Open Letter From the TPR to PO_s XXI Congress and CRFI_s International Secretariat

7/31/2019 Open Letter From the TPR to PO_s XXI Congress and CRFI_s International Secretariat

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DEFENDAMOS A LA COORDINADORA POR LA REFUNDACIN DE LA CUARTA INTERNACIONAL

In defence of the Coordinating Committeefor the Refoundation of the Fourth International (CRFI)

Price: U$S 3 // 2


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Only 24 hours before the beginning of the XXI Congress, Jorge Altamira have just started a public

attack against the Coordinating Committee for the Refoundation of the Fourth International (CRFI),

coordinating committee which the Partido Obrero itself built in 2004 after decades of political struggle

defending the IV International. Altamira attacketd the EEK and the CRFI because they didnt vote for the greek

popular front, Syriza, in the last greek elections: this happens while he never stated publicly and expressly

that EEK and CRFI had to vote for Syriza before the elections. Altamira wants his taunts to be supported by

the XXI Congress of Partido Obrero. This way, he leaps and goes ahead in his dissolvent offensive against

PO itself and CRFI that has been developing since 2009, when he started the anti-capitalist turn of the Central

Committee (CC) of the PO. Now, he makes a new heeling and pretends to lead PO and the CRFI from the

bankrupted anti-capitalism to the popular front, which is experiencing an electoral rise across Europe.

From the TPR we call all members of the Partido Obrero and CRFI to set out that you should take part

strongly against Altamiras provocation and vote against supporting Syriza, relaunching CRFIs international

activity to intervene in front of the anti-capitalist left bankruptcy under the rise of popular front and in the Arab

Revolution which is nowadays in course.

THE BANKRUPTCY OF THEANTI-CAPITALIST LEFT UNDER

THE RISE OF THE POPULAR FRONTALTAMIRA, PO AND THE ARGENTINIAN LEFT

FRONT HAVE TO CHOOSE: CRFI OR SYRIZA?

In contrast, however,with the opportunity that this political

shiftoffered, therevolutionaryleftofdifferentnuancesdid theswan

songofsectarianism. Itdidntjoin thevotetoSyriza, withits own

programandeven thedenounceofSyrizascapitulatingpositions,

and italsodidntjoin, therefore, to the fundamentalbattle for

theconquestofthecommunistpartysvotersandmilitants,and

for the breaking of this counterrevolutionaryapparatus. Itwas

ignoredbythemassestheworstthingthatcouldhappeninapre-revolutionaryperiod.Itsank to0,3%ofthevoters (evenworse

thanthe1,5%obtainedamonthago).Thosewhodenouncethe

PartidoObreroofcolor-blindness havemissedtheopportunity

tocapitalizeallthevariationstherainbowoffers.Sectarianism

andself-praise are as harmful, in this stage, as opportunism

andclass collaboration

(PrensaObrera N 1229

Leading article: Vivael XXI Congreso del PO)

The factthat inGreecethere

isaleftwhichneverpassedt

he5%

ofthevoteandthatisnow

going

towintheelections,andth

atthe

entireEuropeistremblingbe

cause

ofthis,istheconrmatio

nthatthis

bookhasbeenalreadyoverc

ame

JorgeAltamira, about his

book,

The rise ofthe left unde

rthe

capitalistbankruptcy

(ElDiario,06.12.2012)


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4 THE BANKRUPTCY OF THE ANTI-CAPITALIST LEFT UNDER THE RISE OF THE POPULAR FRONT

ALTAMIRA:

WITH THE EUROPEAN LEFT PARTYAGAINST THE CRFIGREECE: THE OPPORTUNIST ALTAMIRA WITH SYRIZA AND AGAINST CRFI

How does Altamira justify his attack against the

CRFI? In the leading article of Prensa Obrera N

1229, entitled Long live to the XXI Congress of the

Partido Obrero, Altamira says that Greece, as Egypt,revealed a fundamental category of this process of

crisis: category of turn, namely the sudden shift of the

political scenario and, above all, the masses, and, as a

result, the emergency of the question of power. Despite

the centrist and reformist character of the forces that

integrate Syriza (between centrists and reformists), the

masses were dragged by the economy and the States

crisis towards a left government alternative, which

was characterized by all imperialist foreign ministries

as the end of Europe. The situation was saved by

the capitals last bastion, the communist party, which

subtracted the 3% of the votes needed for a victoryof the left, even though that party (the one with the

greater weight within the working class) lost in the way,

in Syrizas favor, the 60% of its voters. The worldwide

revolutionary left must take note: we arent, its true, in

the eve of the social revolution, but we are in the eve of

its anteroom: the sudden turn of the political scenario

and the displacement, also sudden, of the masses

towards the left. A pre-turn situation only means that

the procession is already marching in, and to detect it,

its only needed to put the ear nearer to the workers. In

contrast, however, with the opportunity that this political

shift offered, the revolutionary left of different nuancesdid the swan song of sectarianism. It didnt join the vote

to Syriza, with its own program and even the denounce

of Syrizas capitulating positions, and it also didnt join,

therefore, to the fundamental battle for the conquest

of the communist partys voters and militants, and for

the breaking of this counterrevolutionary apparatus. It

was ignored by the masses the worst thing that could

happen in a pre-revolutionary period. It sank to 0,3% of

the voters (even worse than the 1,5% obtained a month

ago). Those who denounce the Partido Obrero of color-

blindness have missed the opportunity to capitalize all

the variations the rainbow offers. Sectarianism and self-praise are as harmful, in this stage, as opportunism and

class collaboration.

Altamira, without saying it directly, is attacking EEKs

policy, the revolutionary party that is the Greek section

of the CRFI. The EEK called to vote Antarsya in the last

elections (as we, the TPR, also did, as it is documentedin our Open Letter to the EEK and the CRFI dated the

10th of June 2012, which can be read in the following

link: http://tpr-internet.blogspot.com.ar/2012/06/

greek-elections-open-letter-from-tpr-to.html). It did it

opposition to the reformist and popular-frontist nature

of Syriza, and after it was not allowed to stand for

elections with its own electoral list. This position was

publicly supported by the DIP from Turkey (its position

can be read in this link: http://dip.org.tr/index.php/

yazlar/item/1439-yunanistan%E2%80%99da-oyumuz-

sosyalistlere) and Finnish MTL (its position can be

read in the following links: http://mtl-.org/2012/06/18/the-17-june-elections-in-greece/ and http://mtl-.

org/2012/06/26/kreikan-vaalitulos-vain-karjistaa-

ristiriitoja/), both national sections of the CRFI.

Altamira, on the contrary, was attering Syriza all the

previous period but avoiding setting explicitly a political

position about whom had to be voted. He even wrote

that the perspective of a left government should be

supported against the right, denouncing the nature,

that is the strategic boundaries of that left, and without

promising support to that government. With these

specications and demarcations, the electoral triumphof the left in Greece would represent an enormous step

forward in the political situation of the masses and an

increase of the eld of action for the revolutionary left

(Prensa Obrera, 31/5/2012). And he even stated that I

am convinced that if Syriza assumes ofce it will cancel

the memorandum (interview to Altamira published by

ArgenPress, 06.05.2012). But if for Altamira the triumph

of Syriza increased the eld of action of the revolutionary

left and implied the cancellation of the memorandum,

why did he avoid a public political struggle before the

elections in order to get EEK (and even Antarsya) call to

vote Syriza? Only an incurable sectarian would not call

voting for an option he considers absolutely progressive

in the political situation. And it cannot be raised as

an excuse that he didnt do it in order to defend the


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5IN DEFENCE OF THE COORDINATING COMMITTEE FOR THE REFOUNDATION OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL (CRFI)

THE CRFI WAS BUILT FIGHTING AGAINSTTHE EUROPEAN LEFT PARTYTHE CRFI ABOUT POPULAR FRONT LEFT AND CENTER-LEFT: RECYCLING OFSTALINISM, LEFT GOVERNMENT TO MANAGE THE CAPITALIST CRISIS, APOLITICAL RESOURCE OF THE IMPERIALIST BOURGEOIS, GRAVEDIGGER OF THE

INDEPENDENT ACTION OF THE WORKING CLASS

AGAINST THE CRFI, ALTAMIRA CELEBRATES THE POPULAR-FRONTISTSFROM THE EUROPEAN LEFT PARTY AS THE RISE OF THE LEFT

Altamiras position about Syriza is part of an

overall shift, through which he is taking a huge

step forward from anti-capitalism towards direct

sympathies with the European popular-frontism. This

has been expressed also in the French elections, in

the article entitled France: the lefts rise (Prensa

Obrera, 12/4/2012), referring to the electoral growth

of the French Left Front, leaded by Mlenchon

and composed by French Communist Party and

elements from the Socialist Party. In July 2010, in a

political statement of the International Secretariat

of the CRFI it was already stated a characterizationabout Die Linke (The Left, from Germany), similar

to the one about Syriza as it was afrmed that an

especial case of the European democratic left could

be represented by Die Linke, but not because it has

an imperialism-independent policy, as it integrates

bourgeois governments in several States. The

particular characteristic of Die Linke is that it has

opened a hope of change in a part of the working

class and even in the union bureaucracy which is

dissatised with the SPD (Socialist Party) and the

majority of union apparatus. It is placed as a way

station of the masses discontent. Under this kind of

pressures, a party as Die Linke could radicalize itself

and develop revolutionary trends. This possibility puts

in the agenda the claim to Die Linkes complete break

up with the regional bourgeois governments and its

mobilization for the retreat of the austerity plans and

the demand for a workers government.

