 50 MS 4766 Pl. XXXVII

Ms Museum number Place of publicationa MS 4766 here, pl. XXXVIIb BM 30215 (51-1-1, 256) I R 3 no. 9, CT 20 30; RIM E4.2.9.7c IM 5553 Edzard 1957a: 189 and pl. 4; RIM E4.2.0.3

col. i1 a [ ]utu

b d[ ]2 a [ ] pirig-[ ]

b en pirig-[ ]3 a [ ]-gar a[n-n]a t[ak4

?-(x)]b gi!si-gar an-na [ ]

4 a [ ]-kud sig igi-n[im- ]b di-kud sig igi-n[im- ]

5 a lugal -bbbar-rab [l]ugal -[ ]

6 a lugal-a-ni-irb [l]ugal-a-ni-[ ]

7 a dsuen-i-ri-ba-amb dsuen-i-[ ]

8 a nita kalag-gab nita kalag-[ ]

9 a [du]mu ga-eki-ra-bib dumu ga-ek[i- ]

10 a [ ]-a urim5ki-m[a]

b -a uri[m5ki]-m[a]

11 a [lugal] larsamki-mab lugal lars[am ]

12 a [luga]l ki-en-g[i] ki- / ur[i]-ke4b lugal ki-e[n- ] / ki ur[i- ]

col. ii13 a -bbbar

c [ -b]bbar14 a ki-t[u k]i-g!-g-ni

c [ k]i-g-g-[ ]


15 a [] gir17-zal-l[a]- / n[i]c [ gi]r17-zal-la-k[a- ]

16 a mu-na-ni- / [d]c [ ]-na-d[]

17 a [da]g ki-gar ud-u[l] / da-r[i-] c [ ] ki-gar ud-u[l- ] / [ ]-ka-ni [ ]

18 a m[u]-na-an-[ ]c [ ]-an-[ ]

19 a [i]nim sa6-s[a6-ge] / [x]-da!-n[i-]

c [ s]a6-sa6-ge / [x]-da-ni-x20 a d[ ]

c [ ]utu -en-na-[ ]21 a -[ ]22 a ti-la-ni sa6-ga

c [ ]-la ur sa6-[ ]23 a ud-bi -b- / s-ud-d

c [ ] -[ ]- / [s]-ud-d[]

dutu en pirig-[u?] gi!si-gar an-na t[ak4-tak4?]

di-kud sig igi-n[im-ma] 5 lugal -bbbar-ralugal-a-ni-ir dsn(suen)-i-ri-ba-am nita kalag-ga dumu ga-e ki-ra-bi 10 -a urim5

ki-m[a] lugallarsamki-ma lugal ki-en-g[i] ki-ur[i]-ke4 -bbbar ki-tu ki-g-g-ni 15 [] gir17-zal-la-(k[a])-n[i] mu-na-(ni)-d[ da]g ki-gar ud-u[l] da-r[i-] (var. [x]-ka-ni-[x]) m[u]-na-an-[dm? i]nim sa6-sa6-ge [zi]-da-ni-[]

20 dutu -en-na-[l] ti-la-ni sa6-ga ud-bi -b-s-ud-d

For Utu, lord, [fierce(?)] lion, who [drawsback the] bolts of heaven, judge of aboveand below, 5 master of E-babbar, his lord,Sn-irbam, mighty male, son of Gae-ra-bi, 10 provider for Ur, king of Larsa, kingof Sumer and Akkad, built E-babbar, hisbeloved abode, 15 his house of joy. Thebuildings emplacement, (his) foundationof olden times, [in] perpetuity he [con-structed] for him. [For] his fine and[steadfast] deeds may 20 Utu [rejoice] inhim, may he extend the days of his beau-teous life!

3. Cf. a passage of Sn-iddinams literary letterto Utu: tak4 {lal}

gi!si-gar an-ki // tak4 si-gar[an-ki] who draws back the bolt of heavenand earth (Borger 1991: 33 l. 7, OB manu-scripts); and an epithet of Utu in text No. 51below (MS 2983) l. 6: tak4

gisi-gar ul-r.

1921. Cf. the similar prayer in a cone-inscrip-tion of Sn-iddinam (RIM E4.2.9.5: 1921,ed. Frayne 1990: 163): ng-ak-bi- dutu -en-da-l For this deed may Utu rejoice inhim!


Three tablets and a vase fragment in the Schy-en Collection hold copies of Sumerian formalinscriptions from the time of Rm-Sn I, a long-reigning king of Larsa (18221763). Three,Nos. 5153, are votive inscriptions made onbehalf of the king by individuals, and can beadded to the eight such texts already knownfrom this reign and edited by Douglas Frayne(1990: 3029 E4.2.14.23 and 20017). Two arecopies on clay tablets and can be most closelycompared with two similar tablets now in the

Yale Babylonian Collection (RIM E4.2.14.20067). The Yale tablets were purchasedbefore 1919 and are presumed by Frayne tocome from Larsa, probably because many tab-lets acquired by Yale at about the same time arebelieved to derive from that city. Larsa is anobvious candidate for the provenance of thethree tablets now in the Schyen Collection,but other scriptoria within Rm-Sns kingdommay well have produced such tablets.

Rm-Sn I of Larsa

MS 2983 is a tablet inscribed with thirty-fivelines of Old Babylonian cursive cuneiform.5

The last two lines are separated from the fore-going by a ruling, and are more faintly im-pressed, perhaps because they were added laterwhen the clay was already nearly dry.

The structure of the first part of the textresembles a commemorative inscription. Itbegins with the name and elaborate epithets ofa deity (the sun-god Utu), to which is append-ed the dative postposition (ll. 16). The nextstructural element is the self-identification ofthe ruler, Rm-Sn, to whose standard titularyare appended literary phrases that apply to himrelations with the gods conventional in theroyal ideology of the period (717).

The remainder of the text confounds ourexpectation of a commemorative inscription.The next passage describes how Utu, in thecompany of the gods, informs the top-rankingdeities, An and Enlil, that he has chosen Rm-Sn to bring peace and security to his city, Larsa(1824). The following lines seem to continueUtus address but turn from past to future,asserting Rm-Sns obedience and requestingthat his reign be a success (2530). The last fewlines are difficult to decipher and have not yet

yielded connected sense, but it is clear the veryend of the text holds a prayer by Rm-Sn toAn and Enlil soliciting his own continuinggood reputation (3135).

