Offerings and Rituals in a Messapian Holy

Offerings and rituals in a Messapian holyplace: Vaste, Piazza Dante (Puglia,Southern Italy)

Giovanni Mastronuzzi and Paolo Ciuchini

Abstract

Archaeological investigations carried out in 1999 in the town centre of Vaste (inland from Otranto,Puglia, Southern Italy) have brought to light a sanctuary dating back to the end of the fourth/beginning of the third century BC. The holy place appears to have been dedicated to a female deity

whose name, Oxxo, is painted on a cup and carved into a stone basin. The sacred area includes abuilding divided into rooms with fireplaces and three large underground pits. The two smaller pitsserved as containers for votive offerings, whereas the largest was used for religious rites, including

libations and the sacrifice of piglets. On the basis of the combined analysis of artefacts and ecofacts itis possible to distinguish different ritual actions and to identify functional differences in the use of thethree underground pits.

Keywords

Sanctuary; Messapia; ritual actions; votive offerings.

Introduction

The study of religious contexts plays a central role in the examination of settlement

patterns in Antiquity, in relation to both the occupation of the territory and the

transformation of the landscape through the centuries.

The investigations led by Francesco D’Andria (Universita del Salento) on the population

of Messapia from the Iron Age to the Roman conquest focus on problems set by the

different types of contexts: necropolises, residential areas, places of worship, rural houses

(D’Andria 1988, 1991, 1996, 1999, 2005). A ‘system of cults’ emerges from the combined

analysis of settlements and sacred places, and characterizes Messapia from the Iron Age

onwards (Mastronuzzi 2008a: 137). The various aspects of the social and economic life of

World Archaeology Vol. 43(4): 676–701 Debates in World Archaeology

ª 2011 Taylor & Francis ISSN 0043-8243 print/1470-1375 online

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.2011.624773

the peoples of Salento reflect closely the archaeological evidence of the cults and of the

religious sphere in general. The landscape of Messapia appears to be marked in a

meaningful way by places of worship, although these rarely assume the monumental

features characterizing the shrines of Greek and Greek colonial poleis (cities). A wide range

of religious contexts are located within inhabited areas, in their immediate surroundings,

but also in strategic places, on the coasts or in the proximity of hills.

The cults connected to fertility play a central role. Fertility rites aim to protect the crops

and the livestock, but naturally also aim to ensure the survival of the community, and in

this perspective they show a connection with the cult of the waters and the rites of passage.

A precise distinction exists among fertility cults pertinent to male divinities and those

addressed to female divinities. Differences emerge in the spatial organization of the sacred

areas and in the ritual of the offerings. In the Archaic Age, for instance, the male cults are

connected to enclosures with ‘cippi’ (orthostats) in limestone, which mark the place

destined for offerings and libations (D’Andria and Mastronuzzi 2008). The extraordinary

variety of votive objects from the place of worship of Monte Papalucio in Oria suggests

that the sanctuary was open to the whole community (D’Andria 1988: 664); they include

modest gifts such as miniature vases and terracotta figurines, alongside valuable objects

such as gold jewellery and imported figured vases. In other cases the archaeological

evidence seems to indicate, instead, a private destination for the holy places, tied to the

dominant aristocratic groups and therefore to forms of religiousness arguably linked to

the cult of the ancestors (D’Andria 1988: 710).

The presence from the eighth century BC of sacred places on the coast, as in Leuca

(1978), appears to be connected to the protection of maritime activities, like navigation,

fishing and trade. Other contexts show a specific connection with activities like weaving,

warfare and the freeing of slaves (Mastronuzzi 2008a: 137).

The settlement of Vaste

The settlement of Vaste (Puglia, Southern Italy, c.15km inland from Otranto) offers a

unique opportunity to conduct a combined analysis of a wide range of typological and

chronological contexts. Since 1981, extensive archaeological investigations have been

carried out in collaboration with the Archaeological Superintendency of Puglia and the

Poggiardo Municipal Council (D’Andria 1997). The excavations have allowed the

identification of the settlement’s phases and of levels of occupation that can be dated from

the protohistoric period to the Middle Ages. Since 2002, it has been possible to undertake

an important project of conservation and enhancement of the whole territory of Vaste,

through the creation of the ‘Warriors Park’, a large ecomuseum designed to protect the

archaeological remains as well as the surrounding landscape (D’Andria 2008: 444–5,

2010).