All these opinions about Syriza, the French Left Front

and Die Linke imply a change in the characterization

of the CRFI about the democratizing and popular-

frontist left. From now on, according to Altamira, the

left which is integrated to the capitalist regimen, could

be a way to develop a popular intervention against

capitalists bankruptcy. Its not the characterization the

CRFI has been historically defending.

democratic centralism of the CRFI, which has been

harmed carelessly as the XXI congress of the PO was

called with completely hostile conclusions against

CRFI itself. His belated call only can match with his

aim to dissolve CRFI behind the popular front left.

At the same time, why is he now comparing the

comrades who vote for Antarsya with the KKE when

he says that sectarianism is as harmful as class

collaboration, and he didnt do it before? Altamiras

attitude can only be qualied as a huge evidence of

opportunism: with fait accompli he is looking forward

to adapt himself to the winner against his own

comrades. Thats why, among his conclusions he

doesnt appoint the fact that the EEK couldnt stand

for the election, and he reduces the revolutionary

left to Antarsya, which reached 0,3%, when it is an

anti-capitalist and centrist coalition. Altamira had

attacked the EEK before in Prensa Obrera when hestated that the Greek left must use the revolutionary

program not to justify isolation, but to overall- break

the marginality and play a political leading role,

insinuating that Savas Matsas uses the program as

an excuse to continue isolated. Jorge Altamira is

showing an unprecedented hostility against CRFI.

This is not a minor point, because the CRFI

was built defending certain positions during

years, and today its major national section (the PO)

is revising them completely. So, the CRFI has to

process a political debate and be politicaly positioned

to intervene correctly in the world political framework,

which must start from a conclusion about CRFIs

own positions and Altamiras positions nowadays,

in contrast with the real development of the political

struggle and the world capitalist bankruptcy.


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We have already seen succinctly Altamiraspositions: lets see now the positions stated historicallyby the CRFI (and PO itself) about the popular-frontist European left.

In the rst place, it is necessary to point that theEEK had predicted the political possibility of a leftgovernment starred by Syriza, stating the following:As the ruling class is losing the control of the chaoticsituation, there are all kind of sceneries for a nationalsalvation government, or even for a governmentwhich includes the left, the position of our Congressis quite clear: we ght inexibly in order to defeat any

bourgeois government of any political color, includinga collaborator government of the center-left whichfeign to be a new and popular ruling coalition more

or less leftist (proposed by Syriza). We are absolutelyagainst the Antarsyas position, that is proposing anopposition position of popular pressure from themasses and popular blackmailing towards a left ofcentre-left government coalition, in order to obtainradical changes that could open the path to an anti-capitalist revolution (!) (EEKs XI Congress, PrensaObrera, 09.27.2011).

Already this year, little time before Syriza experiencedits electoral rise, the EEK stated that: The worst isthat this proposal about a center-left coalition opens

the way to a sort of center-left or left governmentthat will try to manage the capitalist crisis and thebourgeois power crisis, once two-party or multi-partygovernments, as the duet ND-PASOK, and its center,lose support (Declaration from EEKs CC, publishedin www.po.org.ar, 03.24.2012).

All these positions were published in the PrensaObrera without any criticism of Altamira himself.

The same happened regarding the French situation.The French Left Front issue is central because it has

played as a factor to boost the anti-capitalist leftsdissolution in the interest of the Socialist Party (PS)itself, which has won the elections recently.

About this, the Partido Obrero set the followingposition in its newspaper: in France, the centrist leftlike NPA, repeated an scheme which was alreadyset without fortune by the MAS when Menem won: tosuppose that the bourgeoisie can run out of politicalresources in a critical situation, without being necessarythat the revolutionary left defeats it by a mercilesspolitical struggle. It can be argued a lot around the

Left Front, the Mlenchons candidacy (he is the LeftParty chief) and the role of the Communist Party. But itshould be obvious that the Left Front is a conservative,bureaucratic and stagnant force. The talks it develops

in order to reach an electoral agreement with the PS,in 2012, dominate any other attempt. Some sectors ofthe NPA are noticeably interested in the Left Front andthe leadership core denies to break the bridges thatlink them with this new sort of unity which serves abourgeois alternative (Prensa Obrera, 03.03.2011).In the same line, a few months before, the PrensaObrera stated: The delimitation with the Left Front isfundamental and has to be raised. A left governmentthat won the 2012 elections (or a national unity before,if the crisis speeds up) appears as a political resourceof the imperialist bourgeoisie, given how the politicalregime is displayed and the place of the SocialistParty. The Left Front is going to intervene in thisoption and it already collaborates, as has just beenseen in the recent Communist Party congress- as a

necessary part, inside or outside the coalition and thegovernment. Therefore, it is not enough to state theneed of the independence towards the PS and PCand denounce a reformist government as the base ofdisagreements with the majority. It has to be indicatedthe opposition towards this political alternative, not onlythe characterization of the PS but even of the PC andof the anti-liberal left, French sort of the democratizingleft, gravedigger of the independent action of theworking class and exploited. The revolutionaryorientation and class struggle is to work and build in

the opposite direction of the lefts unity (PrensaObrera, 08.12.2010).

Can it be qualied as the lefts rise, the electoral

rise of the gravediggers of the independent action ofthe working class and the exploited, of the conservativeand steadfastly bureaucrats, who are a bourgeoisalternative and a political resource of the imperialistbourgeoisie?

And nally, about Die Linke, the comrade Luis

Oviedo stated that the French newspapers compare

the Besancenots NPA with Die Linke, the left partywhose growth has unnerved the old German socialdemocracy. Die Linke isnt any better than a recycleof the old Stalinist and left-wing social democratapparatuses. There is nothing new on that party,which co-governs with social democracy in a lot ofGerman states. Anyway, it also shows itself as anti-capitalist (Prensa Obrera, 08.14.2008). Two yearslater, the CRFIs statement says that Die Linke couldbreak with the bourgeois regional governments andght for a workers government.

Altamira is seeking to impose his dissolvent policy(behind the European left), denying all these enormousrevolutionary political baggage of the CRFI.


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In fact, when the European Left Party was built, theCRFI set position in the International Worker N 4(whose cover was the article We call for a vote for EvoMorales and the MAS, dated the 12.16.2005). We allowourselves to quote the article of Franco Grisolia, leaderof the PCL, about the European Left in order to clarifythe discussion (the article can be red in the followinglink:http://crciweb.org/en/node/170).

From last October 29-30, in Athens, was held the rstcongress of the Party of the European Left (PIE). Thisinternational federation of parties had been formed in Mayof 2004 in Rome. The driving force behind the initiativewas the Partito della Rifondazione Comunista, the Italianorganization whose secretary, Fausto Bertinotti, is thepresident of the new Party of the European Left. Aroundhim have grouped a series of forces coming, essentially,from the crisis of international Stalinism: the FrenchCommunist Party, the Spanish Communist Party, theGreek Sinaspismos, and second in importance behindthe Italian PRC, the German Party of Social Democracy

(PDS), joined recently by the left sector of socialdemocracy, led by the former minister Oskar Lafontaine,breathing new life into the new Party of the Left (Die Linke),which obtained good results in the last German elections.

Around them, there are various minor parties, both fromwestern Europe and the former deformed worker States(but none from Russia). Recently, two parties were alsoadded, coming from the extreme left: the PortugueseLeft Block, a federal structure which includes mainlythe Pabloists and former local Maoists; and Respect,the popular front constituted in England by the SocialistWorkers Party (SWP) with petite-bourgeois and bourgeoisIslamic sectors, and which has as its representative the

left Catholic demagogue George Galloway.The PIE is a product of the collapse of Stalinism. In Italy,

the old Communist Party (PCI), expression of a particularsituation, with deep roots in bourgeois society, had beentransformed into the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS;afterwards, Left Democrats, DS) after 1989, concluding inthis manner its conversion, after a long period of politicaland social transformation, into a bourgeois party, withpeculiar characteristics, since it contains within it a socialdemocrat current. In this framework, the most radicalpart of the left of the PCI founded the PRC, where the

principal forces of the extreme left converged. In Franceand Spain, the two local Communist parties signicantlylost their political space, abandoning the role they hadplayed in the preceding phase. It is no coincidence thatthe three parties mentioned shared the experience of theso-called Euro-Communism, that is, the failed attemptat constructing a current midway between classic socialdemocracy and Stalinism, without completely breakingties with the bureaucracy of the Kremlin.

In a different historic situation, the forces of the PIEpropose once again something similar to the Euro-Communist attempt (with the reformed inheritor of the

old party of the East German Stalinist bureaucracy):they wish to represent an essentially social democraticreformism together with the defense of a refoundedcommunist movement. But in the absence of the socialreference which the Russian bureaucracy had in its time,the former is the dominant aspect.

