Notes

Chapter 1

1. See MORI’s survey of Web use at the 2001 general election: http://www.ipsos-mori.com/polls/2001/Hansard.shtml.

2. This is in sharp contrast to the 90 per cent of British people who express atrust in BBC and ITV news (Hargreaves and Thomas, 2002) and who see tel-evision as the most important source of political information (Dunleavy andHusbands, 1985; Independent Television Commission, 1996; and Barnett,1989). In specific domains of politics – like Europe and the euro – it is alsoclear that television supersedes the Internet as the medium people turn towhen they want information (Norris, 2000).

3. See Schroeder and Sjoquist (1986) for an accessible introduction.4. For an accessible treatise on the technique, see Hansen et al. (1998).

Chapter 2

1. This represents a regression line with the generic structure y � a(x) � b. Here‘a’ is the gradient and ‘b’ the point where it hits the vertical axis. In mathe-matical terms the line minimises the sum of the squares of the distancesbetween each observation and the line itself. The specific equation for oursummary line is, in fact, y � �0.196(x) � 24.3. The gradient is negative,meaning that we have a downward trend in coverage.

2. The equation for the superimposed line is y � �0.146(x) � 19.5, which againhas a negative ‘slope’.

3. The graphs here are not directly comparable to those for domestic coverage.British economic news tends to stand alone as a discrete story topic, but eurostories often touch on either the domestic economy or, more often, eco-nomic affairs in other European countries. So in Figures 2.3 and 2.4 we haveisolated and counted any story that touched on the Single Currency,although it was clear that the patterns subsequently uncovered were verysimilar to those observed when we looked at the smaller number of storiesdealing exclusively with the euro. Nevertheless, the vast majority of these sto-ries more than amply fulfil the criteria used by other researchers to identifystories with significant European content (Meyer, 2005, p. 127; Peter and deVreese, 2004, p. 10).

4. The regression equation for Figure 2.3 is y � �0.046(x) � 5.0, while the cor-responding one for Figure 2.4 is y � �0.045(x) � 3.2. The average number ofstories per month is nearly four on BBC and just under two on ITN.

5. http://www.itnarchive.com.6. ‘The European economy’ is defined in terms of the same economic subtopics

which constitute the ‘domestic economy’, but where they are reported asevents and developments in other EU countries.

179

7. Again, when we focus only on stories dealing exclusively with the EUeconomies, reassuringly a similar set of patterns still emerges.

8. The equation for the summary line is, in fact, y � �0.0195(x) � 6.1.9. The equation for the ITN summary line is, y � �0.031(x) � 3.8.

10. The slope of the summary equation for BBC is mildly positive at 1.056. Thatfor ITN is even more shallow at 0.185.

Chapter 3

1. As in the previous chapter, the focus was on BBC and ITN’s flagship bulletinsat 9 O’Clock and 10 O’Clock respectively.

2. Stories which were specifically about (un)employment or which figured theassociated issues in the opening to a report, were isolated. A range of closesynonyms to (un)employment, jobs and joblessness were used in thisprocess, including ‘redundancies’, ‘posts’ axed or created, ‘staff’ and‘staffing’, the shutting, creation or opening of businesses, and ‘lay-offs’.

3. Employment-related responses to MORI’s survey question ‘What is the mostimportant issue facing the country?’ fell from a peak of forty five percent inmid-1998 to twenty percent in December 1999. For details see: www.mori.com/polls/trends/issues.shtml.

4. Not all these stories have a clear indication of the likely trends in(un)employment in Britain. In others, new jobs and job losses are equallyprominent, while many carry significant conditional elements that make itimpossible to code them as unambiguously positive or negative (‘Last monththe Royal Opera’s chairman, Sir Colin Southgate threatened huge lay-offsunless staff to agreed to changes including less pay and longer hours’, BBC,28 October 1998). Also excluded are direct statements about (un)employ-ment by politicians, on the grounds that it is known from survey evidencethat these individuals are not trusted by the public.

5. Details of the Labour Force Survey’s ILO (International Labor Organisation)agreed definition of (un)employment, plus a definition of the ClaimantCount are explained at: www.statistics.gov.uk/cci/nugget.asp?id=165.