In Messapia, the fourth century BC was a period of rapid and profound transformation,

with a considerable demographic increase and a re-organization of the inhabited areas,

which were for the first time surrounded by fortification walls. Through this process the

settlement system that originated in the Archaic Age was further developed (D’Andria

1988: 691, 1991: 443–65). Settlements larger than 100ha, like Ceglie Messapica, Oria,

Offerings and rituals in a Messapian holy place 677

Rudiae, Nardo, Muro Leccese and Ugento, play a dominant role (Fig. 1). These are

surrounded by a number of smaller settlements (50 and 80ha), while even smaller sites (5–

15ha) are on the coast to serve as harbours or in the hinterland in locations suitable to

control the territory.

In Vaste, the building of fortifications started in the 50s–40s of the fourth century BC, with

three construction phases spanning up to the first half of the third century BC (Mastronuzzi

2008b; Melissano 2008). The city-wall is c. 3350m long and encloses c. 78ha. The Messapian

Vaste was therefore a mid-sized settlement. It is not too far from the dominant settlement of

Muro Leccese, within a district including also the coastal sites of Otranto and Castro, as

well as the small fortified installation of Giuggianello (Semeraro 2009: 301–2).

The intra-mural space contained dwellings, but also necropolises, as well as areas

destined for agricultural and manufacturing activities (Fig. 2). The main cluster of houses

occupied the area surrounding the current Piazza Dante, the highest point of the

settlement. The dwellings were arranged along an irregular road network based on a pre-

existing layout and strongly influenced by the morphology of the ground. In Fondo S.

Antonio, together with various housing units, a large L-shaped building has been

identified. It was the residence of an aristocratic family and in its proximity a hoard of 150

silver coins has been recovered. The hoard was inside a bronze vase, which had been

buried at the time of the Roman conquest of Messapia in the third century BC (D’Andria

1996: 427–37).

Figure 1 Messapia. Fourth-third century BC settlements map.

678 Giovanni Mastronuzzi and Paolo Ciuchini

The transition of Messapia to Roman rule determined the transformation of the

settlements and of the processes of land occupation; the relevant archaeological evidence,

rather scarce, refers predominantly to a form of territorial reorganization based on rural

clusters (De Mitri 2010: 29–38).

The Piazza Dante holy place

The religious complex identified in the area of Piazza Dante, at the centre of the ancient

residential area, also dates to the fourth–third century BC. Extensive investigations were

conducted in 1999 following the excavation of trenches for sewer lines (D’Andria 2002:

Figure 2 Map of the Vaste settlement (fourth-third century BC).


56–7; Mastronuzzi 2005, 2008a: 147–52). A large building was brought to light, formed by

two adjacent rooms, delimited by walls made of big square blocks of local limestone. In

some points up to two courses of these blocks are preserved (Plate 1). The flooring

recognized inside the structure is made of crumbled limestone mixed with clay and small

stones. Hearths formed by small circles of stones and cooking platforms made of clay

have also been found. The absence of roof tiles and of elevation remains suggests that the

building had no roof and the walls served only as fences to demarcate spaces for the

celebration of specific ritual practices.

The western side of the building is delimited by a large wall, the foundations of which

were preserved. The wall is made of big irregular stones and square blocks, alternating

Plate 1 Aerial view of the excavation area.


with smaller stones. The different construction technique suggests that the structure

already existed in the Archaic Age, probably with the same function of demarcating sacred

spaces. Some layers containing pottery artefacts for ritual use can also be dated to the

second half of the sixth and the beginning of the fifth century BC (Fig. 3). It is possible to

hypothesize that the sacred destination of this central sector of the inhabited area was first

established in the Iron Age. From inside cavities in the bedrock ceramic fragments have

been recovered that can be dated between the end of the eighth and the first half of the

seventh century BC (Fig. 4). Related to the place of worship is also a massive altar made of

big square blocks.