The recent split with the German SPD by OskarLafontaine and the formation by sectors of the left ofthat party of the WASG, later fused with the PDS in theParty of the Left, gives an idea of the nature of the newformation.

This regroupment of a social democratic type has as itscentral political reference the Partito della RifondazioneComunista (PRC), of Fausto Bertinotti. The PRC hasnever formed part of a center-left government, but it

ACCORDING TO THE INTERNATIONAL WORKER OF 2005,THE CRFI STATES THAT THE EUROPEAN LEFT PARTY IS

A NEW POPULAR FRONT WITH THE AIM TO DRAG THE WORKING CLASS

AND POPULAR MOVEMENTS INTO THE BOURGEOISIE ARMS


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THE WIZARD OF ATHENS AND LITTLE CHVEZ ARE THE RISE OF THE LEFT?

supported, from 1996-1998, the parliamentary majorityof the then government led by Romano Prodi. But todayit participates fully in the center-left bourgeois coalition,led once again by Prodi, which is called the Union. It isexpected to be the probable winer in the upcoming 2006

elections. In that way, the PRC would form part of thegovernment. The PCF, in France, already participatedwith ministers of its own in the recent governments of theplural left. But the PRC is able still to combine a formalextremism (it was the PRC which developed a battle for allof the PIE to assume positions against the constitutionaltreaty, making, for example, the German PDS changeits position, which was initially in favor of the Europeanconstitution), with an alliance with the bourgeois, liberalcentrist and clerical forces. It is a point of reference forwhat is seen as a new demagogic and moderate socialdemocracy, which at the same time presents itself as left-

wing, in a center-left/center-right swing of the pendulumwhich is functional to, but contradictory with, the contextof the European capitalist regime.

The programmatic document voted at the congress

was a good reection of the nature of the PIE. It is a text

in which a purely pacist and reformist perspective is to

be seen, in which socialism does not exist, not even asa far horizon to reach after a long time. But the heart ofthe document is to be found the last chapter, titled Build

alliances. In it, the following is afrmed: Our task is tocontribute to the birth of a popular majority, of the left andsocial, which is and should be broader than ourselves: withother political parties, with the European Social Forumand with social movements, with the feminists, the tradeunions, the popular associations, etc. A popular majoritywill grow with alliances and convergences between allthose who wish to build another Europe. That is, a newPopular Front with which to drag the working class andthe popular movements into the arms of the bourgeoisie.

The alternative to a Europe of capital and its criseswill surely not arise from this new neo-social democratic,

reformist and petite-bourgeois movementist politicalforce, but will reach the old continent instead thanksto the revolutionary International of the proletariat, therefounded Fourth International.

THE CRFI AND THE TPR ARE RIGHT,ALTAMIRAIS NOT:

SYRIZA (GREECE), THE FRONT DE GAUCHE (FRANCE) AND DIE LINKE (GERMANY)ARE NOT A STEPPING STONE TO BOOST THE STRUGGLE OF THE MASSES AGAINST

CAPITAL, BUT THERE ARE A POLITICAL RESOURCE TO CRUSH THE LEFT

THE RISE OF THE EUROPEAN LEFTIS THE RISE OF THE POPULAR FRONT

Since the formation of the Left Front in Argentina (FIT), the evasion of the proscription in last August,and the 660.000 votes obtained in October, Altamira launched a group of articles as a book entitled

the Lefts rise under the capitalist bankruptcy. It was used as a tool by the Central Committee in order

to promote the centrist program of the FIT and to do it at an international scope. However, under the heat


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of French elections, and then Greek ones, Altamiras

book has mutated in the mean to celebrate as the

lefts rise, the popular-frontist European Left Party

and its electoral success.

It was in the case of Syrizas electoral performance,because of its meaning and importance, that this attack

against CRFIs positions became more obvious, given

that the EEK called to vote the anti-capitalists from

Antarsya (the same as we, the TPR, did). In the French

case, Altamiras position was to put the rise of the

mass struggle of 2010 (the ght against the increase

of the retirement age imposed by Sarkozy) on a level

with its electoral turn off throughout the apparatuses

which were looking forward to stop that struggle, as

the Front de Gauche, which tried to capitalize it on

parliamentary terms. The Front de Gauche, in the

ballotage, called to vote the ultra-imperialist Franois

Hollande s PS.

What we are trying to verify is that, far from being

just an speculative debate, the political alignments

and the positions of these political formations which

are showed by Altamira as a masses turn to the left,

actually are not such thing. These are not only in

opposition to the historical positions of the CRFI, but

are also an attack against them. Likewise, Altamiras

aim to show the European Left Party and in the rst

place Syriza as an episode or period of transition

(that the Trotskyists should accompany and defend)towards the revolutionary and consistent positions, has

no basis on reality. To this, its enough to notice that it

doesnt play any progressive role in class struggle. It

isnt a platform to promote workers classes struggle

against capital. We accept any kind of debate because

we recognize that the capitalist crisis is going to strike

all political formations and that, under their promoting,

there can be develop left and right wings because the

polarisation into classes is also going to reproduce

itself inside parties. Now, what we dont accept is the

fact that its funnily pretended to contraband huge sizepolitical positions without a consistent argument and,

much less, we dont accept this lurches that constitute

a political attack to CRFIs companions, defending a

popular-frontist formation. Lets see, without going any

further, what has been its evolution after the recent

electoral process.

SYRIZA: WITH PASOK,

GOBERNABILITY AND EUROPEAN BANK RESCUE

First of all, Syriza, that couldnt defeat NewDemocracy for a few points in the elections lastJune 17th, goes deep into its right turn that was inprogress during the electoral campaign to conquerworld bourgeoisies sympathy and especiallyEuropean. The principal leaders declarations point tosupport Samaras gobernability (New DemocracysPrime Minister), as a proof of its faiths profession to

bourgeois institutions, congratulating him and posingthat he has popular mandate to build a government (atno time they call to prepare to face austerity meansthat New Democracy will develop against masses,see Syrizas electoral balance press conference,http://www.syn.gr/gr/keimeno.php?id=27409&PHPSESSID=763655eb25ef68c8d387f17a102c1e5c)

Syrizas direction also discussed a reform insidethe front, in order to give importance to opportunistsand bourgeois sectors that are getting close to Syriza(because of its electoral weight). In this way declared

in an interview Panos Skourletis, the coalitionsspokesman, saying that: Syriza was an alliance ofleftist component groups and parties. Today there isan additional reality. A large segment of society from

different backgrounds - mainly from Pasok, but notexclusively - rallied behind Syriza. They must be ableto express themselves in this new political mix. Wemust nd structures and procedures to give them a

say in party decisions. So we want an evolution ofthe electoral front into a new political formation thatwill have new members, new organs - even, possibly,a new name. We will discuss this methodically anddemocratically. We will call on our voters to becomemore active citizens. There may be a foundingconvention in the autumn (Athens News, June 25th).Those sectors from Pasok (Greek Socialist Party, IIInternational, represented in Argentina by PS andUCR)... are from the most punished party by masses inthe elections and that was the austeritys responsible

against masses. These are the scum from this partythat Syriza proposes to rescue giving them a place inthe core of the front.


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Many could say, however, that on the top of thisTsipras, Syrizas leader, didnt waste his time andin a certain key moment, he came out to quickly sethimself as a clear opposition in front of Samaras

government. But he did so in pro-imperialist terms.That was how Tsipras criticized Samaras for leavingGreece out of initially positive decisions taken in thelast European Union meeting. With this he especiallyreferred to the related to direct recapitalization ofbanks through European Founds. He said Greeceshould ask for the same resources obtained by Spainin negotiation with EU. So, Syriza calls on Samaras...to imitate Rajoys bank rescue politics and neo-franquist Spanish Popular Party policy. From the TPR

we ask ourselves and, particularly, we ask Altamira,the XXI POs Congress and CRFIs InternationalSecretariat... Can that policy, as Tsipras and Syrizastated it, be a lefts rise? We answer strictly: NO. Its

a Popular Fronts rise, against which CRFI has alwayscombated consequently. Syriza is looking to chokethe masses mobilizations rise lived in Greece sinceworld capital crisis beginning, to avoid that the pre-revolutionary situation becomes into a revolutionaryone. This is capitals last resource before fascism,already present in Greece in variants as Golden Down.Thats why Syriza stated that its eventual governmentwould search social cohesion, that is, worker classstruggles drowning by the condence deposed on it.

FRENCH LEFT FRONT: WITH UNION BUREAUCRACY ANDTHE SOCIALIST PARTY THAT PROMOTES SYRIAS INVASION

Front de Gauche, formed by Jean-Luc MlenchonsPart de Gauche (PS detachment) and by FrenchCommunist Party (PCF) majority force in the front- ispart of the union bureaucracy that suffocated pensionsght in 2010, denying to ght for Sarkozys project

retirement.

The popular front French coalition, after voting forHollande in the second round, never searched becominga left alternative to PS and setting a class struggleprogram against it (which demonstrates that its criticalvote wasnt critical, because the only real critic is theone that express in the ght against the State), without

caring that, in the meantime, Hollande calls on the OTANto organize itself to invade Siria.