6. Typically, close and detailed textual analysis of economic news has tendedto focus on a very small corpus of printed or broadcast material (Emmison,1983; Jensen, 1987; Rae and Drury, 1993).

Chapter 4

1. The studies look at not only the news about the general state of ‘the econ-omy’, but also at interest rates, prices, changes in taxation, sales and spend-ing, wages and disposable income, the balance of payments, short-timeworking, state borrowing and the housing market.

2. And what little we know about the impact of explanatory coverage does tendto suggest that it has a measurable agenda-setting effect, i.e. the agents por-trayed in the coverage as responsible for economic turbulence, may soon fig-ure in the minds of public as such (Benton and Frazier, 1976). However,there is no comparable research for the United Kingdom.

180 Notes

3. I am very grateful to Professor David Sanders of Essex University for his helpin setting up the statistical models elaborated below. The interpretation ofthe models is my own.

4. For details of the coding scheme see Sanders and Gavin (2004).5. The introduction of the lagged independent variable is a standard procedure

in this form of lagged endogenous variable models. The unemployment andinflation variables were the Claimant Count and RPI respectively.

6. These included the following: interest rates; taxation; sales and spending;wages, pay and disposable income; imports/exports and the balance of pay-ments; short-time working; state borrowing; and the housing market. A finalbroad category of stories encompassed the ‘economy generally’, includingthe issues of recovery and recession, trade, production, investment, growthand business, as well as references to the general health of the economy.

7. A range of OLS regression models were run, using news as the dependentvariable. City attitudes were the dependent variable, with real world econ-omy measures deployed as controls, as in our previous models. The modelsused a stringent test of the relationship by looking at the change in FundManager’s attitudes and how this related to the balance of ‘good’ and ‘bad’news broadcast. The details of the models can be obtained from the authoron request.

Chapter 5

1. For a visual perspective from the point of view of some of the protesters see:www.urban75.org/mayday/index1.html.

2. For different views of both the Cenotaph and Churchill statues see:http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/733601.stm; and http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/732791.stm.

3. The stories were derived from a search of the Lexus-Nexus database, focusedon a key-word search that included ‘May Day protests’ and ‘anti-capitalist’,cross-checked against ‘anti-globali*ation’ and ‘globali*ation’.

4. The calculations here include each newspaper’s Sunday sister publication,with the exception of the Sun and the Guardian.

5. The key terms that were used to determine this concerned the appearance ofthe word ‘violence’ itself, but also fighting, clash(ing), trashing, injuring,attacking or assaulting, battles, war and war zone, weapons, ammunition,hitting, targeting, the throwing of objects and aggression, casualties, destruc-tion, thug(gery) and threats.

6. The table simply shows whether the various elements of the protest para-digm were present or absent. Rendering this into percentages would havebeen potentially misleading given the small numbers of stories.

7. A.T.T.A.C. stands for ‘Association pour une taxation des transactions finan-ciers pour l’aide aux citoyens’ and was originally formed to press for the so-called ‘Tobin Tax’ on all financial share transactions.

8. One peaceful demonstrator was filmed as he was kicked in the groin andthen shot at point blank range with a baton round.

9. A very wide range of groups were involved, these embracing a disparate setof aims and objectives – amongst many others they included ‘Reclaim The

Notes 181

Streets’ (who were, notionally, the lead organisation), but also ‘Earth First’,‘Corporate Watch’, ‘The Socialist Workers Party’, ‘Class War’, ‘Black Dog’,‘The Anarchist Federation’, ‘Animal Action’ and the ‘RevolutionaryCommunist Unionists of Turkey’.

10. The following give a sense of what some saw as the demonstrations’ princi-pal features: www.eco-action.org/efau/issues/2000/efau2000_0607.html;www.eco-action.org/dod/no9/may_day.htm; www.urban75.org/mayday/010.html; www.redpepper.org.uk/mkisby.html; and www.zing.icom43.net/mayday/report.html.

11. The Guardian leader on the days after the demonstration is a case in point,but see also Gott (2005) for subsequent criticism from the New Statesman.

12. These include George Monbiot (Guardian, 10/5/00), the anti-globalisationgroup ‘Corporate Watch’ (Times, 9/5/00) and the editor of the environmen-tal magazine The Ecologist writing in the Telegraph (15/5/00).