Three large pits dug in the bedrock have been found next to the building. They are big

hypogeal rooms with circular or elliptic openings, regularized with blocks or slabs in local

stone (Fig. 5). Blocks and slabs are still in place at the opening of Pit 2 and show engraved

signs like letters – isolated or in short sequences – and a swastika. In places the bedrock

was cut to facilitate the placement of the blocks. All three hypogea have a bell section and

at numerous points tool marks are clearly recognizable on the walls; the bottom, with a

circular plan, has a concave surface and small fissures along the break of slope. The pits

were created by enlarging natural fissures in the rock. These are the result of moderate

karst erosion, and might have suggested the possibility of a direct contact with the

underground world.

Pit 3, the largest of the three, is c. 3m wide and 3m deep. Its cover was formed by slabs

and blocks. One of these blocks has been found upright inside a fissure, adjacent and

connected to the main one. At the base of the main fissure a slab in local stone with a

central hole was stuck into sterile reddish clayey soil. The opening of Pit 3 is framed by a

Figure 3 Selection of Greek archaic pottery (from the second half of the sixth to the first quarter ofthe fifth century BC).


couple of benches facing each other. The large dimensions suggest that the hypogeum was

periodically accessible for the performance of religious rites near the pierced slab, which

served essentially as a hypogeal altar.

Significant quantities of ceramic artefacts, either intact or capable of virtually complete

reassembly, were found in the pits. Among these artefacts are locally or regionally produced

vases for daily use, well attested in Vaste and otherMessapian settlements. Exceptions in this

respect are the miniature vases, found almost exclusively in sacred areas. The cooking ware is

Figure 4 Selection of Iron Age pottery (Salento Late Geometric–Salento Sub-Geometric; Corinthian

Late Geometric–Early ProtoCorinthian; from the end of the eighth to the first half of the seventhcentury BC).


made in a particular impasto (impure clay with silica content) that includes bauxite grains.

Cooking pots show clear traces of use, which are perhaps referable to a single use.

The combined examination of stratigraphy and finds allowed a reconstruction of the

holy place (Figs 6 and 7).

Pit 1

Substantial traces of fire exposure have been identified on the walls of Pit 1. These traces

must be associated to the deposits of charcoal found in the central area. It is hypothesized

Figure 5 Messapic phase map.


that, initially, fires were repeatedly lit and cleaned inside the cavity, so that charcoal

remained concentrated at the centre of the room or dispersed towards its edges. In a

later period, the fires inside the hypogea were replaced by hearths within the enclosures.

The progressive filling of the pit can be explained as a by-product of this change of use: it is

the result of a series of secondary deposits due to the ritual actions carried out in the

enclosures.

This pit’s deposits had different colours, compactions and compositions. They

contained functional ceramic and miniature vases, as well as faunal and botanical

remains. The positioning of the vases, mostly consisting of open shapes and miniature

items placed upside-down, is characteristic of votive deposits known in chthonic cults,

where the gift is directly offered to the divinity. Several groups of vases were protected by

tiles placed above and all around them (Fig. 8). At the bottom of the pit, the recorded

contexts were not in primary position. In fact, they contained groups of objects originally

Figure 6 Reconstruction of the holy place.


used during the celebrations in the sacred area and then displaced. The loose compaction

characterizing the soil from all these deposits is consistent with this interpretation.

Walter Burkert (1984: 292–8) has analysed themain aspects of chthonic cults by comparing

them with those characterizing Olympian cults. The ways in which the offerings were

deposited in Pit 1 recall similar situations in Greek holy places with chthonic connotations,

such as the Thesmophorion of Bitalemi near Gela (Orlandini 1966: 22–4) and the shrine of

Mollarella-Poliscia near Licata (De Miro 2008: 83–4), both in Sicily, as well as the shrine of

San Nicola di Albanella near Poseidonia-Paestum (Cipriani and Ardovino 1991: 339–41) and

the sacred area near the archaic temple in Eraclea (Pianu 1991: 202), Southern Italy.