Quite on the contrary, Front de Gauche searches all

possible ways to integrate itself to PS. Its enough to seePierre Laurents declarations, PCFs General Secretaryand FGs co-president with Mlenchon, saying that wehave reafrmed a lot of times that the taking into account

of our positions was, evidently, an essential standard.

Those open calls are dead letter, the president repeateda lot of times that the only governments compass wouldbe its rst round program, claiming because, due to his

estimates, Hollande was elected substantially thanks tothe 4 million votes of Front de Gauche. In the same

way, Pierre Laurent said that we stay available if thisconditions evolve, that is, Front de Gauche posesclearly as a PS satellite (www.pcf.fr, June 25th)... whilePS harasses and turns to right even more.

Front de Gauche, after embodying left rising inpresidential elections rst round, according to Altamira,

subordinated itself to French Social-democracy duringthe ballotage, and went into crisis because of its openlyreformist orientation. Thats what legislative electionsattest: Mlenchon, president candidate, states thatthere was a lack of political leadership, and then

there happened that 2 million votes were lost (thehalf!) because program and orientation had to bedefended, and not only each one testing its own skinssaving in every corner (LExpress June 25th). That is,he denounced that FG was an electoral coop. PierreLaurent understood this as a clear attack to PCF (itcouldnt be in another way since PCF concentratesFGs regional weight), and came out to answer thatMlenchon has to be careful with caricatural reactions(Le Monde, June 26th). Part de Gauche states that notwith majority or opposition, with conquered autonomy,while Andr Chassaigne, PCFs member and FG and ve

overseas elected parliamentary groups next president,considered himself more as part of left majority, evenunder a parliamentary solidarity way (Mediapart,June 20th). Which means that, therefore, none of bothclearest variants inside FG states as a left opposition


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(based in class struggle) to Hollandes government, butits left leg variant.

FG was transformed in the mean and springboard to amore sclerotic party, dissociated from mass movement,

that is, Hollande himself. Behind speech of more taxprogressivity about rich and less hardness thanMerkel with European Union countries, that is, a voteagainst Merkozy alliance and UMPs right policy, PSvotes real content was revelled by its campaign boss,assuring that rigid right and lax left time is over. We willbe responsible and credible. Whatever difculties are,

we will reduce decit and debt, we wont spend more

than necessary (Financial Times, July 1st).

In conclusion, from the TPR we are obligated to pointthat:

1) Lefts rise portrayed by Altamira and PO, both inGreece and France, are samples of Popular Fronts rise.

It doesnt rise to promote masses struggle, but againstthem.

2) Its incorrect to put Syriza or Front de Gauche(popular-frontist reformism) in the same level withargentine Left Front (FIT) that, on the contrary, is acentrist formation that plays and still play a progressiverole in politic struggle in our country.

DIE LINKE: AGAINST MARRIAGE EQUALITY,IN FAVOUR OF THE SIONIST STATE OF ISRAEL

However, all this isnt casual. As we developedabove, Altamira and PO turn from XVIII Congresssanti-capitalism (2009 a few months after French NPAsfounding-) to popular-frontism following in 2012 basedon European anti-capitalist centrism explosion in frontof the crisis. To do this, Altamira and PO decide, ratherthan defending CRFIs historical program, take theabsolutely revisionist characterization made in 2010 asa reference. This is fundamental: Die Linke (GermanysLeft), is the formation that has greater quantity ofeuro-deputies in the Left European Left Party, blocthat includes Syriza, Front de Gauche and also ItalianPartito di Rifondazione Comunista (PRC) and SpanishIzquierda Unida (IU), among others. Which means,this kind of expectative in Die Linke by CRFI, had tohave (and had!) as a consequence equal expectativeon similar formations. PO conrms it. The rest of the

CRFI has to draw conclusions on this and reject that

completely failed characterizationBut then, what is Die Linke? It has approximately

70.000 members (Syriza has 16.000). Its the result of thefusion of PDS (Linkspartei), stalinist party that governedthe RDA (Germanys Unied Socialist Party successor)

and WASG (Electoral Alternative for Working and SocialJustice), a SPDs rupture, in 2005. 11.000 memberscome from WASG and 59.000 from PDS (mainly oldsympathisers, not real militants). While Linkspartei wasprincipally represented in the East of the country, WASGwas mainly a west party. According to Stefan Bornost,

Die Linke member and marx21 magazine editor(belonging to German Clifsm that integrates Die Linke),most dynamic part of Die Linke is the old WASG (...)its principal strategic objective is to force SPD to reform(...) Oskar Lafontaine, principal Die Linkes gure, says

that often he hasnt radicalised so much in the last 20years, that he is just repeating things he said in electoralcampaign in 1998 against Kohl. He says: we didntabandon SPD, they abandoned us (www.enlucha.org).

Therefore, Die Linke is based and lays on a stalinistRDA recycling, which strategic orientation, in the rightist

case, is the systematic power-sharing with SPD (andthe Greens), as it happens in some Municipalities, andin some other cases, a policy of pressure to reformthe rotten social-democracy (through parliamentarymethods). So, even its leftist version of Die Linke isalso a SPDs appendix. That was demonstrated, as theUnied Secretariat itself described (that, by the way, is

dissolved in Die Linke), in Renania, where SPD andthe Greens didnt have their own majority before lastelections they have just won it- but they needed DieLinke votes or rights, party appears as a complementaryvote, without distinguishing about the deep inside of

matters (Viento Sur, May 27th). Die Linkes reactionarycharacter is evident. It even has its quote of responsibilityin Bundestangs reject to marriage equality since, whenthey discussed that point, its ve parliamentarians,

abstained! Meanwhile their direction encourages UNsLetter non-violence mandate... while watch untoIsraels right of existence (www.gara.net, 10.21.2011).That is, its an organization absolutely integrated to thecapitalist regime.


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IN ITALY, THE PCL (ITALIAN SECTION OF THE CRFI),HAS ALREADY EXHAUSTED THE EXPERIENCE WITH THE

EUROPEAN LEFT PARTY AFTER 15 YEARS OF MILITANCY IN THE PRC

The formation of theCRFI and the PartitoComunista dei Lavoratori(PCL) in Italy has itsroots in a history ofstruggle totally opposedto what Altamira ispretending to draw withhis new thesis that put

the rise of the popularfront in the same level with

the lefts one. The theoryabout a leftist development of the

euro-communism is widely denied by the history of theItalian comrades, which have precisely emerged aftergoing through an experience with the European center-left: the PRC, Italian section of the Party of the EuropeanLeft. The same who are spotlighted by Altamira as thelefts rise are those who 6 years ago outlawed MarcoFerrando, current leader of the PCL, based on hisopposition to the imperialist invasion of Afganistan.

The event in question happened in 2006, when thePCL (which was the left-wing of the PRC) broke awayfrom the PRC as it integrated the government of RomanoProdi, who joined the military imperialist invasion.This was highlighted in the pages of Prensa Obreraitself where it was stated that in the last fteen years,

Progetto Comunista was the main leftist oppositioninside the PRC (Partito Della Rifondazione Comunista).Last January the Nacional Conference of the AMR votethe breakaway, pointing out that the entrance of thePRC into the imperialist government formed by Prodi,would mean the political liquidation of the PRC as a party

which encompass a part of the Italian workers vanguard(PO N 947, 05.24.2006). Even from 2002, ProgettoComunista in the MRFI (Movement for the Refoundationof the IV International led by the PO, embryo of the CRFI)claimed, in opposition to the majority led by the reformistFausto Bertinotti, for a an extraordinary congress ofthe Party of the Communist Refoundation against theprospect of a government PRC-Olivo, which has anincreasing support within our party. The resolutionapproved in the Conference called to struggle untilthe last possible moment against the PRC entrance togovernment and stated that, in the case PRC nally did it,

Progetto Comunista would break away from the PRC inorder to call for building a new communist party (PO N837, 02.12.2004, Letter to the signatories of the callingagainst an agreement for a PRC-Olivo government).

However, the step that came before the PRCsintegration in 2006 into Prodi was the decision (by theItalian section of the European Left Party) to cancelMarco Ferrandos candidacy as a visible gure of the

party. His candidacy was cancelled by Bertinotti asthe consequence of a political campaign of the Italianbourgeoisie, from the right (Fini) to the left (DAlemma),including Prodi and the main Italian newspapers. Hewas accused of supporting the right of the Iraqi peopleto stand up against their occupiers (among them, Italian

army) and of denouncing the imperialists Italian interestsin Iraq (PO N 947, 05.24.2006). It was over the crushand outlaw of the left wing which claimed against theimperialist war, that the PCL started its political formationafter breaking with the PRC (nally integrated to the

imperialist government with an openly hostile orientationagainst workers).

The formation of the PCL was processed througha series of crisis that culminated with the split out ofcertain opportunistic groups belonging to ProgettoComunista. Within these groups, rst of all, lies the trend

headed by Francesco Ricci, now leader of the PDAC,an independent group of PRC and now part of the LIT.The demarcation with this group is central because theyare just who betrayed their comrades voting in favor ofthe cancellation of Ferrandos candidature in the 2006elections. On this point, Prensa Obrera explained thatto the bourgeois and imperialist campaign against thecandidature of Ferrando joined the small group thathad broken with Progetto Comunistas Conference inNovember, accusing him of hiding, with the campaignto support the Iraqi resistance, an intention to vote forProdis inauguration (!) (PO N 947, 5.24.2006). In turn,

mandelism (SU)-Italy, Sinistra Critica, also deservesa balance, because they broke with the PRC muchlater than the PCL, without taking on account that theythemselves were part of... having backed loans of warand the invasion of Afghanistan by the Prodi government.