13. See http://homepage.ntlworld.com/ketmania/mayday.htm.14. Examples here are the Halloran et al. (1970) study of the media’s treatment

of the anti-Vietnam demonstration in Grosvenor Square, Deacon andGolding’s (1994) assessment of the anti-poll tax disturbances, alongsideresearch on press reaction to anti-WTO protests in Seattle (Rojecki, 2002),and perhaps even the analysis of coverage of the riots in Britain in the earlynineteen eighties (Tumber, 1982; Murdock, 1984). A case could also be madefor including political demonstrations in Northern Ireland, but these arecloser to the politics of low intensity warfare than to ‘conventional’ protests,demonstrations or riots.

15. There were 26 stories in all dealing predominately or exclusively with thedisturbances in Parliament Square, fifteen in the broadsheets and eleven inthe tabloids. These were derived from a search on the Lexus Nexus database,using the nested key terms ‘fox-hunting OR foxhunting OR demonstrat* ORhunt*’.

16. One Express report headlined ‘Police batter missile hurling mob with batonsas demo by middle-aged and middle-class to save foxhunting descends intofrightening violence – the bloody battle of Parliament Square’ (16/9/04) isalmost an archetypal example of the protest paradigm. It contains twentytwo references to violence and three to peaceful demonstration. Two police-men, one League Against Cruel Sports representative and a critical bystander(Tory MP Peter Bottomley) outnumber the three protesters quoted. Arrestsfeature prominently, and in a nine hundred word article, an explanation ofthe motives and aims of the protesters takes up just seventeen. A similarlystructured article appears in the Sun (‘Carnage as riot cops hit demo mob’,16/9/04), though with more protesters quoted.

17. See ‘Hunting protests: Out of bounds’, Guardian, 16/9/04, ‘Toff with theirheads’, Mirror 16/09/04, ‘Nice protest chaps, but pointless’, Independent onSunday 19/9/04 or ‘Yes storm the House, but for a proper cause’, Mail onSunday 19/9/04.

18. For example, ‘Two outspoken figures give their views as the debate reachesits climax’, Express 16/9/04) or a 3000 word report in the Times ‘Tally-hoRebels: ‘Its Civil War’ (19/9/04).

19. Another exception might be the race-related demonstrations and distur-bances that occurred in northern Britain in 2001, since these have been the

182 Notes

subject of considerable scholarly attention (amongst others, Karapin, 1999;Kundnani, 2001; Amin, 2003).

Chapter 6

1. In the case of Trenz (2004) and Meyer (2005) they focus only on theGuardian and the Times newspapers, Charteris-Black and Musolff (2003) onthe Financial Times.

2. Eurobarometer surveys consistently suggest that when citizens seek infor-mation on Europe they place TV before the press: http://europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/index_en.htm.

3. BBC 04/01/00.4. It was apparent on letters pages of the Financial Time (28/03/02 and

01/04/02) and the Independent (04/01/02). Europe’s direct taxation responsi-bilities figured in a Guardian report in April (13/04/02), with harmonisationof corporate tax resurfacing as an issue later that month (30/04/02). RupertMurdoch broached the issue in an interview for the same paper in June(11/06/02) and the Dutch Commissioner Frits Bolkestein’s statement on itprompted more coverage in July (29/07/02). Divergent tax regimes figured inthe Independent (26/02/02), as did Prodi’s call for new taxation powers(23/05/02), the tax harmonisation thread in European Convention delibera-tions (24/05/02 and 01/08/02) and Commission proposals to harmonisediesel duties (25/07/02). The issue was again apparent in Independent reportson French and German moves to revive the issue in December (03/12/02).

5. Channel 4 also had one interviewee comment that ‘... I just think it [theeuro] brings people together’ (02/01/01).

6. When the Guardian tried to test the boundaries of this new ‘openness’, theCommission rescinded its initial authorisation to access some sensitive offi-cial documents, stating that its original decision had been an ‘administrativeerror’, and in the process generated some friction with a title that was oth-erwise generally sympathetic to the EU.

7. The Europa Website offers us a list of 42 relative unknowns, largely from thebusiness and legal communities, dispersed across the entire British Isles:europa.eu.int/comm/relays/teameurope/pdf/london.pdf

8. Comparable problems are reported in other studies which deal with the EU’soffices in London (Anderson and Weymouth, 1999) and with some of thestandard operating procedures of the Council of Ministers (Kevin, 2003).