The message of the latter part of the text isthat Rm-Sn was chosen by Utu, that thischoice was endorsed by all the gods, and thatUtu sought the senior gods assurance that hisnominee enjoy a successful reign. In thisrespect it is a composition suited to a formaloccasion such as a coronation. Rm-Sns for-mal accession to power is suspected as the con-text of several hymnic praise-poems thataddress him in the second person (UET VI1026, ed. Steible 1975, Charpin 1986: 273302). However, the titulary used in the presentcomposition does not match that employed ininscriptions from the beginning of Rm-Snsreign, having more in common with the titu-lary of his second and third decades (see thenotes on ll. 7 and 89).

Another occasion must be sought. In thisregard it is significant that Rm-Sns namelacks the divine determinative here (in contrastto texts Nos. 5254), for his chancellery adopt-ed this style in his twenty-second year, proba-bly as a consequence of Larsas recovery of

No. 51 MS 2983 Pls. XXXVIIIXLI

5. I acknowledge with gratitude Nicole Brischscomments on this text and exonerate her frommistakes that persist.


obv.1 dutu en gal kalag!-ga! an--ga ma-an[e?

x x] / i-lim-ma-ni g r-ra ba-kr-k[r-ra]

2 ud5-sag ma kin-gal me ng-nam-ma id-d ng-x x

3 di-kud gal sipa sag-gi6-ga ng-a-na mu sa4-a / dug4-ga-ni nu-km-me

4 x-di zu -g-g-ni di-di r-bi dug4-ga-?

5 n-tar-tar ng-si-s m-m igi-{igi}-k bar-re!

6 tak4 gisi-gar uta-e utu--ta utu--u /

gi-nu11 u[d] g-g lugal-a-ni-ir7 ri-im-dsn(suen) nun g-[u]n gr-ru nibruki

8 -a urim5ki-ma me eriduki-ga u-du7-du7

9 sag-n-tar gr-suki ki-laga!(fiIR.BUR)ki!-a10 -babbar-da n-te-g11 lugal larsamki-ma lugal ki-en-gi ki-uri-

me-en12 sipa u-dug4-ga an

den-ll-l-me-en13 dnin-ur-sag-g ud tu-da-ni-ta / nam dg

tar-ra-me-en14 ul dnanna k-ge pd-da / sipa gi-tuku

dutu15 dKIfi-eri11-gal dingir sag-du-ga-na /m[u]

ma sa4-a me-en16 ur-sag en ka-a-bar ul dutu / a-a sag-gi6-

ga17 ri-im-dsn(suen) lugal!/nun!? -m dug4-ga

/ -ga-na me-en

rev.18 unken dingir-re-e-ne-ka u-mu im-mi-

in-dab519 igi an den-ll-l- u-mu-u[n-de6

?]20 dutu lugal-mu g ba-da-ni-in-d[]21 larsamki uru -tu-da-g -bi dg-[ge-d]22 -dam-didli-bi ki-tu!(tablet: tu-ki)-a tu-

-d / edin br-ra n--d23 ki? [x] x x-g? g-t s-ke g-g-24 -bi [m]u-da-an-g25 ri-im-dsn(suen) l an den-ll-le ng x x x26 inim ng-gi dnanna dutu nu-ta-x (x)27 nam-sipa-mu ma-da dagal-la-g28 gal -g-e29 gigu-za-g larsamki-ka-ma (sic!) / suu-

bi a-ba-gi-n30 gidru-mu-ta! g-d-a-{x}-g / gr-mu-

u[ ]a-ma-ab-gurum-e-d31 lugal kin?/l? ng-ba[l-bal x x x ]x32 x x KA ki ba x[ x ] x x x x x33 x tag?-ga ng-nam? x da? x

------------------------------------------------------34 an-n den-ll-le u? a-ba-gd-d!35 mu sa6-ga-mu igi-dingir-re-e-ne / u4--

u g a-ba-ab-d[]

control over Nippur in his twentieth year(Charpin 1986: 300, 2004: 120 fn. 517). If theepithet that claims his gift of tribute to Enlil (l.7) is grounded in fact, the date of compositionwill fall between his twentieth year and histwenty-second year. The occasion was evi-dently some ritual ceremony at which it wasappropriate to reiterate the ideology of divineselection and mission originally expressed at

Rm-Sns coronation. Because the composi-tion depicts Utu leading Rm-Sn before theassembly of the gods, which was held in theUbu-ukkinna, a court of Enlils cult-centre atNippur, it may be proposed that the ceremonywas a rite in which Rm-Sn presented his giftof tribute to Enlil and was formally recognizedas king at Nippur in consequence.


1 For Utu, great and mighty(!) lord whose [ . . . warms] the livestock(?) from heavens midst, whose radiance is kindled for the teeming people,

2 supreme bellwether, leader (equipped with) control over everything, who counts up . . . ,

3 great judge, shepherd of the black-headed people, all that were ever given name, whose spoken word cannot be altered,

4 who knows . . . , pronounces his commissions, . . .

5 who looks after (matters), making justice grow, watching with a bright eye,

6 who draws back the bolts of the firmament from dawn to dusk, spreading the light of day, his lord,

7 I, Rm-Sn, the prince who delivers tribute to Nippur,

8 provisioner of Ur, who conducts to perfection the rites of Eridu,

9 who takes care of Girsu and Laga,10 who reveres the temple E-babbar,11 I, king of Larsa, king of Sumer and Akkad,12 I, the shepherd chosen by the touch of An

and Enlil,13 I, one given a fine destiny by Ninursag

from the day she bore me,14 I, chosen in the holy heart of the young

hero Nanna, shepherd who obeys Utu,15 called an exalted name by Nergal, the god

who begot me,

16 I, of whom the warrior, expert at making decisions, young hero Utu, father of the black-headed people,

17 said in his heart, Rm-Sn shall be king(?)!:

18 in the gods assembly he took my hand,19 before An and Enlil he did [lead me(?).]20 My lord Utu addressed them:21 To make content Larsa, the city that I

created (lit. to which I gave birth),22 to settle its many villages in (their) abodes,

and make (them) lie freely(?) in the plain,23 to bring harmony to my(?) . . . 24 I hereby do charge him.25 May Rm-Sn, the one . . . by An and

Enlil,26 by the true command of Nanna and Utu,

which cannot be revoked(?),28 solemnly discharge27 the duty of being my shepherd in my

wide land!29 May he secure the base of my throne in

Larsa!30 With my staff may he subdue at my feet

those who take against me!3133 unintelligible34 May An and Enlil extend (their) hands

(in blessing),35 may they daily [pronounce] my name fine

before the gods!

2. For kin-gal (= kingal) with me see the incipitof Rm-Sn F (UET VI 105: 1, ed. Charpin1986: 287): dri-im-dsn(suen) lugal me-nun-nakingal me-sr-ra nam-nun-na sag-l ORm-Sn, king (provided with) the essence ofnobility, leader (equipped with) all powers ofoffice, head held aloft in princeliness.