The remaining political trends that deserve somewords are the one headed by Marco Veruggio-afliated

to the international organization of Peter Taaffe and alsocoming from Progetto Comunista, as well as the groupFalce Martello, leaded by Alan Woods. Both groups(Controcorrente of Veruggio and Falce Martello), to

this day remain in the PRC, a demonstrated capitulatorPopular Front party that doesnt represent any kind ofevolution to the left from the vanguard workers (now thePRC hegemonizes a broader alliance called Federazionedella Sinistra, FDS).


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PRC COLLAPSED BECAUSE OF ITS INTEGRATIONTO PRODIS PRO-IMPERIALIST GOVERNMENT

Without going any further, today, the PRC, afterits integration to Prodi, succumbed as a resultof the imperialist policies of the former government.Since that time could not go back, as the results inthese administrative 2012 elections demonstrate. Justto illustrate, in the city of Genoa, while in 2007 they hadobtained (through its multiple fronts) around 21,500votes, this year they fell to 5,300 votes. It is worthmentioning that this party, which has a real activist

base beyond its connection with sectors of the laborbureaucracy, has been promoted by the other Partiesof the European Left such as the Front de Gaucheand Syriza, which aim to raise PRCs with politicalauthority imported from outside Italy. In this line is theSEL, center-left ecologists, which had gained about 3%to 4% in local elections of 2010 and this year also fellprecipitously.

In recent local elections, PD (principal heir to the ItalianPC apparatus), has seen its gures risen signicantly,

passing from 8 to 14 municipalities. This was explained

by the secretary of PD, Pierluigi Bersani, of the 177municipalities that were to vote, the center won in 92.These are the facts: the center-left has won the municipalelections of 2012 , he said, expressing his hope on theother hand the difculties that the center-right is passingdo not affect the stability of the government of MarioMonti (Pgina 12, 05.22.2012). The PD is positionedas an alternative of governance assistance to Montisgovernment, as it is they who ensure the capitulation of

unions as the FIOM. The PCL correctly explained in astatement on June 14: (the FIOM) can not criticize theCGIL without breaking with the PD and the center-left.You cant be opposed to Monti without being opposedto PD that supports it. These groupings, such as PRC-SDS and the SEL, are auxiliary wheels of PD; assumingthis last one its role as the exclusive Popular Front, bothare relegated. PRC dug its own grave following the PD,and at some point this is already happening to the Front

de Gauche in France with Hollande.In conclusion, these same trends that in Italy yesterday

crystallized in opposition to the CRFI and in defense ofadaptation to Prodi (Taaffe and Woods), today they holdits adaptation behind the block of the PRC in the LeftParty of the European Parliament. And in turn, next tothe PRC its located its left twin, as Die Linke (Germany),Syriza (Greece) and the Front de Gauche (France).

It is in this political struggle that the CRFI wasfounded, as opposed to all these submissive trends, ina revolutionary struggle. Thats why, against the rest ofthe Italian and world Trotskyism, we can say that wasthe CRFI was the only one who struggled against thedissolution behind pro-imperialist European left. PCLand CRFIs formation process stood up a bastion ofsocialist political struggle against the left in bankrupt.Altamira is turning its back on this great achievementwhen he denies all this experience and beauties the

popular-frontist European left.

ARAB REVOLUTION - SYRIATHE TPR ORGANIZED AN ARGENTINIAN LEFT-WING DEMONSTRATION

AGAINST THE MASSACRE OF SYRIAN PEOPLE BY AL-ASSAD

TPRS STATEMENTS

"Cristina supports Al-Assad because he supports

Cristina at her attempt to make a Famatina in Malvinas"

(6.7.2012)

Free Syrian Army cannot expel Al-Assad because itdoesnt want to break up with imperialism (6.12.2012)

>> Read them on: www.tpr-internet.blogspot.com

> OUT WITH AL-ASSAD!

> NOT TO IMPERIALISTINTERVENTION IN SYRIA!

> NO CONFIDENCEIN THE FREE SYRIAN ARMY!

> LONG LIVE TO REVOLUTION IN SYRIA,NORTH AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST ALL!


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Popular Fronts rise, that aims to block thedevelopment of a revolutionary position betweenthe masses, is linked with the democratic counter-revolution process that is developing in the ArabianWorld. The position of lefts rise doesnt recognizethis situation. On the contrary, looking for this risingdissolves CRFIs intervention in Arabian revolution and

beauties candidates and organizations functional tothe process of closure of the revolutionary situation inthe Arabian world.

In Egypt, elections were organized under theArmed Forces Superior Councils direction. It placedMohammed Morsi from Muslim Brotherhood (HM) as awinner and he assumed through a pact with the militaryapparatus. The Egyptian Court dissolved parliament,thats why Muslim Brotherhoods victory is absolutelyconditioned and subordinated to military regimentation.In fact, Morsi resigned its position (NdR: in Muslim

Brotherhood) to become into the President of all theEgyptians (La Nacin, July 1st). In the inauguration,there were the principal personalities of the country:Hussein Tantawi, Military juntas president; KamalGanzuri outgoing Prime Minister, as political andreligious leaders (ibidem). Clearly, Muslim Brotherhoodassumption comes to continue and ratify the democraticcounter-revolution.

Meanwhile, Libya is in the midst of civil and tribal warbetween different ethnics and cities while the NationalTransitional Council (NTC) tries to impose its power in all

regions. The NTC has just created the Protective Forcesof the Revolution to which it tries to co-opt the differentmilitias. Many of them are sent to Turkey and Jordan toreceive police training (marcha.org, 03.21.2012). This

means that after the CNT expropriated the downfall ofGadda, its trying to regiment the militias and tribes

with imperialisms support. On the other side, the tribesfrom the libian east (the most oil-rich area) declaredadministrative independence and held local electionsin Benghazi. This is the rst step in the transition from

revolution to build a state, said Suleiman Zoubi, head of

the local electoral commission (El Mundo, 05.19.2012).As has been shown, an utter democratic counter-revolution which is trying to separate from the NTC tonegotiate themselves the terms of Lybias surrender toimperialism.

The mobilization of British troops to Syrian territory,the bombing at Turkeys border and the Israeli bombingin Gaza, is preparing the imperialist invasion to Syria.Meanwhile, they still try to develope a political transitionway out... including Al-Assad. The negotiations that agroup of countries (including the Security Council UN),

led by Obama and Putin, support to bring the Syrianopposition to an agreement, are going in the samedirection. The Free Syrian Army (FSA), the militar groupsupported by the imperialim, is also pushing for thedemocratic transition under the baton of imperialism.

While the hole political process of democratic counter-revolution (even imperialist invasion) is developing,the Popular Front rises in Europe. The counter-revolutionary and democratizing turn in the politicalsituation of the Arab world cant be ignored throughthe characterization of the rise of the left. Even more,because Altamira is also trying to nd the left in thesecase, and he ends up embellishing the organizationsand candidates addapted to the Muslim Brotherhood.

DEMOCRATIC COUNTER-REVOLUTION

IN ARAB WORLD, COUPS, FASCISMAND POPULAR REBELLION:

THE CRISIS DOESNT PROCCES BY ELECTORAL WAYS

POPULAR FRONT IN EUROPE IS LINKED WITHDEMOCRATIC COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN ARABIAN WORLD


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PARAGUAY: DOWN WITH FRANCOS COUP GOVERNMENT

TPRs sTATEMENT -READ IT ON: WWW. .TPR-INTERNET.BLOGSPOT.COM

ALTAMIRA EMBELLISHES THE CANDIDATES ADDAPTED TOTHE DEMOCRATIC COUNTER-REVOLUTION IN THE ARAB WORLD

In an article in Prensa Obrera (05.31.2012), undera subtitle named The left and the elections, thecandidates Sabahi and Khaled Al are characterized aspart of the rise of the left. It tells that the nasseristcandidature of Hadmin Sabahi channeled a bigamount of votes from revolutions activists. Sabahi gotmore than 20% of votes and almost got into the secondround. Sabahi loads down with a mortgage: he had anagreement with islamism the last legislative elections.Also, about the second candidate it tells, to Sabahisleft, its Khaled Al, a revolutionary militant that has

a combative history at popular level, who has beenslighted by the media and only got the 2% of the votes.Le Monde (5.25.2012) explains this, partly because ofthe factionalism that prevails in the revolutionary leftin Egypt: one part called for a vote to Sabahi, anotherto a separate Islamic (Abdel Moneim Aboul Foutouh)

and others to abstain. In this way, PO presents the lastEgyptian elections by dressing up the candidates withleft clothes that dont really belong to them.