The ceramic shapes found in Pit 1 belong to a selected morphological range, dominated

by vases for the consumption of liquid and semi-liquid foods (ring-handled cups and one-

handled cups) and miniature vases. They also include pots, unguentaria, jugs and large

bowls. The presence of other shapes like lamps is sporadic. Among the pots, the presence

of small Greek-derived chytrai and Latin-derived jars (ollae) is especially meaningful.

Some vases show letters painted before firing. In particular a ring-handled cup features the

name of the goddess Oxxo in the genitive case, which is also recorded on a stone artefact

(Fig. 9). Statistical analysis shows that the most frequent ceramic assemblage is composed

Figure 7 Reconstruction of rituals in Pit 3.


of ring-handled cup, miniature vase, pot, one-handled cup and also small one-handled

cups, dishes and jugs (Fig. 10 and Table 1). This fact can be interpreted in relation to

characteristic ritual actions. The pots, mostly of small size, could be used for cooking semi-

liquid foods like vegetables soups or dense mixtures of cereal and legume flours. These

foods were eaten from one-handled cups and dishes. Ring-handled cups and small cups

were used for drinking or offering libations. Finally miniature vases were symbolic gifts to

the god. In the cases of the lekythoi and the unguentaria, the offering consisted of both the

container and its contents.

The upper levels of the pit’s fill relate to the phases of abandonment and obliteration

and yielded fragments of a slab in local limestone, alongside pottery that can be dated

between the second half of the third and the first half of the second century BC. The top

face of the slab has mouldings running along the four sides to delimit a lowered surface

with through-holes on the longitudinal axis (Fig. 11).

The data emerging from the artefactual analysis must be combined with those from the

examination of archaeozoological and archaeobotanical remains. While sheep/goat and pigs

are well represented (thirteen and ten individuals, respectively: De Grossi Mazzorin and

Figure 8 Detailed mid-excavation plan of the deposits in Pit 1.


Solinas 2010: table 1), particularly interesting is the identification of at least five dogs, whose

bones were disarticulated. The only skull that has been found shows morphological

analogies with the Barbone (poodle), the Norsk Dunker and the Schnauzer, while the analysis

Figure 9 Banded ring-handled cup and stone artefact, both inscribed.

Figure 10 Pit 1 vase assemblage.


of the postcranial skeleton assigns the Vaste dogs to an average and well-proportioned dog

type, comparable in height to the Canis dingo but standing on relatively quite frail limbs like

a Doberman (Coppola 2005: 307–10; see also De Grossi Mazzorin and Minniti 2002). No

Table 1 Pottery from Pit 1: artefact count by shape and votive deposit (the shading shows prevailing

assemblages of functional shapes)

Ring-handled

cup

Miniature

vase Pot

One-handled

cup

Smallone-

handled

cup. Dish Jug

Lekythos/

unguentarium Lamp

Otheropen

shapes

149 .... . .... ... . .. .. ... . 27

156 .... .. .. . . . ... 16150 . . .. . .... . . .. 13147 ... . . .. .. . . 11

161 .... .. .. . . 10158 ... . .. . . . 9152 ... ... . . . 9

151 .. .. . . . .. 9160 ..... . . . 8146 .. .. .. .. 8163 . ... . . . 7

155 ... . . . 6153 . .. .. . 6159 .. . 3

154 .. 242 21 16 16 10 10 6 6 2 13 144

Figure 11 Limestone slab (Pit 1).


bone shows butchering marks or other tool marks. Since the finding of these bones within

the deposits indicates a connection with worship practices, it is possible to hypothesize that

the dogs were immolated by cutting their throats. This possibility seems to be confirmed by

the pierced slab, perhaps destined for blood sacrifices where the blood of the victims had to

flow down to chthonic divinities, as in the shrine of the chthonic divinities in Agrigento,

Sicily (De Miro 2008: 80) and near Cyrene, Libya (Luni 1991: 158).

