Opacity and prominence in Crimean Tatar Darya Kavitskaya Yale University [email protected]...
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Opacity and prominence in Crimean Tatar Darya Kavitskaya Yale University [email protected]CUNY Conference on the Phonology of Endangered languages January 14, 2011
Opacity and prominence in Crimean Tatar Darya Kavitskaya Yale University [email protected] CUNY Conference on the Phonology of Endangered languages
Opacity and prominence in Crimean Tatar Darya Kavitskaya Yale
University [email protected] CUNY Conference on the
Phonology of Endangered languages January 14, 2011
Slide 3
The language Crimean Tatar (CT) is an understudied and
endangered language of the West Kipchak branch of the Northwestern
subgroup of the Turkic family (Johanson 1998). CT is spoken in
Ukraines Crimean peninsula and also in Uzbekistan, Russia,
Bulgaria, Romania, and Turkey (Samoilovich 1916, Bogoroditskii
1933, Sevortian 1966, Memetov 1993, Izidinova 1997, Useinov, Mireev
& Sahadzhiev 2005, Kavitskaya 2010). The data come from the
authors fieldwork in 2002, 2003, 2009 in Crimea, Ukraine. 2
Slide 4
3
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4
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5
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Processes Harmony Backness Rounding Syncope of high vowels
Initial Medial Stress 6
Slide 8
CT vowels -back +back -round +round-round +round +highiyu
-higheao i and have undergone an almost complete phonetic merger,
but remain phonologically distinct. 7
Rounding harmony Triggered by any round vowel, targets high
vowels only. dost-ufriend-3 SG. POSS tift-ipair-3 SG. POSS Rounding
harmony is active only in the first two syllables of a word.
a.dost-umfriend-1 SG. POSS kyz-lykautumn- ADJ. SUF bul-un-maqfind-
PASS - INF b.tuzlu-msalt shaker-1 SG. POSS syrgyn-likdeportation-
ADJ. SUF tykyr-in-mekspit- PASS - INF 9
Slide 11
Dialectal variation and harmony In the Southern dialect of CT,
rounding harmony affects all high vowels in a prosodic word (low
vowels are blockers), and in the Northern dialect of CT rounding
harmony is lost; the feature [round] is licensed only in the
initial syllable of the word (like in some Altaic languages, such
as Vogul, Bashkir, Ostyak (Steriade 1995: 161-162)). 10
Slide 12
Syncope of high vowels Syncope targets high vowels, in
word-initial (a) and word-medial syllables (b). Syncope of a high
vowel in an initial syllable can create word-initial onsets that do
not obey the CT phonotactics (a). Word-medially, syncope is blocked
if it results in structures not acceptable by the phonotactics of
the language. In the native vocabulary, complex onsets are not
allowed. Complex codas are maximally CC and obey the SSP.
a.kitap[ktap]book tlemek[tlemek]to bite bilem[blem]I know
skmaq[skmaq]to push, press qsqa[qsqa]short b.aldlar[aldlar]they
took otura[ot.ra]s/he sits ketirip[ket.rip]having brought
ldyrmek[ldyrmek] *[ldrmek] to kill 11
Slide 13
Syncope of high vowels The leftmost vowel in a word deletes(c).
The vowel may delete even when it is the absolute initial in a word
(d). Final (stressed) high vowels never delete (e). c.
tyyrdik[tyrdik]they dropped tykyrem[tkyrem] *[tykrem]I spit
piirem[pirem] *[pirem]I cook d.ilemek[lemek]to work e.berdi[berdi]
*[berd]she gave 12
Slide 14
A spectrogram of /tykyrmek/ to spit 13
Slide 15
Stress Each word in Crimean Tatar has exactly one main stress.
The default stress position is word-final. It has been argued for
Turkish (Levi 2005) that its default final stress is postlexical
that seems to be the case for the related CT as well. a.arabacart
araba-larcarts cart- PL araba-lar-danfrom carts cart- PL - ABL
b.bala-d-mI began begin- PAST -1 SG ba-lar-mz-nour heads head- PL
-1 PL. POSS - ACC 14
Slide 16
Stress Final stress is overriden by lexical stress in both
roots and pre-stressing suffixes. a. nasl which, how
mitlaqadefinitely tezdenquickly b. aar-mI eat iter-imI drink c.