4. With the end of the line cf. Nabntu V 2: r-dug4-ga = te-e-lum to pronounce, enunciateclearly(?) (courtesy Brisch).

6. I am grateful to C. Wilcke for the readinguta(U+GA)-e, here and in text No. 52: 3,and for references to it in the literature (Civil

1983b: 2378; on U+GA see further Wilcke1987: 103 fnn. 12). As a literary synonym ofan heaven, sky uta-e (or utae, seeHorowitz 1998: 232) is typical of literary textsof Rm-Sins reign, but not exclusive to it. Itappears in his building inscription for Ikurfrom Ur (RIM E4.2.14.1: 6, ed. Frayne 1990:272), his daughter Enanedus inscription fromUr (RIM E4.2.14.20: 5, ed. Frayne 1990:300), and his hymn to the god aya (Rm-Sn B 19, ed. Charpin 1986: 344), but also inother praise poetry (Ibbi-Suen D 7, ed.Sjberg 197071: 146; Ku-Nanna to Nin-


ubur 10, ed. Walker and Kramer 1982: 80;Inanna and An 130, ed. van Dijk 1998: 19;hymn to Nanna N 1542: 6, ed. ETCSLt.4.13.a).

Rm-Sn also uses ud g-g of the moon-god, Nanna-Sn (RIM E4.2.14.11: 5).

7. Rm-Sns usual epithets in relation to Enlilscult-centre are nun n-tuk nibruki princewho reveres Nippur (RIM E4.2.14.2: 10, 3:10, 5: 8, 6: 14), nita n-tuk nibruki man whoreveres Nippur (RIM E4.2.14.4: 8), sipainim sa6-sa6-ge nibru

ki shepherd who doesfine things for Nippur (RIM E4.2.14.8: 11,9: 10, 10: 8), and, nearest to that of thepresent line, nun g-un kr (i.e. guru6?)nibruki prince who bears(?) tribute to Nip-pur (RIM E4.2.14.11: 12, 12: 8, 13: 11, 17:25). The change in these epithets seems toreflect developments in Larsas political rela-tions with Nippur (Frayne 1990: 270).Though the present epithet is new, it is clear-

ly a variant of that exhibited in the inscrip-tions that Frayne places after Rm-Sns twen-tieth year, when Larsa regained control ofNippur.

89. In most examples of Rm-Sns titulary,the epithets relating to these cult-centresplace Eridu after Girsu-Laga and have megi-ur eriduki-ga instead of our me eriduki-ga. The sole exception is RIM E4.2.14. 8:1415, which agrees with our text in both theseparticulars. Frayne places it in years 1420.

22. Other instances of ki-tu(+loc.) . . . tuoccur in the Lamentation over the Destruc-tion of Sumer and Ur 3233 (ed. Michalow-ski 1989: 38). The expression edin br-ra nis a functional equivalent of -sal-la n //Akk. aburr rabum to lie at pasture; cf. alsopargni rabum to lie in meadowland.

24. Note the present-performative function ofthe amu, as in Akkadian.

No. 52 MS 3409 Pl. XLII

This text on a tablet of fourteen lines is a copyof a votive inscription recording a dedication toNingirsu made on behalf of Rm-Sn by ascribe named Ningirsu-uballi. The dedicated

object is a votive arrowhead of bronze. Thekings name has the divine determinative, andso the inscription derives from the middle orend of his reign.

obv.1 dnin-gr-su-ra2 ur-sag l-rim ub-ub-b? / ur-sag

bala gr-ni- g gar-ra3 en ki-r u-ni- si- / ga k-bar! uta-e

t-bi DI4 dKA.DI -[m]a-ni s-s5 lugal lagaki-ra lugal-a-ni-ir6 na[m]-ti dri-im-dsn(suen) lugal larsamki-

ma-[]7 dnin-gr-s--ba-l-i / dumu li-p-it-

ditar(inanna) dub-sar gal? larsamki-[ma-ke4]

8 im-8-ba zabar -ni / an-ub-da lmmu-ba / ng-ki-a sur l-rim l-gig!

rev.9 dnin-gr-su lugal-a-ni-ir / n[g-k]i-a sur

tuk-a10 sag-ki-ni r su-lim ri-a11 ng-z[i]--gl nam-ti-la / pirig a-a

mu4-mu4 / u-ni-ta u-du-a12 sag-tuku inim-gar sa6-ga-ni13 zi-ni ru-ak14 r n-tuku-ni a mu-na-ru


1 To Ningirsu, 2 the warrior who casts downthe wicked, who subdues the rebel mountainranges beneath his foot, 3 the lord into whosehands is given the earth below, who pronounc-es decisions from the firmament above, 4 thegod who achieves the triumph of Itaran, 5 lordof Laga, his lord, 6 for the life of Rm-Sn, kingof Larsa, 7 Ningirsu-uballi, son of Lipit-Itar,chief(?) scribe of Larsa, 14 his humble servant,dedicated 8 his Bronze (arrowhead), Sent Forthon the Eight Winds, that in the four quarters ofthe world saves the creatures of the earth butbears hatred for the wicked, 9 (so that) Ningirsuhis lord, who owns that which saves the crea-tures of the earth, 10 whose brow is imbuedwith fierce awesome radiance, 11 who gives lifeto all living beings, who grasps in his hand alion superbly clad(?), 12 may cause a protectivespirits favourable oracle 13 to preserve his life.

2. Perhaps better ur-sag -bala moun-tain range, rebel land.

3. Reading of the latter part of the line suggest-ed by C. Wilcke. The terms ki-r and uta-e here convey cosmic opposites; for ki-r asa synonym of eretum netherworld seeHorowitz 1998: 276.

4. If correctly read, this line cites the warriorNingirsu as the agent of retribution of thejustice-god Itaran of D2r (much as his coun-terpart Ninurta is avenger of Enlil at Nip-pur?), and provides evidence for a furtherconnection between Itaran and Girsu (seeLambert 197680, Selz 1995: 155).

8. This line evidently denotes the object dedi-cated and the first unit, im-8-ba zabar -ni,can be identified as its name. For zabarbronze as a term for an arrowhead see AaIII/3 202 = Diri I 133: za-barzabar = u-ut-pu.An arrow called Bronze Sent Forth on theEight Winds would make an appropriatevotive offering for the warrior Ningirsu.Elsewhere in Sumerian literature his arrowsare described as ti sr m-a nim-gim gr-dafurious arrows that in battle flash like light-

ning (Gudea Cyl. B xiv 5, see Cooper 1978:15960), and eight winds are ridden byNinurta on his journey into battle against theasag-demon (Lugale 77, ref. courtesy C.Wilcke). The first attribute of Ningirsusarrow also occurs in l. 9, where it is repeatedwith tuk-a; it provides an instance of Sum.sur to save, a meaning that cannot be sub-stantiated from lexical texts but is well esta-blished in first-millennium writing, wherethe Sumerogram sur stands for Akk. eru tosave. In the final phrase, l-gig! is presu-med to be a variant of commonplace ul-gig= zrum to hate; for l(GIfiGIfi = KIB) as awriting of ul wicked see Proto-Ea 643: u-ulGIfiGIfi, Ea IV 208: u-ulKIB = lem-nu.