The botanical remains from Pit 1 show wide taxonomic variability (Girolamo

Fiorentino, pers. comm.). Olive and oak predominate among charcoal remains,

representing 53 per cent and 20 per cent of the total, respectively. Carpo-remains are

characterized by a predominance of vetch (Vicia ervilia; 64.8 per cent), with smaller

amounts of grapes (5.6 per cent), legumes (8.4 per cent) and cereals (14 per cent).

Especially significant, as it represents c. 60 per cent of all the pips, is the concentration of

vetch in the central part of Pit 1 (US 150). Mineralized grape seeds were found inside some

of the vases. As mineralization is a consequence of immersion in an organic liquid, the

offering of must or grape juice can be hypothesized.

Pit 2

The deposits found in Pit 2, like those at the bottom of Pit 1, appear to be in secondary

position, as suggested by the fragmentation of the ceramic artefacts (Fig. 12). Statistical

analysis shows that the most frequent assemblage is composed of an oinochoe, a ring-

handled cup, a small one-handled cup and a pot, accompanied by jugs, miniature vases

and skyphoi (Fig. 13 and Table 2).

The oinochoe, absent from Pit 1, is present in two different types, both with trilobate

rim. One has an ovoid body and is attested in black gloss and over-painted wares,

while the other has a cylindrical body and is present in locally produced pottery. This

second type seems connected to the ritual sphere, as already attested in the archaic

layers of the sanctuary of Monte Papalucio in Oria (D’Andria 1990: 269, n. 113) and

in other religious contexts in Vaste. Votive deposits including ‘olpai’ have recently been

found in the Thesmophorion of Contrada Parapezza in Locri (Milanesio Macrı 2010:

340–1).

As in Pit 1, the evidence from Pit 2 suggests a link between vase types and ritual actions:

in particular oinochoai, ring-handled cups, small one-handled cups and skyphoi all seem to

refer to libation practices. The presence of pots is probably to be connected with the

preparation of ritual meals while the absence of Latin-derived jars suggests that the

deposits in Pit 2 are more ancient than those in Pit 1. Moreover, each artefact type in Pit 2

tends to be bigger in size than its equivalent in Pit 1.

The hypothesis that libation rituals took place in Pit 2 appears to be supported by the

presence, immediately above the rocky bottom of the feature, of a layer of compact light

yellow sandy soil, which might have contained traces of oxidized milk, honey, etc.

Deposits with similar characteristics, interpreted as remains of libations, are known from

religious contexts in Pomarico Vecchio (Barra Bagnasco 1997: 20) and Pizzica Pantanello

(Carter 1994: 193) in Basilicata.

Animal and plant remains also differ markedly from those found in Pit 1. In Pit 2, bones

(of cattle, sheep and pig) are less frequent and dogs are totally absent (De Grossi Mazzorin


and Solinas 2010: table 3). Seeds in Pit 2 are much rarer, while charcoal presents limited

taxonomical variability with a predominance of heather (32 per cent) and olive (29 per

cent), and a very small quantity of oak (4 per cent).

Pit 3

The stratigraphy of Pit 3 differed from that of the smaller hypogea. At the bottom, a

pavement of crumbled limestone was found. This pavement was in turn overlaid by a series of

thin occupation layers. They contained pottery sherds and a lot of charcoal and animal bones.

Among the artefacts, a female limestone head (12cm high) deserves to be mentioned. It

shows traces of brown, yellow and pink pigments and can be interpreted as part of the cult

statue of a goddess called Oxxo (Plate 2). Although its small size would suggest otherwise,

this hypothesis is supported by the fact that the head is made in stone, rather than in the

terracotta normally used for votive figurines. Francesco D’Andria (2002: 57) has

underlined stylistic similarities with some figured capitals from Brindisi (D’Andria 1979:

Figure 12 Detailed mid-excavation plan of deposits in Pit 2.


figs 559–61; Via Appia 1997: 121–2). They belong to a large group of Apulian Hellenistic

sculptures, which also includes figured capitals from San Leucio in Canosa (Pensabene

1992: 628, nn. 3–4), capitals from the Ipogeo della Medusa in Arpi (Mazzei 1995: 108, n.