In rst place, in the midst of a polarized election,

Hadmin Sabahi said that voting Shaq [Mubaraks

candidate] was a moral crime, said he wont tell peoplewho to vote (Ahram Online, 06.15). Thats a clearcapitulation to the Muslim Brotherhood. So, he didntpay the mortgage referred by Altamira, he increasedit. By his side, Khaled Ali (a revolutionary according toAltamira), published in his twitter that to defeat Shaq

Ahmed is to defeat Mubarak regime ... the revolutioncontinues, and then, even clearer, he wrote: Thevictory of Morsi is the victory of the revolution (AhramOnline, 06.24). The left that Altamira pumps up, isdemocratizing and addapted to the Muslim Brotherhood.

ALTAMIRAS RISE OF THE LEFT IS AN IMPOSTURE.IT DENIES THE TRENDS

TO FASCISM, COUPS DETAT AND RIGHTWARD

Altamiras characterization about the so-called riseof the left, also denies the trends to fascism, coupsdetat and rightward that are processed in the globalpolitical situation.

In the case of Greece, at the same time that the rise ofthe Popular Front develops, the fascist right organizedand grouped in Golden Dawn extraordinarily growedand has become the fth electoral force. Golden Dawn

is an avowedly fascist organization that organisesvigilante gangs in neighborhoods to make raids againstimmigrants. An article published on July 7th by ABCnewspaper from Spain said that the President of thePakistani community in Greece, reported that over thepast three months, about 300 immigrants have beeninjured in racist attacks.

The electoral growth of the fascists is really huge. Ithas increased from 0.3% in the 2009 elections to 7%in May 2012 (an increase over 2000%). This result


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allowed them to get 21 Members of the Parliament,also getting 11% of the votes among voters between18 and 24 years old and 12% among voters between25 and 34. The electoral result was repeated later inthe month in June elections, even after the GoldenDawns candidate attacked KKE and Syrizas womencandidates at a television program.

About french situation, Altamira (Prensa Obrera,04.12.2012) unilaterally highlights the so-called riseof the popular-frontist left of Mlenchon. However,he makes a political omission in his characterization:he doesnt mention that the very Mlenchon wasdefeated in electoral terms by the ultra-right candidateMarine Le Pen who took third place with the 17.90% ofthe votes in the presidential election using an openly

xenophobic and anti-immigrant speech. After this, in thelegislative elections the granddaughter of Jean-MarieLe Pen, Marion Marchal-Le Pen, got into the FrenchNational Assembly representing the district of Vaucluse(southeast) where her oponents were the conservativecandidate of Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) andthe Socialist Party (PS). In Hnin Beaumont, Mlenchonhad directly decided to stop presenting his candidatureto avoid the suffering of being crushed and defeated byMarine Le Pen.

In turn, in Italy has grown electorally the media gure of

Beppe Grillo with the support of traditional fascist partiesand some groups related to the Northern League. Thus,in an article from ilgiornale.it has been reported that thefascists are courting Grillo. In this regard Casapound(fascist organization responsible for the murder of twoSenegalese in Florence last year) said about Grillo: hethrows political messages we share. By the way, Grillo

-far from delimiting from fascism- has separated himselffrom the left, claiming to be a miracle, a movementcomprised by honest people where in many of themthere are even policemen. Our candidates dont havecriminal records, there arent extremists among us.Beppe Grillos electoral growth derived in the victory ofhis movement at the municipality of Parma.

The denial of the rightward trends by Altamiraleads to the absurd of not taking account into theircharacterization of the so-called rise of the left,Paraguay pro-imperialist coup detat. This coupshows that the political regime is taking part into therightward march of the government of all nationalists.Lugo himself was the one who prepared the politicalconditions by attacking farmers, keeping the Yankeemilitary base in Mariscal Estigarribia and integratingthe right-wing elements of the Colorado Party into hisgovernment. This, without taking into account that theEuropean elections were preceded by nancial capital

hits that had imposed technicalgovernments to applythe adjusment.

The bankruptcy of anti-capitalist centrism and itsintegration into the popular front develops at the sametime than the trends to fascism and rightward. Itsnecessary to call revolutionaries attention: it was theComunist Partys betrayal (taking a popular-frontist

political direction) what opened the way to fascismin Europe during the rst post-war. Only consideringpopular-frontist lefts elections results and denying therightward trends, becomes into a confusing factor andhinders the development of a revolutionary orientationto confront with this.

FOR THE POSSIBILITY OF A RISE OF THE LEFT,THE CRFI MUST BE AT THE FOREFRONT OF WORKING CLASS STRUGGLE

PUSHING FOR A SOCIALIST SOLUTION

In this situation, the central problem is that PO andthe CRFI musnt have a militant action to dissolvebehind these trends which are hostile to the revolution.On the contrary, they should orientate to the massiveand huge demonstrations, strikes, pickets and workersand popular struggles thar are sweeping the world.CRFI and PO have to rely on this popular rebellion

trend to develope the independent political structureof the proletariat and the exploited. So by this waythey could boost a left political rise of the masses inopposition to the capitalists and for a government ofthe workers.

In this context characterized by popular struggles,theres a strike of the coal miners from the mine LaJagua in Colombia and the one of the nurses fromTegucigalpa in Honduras too, who are facing the coupgovernment of Lobo and taking deeper actions indefense of their salary. The same goes for the struggleof the state water company workers in Panama who are

going to strike next week and the strike at the BrazilianCustoms, leaded by the prosecutors of ReceitaFederal from the city of Foz Iguau where about2000 trucks, has paralyzed the loads transportation.The struggles are also getting deeper with the new


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demonstration that the Secondary Education TeachersAsociation (APSE in spanish) in San Jose fromCosta Rica are planning for next week to kick out theEducation Minister and the second vice-president of theRepublic Liberman and with the strike of the Ofcers

Union of the airline Pluna in Uruguay too. Taking partin this context of rebellion against capital, there are themassive mobilizations of the indigenous people fromBolivia which are being violently repressed by EvoMorales police and the new mobilization anounced bythe movement Im 132 which is going to take placethrough successive marchs in different cities at thesame time against Mexicos president Enrique PeaNieto, recently fraudulently elected. Theres the nursestrike in seven hospitals from San Francisco Bay Areain California too. As well as in Italy the public sector

workers are discussing the call for a general strikeagainst the cuts in health and the dismissal of the10% of the workers which are Montis responsability,in France theres the strike of press technical sectorwhich is facing almost 2000 layoffs all over thecountry. Spain deserves a special note: in addition tothe struggle of the pharmaceutical Castellon who arediscussing the indenite strike, theres the struggle of

the miners that demonstrates a strong initiative of theSpanish working class.

Since May 23, miners comrades have been on strike

against the closure of the coal mining industry in Spainwhich is a consequence of the adjusment policy ofRajoys government. Miners struggle has draggedbehind it vast sectors from the coal communities. Their

radical actions express in their clashes with the spanishpolice and radical slogans (If our children are hungry,yours will shed blood). So, its necesarry to develop aproposal that offers a solution to the ght against the

jobs closure: opening of the account books from the

mining companies and nationalization of the miningindustry, both under workers and popular control.

All these facts refute the thesis that the crisis isprocessed by electoral ways and demonstrate thatcapitalist bankruptcy developes through a virulentclass struggle. Without going any further, Altamiraomitted to mention -when he embellishes Syrizaselection- that in the last greek elections took placethe highest electoral abstention in history: Turnoutwas 62.47%, a new all-time low after having alreadyreached a previous all-time low (65%) in May. Onceagain, the economic crisis has not just worked to thebenet of the old third parties and new political actors,

but has also signicantly increased the number of

non-voters in a country where turnout was usuallywell over 70% in the past. Political institutions, partiesand politicians have lost a great deal of legitimacy andtrust with the advent of the economic crisis (WorldElections, 20/6). The CRFI has to rely on the workingclass masses mobilization to face the capitalist crisis,in order to boost a socialist way out from the worldcapitalist crisis. The potential development of the rise

of the left is conditioned by the ability of the CRFIto conquer the working class under its direction andconstitute as an alternative of power in the ght for the

dictatorship of the proletariat.

SPANISH MINERS FROM ASTURIAS RISEUP AGAINST THE ADJUSMENT(THE FLAG READS: IF OUR CHILDREN ARE HUNGRY, YOURS WILL SHED BLOOD)


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THE BANKRUPTCY OF THE

ANTI-CAPITALIST LEFT UNDERTHE RISE OF THE POPULAR FRONT

FACING ANTI-CAPITALISM BANKRUPTCY,ALTAMIRA DECIDES TO DEEPEN HIS POLITICAL TURN

ADAPTING TO THE POPULAR-FRONTIST LEFT

This is the historical context where the anti-capitalism bankruptcy is going through. At thisplace, comrades, we cant look aside. Altamira hasdiscovered the progressiveness of reformism, thepopular front, or -in his own words- the rise of theleft, as a product of the failure of anti-capitalist politicsagainst the global crisis. Since the 2009 Congress,PO has struggled to encourage an anti-capitalist trend(different than socialism) to ght only for the minimum

demands as a precondition for the struggle for power,distorting and bastardising the Transitional Programme.

Its necessary to make an assessment of this turn,since the last three years have been characterized by acomplete bankruptcy of the anti-capitalist left. Facing theanti-capitalism failure, Altamira doesnt make a seriousassesment of his own politic of dissolution behind anti-capitalism, but he decides to take his right-turn furtherand start to atter popular-frontism. Comrades, in 2009

it was the wide anti-capitalist coalition; in 2011 and2012 its the rise of the left. In between, we have thecollapse of anti-capitalism as a worldwide political trend.