gede-lejinat nights aq-tanlq-nenin a hurry ana-dasnain a motherly
manner d.bar-dhe wentbar-ma-d he didnt go bil-mekto
knowbil-me-mekto not know 15
Slide 17
An opaque interaction between harmony and syncope Harmony and
syncope in rule terms: ty-Ir-Em fall- CAUS - 1 SG. PRES
a.URty-Ir-Em 1. Harmonytyyrem 2. Syncopetyrem Surfacetyrem
b.URty-Ir-Em 1. SyncopetIrEm 2. Harmonytirem Surface *tirem 16
Slide 18
A classic OT account L ICENCE R D () (after Walker 2005)
Feature [round] must be associated to positions in two syllables. D
EP (round) Assign a violation mark for every instance of the
feature [round] in the output that has no correspondent in the
input (=dont insert the feature [round]). *N UC /i,u,y, >>
*Nuc/e,o,a, (informally, *Nuc/high >> *Nuc/low) (Gouskova
2003 on differential syncope, see also Prince and Smolensky 1993,
de Lacy 2004, 2006). M AX V Assign a violation mark for every input
vowel that has no output correspondent (=dont delete a vowel).
17
Slide 19
CT opacity in classic OT 18
Slide 20
Harmonic serialism and vowel harmony Serial Harmony avoids some
undesirable typological predictions with respect to feature
spreading, present in classic OT (McCarthy 2009, to appear; Kimper
2008; Pruitt 2008; Wilson 2003, 2004, 2006; Wolf 2008, Zentz 2011).
See, in particular, Padgett 1995, McCarthy 2003 on the sour-grapes
property of local agreement constraints. 19
Slide 21
Assumptions of Serial Harmony (McCarthy 2009: 1-2) Distinctive
features are privative (present/absent), and not equipollent
(positive/negative). Harmony is motivated by a constraint on
autosegmental representations, Share(F), that is violated by any
pair of adjacent segments that are not linked to the same [F]
autosegment. The input for the [tyrem] I drop is: [round] | t y i r
e m 20
Slide 22
Constraints S HARE (F) (McCarthy 2009: 8) Assign one violation
mark for every pair of adjacent segments that are not linked to the
same token of [F]. S HARE (back) S HARE (round) I NITIAL (F)
penalizes leftward spreading of a feature F (20), and F INAL (F)
penalizes rightward spreading of the feature F (McCarthy 2009). The
harmony in CT is progressive, thus I NITIAL (F) >> S HARE (F)
>> F INAL (F) (where F is back and round). Harmonic Serialism
has the same problem as classic OT with the analysis of
counterbleeding opacity (see McCarthy 2007: 37). 21
Slide 23
OT with candidate chains (OT-CC, McCarthy 2007) The output is
reached from the input via a series of steps (a candidate chain)
Gradualness: one violation of one basic faithfulness constraint per
step (a localized unfaithful mapping, LUM) The first step is the
most harmonic faithful parse of the input Harmonic improvement:
each step must improve harmony Each chain has a correspondent set
of LUMs (the L -set) and an ordering of the elements in the set (
rLUMSeq). 22
Slide 24
Valid chains for the input /ty-ir-em/ I drop a. , (faithful) b.
{D EP (rd)@4}, c. {M AX V@2}, d. {M AX V@4}, e. {D EP (rd)@4, M AX
V@2}, { } f. {D EP (rd)@4, M AX V@4}, { } 23
Slide 25
Opacity in OT-CC Within OT-CC, we account for opacity with a
precedence constraint P REC (A, B), which requires that all
violations of B are preceded by and not followed by violations of
A. P REC (D EP (round), M AX V) requires violations of D EP (round)
(harmony) to precede and not follow violations of M AX V (syncope).
24
Slide 26
An OT-CC tableau for the input /ty-ir-em/ I drop 25
Slide 27
Prominence and the interaction of harmony and syncope In CT the
prominence status of the initial syllable is different for
different processes. The initial syllable is a common privileged
position associated in the literature with phonological strength
effects (see Barnes 2006; Beckman 1997; Kaun 1995, 2004). Northern
CT: roundness is limited to the initial syllable. The same position
is also weak, and is thus the best syncope site, as it is the
furthest away from the final stress. CT does not show any evidence
for secondary stress or further footing. The conflicting
requirements on prominence are the source of opacity in the system.
Support: a word nasl which, how is stressed on the first syllable.