59) and also the statues from Ariccia in Latium (Orlandini 1983: figs 550–3).



The occupation layers of Pit 3 also yielded a Charonia tritonis (Plate 3), a big shell that

could have been used as a musical instrument. Other findings of Charonia tritonis have

occurred in areas dedicated to the cult of Demeter in Timmari (Lo Porto 1991: 189–90)

and Eraclea (Otto 2008: 88–9) in Basilicata.

As for the pottery, the occupation layers contained a high number of ring-handled cups,

alongside some pots, small one-handled cups and miniature vases. The layers of backfill,

dating to the beginning of the second century BC onwards, are instead characterized by a

predominant presence of dishes. They also contain a substantial group of ‘trozzelle’ (vases

Table 2 Pottery from Pit 2: artefact count by shape and votive deposit (the shading shows prevailing

assemblages of functional shapes)

Oinochoe

Small one-handledcup

Ring-handledcup Pot

Miniaturevase Jug Skyphos Hydria Lamp Lid

Cup/smallcup

261 ... . ... ... ... . . .. . . 19267 ..... .... . .. . 13

263 ... . .. . . . . 10268 ... .. ... . . 10256 ... ... .. 8

266 . .. .. . 6262 .. . .. 5273 . . 2

257 . 1264 . 1258 . 1259 . 1

22 12 12 8 6 6 3 2 2 2 2 77

Plate 2 Limestone female head (Pit 3).


typically found in Messapian female burials: Giannotta and Melissano 2010; Yntema

1990: 335–7; and some jugs (Fig. 14 and Table 3). Big open shapes, such as large bowls and

mortars with lithic inclusions at the bottom, are present too.

Unlike the situation in Pits 1 and 2, no particular associations of functional shapes were

found, and the range of shapes from the layers of backfill in Pit 3 does not seem to be the

result of intentional selection determined by ritual behaviours. Nevertheless this pottery

record provides some insight into the possible set up of the area around the pit entrance.

As the objects thrown into the pit are likely to come from the surroundings, the presence

of dishes and trozzelle could be connected with practices taking place in this specific area

of the holy place, which perhaps hosted the statue of the divinity. Trozzelle, indeed,

are absent from the other pits and only Pit 1 contained a few dishes. Several dishes and

some trozzelle are made in the typical fireclay normally used in the production of cooking

ware, perhaps because of their specific use as votive offerings. The same is true for a pyxis

and an attingitoio (sort of spoon-mug).

As for the faunal remains (De Grossi Mazzorin and Solinas 2010:table 5), Pit 3

contained a lot of sheep and goats (twenty-four individuals), alongside some pigs (thirteen

individuals); seven of the pigs were newborns or young piglets. The charcoal shows very

little taxonomic variability: olive represents 65.5 per cent and oak 33.5 per cent, with the

remaining 1 per cent including Pomoideae, rhamnus and heather. Seeds belong

predominantly to cereals (59 per cent) and olives (30 per cent) (Solinas 2008).

The data from the archaeobotanical remains in Pit 3 are closely mirrored by those from

one of the hearths inside the enclosures, whose charcoal included olive (51 per cent),

Pomoideae (8 per cent), oak (12 per cent), pine (2 per cent), heather (3 per cent), rhamnus

(2 per cent) and lentisc (5 per cent), while pips include olives (21.1 per cent), legumes

(12.2 per cent) and cereals (66.7 per cent) (Fiorentino and Marino, pers. comm.).

Plate 3 Charonia tritonis (Pit 3).