12. Reading courtesy C. Wilcke, who suggeststhat sag-tuk = mukl ri and draws attentionto Antagal E iv 3': TUKdu-TUKdu = kul-lu ri(sag); Diri I 319: du-ut-tuTUK-TUK = kul-lum ri(sag); etc.

13. The omission of final is clear fromthe parallel inscriptions, No. 53: 30 belowand RIM E4.2.14.23: 35, ed. Frayne 1990:303.


No. 53 MS 3289 Pl. XLIII

This is a copy on a tablet of a votive inscriptionof thirty-five lines, recording a dedication to adeity, probably An, of bronze cups made onbehalf of Rm-Sn by his wife, Rm-Sn-fiala-btau. A subscript notes that there were ninesuch cups, presumably because they all bore theidentical inscription. A very similar votiveinscription of this lady records her dedicationof a stone basin, set up in the main gate of thecourtyard of E-me-urur, Itars temple at Larsa(RIM E4.2.14.23, ed. Frayne 1990: 3023).Lines 1321 of the present text are restoredafter that example. Both dedications weremade for the life of Rm-Sn and his daughter,Lir-gamlum. The kings name is mentionedfirst, as deference dictates, and is prefixed with

the divine determinative. This detail places theinscription in the middle or later decades of hisreign. In both texts the true reason for Rm-Sn-fiala-btaus votive gifts was clearly thepoor health of the daughter. Both inscriptionsrequest relief from the various demons thatafflict her body and eyes, and the text on thebasin also asks that she be spared from bandits.The latter request suggests that the royal house-hold was preparing to send the sick princess ona journey, presumably in the hope that shewould find a cure. Perhaps this entailed a visitto the doctors of Gula, the goddess of healing,in Isin, a city that fell into Rm-Sns hands in1794 BC, the twenty-ninth year of his reign.

obv.1 an-[ra]2 m?-sag a-a dingir-re-e-ne3 [du]g4

?-ga-ni sag-ba DU4 x-k su-lim-ma sa7-ga5 n-gal u ri-a6 nam-tar-tar-ra-na gal-le-e kal7 an-ki-a zag n[u-s]8 dingir u-m-m gi[-tuk]u9 l-n-te-g[-n]a

10 nam-t[i-la . . . ]x11 nam-e-e b-b-tar-re-a12 lugal-a-ni-ir13 dri-im-[ds][n(suen)]- / d[a-la-ba-a]-ta-

[u]14 dam [ki-g]15 [d]ri-i[m-dsn(suen)]16 [dumu-munu]s ds[n(suen)-ma-gir-ke4]17 [munus sun5-na]18 [me-te nam-lugal-la- tm-ma]

rev.19 [nam-ti dri-im-dsn(suen)]20 [lugal larsamki-ma-]21 [ li-ri-i-ga-am-lum]22 dumu-munus-[a-ni]23 zabar-ga zab[ar]24 me-te banur-[ra]25 -mu-d[m]26 -al igi-ni-a zi-zi-i-[d]27 la-ra-a ng-gig-ga si-il-i-d28 -sg su-a-na gl-la-a29 l n nu-te-g-na m-mu-d30 zi-ni ru ak-d31 nam-ti32 li-ri-i-ga-am-lum33 dumu-munus-a-ni34 nam-ti-la-ni-35 a mu-na-ru

------------------------------------------------------------------------36 zabar-ga / ti-i-it

1 [For] An, 2 the bellwether, father of thegods, 3 whose word is their leader, 4 pure. . . , beauteous in splendour, 5 imbuedwith fearsome dread, 6 whose determiningof destiny is very precious, 7 who is unri-

valled in heaven and earth, 8 god who hearsthe benedictions 9 of the one who revereshim, 11 and determines as (his) destiny 10 alife [of long days(?),] 12 her lord, 13 Rm-Sn-fiala-btau, 14 [beloved] wife 15 of


Rm-[Sn, 16 daughter] of Sn-[magir, 17 pi-ous lady, 18 ornament worthy of the royalmajesty, 19 for the life of Rm-Sn, 20 kingof Larsa, 21 and Lir-gamlum, 22 her]daughter, 25 made 23 bronze milk cups, 24 ta-ble ornaments, 26 and, in order to make theaal-disease leave her eyes, 27 to banish thedangers of sickness, 29 to pass on to one

who does not revere him 28 the asag-demonthat is in her body, 30 and to preserve herlife, 35 she dedicated (them) 31 for the life 32of Lir-gamlum, 33 her daughter, 34 and forher own life. 36 Nine milk cups.

1318. Restored after RIM E4.2.14.23: 1317.I have omitted the first-person enclitic me-enbecause in the present inscription Rm-Snswife refers to herself in the third person (seell. 3334).

1922. Restored from RIM E4.2.14.23: 912.3135. The same as RIM E4.2.14.23: 3637 +

39, except that the third person is used, notthe first.

No. 54 MS 3268 Pl. XLIV

A fragment of an alabaster jar incised with aSumerian dedicatory inscription aligned per-pendicular to the base. The inscription recordsone Nawiram-arrs presentation of the jar asa votive gift for the benefit of his lord, KingRm-Sn. The beginning of the text is missing;

it would have identified the deity to whom thejar was given. The absence of any postpositionafter the beneficiarys name (l. 2') suggests thatthe language of this inscription is not Sumerianbut Akkadian, and it is read accordingly.

1' [a-na bal]([nam-t]i) [For the life] of2' [dri-i]m-dsn(suen) [Rm]-Sn,3' rubti([m]u-tm) presented by4' na-wi-ra-am-a-ru-ur Nawiram-arr,5' mri(dumu) qti(ba)-dama(utu) son of Qti-fiama.