The second (high) vowel is reduced and often deleted. 26
Slide 28
An analysis To formalize the proposal, we modify OT-CC to
include a family of constraints on the preference of the direction
of iteration, P REFER (F x, F x+1 ), where F is a faithfulness
constraint. P REFER (M AX x, M AX x+1 ) Assign one violation mark
for a candidate chain that has a violation of M AX and a competitor
chain in which this violation occurs earlier in the form. 27
Slide 29
A modified tableau for the input /ty-ir-em/ I drop 28
Slide 30
Conclusions Conflicting prominence in CT is the source of
opacity. Vowel harmony is driven by spreading of a feature from the
initial (most prominent) syllable. Syncope of high vowels prefers
the initial syllable since it is the least prominent, being the
furthest away from stress. The decision between the initial and
medial syncope cannot be made by metrical constraints since there
is no evidence for further footing in CT, beyond the final stressed
syllable. In order to account for these data, we proposed a
constraint on the preference of the direction of iteration. 29
Slide 31
Acknowledgements I thank Eric Ciaramella and Matt Wolf for
their insightful comments on this paper. I am indebted to Remzije
Berberova and to my other Crimean Tatar consultants for sharing
their language with me. 30
Slide 32
Selected references Beckman, J. 1997. Positional faithfulness,
positional neutralisation and Shona vowel harmony. Phonology 14:
1-46. Berta, rpd. 1998. West Kipchak languages. In L. Johanson,
& E. Csato, eds., The Turkic languages. New York: Routledge.
301317. Bogoroditskii, V.A. 1933. Dialektologicheskie zametki. V. O
krymsko-tatarskom narechii. Kazan. de Lacy, Paul. 2004. Markedness
conflation in Optimality Theory. Phonology 21: 145-199. de Lacy,
Paul. 2006. Markedness: reduction and preservation in phonology.
Cambridge, CUP. Gouskova, Maria. 2003. Deriving economy: syncope in
Optimality Theory. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts,
Amherst. Izidinova, S.R. 1997. Krymskotatarskii iazyk. In E.R.
Tenishev (ed.), Iazyki mira. Tiurkskie iazyki. Moscow: Indrik.
Johanson, Lars. 1998. The history of Turkic. In Johanson, L. &
E. Csato (eds.) The Turkic languages. New York: Routledge. 81125.
Kaun, Abigail. 1995. The typology of rounding harmony: an
Optimality Theoretic approach. PhD dissertation, UCLA. Kaun,
Abigail. 2004. In Bruce Hayes, Robert Kirchner, and Donca Steriade,
eds. Phonetically Based Phonology. Cambridge University Press.
Kavitskaya, Darya 2010. Crimean Tatar. LINCOM Europa. Kimper,
Wendell. 2008. Local optionality and harmonic serialism.
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istoriko-lingvisticheskii ocherk. Simferopol: Anaiurt. Pruitt,
Kathryn. 2008. Iterative foot optimization and locality in stress
systems. Unpublished manuscript, University of Massachusetts,
Amherst. ROA-999. 31
Slide 33
Levi, Susannah V. 2005. Acoustic correlates of lexical accent
in Turkish. JIPA 35: 73- 97. McCarthy, John J. 2003. OT constraints
are categorical. Phonology 20: 75-138. McCarthy, John J. 2007.
Hidden Generalizations. Equinox, London. McCarthy John J. 2008. The
serial interaction of stress and syncope. NLLT 26: 499- 546.
McCarthy, John J. 2009. Harmony in harmonic serialism. Unpublished
manuscript, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. ROA-1009.
Samoilovich, A. N. 1916. Opyt kratkoi krymsko-tatarskoi grammatiki.
Petrograd. Sevortian, E. 1966. Krymskotatarskii iazyk. In N.
Baskakov et al, eds., Iazyki narodov SSSR 2, Nauka, 234-259.
Steriade, Donca. 1995. Underspecification and markedness. In John
Goldsmith, ed., The Handbook of Phonological Theory. Cambridge, MA:
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2005. Qrmtatar tilini greniiz. Simferopol: Ocaq. Walker, Rachel.
2005. Weak triggers in vowel harmony. NLLT 23: 917-989. Wilson,
Colin. 2006. Unbouded spreading is myopic. In Workshop on Current
Perspectives on Phonology, vol. 23. Wolf, Matthew A. 2008. Optimal
interleaving: serial phonology-morphology interaction in a
constraint-based model. Ph.D. dissertation, University of
Massachusetts, Amherst, MA. ROA-996. Zentz, Jason. 2011.
Progressive front vowel harmony in Warlpiri: a Serial Harmony
approach. Paper to be presented at the CUNY Conference on the
Phonology of Endangered Languages, January 14, 2011. 32