Chapter 7

1. Mori poll for the Sun newspaper, September 2000: www.mori.com/polls/2000/s000930.shtml.

2. Mori poll for the Times newspaper, June 2000: www.mori.com/polls/2000/t000627.shtml.

3. One percent could name a few of them, though six percent could state thatsustainable convergence between the British and the euro economies was aprerequisite: Mori June 2000: http://www.mori.com/polls/2000/notw000623.shtml.

Notes 183

4. This is expressed in a MORI poll on people’s reasons for being in favour oragainst Britain joining, and again in a survey asking people what would per-suade them to change their views: www.mori.com/polls/1999/gmb-euro.shtml; and www.mori.com/polls/2001/gbishop2.shtml.

5. As noted in Chapter 2, this represents a regression line with the genericstructure y�a(x)�b . Here ‘a’ is the gradient and ‘b’ the point where it hitsthe vertical axis. In mathematical terms the line minimises the sum of thesquares of the distances between each observation and the line itself.

6. This issue can be easier to flag than to address (Gavin and Sanders, 2003a),and can be a problem not only with the analysis of European coverage(Carey and Burton, 2004), but with studies of the domestic impact of themedia (Curtice, 1997).

7. I am very grateful to Professor David Sanders of Essex University for his helpin setting up the statistical models elaborated below. The interpretation ofthe models is the current author’s own.

8. The dependent variable was the percentage answering ‘Europe/CommonMarket/Euro’ in response to a recurrent Gallup question ‘What would you sayis the most urgent problem facing the country at the present time?’ The inde-pendent variables were as follows: the dependent variable lagged one month;Eurimp(t�1); either the number of stories broadcast (Eurstory) or their wordlength (Eurcount); and two dummy variables corresponding to some of themost significant political events in the period, the start and finish of thebombing in Kosovo, March 1999 to June 1999, (Kosovo) and the petrol crisisin September 2000 (Petrol crisis ‘00). The models passed the standard batteryof test which assure their statistical validity (for details contact the author).

9. See the Eurobarometer archive: http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/archives/eb_arch_en.htm.

10. Hodess (1997) has remarked that ‘... political science treatment of Europeanintegration has consistently failed to incorporate media into the frameworkof analysis of political change within the European Union. Given themedia’s numerous effects on politics, the continued lack of academic inter-est in media coverage of European integration seems curious’ (pp. 20–1).One is tempted to enquire just how far political science has come in theintervening period.

11. For instance, the ‘Mark Steel Lectures’ for the Open University conveyabstract and difficult themes in a way that is humorous, irreverent, engagingand interesting, and Channel Four has used much the same tactic with the‘Mark Thomas Product’: http://www.bbc.co.uk/comedy/guide/articles/m/marksteellectures_999031007.shtml; and http://www.channel4.com/news/microsites/M/mark_thomas/we.html.

12. This can be viewed at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/static/in_depth/uk/2001/referendum_street/default.stm.

Chapter 8

1. For instance, how many elites actually are there, and can this be answeredwithout the theory changing into something like neo-pluralism (Dunleavyand O’Leary, 1987; Smith, 1995)? Alternatively, where does ‘the elite’ actually

184 Notes

start and stop? Ironically, this issue is flagged up without much by way ofrecognition in Aeron Davis’ (2003) attempted rehabilitation of elite theory.He quotes Lord Tim Bell as stating, ‘Politics is a very tiny place ... if you know100 people in the right places you can talk to the whole country’ (p. 681).But senior press journalist Kevin McGuire also says ‘The great danger is thatit [politics] becomes a small world of 2000 people’ (p. 682). Both implicitlyunderscore the fact that the cut-off point for differentiating the elite from‘the rest’ is essentially and irredeemably arbitrary, a point also underac-knowledged in attempts to identify a specific journalistic elite (Sutton Trust,2006).

2. Claims have recently been made about the biases embedded in broadcastnews about the conflict in the Lebanon between Hizbullah and Israel, onoccasion without much by way of evidential substantiation (‘Unfriendly firefrom all sides’, Guardian, 31/07/06).