Four versions are extant of a Sumerian text thatrecords the building of a palace by Sn-kid,who was king of Uruk in the mid-nineteenthcentury. They occur on large numbers ofbricks, tablets, and cones, and have been editedby Douglas Frayne (1990: 44151 E4.4.1.25;see in addition Spar 1988: 158 no. 115, West-enholz and Eidem 198990: 113 nos. 1012,Sollberger 1990: 5, Owen 1991: 112 nos. 38284, Franke 1992, Cussini 1994, Veenker 1994:126 EM 6, Allred and Gadotti 2007: 1 2.1, Seri2007: 1920 3.41, Hilgert 2008: 17 2.22,Glassner 2009, Robson and Clark 2009: 13

5.45, Lorenz and Schrakamp 2009, Ragavan2010: 45 5.1). Where known, the archaeo-logical provenance of these objects is Uruk,most especially the building thereby identifiedas Sn-kids palace but also elsewhere on thesite. The first to come to notice was a brick sentback to the British Museum by William KellyLoftus in 1850, and published in 1861 as I R 3no. 8.

The Schyen Collection includes a tabletthat is an exemplar of RIM E4.4.1.3 (MS 1880)and two duplicate cones that are exemplars ofRIM E4.4.1.4 (MS 1698/1, 1790).

Sn-kid of Uruk

No. 55 MS 1880 Pl. XLIV

obv.1 dsn(suen)-k-i-id2 nita kalag-ga3 lugal unugki-ga4 lugal am-na-nu-um5 -a 6 -an-na7 -gal

rev.8 nam-lugal-la- / ka-ni9 mu-d

Sn-kid, mighty male, king of Uruk, kingof the Amnnum (tribe), 5 provider for E-anna, built his royal palace.

Nos. 5657 MS 1698/1, 1790 Pl. XLIV

1 dsn(suen)-k-i-id2 nita kalag-ga3 lugal unugki-ga4 lugal am-na-nu-um5 -a -an-na6 ud -an-na7 mu-d-a8 -gal9 nam-lugal-la-ka-ni

10 mu-d

Sn-kid, mighty male, king of Uruk, kingof the Amnnum (tribe), 5 provider for E-anna when he built E-anna 10 he built hisroyal palace.


The Schyen Collection holds blocks cut fromthree bricks stamped with a well-known Sum-erianizing inscription of ammurapi, king ofBabylon (17921750). The text was mostrecently edited by Douglas Frayne (1990: 352E4.3.6.15). The first brick to come to lightbearing this inscription was acquired by EdgarJ. Banks during his expedition to Tell Bismaya,the site of ancient Adab, in 1903 and publishedin 1930. In the 1930s and subsequently severalexemplars were found at nearby Tell Ibzaikh,

ancient Zabalam, and it may be that Bankssbrick came likewise from this site, for theinscription reports ammurapis constructionof E-zi-kalamma, the goddess Itars temple inZabalam. The three exemplars published hereare exact duplicates, except for the loss of thefirst part of l. 1 on MS 4749, and are for this rea-son not transliterated separately. A fourthexemplar, formerly MS 1876/3, was donated in1994 to the British Museum, where it nowbears the registration number 1994-11-8, 1.6

ammurapi of Babylon

6. I owe this information to the kindness of JonTaylor. The brick can be found in the BritishMuseums online research database by searchingfor 1994,1108.1 at http://www.britishmuse-um.org/research.aspx (visited August 2009).

Nos. 5860 MS 1876/1, 1876/2, 4749 Pl. XLIV

1 a-am-mu- / ra-p2 lugal kalag-ga3 lugal4 k-dingir-raki

5 lugal an-ub-da / limmu-ba-ke46 badm7 -zi-kalam-ma8 dinanna9 zabalamki- / ta

Hammurapi, mighty king, king of Baby-lon, 5 king of the four world-regions,builder of E-zi-kalamma, the temple ofItar in Zabalam.

ammurapiarrum dannumarBbilimar kibrtim arbaimbniE-zi-kalammabt Itarina Zabalim

6. The spelling of bni emulates Narm-Snsinscription commemorating an earlier recon-struction of the same temple (see text No. 24:2).


Kurigalzu IINo. 61 MS 3210 Pl. XLV

This is a copy on an oblong clay tablet of acommemorative inscription in archaizing,monumental script. The inscription, in MiddleBabylonian, records the gift of a sword byKurigalzu to the god Ninurta, in return for thegods punishment of an allied force of menfrom the mountains and the city of D2r innortheast Babylonia. Their offence was to per-petrate a massacre of citizens of Nippur in thecourtyard of Ninurtas temple, -sag-dingir-e-ne. This Kurigalzu is identified by his patro-nym, son of Burnaburia, and is accordingly theking of Babylon conventionally designatedKurigalzu II (13321308).

The inscription raises two interestingissues. The first is that the only temple of Nin-urta yet known to have borne the name -sag-dingir-e-ne was in Dr-Kurigalzu, now AqarQuf west of Baghdad. It was identified by stonedoor-sockets found in situ at Aqar Quf andbearing an inscription of one of the Kurigalzus.

That being so, it is strange that citizens of far-away Nippur were massacred in its courtyard.Perhaps the name of Ninurtas new temple atDr-Kurigalzu was borrowed from some oth-erwise unattested shrine of his at Nippur.

The second point is an historical one. Kuri-galzu son of Burnaburia is generally held tohave been a successful monarch. What is re-ported of the political and military history ofKurigalzus reign, in Chronicle P, speaks of warwith Elam, Assyria, and, probably, the Sealand,in battles conducted on the borders of Babylo-nia. It thus comes as a significant piece of infor-mation that an enemy could have formed acombined force of people from the mountains,presumably the Zagros, and from D2r, and suc-cessfully led them all the way to Dr-Kurigalzuor Nippur, there to take over one of the citysholy places and slaughter civilians. It wouldseem that Kurigalzu IIs reign was punctuatedby a least one period of extreme weakness.

obv.1 dnin-urta be-lum a pu-lu-ta2 ez-ze-ta ra-mu-3 sa-pi-in za-i-ri4 a-bu-ba-nu la a-ni-u5 i-ti-in mr(dumu) ma-am-ma-na-ma6 i-i-na lem-na a ad(kur)7 a u-ma la i-u-8 la mu-a-q-ir i-li9 i-tu a-di-u id-ka-a-um-ma

10 um-ma-an de-e-er11 a-na re--ti-u i-u-za-am-maedge12 [i]?-ru-da?-ma i-na ki-sa-al-li13 []a -sag-dingir-e-ne

rev.14 nam-a-ra -e-i-ma15 da-am mr(dumu)me nippuru(nibru)ki

16 ki-ma me-e it-bu-uk17 be-lum ra-bu- dnin-urta gi-mi-il-li18 mr(dumu)me nippuru(nibru)ki a-na tu-ur-ri19 a-di su-ur-ri ul u-ki-is-su-ma20 na-pi-ta-u ki-ma me-e it-bu-uk21 a-na at-tim dku-ri-gal-zu22 mr(dumu) dbur-na-bu-ri-ia-a23 a-na be-l ra-bi-i dnin-urta24 mu-[kil]-lu re-e ar-ru-ti-u25 nam-a-ar ks-pi ru-u-i-i26 si-mat qa-ti-u el-le-e-tiedge27 u!-te!-eb-ni-ma28 i-q-is-su


Against Ninurta, the lord imbued withfierce dread, who lays flat the enemy, aDeluge that does not tire, 5 a certain some-body mobilized a wicked foe in the moun-tains, who had no name and held no godsprecious, and 10 took troops from D2r to behis allies, and sent (them), and had (them)draw blades in the courtyard of E-sang-dingirene, and spilled like water 15 theblood of Nippurs citizens.