THE ANTI-CAPITALIST CENTRISM STEPS BACKAND BREAKS OFF IN FRONT OF THE POPULAR FRONT

Last French elections (presidentials rst and second round and legislatives) showedand took further the collapse of anti-capitalist centrism and its adaptation to thepopular-frontist left (Front de Gauche) and even the very Hollande. This collpaseexpresses itself in the enormous electoral regression of the NPA and Lutte Ouvriere,as well as in the enormous crisis the NPA is going through.

The electoral regression was brutal. The NPA and Lutte Ouvriere lost the 70% of thevotes between 2007 presidential election (5,48%) and 2012 (1,71%). However, thecollapse didnt stop. Weeks after, in the legislative elections, NPA and Lutte Ouvrieregot only 0,98% of the votes. As part of this regression, NPAs militancy has reduced tothe half

The going off the cliff electoral situation of the NPA and Lutte Ouvriere perfectly

connects with the enormous politic crisis that the NPA is enduring because of thepression from the Front de Gauche (Left Front), Mlenchon and the Communist Party.Besancenot left the presidentials when he realized the regression was coming. This,when he is the most important public gure of the party and when the NPA has built

itself using centrally his image (to be replaced by a worker who was at rst almost

NPA (NEW ANTI-CAPITALIST PARTY)LUTTE OUVRIERE


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unknown, the ex LO Philippe Poutou). Even more,

there is the public break of the NPA: a group pretends

to integrate the Left Front from Mlenchon (known as

Gauche Anticapitaliste, GA Anti-capitalist Left).

GA (the rightest wing of mandelism in France) made

the masses and the global crisis responsible for NPAs

regression. An actitude of utter political impotence. In

the words of one of its most important leaders, Samy

Johsua, fear of the crisis paralyzes the conscience ()

the hates blow up sometimes mistaking direction ()

everywhere its looking for credible and coherent way

outs (Philippe Poutous result and the prospect of anti-

capitalism, 04.23). With this position, GA makes a linear

connection between the development of the capitalist

crisis and the left regression and the advance of credible

and coherent tendencies.

GAs evalutation attempts to politically justify its ownorientation of integration to Mlenchons popular-frontism.

Before the elections and during the partys congress, GA

and other organizations from the NPA had supported the

idea of an electoral alliance with Mlenchon. But, afer

that and during the rst round, they decided to have a

free vote. This practically implied voting for Mlenchon.

So, facing the impossibility of being capable to impose

this orientation inside the NPA, GA has made a public

anounce of their intention to consummate the break off.

On April 2, the french media Mediapart reproduces Samy

Johsuas words: In ve weeks, it will be necessary to

decide if the NPA remains in its isolation or looks fowardand alliance with the political forces that arent going to

a government with the PS (Socialist Party), including the

Left Front. Its a capital decision... The discussions about

how to do it may be long, but the beginning must be sign.

For me, it has been 15 years of battle. If its not done, its

no longer my party. In the same direction, Myriam Martin

from GA resigned as NPAs spokeswoman saying that

we are at decisions time (Mediapart, 2/4). For Samy

Johsua, integration to the Left Front is determinated

by the fact that Mlenchon made a campaign with an

important mass dynamic and Mlenchons campaign

has encouraged the intention of regrouping a real left,the crowds that thronged at the rallies expect this hope

will last (ibdem).

Among its most important political gures, GA

comprises historical cadres from Unied Secretariat like

Michael Lwy, what demonstrates that we are facing

a deep crisis of mandelism. In Greece, GA pushed

the vote for Syriza. In this direction, preparing itself

for next months National Confference of the NPA, GA

has already proposed a trigger clause, or rather, an

ultimatum: despite whats decided, they will integrate the

Front de Gauche. This means a double crisis, becausethey havent decided wheter theyll leave NPA or not. And

secondly, because even if they dont leave it, considering

they coexist with Front de Gauches members, the rest

of the NPA would be seriously threatened by a right-wing

cancer. If the tendencies that reject the agreement with

the FG dont expel GA, they would be transforming their

so-called opposition to join the FG in an empty shell.

How much will the stomach of the opponents of GA, who

are militants from the NPA, stand?

The ight of GA to Mlenchon would spread a

phenomenon that had already begun in March 2009 (just

a month after the founding of the party!) when Christian

Picquet, the former leader of the US and the leader of

the former minority of the ex-LCR called Unite, broke off

and got into the Front de Gauche, comprising the coalition

with its own organization, Unitaire Gauche (Unitary Left).

At that time, the motion of Unite-Picquet got 3.7% of the

9123 accredited members in the founding Congress.

However, not even all those who supported the motion

pro-FG left with Picquet and formed the GU inside the

FG. Other members of the former Unite complied with

the majoritys decision and stayed in the NPA defending

their position for a single candidate to the left of PS.

This group was called Convergence and Alternatives

and led by Leonce Aguirre (d. September 2011). Actually

its leader is Yann Cochin. On June 2011, they joined the

Front de Gauche, after they had broken off with the NPA

in the that years Congress in February.

NPAs National Confference will clearly show the

collapse of the anti-capitalism under the rise of the

popular front. Facing this, the most important thing to

do is to highlight the role of the centrisms left wings. In

direction of this political crisis inside the NPA and theturn of a big group from it to the popular front, Franois

Sabado, one of the top leaders of the United Secretariat,

said that after the campaign, there wont be a sectarian

withdrawal. Some people think that the mistake of the

century has been made. It has been done what could be

done. But after the presidential elections, the conditions

for deploying an anti-capitalist regrouping orientation

will be gathered. If the Left Front doesnt participate in

the government and doesnt support a parliamentary

majority, the NPA will have a policy of unity and dialogue

with it. But in an independent anti-capitalist pole (ibid.).

Sabado belongs to the left wing of USs old leadership,as well as Alain Krivine and the very Besancenot and

Poutou (the last candidate for president) who refuse to

join the FG and supported against GA. However, when

the left wing of USs old leadership supported Poutous

candidacy, it didnt see any fundamental strategic

difference with the GA. So, it doesnt understand the ght

against GA as a necessary ght against popular-frontism.


20/56


This is conrmed by the development of the presidential

elections.

Most of the NPAs leaders (mandelists of GA as wellas Sabado-Krivines bloc), as well as Lutte Ouvriere,

have proposed to vote for the pro-imperialist Hollande:Philippe Poutou ex NPAs presidential candidate hascalled in the second round to vote for Hollande to preventNicols Sarkozy from a second term (Phillipe Poutousdeclaration, 04.23). At the same time, Lutte Ouvrierehas given a free vote between abstention and voting forHollande. Their presidential candidate, Nathalie Arthaud,said that clearly, no worker can consciously vote forNicolas Sarkozy (...) Some of my electors, facing thetricky choice between an open enemy of workers and afalse friend, are going to abstain or make a blank vote.Others, to get rid of Sarkozy, are going to vote for Franois

Hollande (Nathalie Arthauds communiqu at rst roundsnight, 04.22). The left of the left shows again how it jumpsto the bandwagon of the imperialism. Like in 2007 LutteOuvriere voted for Segolene Royal (PS) against NicolasSarkozy (UMP), the ex LCR mandelist organization thatis NPAs predecessor- voted for Jacques Chirac (UMP)against Jean-Marie Le Pen (FN).

NPAs electoral collapse, caused by its policy ofsubordination to the bureaucracy (which we opportunelydenunciated in relation to the ght against the pensions

reduction), is leading a part of the anti-capitalist centrismto integrate and subordinate to the popular front. Anti-

capitalist centrism argues that popular fronts electoralweight should be used to go to the pursuit of the masses,while it blames the masses for its own electoral regression.Masses would be responsible for have given (Ed note: toMlenchon) force to gather the true left (Samy Johsua).The reference to the masses expectations becomesinto an argument for joining the Left Front which, in turn,called to vote for Hollande in the recent elections. Its nota coincidence the fact that GA and even the very Poutou,NPAs presidential candidate, have called to vote forHollande.

Unied Secretarys old leadership has completely

broken. The crisis of their primary political projectexpresses this. An NPAs militant bluntly explained thissituation. In last summer organizations camp, FranoisSabado assessed: We cut the program and we dissolved

the League to expand the number of militants. We run outof program and of the league... and we lost the militants.Of the approximately 9000 founding members, todaythere are less than a third.