Discussion and conclusions

The adoption of Colin Renfrew’s methodological approaches (Renfrew 1985; Renfrew

and Bahn 1991: 358–62) has been rather slow in Greek archaeology, and cases of

contextual analysis of the archaeological record from places of worship are still quite rare

(see, e.g., contributions in Alcock and Osborne 1994; Hagg et al. 1988; Marinatos and

Hagg 1993). Excellent examples are the studies coordinated by Nancy Bookidis on the

sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Corinth (Bookidis 2008, and references therein) and,



Table

3Potteryfrom

Pit

3:artefact

countbyshape(underlined

numbersindicate

occupation

layers,

theshadingshowsprevailingassem

blages

of

functionalshapes)

Dish

Trozzella

Ring-

handled

cup

Pot

Small

one-

handled

cup

Miniature

vase

Cup/

small

cup

Lid

Jug

Lamp

Other

closed

shapes

Small

open

shape

Big

open

shape

370

.........

....

...

.......

....

.29

372

...

...

...

.....

...

....

..

23

375

......

...

....

..

..17

374

....

....

....

..

..16

363

........

...

..

.14

364

.....

...

..

...

.14

376

....

...

...

..

...

15

378

....

..

6

366

..

2367

..

2368

..

2

377

..

2369

.1

365

.1

27

19

18

11

98

6/5

65

57

88

142


in Southern Italy, those by Marina Cipriani (1989) on the shrine of San Nicola di

Albanella and by Massimo Osanna on Satriano (Osanna and Sica 2005), but, previously,

the study of sanctuaries tended to be limited to the analysis of monuments or selected

categories of finds and the reconstruction of rituals was often based exclusively on

literary sources.

The examination of a Hellenistic archaeological site located in an area near Greece, but

at the same time characterized by a specific cultural identity lends itself to methodological

reflection. The objective is the recognition and reconstruction of ritual actions through the

systematic collection and the careful interpretation of archaeological data. In this view, it

is essential to exploit and compare the information obtained through the analysis of all

categories of finds.

The chthonic nature of the cult linked to fertility is very evident, especially in relation to

the hypogea, where offerings of vases were placed upside-down alongside seeds and

firstlings. This chthonic interpretation is also supported by the presence of the pierced slab

at the bottom of the biggest pit (Plate 4).

The object of worship was a goddess named Oxxo, whose image is preserved in the

limestone head. Her characteristics are very close to those of the Greek Demetra, as shown

by the offerings of agricultural products and especially by the sacrifice of piglets.

The cult of Demeter is well known in Messapia (Mastronuzzi 2008a). Excavations at the

sanctuary of Monte Papalucio in Oria have brought to light complex evidence of her cult,

including inscriptions mentioning the names Mþtar, Damþtra and the epithet Z: yeo&(D’Andria 1990: 272–3). In the Hellenistic Age, many funerary inscriptions from

Messapian settlements quote the substantive tabara¼ ‘priestess’ in association with the

names of the goddesses Demetra and Aphrodite (De Simone 1982). The fact that the

goddess in Vaste was called by a completely different name (Oxxo) suggests that the cult

there acquired very specific features, as confirmed by other aspects of the archaeological

evidence. The Greek connotation of the same cult in Oria, clearly evident in the clay

figurines found there (D’Andria 1990: 240–53), is an explicit cultural reference to the nearby

Greek colonial cities of Taranto and Metaponto. This reference can be explained in the

Plate 4 The mouth of Pit 3.


light of the processes of selective acquisition hypothesized by Grazia Semeraro (1997: 362)

and Gert-Jan Burgers (1998: 297–8) whereby prominent social groups selectively import

innovative practices in order to stress their dominance over the rest of the commu-

nity. Recent investigations show that fertility rites are archaeologically recognizable

from the Iron Age in Vaste. The relevant evidence is comparable with that from the holy

place near the Grotta Porcinara at Leuca. Through the centuries worship practices were

enriched with features coming from Greece, such as ablutions, libations and sacred meals.

During the third century BC, political and social events connected with the Roman

conquest led to the acquisition of new central-Italic cultural models. The archaeological

evidence shows these new influences in the use of cooking jars hitherto unknown in

Messapia, in the limestone sculpture and also in the sacrifice of dogs.

The importance of the archaeological evidence in the reconstruction of the ritual system

clearly emerges from the comparison of the three pits. The differences in terms of artefacts

and ecofacts reflect closely those highlighted by the structural and stratigraphic analyses

(Mastronuzzi 2005: 239–40).