In order to avenge the citizens of Nip-pur, the great lord Ninurta immediately al-lowed him no pardon but 20 spilled his life-(blood) like water.

Because of this, Kurigalzu, son of Burn-aburia, had fashioned for the great lordNinurta, who holds his rule in honour, 25 adirk of reddish silver, worthy of his purehands, and bestowed it on him.

4. Ninurta is commonly described as abbu aDeluge (Annus 2002: 123). This is the firstattestation of abbu with infixed -n-. Thefunction of the infix in this case is uncertain,perhaps sometimes diminutive (GAG 56r),though that is not a probable explanationhere.

5. For itn as an indefinite article, typicallyused to introduce anonymous persons, seeGeorge 2003: 186.

19. I read ukssma from ku, lit. he did notallow (anyone) to show him mercy. For thisnuance of ku see the synonym list Malku V8687: a-za-ru to forgive = re-e-mu to takepity, ka-a-u to show mercy.

24. Note the literary construct state in final -u.25. On the practice of dedicating swords and

other weapons as votive offerings, see Rad-ner and Kroll 2006.

No. 62 MS 1988 Pl. XLVI

This is an eye-stone dedicated by Kurigalzu tothe minor god Mr-bti. It is of a common sort:a lenticular disc of agate, white around a brownpupil, bearing a three-line inscription incisedon the pupil. The form and function of suchstones has been studied by W. G. Lambert,who cites many such objects bearing inscrip-tions of Kurigalzu (Lambert 1969). The first ofKurigalzus eye-stones to gain attention wasacquired by the British Museum in 1866 andpublished in 1887 (Brinkman 1976: 226Q.2.79); others are scattered in museums acrossthree continents. As objects of beauty, and per-haps talismanic value, eye-stones were passeddown through the ages and often ended up farfrom their original places of use. Thus thearchaeological provenances, where known, ofKurigalzus eye-stones range from Babylonia(Nippur, especially the hoard of stone and glassartefacts found in area III) and Assyria (Aur)

to Luristan (Surkh Dum); see further Brinkman1976: 22527 Q.2.7489. Some eye-stones ofKurigalzu identify him by patronym as Kuri-galzu, son of Burnaburia, i.e., the secondking of this name, and it is probable that allstem from Kurigalzu IIs reign. H. Waetzoldthas published a piece that adds to the gemstonesattributable to this king, a pierced onyx beaddedicated to Enlil by Kurigalzu lugal r tur(Waetzoldt 2001). The epithet puzzled him. Asolution he did not consider is to read Kurigalzuar kiati eru K., king of the world, theyounger, a style that distinguishes him fromhis predecessor Kurigalzu I. Indeed, Kurigalzue-e-ru K. the younger is how the son ofBurnaburia is known in the synchronistic his-tory (CT 34 38 i 16, 18, ed. Grayson 1975: 159).

Those of Kurigalzus published eye-stonesthat bear dedications to deities cite the godsEnlil, Ninlil, Ninurta, Adad, Nuska, and Mar-


duk. The present stone, which is dedicated tonone of these, is thus a slender addition to ourknowledge of this kings pious works. Therecipient, Mr-bti, bears a generic name, Sonof the House, given to divine sons who residewith their father. In the second millennium thisname occurs only on the twelfth-centuryboundary stone that records NebuchadnezzarIs grant of land to fiitti-Marduk, where it is anepithet of the snake-god (BBSt 6 ii 49, ed. King1912: 36): dMUfi ilu(dingir) u-pu-u mr(dumu)bti() a urude-e-er Nira, pre-eminent god,Son-of-the-House of D2r. By implication ofthe epithet, Nira should be the son of Itarn,the chief deity of D2r. Nira occurs also as amember of the temple-household of Itarn in

scholarly lists (McEwan 1983: 21819, addCavigneaux 1981: 87 ll. 7277), and in aboundary stone of Nazi-Marutta that invokeshim as Itarans messenger (MDP II 19 iv 23,ed. Scheil 1900: 91 and pl. 17: dMUfi ip-ru adKA.DI). Mr-bti of D2r is well known in first-millennium sources, as are Mr-bti of Babylonand Borsippa (Krebernik 1989). Another Mr-bti probably resided in Nergals temple at M-Turnat (see below, text No. 78: 21). Outsidescholarly lists, the epithet Mr-bti had by thistime displaced the snake-gods true name atD2r. Kurigalzus eye-stone pushes knowledgeof one or other of the gods called Mr-bti backa further two centuries.

1 {a} dmr(a)-bti() (On) Mr-bti2 ku-ri-gal-zu Kurigalzu3 in-na-ba bestowed (this).

1. The superfluous a can be explained as a falsestart by a stone-cutter who at first thought hewas going to incise an Akkadian inscription

on the pattern a-na DN RN iq, but thenchose instead to write his text in the Sumer-ian style, with no preposition.


This is a small limestone tablet in portrait for-mat. The surface of the obverse is destroyed butthree lines of text survive on the reverse, theremainder of which is blank. They are all thatremains of a Sumerian building inscriptioncommemorating the reconstruction or repairof an unidentified temple. The style and struc-ture of the inscription place its date in the latethird millennium or the early second, and itsoriginal provenance as southern Mesopotamia.The use of stone-cutters script provides nohelp in refining the date paleographically, andthe absence of the names of the royal builder(RN in the reconstructed translation), the tem-ple (TN), and the deity who resided there(DN) means that other evidence must be citedin considering a more exact time and place oforigin.