The left of NPAs left, if it wants to overcome this crisis,cant pretend to only atack GA and delimit from FG. Atlast, this only reects their expectations in a Sabado-

Krivines reform (and Besancenot-Poutous, who are partof the bloc). NPAs National Confference will begin in a fewdays. Despite of the fact that, since 2009, Partido Obrerohas tightly insisted in the importance of this political

organization, there wont exist any CRFIs documentabout this. Meanwhile, the two organizations that belongto Platform 4 (Courant Communiste Revolutionaire(CCR) Argentinian PTSs friend organization, memberof FT-CI - and the Tendance Claire ex CRI group-) havewritten a statement called Call to the partys left for acommon platform (06.20) which denunciates the onesfrom the NPA who wants to join the FG because the FGfollows Hollande... but it doesnt mention that the rest ofthe USs old leadership also voted for Hollande (includingthe presidential candidate). A real assessment to defendthe progresive aspects of anti-capitalism against popularfronts advance cant deny the fact that the ones who claimthat they combat FG, have also voted for the PS. Themain theoric limitation of the mandelist anti-capitalism isits breakup with the dictatorship of the proletariat. Sabadoand Krivine are as much responsible for this as Lowyor Johsua. Therefore, as well as we call to the OKDE-Spartakus to break off their relationship with the Unied

Secretary, we call NPAs militants, which are individuallymembers of the US and are against GA and the vote forHollande at the second round, to break their mandelistcredential. We think this is the only policy that the CRFIcan offer.

CHACO, ARGENTINA:

THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY FIGHTS FOR THE

EXPULSION OF THE YANKEE MILITARY BASSES"Capitanich and Cristina place the Yankee Military Base in a province in ames.

From the TPR, we say: up with the ght of the pensioners, the piqueteros and

the Popular Assembly. Down with the savage austerity, the spying and the

Yankee base."(TPRs press release 5.24.2012)

"We demand the removal of the yankee military base and the immediatesatisfaction of workers and popular claims(Popular Assemblys statement 6.5.2012)

>> Read them on: www.tpr-internet.blogspot.com


21/56


FROM AN OPPORTUNIST RUPTURE WITH THE PRCTO DOUBT BETWEEN DISAPPEARING OR THE POSSIBILITY

OF A FUTURE INTEGRATION IN AN ITALIAN SYRIZA

SINISTRA CRITICA

As noted by Savas-Matsas, in a story about the

Italian PCLs foundation, Prodis government

has taken a continued series of unpopular measures

and voted to keep the Italian imperialist troops in

Afghanistan and send them, after, to Lebanon. Other

left groups inside the Partito della Rifondazione

Comunista, including Sinistra Critica (Critical Left),

that are inspired by the Italian section of the Unied

Secretariat, continued for a year and a half giving a

vote of condence for the imperialist and anti-worker

government. Since the demonstrations against war

on June 2007, the governments increasing political

isolation from the masses has clearly shown. Only

recently, and after that, at the end of 2007, Sinistra

Critica took organizative distance from Refoundation,

nally breaking up with it but no to create a new party

but a kind of broad social movement with the nonglobal and other activists (Prensa Obrera N 1024,

01.17.2008). Sinistra Critica is constituted as a kind of

Italian proto-NPA.

On May 2011, at the administrative elections, Sinistra

Critica (the organization where individually participate

the Italians who belong to the Unied Secretariat)

suggests a policy of Unity of the alternative left to the

PD (Erre, 05.09.2011). This particular position led

to stand an alliance with the FDS (Federazione della

Sinistra), a coalition directed by the PRC; in Torino, an

alliance called Napoli doesnt break (next to SinistraPopolare and la Rete del Comunisti); and with the

formula of Sinistra Unita in Casoria. Only in Rimini

they stood alone, while in Milan and Bologna they

didnt even do it.

However, the policy of alternative left to the PD

has demonstrated to be a farce because when they

voted at the ballotage, they made clear that it was

against the right (ibid.). In direction of what has been

systematically denunciated by the CRFI and the PCL,

this means that Sinistra Criticas breakup with the PCR

has been conrmed as a totally opportunist decision.

This time, in the middle of the 2012 recent electoral

process, SC stood in the administrative election only

one list in a little city

from Romaa. It must

be said that, among

the anti-capitalist

o r g a n i z a t i o n s

related with theUS, Sinistra

Critica is one of

the rightest. Not

only because

it voted for a

pro-imperial ist

government (as

NPAs majority),

but also because it

belonged to an organization

that has politically and systematically supported it formonths in the middle of.... a war against an oppressed

country! The fact that SC has its origin in this political

process, becomes into a particular characteristic

of it. A signicant fact is that no leader of SC signed

the statement impulsed by the OKDE-Spartakus

from Greece (the Unied Secretarys section which

was against the mandelist international leadership,

defending the vote for Antarsya against voting

Syriza); while, on the other side, that letter named IV

Internationals members: for a programme to confront

capitalism, for an anti-capitalist, independent and

revolutionary party (06.15) did recieve the support ofUSs leaders from France, Spain, Germany, Belgium,

England, Ireland, Denmark and United States.

As noted by PCLs leader Marco Ferrando in the

article For a programme of revolution for the struggle

and the elections, a part of Sinistra Critica would

be discussing to make Syriza in Italy, just like the

dissappointed lovers of Montis government (Marco

Revelli), FDS, and even the SEL (http://pclvenezia.

blogspot.it/2012/07/per-un-programma-di-rivoluzione-

nelle.html, 07.06).

So, Sinistra Critica is discussing between

dissapearing or steping backwards. Thats to say, to

withdrawal over the European Left Party.


22/56


ANTARSYA HAS BROKEN UP FACING THE GREEK ELECTIONS. ITSELECTIONS ASSESSMENT: KEEP STEPING AT THE SAME PLACE AND NOTFIGHTING AGAINST THE EXPECTATIONS ON THE POPULAR FRONT

ANTARSYA

Antarsya (the Anticapitalist Left Party from Greece)has collapsed after the last elections. It foundationwas in 2009 and made its debut in those elections whenit got 0,43% to the Euopean Parliament and 0,36% to theGreek Parliament. The highest moment of Antarsyaselectoral development was in the 2010 regional whenit got in total 1,8%, within some high points in somecities. In ticas region it got 22000 votes more than2009 national elections. In Athens they jumped from0,55% to 2,84%, in El Pireos municipality from 0,45 to2,41%, in Salnicas municipality from 0,42% to 1,71%and in Patras municipality from 0,52% to 4,48%. In2012 general elections they got 1,19% in May (whenthe government couldnt be formed), an they after wentdown to 0,33%! in June. This means that the ruin wasfast, brutal and directly related to Syrizas rise. Thats tosay, related to popular fronts rise.

However, after the defeat, Antarsyas assessmentof the elections doesnt set a correct delimitation fromSyriza. Even further, it doesnt set what are the tasksto face this popular front. The statement of AntarsyasCentral Coordinating Comitee says that, Syriza has

been mainly beneted by the massive turn to left thathas been registered in the process of the two electoralcontests. The fact that so many electors have ignoredthe memorandums black front and the extortionof the ruling class and that they hace chosen theleft parties, (leading one of the highest percentagesin history after the Civil War), brings a road of hope.Although its contradictions, it shows the will of largesectors of society to get rid of austerity and the bailoutsconagration. Especially, if we consider that the Left has

been the most voted in the working classes, productiveages and in urban centers (enlucha.org, July 2012).

The delimitation from Syriza consists in the fact that,while it doesnt develop a breakingup policy with theEU, it doesnt satisfy the thirst for radical struggleof much of their electors, but the massive vote for

Syriza is unilaterally characterized as a possitive fact.This is a serious mistake, because the popular front isprecisely the way to co-optation, disorganization anddemoralization of the ghters in Greece. So if Atarsya

has failed at anything, is in its ability to separate themasses of trusting in Syriza and to constructe itself as

an alternative to the popular front.

In OKDE-Spartakus (US section that integratesAntarsya) assessment, we can also read anothercharacterization functional to the anti-capitalistparalysis: electoral results show the bounds of themasses movilization. The resistance was not strongenough to bring down the memoranda policies. Thusit is not accidental that the strength or weakness of theentire left in the elections reects the real balance of

power between the main classes in Greek society (Acontribution to the debate on Greece, Andreas Kloke,

06.11) We ask ourselves, was it the lack of strength thecause? Or was is the buffer and traitor role of the Greekunion bureaucracy enrolled in Pasok and... Syriza!?Blaming the masses for the blockade that bureaucracyand reformism generate rather than facing it, its acommon characteristic of both of Greek and Frenchanti-capitalists.

Thats to say that the anti-capitalist centrism keepssteping at the same place, denying to openly ghtagainst expectations on the popular front. This iscausing a huge regress. Meanwhile, the great majorityof its electors (and some of its militants that, as wedescribed in the Open Letter to the EEK and the CRFI,cheered voting for Syriza in the nal campaign event)

are leaving precisely to the popular front inuence. If the

immense pressure of the popular-frontism isnt faced byan audacious political intervention to solidify, organiceand recruit a revolutionary organization that preparesitself as an alternative, the popular-frontism will breakoff and dissolve the Greek anti-capitalism, as its alredyhappening.

Altamira walks by the road marked by anti-capitalismsfailure that, as we can see, leads to embellish thepopular front and to reject the ght to separate the

masses and the vanguard from their coindence on it.


23/56


CRFI IS DISSOLVED AS A RESULT OF

ALTAMIRAS OPPORTUNIST TURNPARTIDO OBRERO HAS ALREADY STARTED TO

DISSOLVE THE COORDINATING COMMITTEE FORTHE REFUNDATION OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL.

FROM THE TPR, WE HAVE BATTLED AGAINST THIS SINCE 2010

Documents

Open Letter From the TPR to PO_s XXI Congress and CRFI_s International Secretariat