Notes 185

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202

Index

accountabilityEuropean, 151–4 , 161, 162political, 10, 48

accuracy, 5, 10, 47, 48, 52, 56, 67–8 ,81, 92, 128, 167

anti-globalisation, 22, 95–6 , 107, 108, 110, 114, 117, 168–9 , 172,173–4

Attac, 108, 110–11 , 173attribution of responsibility, 19, 49,

59, 75–6 , 81, 88for unemployment, 59–66for euro depreciation, 126–7

audience, 9, 10, 53, 59, 93, 116, 140comprehension, 159dependency, 75–6 , 122, 147–8 ,

149, 170, 176experience, 10, 14, 58–9 , 74, 75,

92, 147, 157exposure, 77, 79, 127, 146–7, 148,

158–9 , 162figures, 8fragmentation, 8knowledge, 3, 9, 11, 15, 49, 144,

146, 158–9 , 162interest, 9, 14–15 , 16, 36, 41, 48,

72, 77, 93, 132, 154, 156–7 ,158–60 , 162, 162, 174

motivations, 14–17partisan identification, 15, 81, 175selectivity, 127share, 8, 154sources of news, 5, 15, 16–17 , 78,

80, 122

balance, 95, 167–8in the press coverage

of the economy, 13, 49of Europe, 123

in television coverage

of the economy, 10, 11, 18–19,48, 53–4 , 65, 66–8 , 72, 76, 93,100, 105, 113, 118

of Europe, 121, 127, 130, 134–5 ,140, 141, 152, 160, 170–3

Bank of England, 57, 60, 62, 152Barclay brothers, 6BBC licence fee, 8, 9, 167, 178bias, 19, 48

definition, 66–7 , 68–71and objectivity, 67–8on television, 48–50 , 51

‘bias against understanding’, 18, 59,66, 72, 77, 107, 116–17, 171–2

Birt, John, 9, 66, 171–2Black, Conrad, 6Blair, Tony, 13, 62, 125, 140broadcasting

commercial, 5, 8, 11–12 , 18, 40–1,167, 170, 172, 178

digital, 7, 8, 167finances, 9, 167journalists, 11, 21, 77, 90, 108, 112,

117–18 , 139, 141, 155–6 , 160–1market, 3, 12, 41, 161, 172regulation, 12, 29, 41standards, 11–12 , 41, 167trust by public, 16–17

capitalism, 58, 98capitalists, 88, 89, 94‘Channel 4’, 16Channel 4 News, 35–6 , 134–5citizen(s), 51, 57–8, 165

informed engagement, 11, 38, 42,144, 152, 153, 157, 159, 166,169–70 , 171, 176, 178

motivations, 14–17 , 158–9the City, 49, 58, 90–2 , 177

effects on economic news, 89–92

The pages in bold are those where the topics concerned are given particularemphasis.

Index 203

communication deficit, 42, 170conflict frame, 122, 157Conservatives, 13, 80, 124, 136consonant coverage, 76, 127, 139,

149–50 , 160, 176 content analysis, 23, 53, 80coverage

of anti-globalisation protest, 96, 97,168–9

in the press, 99–102on television, 100, 102–3 , 174

of the economyon television, 4, 16, 31–3 , 38,

48–51, 74, 81, 82–4 , 89–92 ,168–9, 171–2

of the euroin the press, 123, 147on television, 22, 33–6 , 38, 40,

41, 42, 124–36 , 139–41 , 146,148–9, 154, 159–60 , 169–70 ,172

of Europein the press, 69–70 , 122–4 ,

128–9 , 131, 139, 140, 146, 147, 149, 157, 160, 172, 173, 176

on television, 61, 62, 122–4 , 139,147, 148, 152–53 ,

of European economyon television, 36–7 , 38, 40,

41, 42, 123, 147, 148–9 , 154,175–6

fair(ness), 10, 58, 67, 68, 81, 108,112, 158, 167

of inflationon television, 50, 60, 76–7 , 82–4 ,

90–1 , 126, 127, 133omissions in, 49–50 , 57, 63–5 ,

70–2 , 76–7, 88, 95, 97, 100,102–3 , 107–8 , 115–6 , 118,123, 131, 133–4 , 140, 171, 172