The sole aid remaining to us is phraseology.The temple epithet ki-tu k ki-g-g-ni,which comprises the bulk of the surviving text(rev. 12), is one deployed by mid-nineteenth-century kings of Larsa, e.g. Nr-Adad, whouses it of Enkis cult-centre at Eridu (RIME4.2.8.5: 12), and Sn-iddinam, who applies itto Utus E-babbar at Larsa (RIM E4.2.9.9: 11).The same expression, but without k, isemployed by Sn-irbam of the E-babbar atLarsa (above, No. 50: 14) and by Sn-iqam ofNingizidas sanctuary at Ur (RIM E4.2.11.2:910: [] ki-tu [ki]-g-ni). Somewhat laterRm-Sn so describes many of the sacred build-ings he and his father Kudur-mabuk recon-structed or repaired in Larsa, Ur, and othercities of the realm: ki-tu ki-g-g-ni (RIME4.2.14.2: 15; 3: 15; 4: 13; 6: 26; 8: 30; 9: 41; 10:42). Probably this stone tablet should beascribed to one or other of these rulers of Larsa.

Unattributed Inscriptions on StoneNo. 63 MS 4981 Pl. XLVI

obv. destroyedrev.

1 ki-tu k[]2 ki-g-g-ni-e3 mu-na-d

[For DN . . . , RN . . . ] built [TN] to behis beloved sacred dwelling place.


This is a fragment of dense black stone, from astatue or other large monument, with theremains of three columns of text inscribed onthe flat surface. The right-hand column holdsan Akkadian translation of the Sumerian text ofthe middle column, so that it is certain oneshould read left to right and that the left-handcolumn will hold an Akkadian translation ofthe column to its left, now missing entirely(col. i(a)'). No bilingual monumental inscrip-tion in parallel columns is known from thethird millennium and it seems likely that thefragment is from the second millennium. Thesurviving content is a statement in the first per-son, in which an unidentified figure, no doubta king, reports in col. i' how he was chosen togovern the country (as restored here), and incol. ii' how a plural subject, perhaps fiama andAdad, the gods of divination, rewarded his fair-ness with wisdom. It is, therefore, part of acommemorative inscription that included ide-ological narrative, or perhaps a fragment of aself-laudatory hymn of the kind popular withkings of the first part of the second millennium.

The Sumerian of this piece is of a style andquality consistent with the era of ammurapiand Samsuiluna of Babylon. Its medium andformat are shared with many small fragments ofa Sumero-Akkadian bilingual inscription ondiorite that were excavated at Ur by SirLeonard Woolley in 1927 and published by C.J. Gadd as UET I 146 (Gadd and Legrain 1928:4446, pls. 3435 and Q; see Reade 2002: 291no. 30). Similar pieces were acquired by theYale Babylonian Collection at about the sametime and published by Ferris J. Stephens asYOS IX 3961 (Stephens 1937: 14 and pls. 16

20); they, too, probably came from Ur. Moresuch fragments were found at Ki between1818 and 1929.

The three sets of fragments from Ur andKish are booked together by the Royal Inscrip-tions of Mesopotamia project as RIME4.3.6.20, i.e. ammurapi inscription no. 20(Frayne 1990: 357). Douglas Frayne there not-ed Marten Stols proposal that UET I 146 iiiivalludes to an event late in the reign of ammu-rapi, reported further possible parts of the Urmonument (or monuments) in London andChicago, but did not edit any of the fragmentsbecause their self-laudatory content is morehymnic than commemorative.

A fourth contemporaneous monumentalinscription in parallel bilingual columns is rep-resented by a piece of statuary acquired by theBritish Museum in 1877 and published by L.W. King (King 1898: 10817 no. 60, CT 214042; photograph Reade 2002: 290 no. 28); acopy of the text was found in the library of thetemple of fiama at Abu Habba, showing that itwas still the subject of academic study in Neo-Babylonian Sippar (Fadhil and Pettinato 1995).Because it contains text addressed in the secondperson to ammurapi, as well as references tohis achievements in the third person, this com-position has usually been identified as a hymnto that king (e.g. Hecker 1989: 72627; Wasser-man 1992). The self-laudatory fragment MS3269, with its first-person references, is unlike-ly to be a piece of this fourth inscription, but itcould very well belong to one or other of theother three monuments, or it may be of sepa-rate origin.

No. 64 MS 3269 Pl. XLVI

col. i(a)' col. i(b)'1' [ . . . ] [ma-tam? be?]-lam to [rule(?) the land, etc.]2' [ . . . ] [-wa-a]-e- / [ra-an-n]i [he] commissioned me.3' [ . . . ] [ . . . -an-n]i? [ . . . ] me(?).4' [ . . . ] [ . . . ]x-nu- / [x (x) ]x


col. ii(a)' col. ii(b)'0' [dutu?] [dama?] [fiama(?)]1' [di]kur [dadad] and Adad2' [ng-s]i-s- / mu- a-na m[i-a-ar]- / t[i-ia] loved me for 3' ki ma-an-g- / e-m i-[ra-mu]- / n[i-in-ni] my righteousness,4' gtug / silim-ma-[bi] [uz-ni-ia / i-na u-ul-mi?] [and] opened my ears5' gl m[u-un- / tak4-e] [-pa-at- / tu-] on [their] greeting(?).

ii' 2'. While ng-si-s is usually translated bymarum, the traces cannot be m[i-a]-r[i-ia], soit is proposed to restore the rarer martum.

No. 65 MS 3028 Pl. XLVII

This is a large fragment of dense black stone,deriving from the curved part of a statue orother monument. It holds the text of an inscri-ption in post-Old Babylonian Sumerian, ofwhich the remains of three columns survive.The surviving text of col. i' refers to Ninurta,the warrior-god of Nippur, in relation to hisfather Nunamnir (Enlil) and mother (Ninlil).Col. ii' twice mentions his parents as a pair, thesecond time in connection with the determin-ing of destinies in Ubu-ukkinna, the court ofthe divine assembly in E-kur, Enlils temple atNippur. The third surviving column, which isthe last, has as its subject the supply of rain and

irrigation water, which bring fertility to thearable land. In its subject matter, the organiza-tion of the natural world by the gods, the texthas much in common with the shattered frag-ments of Kurigalzus diorite statue from AqarQuf (Dr-Kurigalzu), edited first by SamuelNoah Kramer (1948, 1969), and latterly byNiek Veldhuis (2008b). In particular, both textscontain repeated mentions of the divine pairEnlil and Ninlil. As inscribed artefacts, how-ever, they are dissimilar, for Kurigalzus frag-ments employ a much narrower column and amuch shorter line.

col. i'1' . . . g]ar?