It can be argued that the biggest pit could have served as a hypogeum for the celebration

of rituals, including libations through the pierced slab, as well as blood and bloodless

sacrifices. There, sacrifices of animals took place alongside offerings of first fruits such as

pomegranates, grapes and cereals on dishes. The archaeological evidence, on the whole,

characterizes the pit as a megaron, an underground space where men experience a

particularly direct form of contact with fertility gods through the offering and deposition

of gifts (Burkert 1984: 352; Giammatteo 2001: 117).

The two smaller pits differ from the main one because of a series of structural features,

but also because of the presence in them of votive deposits, although in a secondary

position.

The composition of the vase assemblages may reflect specific ritual actions (Fig. 15). In

Pit 1 the assemblage ‘ring-handled cup/pot/one-handled cup’ can be referred to a sacred

meal, as supported by the substantial presence of legumes (while in Pit 3 there is a

predominance of cereals) and by other features indicative of combustion processes such as

charcoal and burnt stones. There is evidence of meals in honour of the deity, but also of

sacrifices of sheep, goats, pigs and even, significantly, dogs.

No dog remains were found in Pit 2, where the overall presence of animal bones is

scarce. The almost complete absence of pips and fruits from deposits corresponds to an

assemblage of functional shapes ‘oinochoe/ring-handled cup (skyphos)/small one-handled

cup’, which can be referred to libation rituals. Moreover, in this case, pots and charcoal

also provide evidence of ritual meals. The charcoal remains in Pit 2 come from heather and

myrtle, while in the other pits a prevalence of olive and oak was recorded.

Where burnt seeds and fruits are concerned, Girolamo Fiorentino has highlighted a very

meaningful feature: the taxa recorded in the three pits – vine, fig, pomegranate, olive,

myrtle and walnut – all ripen in autumn. Albeit cereals and legumes ripen in spring or

summer, those found in the pits do not show signs of parasitic attacks, which means that

they must have been offered and burnt shortly after the harvest. This suggests that the

autumn season held a central position in the agricultural and ritual calendar: like the

Greeks (Vian 1993: 52–3), during this season the Messapians made offerings in order to

obtain divine protection for their crops.


Acknowledgements

Many thanks to Professor Francesco D’Andria for the advice and enthusiastic support

provided during the analysis of the archaeological remains. We also thank Professors

Jacopo De Grossi Mazzorin and Girolamo Fiorentino, who lead archaeozoological and

palaeobotanical investigations at the Universita del Salento, for making available

unpublished data. Artefact drawings: F. Malinconico. Maps and plans: Arch. F. Ghio.

Photos: Archivio Dipartimento di Beni Culturali (fig. 11: P. Pulli; fig. 14: M. Vantaggiato).

Figure 15 Pottery from Pits 1, 2 and 3: artefact count by shape.


Fig. 1: Web-GIS degli insediamenti, Laboratorio di Informatica per l’Archeologia,

Universita del Salento, B. Pecere; figs 6–7: concept: F. D’Andria; drawing: InkLink Ltd.,

Florence. Authorship: ‘Introduction’ and ‘The settlement of Vaste’ by Paolo Ciuchini,

‘The Piazza Dante holy place’ and ‘Discussion and conclusions’ by Giovanni Mastronuzzi.

Giovanni Mastronuzzi

Dipartimento di Beni Culturali, Universita del Salento, Italy

[email protected]

Paolo Ciuchini

University College Dublin, Ireland

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Giovanni Mastronuzzi is Researcher in Classical Archaeology at the Universita del Salento

(Lecce). He has led excavations in Italy and Turkey, and is editor of the materials resulting

from those excavations. He has introduced scientific investigations into the archaeology of

cults in Southern Italy at international symposia.

Paolo Ciuchini is a PhD researcher at University College Dublin (School of Archaeology).

By working on a number of projects in Italy, Turkey and Ireland, he has gained wide

international experience in both the academic and commercial sector of archaeology. His

research interests include classical archaeology, Irish archaeology and archaeological

heritage management.


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Offerings and Rituals in a Messapian Holy