of peaceful demonstrators, 97, 103,109, 112, 114, 115

in the press, 101on television, 102–3 , 172

of police, 7–8, 109, 110in the press, 100, 101, 104, 105,

115

on television, 103, 104, 105, 112of pro-foxhunting demonstration,

115–16of protester motivation, 97, 105–8 ,

111, 115in the press, 106–8 , 115, 117on television, 105–6, 112–13, 116

of (un)employmenton television, 51–5 , 56–60, 71–3 ,

74, 76–7, 80–1, 82–4 , 86, 87–9,92–4 , 171, 174–5

of Seattle protest, 96, 108–10 , 118,173

of violence, 97–8, 105, 111, 114,116

in the press, 100–1 , 103, 115–16on television. 100, 100–1 , 102–3,

117, 172critical theorists, 4, 19, 49, 58, 77–8 ,

89, 167–8, 174, 176–7

Dacre, Paul, 6, 13, 14democracy, 3, 5, 16

European, 142, 149–53 , 154,156–62 , 176

informed/mediated, 3–4 , 17–21 ,25–6, 38–9, 59, 71,77, 85, 95,114, 165–6 , 168, 170, 176, 178

Desmond, Richard, 6, 13dumbing-down, 17–18, 24, 25, 48,

158, 167, 170history of, 26

Dyke, Greg, 9, 170

‘economisation’, 166the economy

definition of, 31effects, 4, 19, 20, 23–4 , 77–8, 84–7 ,

94, 175–7agenda-setting, 80, 81–4 , 94, 147,

148–9 , 175of economic news, 53, 78–81 , 88–9,

175, 176of (un)employment news, 80, 81,

82–4 , 92–3of euro news, 20, 142, 146–7 ,

149–50of European news, 20, 142, 146–7 ,

176

204 Index

elite(s), 4, 15, 16, 49, 88, 89–92, 94,97, 105, 148–9, 168, 177

elite theory, 176–7the euro, 30, 33, 138–9, 155, 159–60

introduction in 2002, 35, 129–32,137, 145, 172

pros and cons, 132–6, 140–1value of, 126–9

Europe(an)Council, 156Council of Ministers, 151, 156Court of Justice, 151discourse, 122–6, 127, 128–9, 139,

148division, 124, 126, 127, 139, 157,

159Draft Constitution, 155–6, 157, 176identity, 124, 125, 128, 130, 148,

150, 153image management, 136, 154, 161,

176integration, 42, 123, 125, 126, 138–9legitimacy, 125, 126, 128, 139,

150–3 , 154, 176MEPs, 137, 152, 157officials, 123, 126, 128, 130, 137Parliament, 137, 151, 157peace, 123, 130–1 , 141, 172public relations

see image managementRepresentations, 137rights/entitlements, 150, 151, 152Social Chapter, 123solidarity, 125, 150Stability Pact, 173taxation, 123, 124–26 , 127, 128,

132, 134, 135European Central Bank (ECB), 123,

126, 131, 132, 140, 151–3European Commission(ers), 125, 137,

140, 151, 161, 173europeanization, 42–3, 121Europhile(s), 125, 127, 134Eurosceptic(s), 125, 128, 129, 138, 141experimental analysis, 24, 84, 146, 148explanation

of inflation, 50, 76of (un)employment, 59–66 , 71–2,

171, 174

flagship bulletins, 29, 30, 71, 100,105, 169

‘gap filling’, 12, 117, 167, 170, 178general election(s), 10, 30, 32, 84,

146, 148, 155‘gist’, 17, 81, 158Glasgow University Media Group, 50,

51, 72Graber, Doris, 165–6

hard news, 7, 12, 29, 37, 39, 40, 43,165–6 , 169–70, 178

definition of, 28, 30, 169human interest, 26, 28–9, 147, 157

ideology, 19, 48–9 , 50, 56, 58, 77,86–9 , 90, 94, 167–8 , 177

image management, 14, 18–19, 73,108–11, 168, 173, 174–5

impactsee effects

impartiality, 3–4, 5, 10, 11, 13, 66, 78,93, 98, 113, 135, 153, 167, 171,173

indexing, 58, 72influence

see effectsinformation, 3, 5–6 , 14–17 , 42, 47–8,

75, 78, 80, 84, 137, 144, 147,169, 175

infotainment, 25, 26–7, 39interest rates, 31, 39, 60, 82–3 , 90–1,

126, 132–5internet, 5, 7, 8, 61, 78issue salience, 80, 82–4, 85, 145–6,

148, 154

knowledge gap, 158, 160

Lafontaine, Oscar, 124, 125, 140

managerialism, 3Maastricht, 123media

competition, 3, 7–8 , 10, 11–12, 29,39, 116, 167

‘watchdog’ function, 48‘mediatization’, 17

Index 205

monetarism, 63–4 , 65, 70, 71, 76, 88monitorial citizen, 165Murdoch, Rupert, 6, 7, 8, 13, 136