2' [dnin-u]rta3' [dnu-n]am-nir- / e4' [us]u-ma / [nam-]ul-la5' [ k-g]e-ni- / [pd]-da6' [en5-si] gal7' [ki-]g8' [ama tu-ud-d]a- / [n]a9' [dnin-l]l

gap

col. ii'1' [x (x) ]x-u2' [x x]-e-ne3' [x i]m-dugud-e4' [x-i]n-gilim-a-ba5' x ta den-ll 6' dnin-ll-ba-ke47' igi-du8' su-bi-a / ka s-gi49' ki si-ig-ga-a

10' ad gi4-gi4- / gi4-da


11' inim diri-bi / ta-e12' ba-an-gi413' den-ll14' dnin-ll-ba15' u ti-g-e16' nam-tar-ra zi-bi17' ub-u-ukkin-na18' [me] al-a-da19' [x] gal- / [ne]-ne-er20' [x (x) x ]xgapcol. iii'1' x[ . . . ]2' im-[x (x) x]3' a k[i? x x] / dul-x[ x]4' ki-bi i[m-x x]5' KA g[ x]6' a-gr-a-g[r-]7' im-g-im-[g]8' r ur-sag-g[]- / ta9' a zi-zi DUMU

10' d-da d-e / ta-[e]

11' a- ab-s[n-na]12' a u-t[a x]13' l [x (x) x] / [(x) x]14' suku[d? x (x) x]remainder uninscribed

i' . . . ] 2' Ninurta, 5' [chosen] 4' for supremestrength and might 3' by Nunamnir, 6' chief[farmer], 7' beloved of 8' [ the mother who]bore him, 9' Ninlil [ . . .

ii' 5' . . . of Enlil 6' and Ninlil, 7' (with) anaudience gift 8' to comfort(?) them, 9' in aquiet place 10' giving counsel, 11' addinggenerously(?) 12' he responded. 13' Enlil 14'and Ninlil, 15' having accepted this, 20' [de-termined] 16' his true destiny 19' for theirgreat [ . . . ] 17' in Ubu-ukkinna 18' [wherethe ordinances] are allotted . . .

iii' . . . 9' bringing(!) 7' rains 6' [to] themeadowland, (and) 9' floodwaters 8' fromthe mountain flanks, 10' increasing the riv-ers flow, 12' [dispensing] water 11' on fieldand furrow, . . .

ii' 17'18'. The epithet me al-a(l) whichallots the mes is attached also to the Ubu-ukkinna of Babylon, as recorded in Tintir II16' (ed. George 1992: 52): ub-u-ukkin-name-zu-al-al-la.

iii 9'. I assume the sign DUMU here is phoneticfor tm-mu bringing.


MS 3270 is a fragment of dense black stoneequipped with one flat surface but otherwiserough. The broken surface is somewhat smooth,as if worn by much handling or eroded by theaction of water. The flat surface is divided intwo horizontally by a slightly curved groove,deeply incised. Below the groove, to the leftand extending to the left edge, is a rectangle lessdeeply incised and divided horizontally into atwo-section case suitable for a two-line epi-graph. In the upper section are engraved fourcuneiform signs in good monumental script,but in mirror writing. They can be read as theAkkadian word me-lu-le-tum games. Thelower section is blank. Outside the case are twoisolated cuneiform signs, also in mirror writing.In the middle of the fragment, just above thedeep horizontal groove, is a sign that resemblesen. Below the groove, about midway betweenthe right edge and the case, is the sign tum. Thehead of a single wedge is incised above it and tothe right, near where the horizontal groovemeets the right edge.

It is impossible to determine whether theperson who engraved this curious fragmentlived in antiquity or in a more recent age, butthere is reason not to dismiss it outright as afake. Mirror writing on stone is a practice thathas no obvious functional context in ancientMesopotamia, except in the manufacture ofseals. Mirror writing on stone objects otherthan seals is not unknown, however. A smallrectangular piece of limestone acquired before1910 by the Royal Ontario Museum is in-scribed in mirror writing with part of a Sume-rian poem in praise of Rm-Sn of Larsa(Frayne 1989). It so happens that two othercopies of this passage are known, both alsoinscribed on small stone objects but neither inmirror writing. One is a little agate tabletdonated to the Yale Babylonian Collection in1929 (YOS IX 72, publ. Stephens 1937: 17 andpl. 27). It was so unique as to be suspected as afake, but the situation changed with David I.Owens subsequent discovery in the Free

Library of Philadelphia of a stone vase bearingthe same passage (Owen 1976).

Owen was undecided whether the inscrip-tions on the Philadelphia and Yale pieces wereengraved in ancient or modern times but didnot doubt that they are an authentic excerptfrom an ancient composition, now otherwiselost (Owen 1976: 352). Fraynes piece led himto suggest that the text was a hymn to An com-posed for Rm-Sns sake (Frayne 1989: 183).Stone tablets and vases are strange objects onwhich to find a passage of such a text, whetherengraved in regular script or in mirror writing.Old Babylonian royal praise poetry is normallyfound on clay tablets, but several fragments ofstatues bear hymnic compositions of ammu-rapi of Babylon (see above on No. 64), andthere is indirect evidence that such monumentswere made also for kings of Isin (Ludwig 1990:6769, Tinney 1995: 7, Westenholz 2005: 34748). The format of a praise poem of Sn-iddi-nam of Larsa on clay, set out in short lines as aKurzzeilentext, suggests that it was originallyengraved on a stone monument (Brisch 2007:71 Sn-iddinam B).

If one accepts the notion that there wasalready in early second-millennium Babyloniaa tradition of engraving royal praise poetry onstatuary, an obvious explanation arises for theexistence of the three small stone pieces thathold a passage of an otherwise lost text of Rm-Sn: they derive as spoil from a location inwhich a genuine monumental text of this kingwas copied for engraving practice. If the piecesare ancient, they probably come from a sculp-tors workshop where statues of Rm-Sn werefashioned and equipped with inscriptions. Ifmodern, their provenance might be anywherein southern Babylonia where such things arefound. But because no statue or other objectbearing this text of Rm-Sn has come to light,the modern scenario is less convincing than theancient.

Given the prevalence of objects from Rm-Sns kingdom in the Schyen Collection, it isquite possible that the present fragment derives

No. 66 MS 3270 Pl. XLVIII


from the same workshop as the tablets and vasejust discussed. Both it and the Toronto stonecan be envisaged as practice pieces cut byapprentice stone-cutters learning how to re-

produce monumental script in mirror writing,in preparation for employment in the manufac-ture of cylinder seals.

A Commemorative Inscription on a JarNo. 67 MS 4759 Pl. XLVIII

A sherd from a large jar is inscribed with a ded-icatory inscription in Sumerian style. The useof /me/ as a nominal suffix (l. 4) indicates thatthe inscription is post-Ur III in date. The writ-ing is large and confident, and executed in ascript that, while elaborate, is not inconsistentwith a date in the Isin-Larsa period. The textrecords the presentation of the jar to a goddnin-ubur, who is clearly here considered mas-culine (l. 2: lugal). When fema

Documents

Other Second-Millennium Royal And