negative news, 48–9, 50, 53–6 , 72–3,81, 113, 131, 138, 139–40, 147,149, 150, 157, 171, 174

neutrality, 11, 58, 66New Labour, 13, 14, 39, 52, 63, 64,

73, 85, 88, 155, 169, 174news

frames, 66, 68, 122, 132, 147, 157quality, 5, 7, 16, 17, 18, 23, 66, 69,

161, 168, 172, 178quantity, 5, 16, 17, 18, 23, 30–8 ,

52, 86, 169–70, 172News at Ten, 29, 32, 35, 40newspapers

see pressnews values, 77, 86, 92, 96, 154, 157newsworthiness, 35, 36, 53, 72, 84,

90, 92, 99, 113, 128, 139, 140,154, 155

norms (social/civic), 97, 101, 103, 113

objectivity in coverage, 18–19, 48, 93,98, 111–13 , 118, 128

criteria for, 66–8and the ‘spectrum of plausibility’, 68

Parliament Square protest, 115, 117partisan identification, 15, 81, 175‘pervasive pessimism’, 4, 5, 168political marketing, 136, 174press

black tops, 6, 17, 175broadsheets, 6, 21, 25, 28, 80, 99,

101, 104, 106–7 , 118, 173, 175motivations, 13–14red tops, 6, 17, 80, 175tabloids, 6, 28, 99, 106, 123, 175trust in, 16–17

print mediasee press

Prodi, Romano, 126, 129, 130promotion deficit, 137–8proprietorial intervention, 3, 21, 129,

166the protest dynamic, 108–11 , 117

the protest paradigm, 97–9, 100–8 ,114–5, 116

public opinion on the euro, 142–5public relations (PR), 14, 19, 88, 93,

108–10 , 117, 136–8 , 150, 173public service broadcasting, 9–12 , 40,

114ethos, 11, 38, 98obligations, 9–10 , 25, 36, 40–1,

113, 97–8, 105, 116, 139, 160,176

provision, 47, 50–1, 56, 59, 66,68–71 , 92–4 , 141, 171

public sphere, 42, 47, 95, 121, 124,139, 153

Reclaim the Streets, 105, 107, 111Referendum Street, 159–60reification, 49–50 , 59–60, 62, 72,

87–8, 171regression analysis, 23, 82–3 , 148revenue

advertising, 7broadcasting, 8, 12, 167, 170, 178

salienceof the economy, 80, 82–6of Europe, 145, 148–9

Schroeder, Gerhard, 125, 126Seattle protests, 96, 108–110 , 118,

173sensationalism, 11, 50, 57Single European Currency

see eurosovereignty, 123, 132, 134source(s)

see ‘voices’spectrum of plausibility, 68–71 , 72,

73, 76, 111, 118, 171spin, 18, 21–2 , 88, 173–5spin doctors, 14, 93, 157story length, 38, 39, 135summary line, 33, 34, 35, 37, 145

tabloidization, 7, 169–70definition of, 26–7history of, 26

trade unions, 14, 50, 57, 58, 59, 61,62, 63–4 , 174

206 Index

Trafalgar Square protestas an event, 98–9, 109–10, 111–12,

173truth content, 48, 66, 67–9 , 81, 118

United States, 15–16, 78–9, 96,165–66

voices, 49, 56–9 , 103–5 , 112, 130,172

of consumer groups, 57of business, 57, 58–9of EU officials, 130of fox-hunters, 115

of government, 50, 57, 58–9, 72,104, 130

of police, 104of protesters, 104, 105of trade unions, 57vox pop, 56–8 , 130

voting, 74–5, 76, 79, 80, 142, 144–5,151–2

websee internet

Welfare-to-Work, 52, 61, 63World Trade Organization (WTO),

107, 109, 110