Nonresident Father Visitation

Nonresident Father Visitation, Parental Conflict, and Mother's Satisfaction: What's Best forChild Well-Being?Author(s): Valarie King and Holly E. HeardSource: Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 61, No. 2 (May, 1999), pp. 385-396Published by: National Council on Family RelationsNational Council on Family RelationsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/353756Accessed: 09/12/2010 16:26

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ncfr.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

National Council on Family Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toJournal of Marriage and Family.

http://www.jstor.org

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ncfr


http://www.jstor.org/stable/353756?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


VALARIE KING The Pennsylvania State University

HOLLY E. HEARD University of North Carolina*

Nonresident Father Visitation, Parental Conflict,

and Mother's Satisfaction:

What's Best for Child Well-Being?

This study examines the interrelationship of nonresident father visitation, parental conflict over this visitation, and the mother's satisfaction with the father's visitation. We consider the prevalence and characteristics of diverse family types defined by these interrelated processes and the implications of these arrangements for child adjustment, global well-being, and behavior problems. Data come from the first wave of the National Survey of Families and Households, from mothers in households with children younger than 18 years old who had a father living elsewhere. Results show that a variety of family constellations exist. Chil- dren are least well off in families in which mothers are dissatisfied with high levels offather contact.

Department of Sociology, The Pennsylvania State University, 211 Oswald Tower, University Park, PA 16802 (vking@ pop.psu.edu).

*Department of Sociology, University of North Carolina, CB #3210, Chapel Hill, NC 27599 ([email protected]).

Key Words: children, divorce, fathers, nonresident parents, visitation.

The role of nonresident fathers in family life is re-

ceiving increased attention, yet many aspects of these fathers and their interaction with their children and with the residential mother are still unknown. In particular, little attention has been paid to the diversity of nonresident parenting arrangements and the resulting implications for family relationships and child well-being (Bray & Dep- ner, 1993). Understanding the implications of these

arrangements, particularly for child well-being, is crucial, given that approximately 50% of all children will live in a single-parent family at some

point in their childhood (Bumpass, 1984). We examine the interrelationship of nonresi-

dent father visitation, parental conflict, and the mother's satisfaction with the father's contact. We describe the prevalence and characteristics of diverse family types defined by these interrelated

processes, and we consider the implications of these different arrangements for child adjustment, global well-being, and behavior problems.

We address several questions unexplored in prior research. How are the mother's satisfaction with visitation, parental conflict over visitation, and the levels of father visitation related to each other? Are these relationships linear or monotonic, as is often assumed? Under what conditions are mothers most satisfied? Which family types are most prevalent, and how do they differ in demographics

Journal of Marriage and the Family 61 (May 1999): 385-396 385

Journal of Marriage and the Family

and family processes? How are these different

family types related to child adjustment, global well-being, and behavior problems? In which families are children doing the best and the worst?

Parents influence their children both by the way they behave toward their children and by the way they interact with one another (Lamb, Pleck, & Levine, 1986). Therefore, the parental relationship also must be taken into account when assessing the

importance of nonresident fathers' contact for child

well-being. Yet prior research has never simultane-

ously addressed how the interrelated processes of visitation, conflict, and satisfaction work together or how they affect child development.

Furthermore, there is a lack of information about the prevalence of different nonresident parenting arrangements. Much of the existing research is based on small, unrepresentative samples or on the

experiences of divorcing couples in particular states (Maccoby & Mnookin, 1992; Nord & Zill, 1996b). These studies may not reflect the experiences of most nonresident or custodial parents and their children. First, what do we know about nonresident

parenting?

NONRESIDENT PARENTING

Visitation

Many children have little contact with their nonresident fathers, and contact generally declines over time (Furstenberg & Harris, 1992; King, 1994a; Seltzer, 1991). Yet contact is crucial if nonresident fathers want to maintain ties to their children (Fox, 1985), and fathers who visit their children

every week are likely to establish different relation-

ships than fathers who rarely visit (Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988).

Geographic distance, time since separation, and remarriage of one or both parents are associated with declining father contact. Factors positively associated with father contact include higher parental socioeconomic status, older children, children born within marriage, Black families, joint custody, and a positive coparental relationship, including the mother's attitudes toward the father as a parent. Some studies report that sons enjoy more frequent and longer visits than daughters, but others find little or no association (Ahrons 1983; Bowman & Ahrons, 1985; Hether- ington, Cox, & Cox, 1982; Nord & Zill, 1996a; Seltzer, 1991; Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988).

Different types of father involvement tend to be correlated. Fathers who maintain social contact

with their children are more likely to provide economic assistance and to play a role in childrearing decisions (Seltzer, 1991). Fathers who have little or no in-person contact rarely compensate in other

ways, such as communicating by phone or mail. Fathers who visit regularly communicate most often in other ways as well (Arendell, 1995; Buchanan, Maccoby, & Dombusch, 1996; Fursten-

berg, 1988). Such findings discount the notion that fathers who are unable to provide one source of involvement compensate by offering another. Rather, they suggest that there is a subset of fathers who are particularly concerned about their children (Teachman, 1991).

Parental Conflict

Many parents have a moderate to highly conflictual

relationship after divorce, and visitation is a common source of conflict (Arendell, 1986; Hethering- ton et al., 1982). However, conflict tends to decline over time. A typical pattern is for couples to

disengage within a year or two of the separation (Furstenberg & Cherlin, 1991). Even when fathers maintain ties to their children, they often engage in parallel parenting and have little to do with their

ex-spouse. Restricted communication with the mother may be a way to avoid conflict (Fursten- berg & Nord, 1985).

Much of the literature views parental conflict as "bad" and often assumes that conflict will neg- atively affect father-child contact, an assumption not thoroughly examined. Fathers may begin to avoid their children if it means having a fight with the child's mother, or mothers may try to reduce visitation to avoid hostile interactions with the father (Loewen, 1988). Arditti and Keith (1993) report that although several studies have found this negative correlation between conflict and contact, many others find little or no association. Indeed, several studies based on national data report a positive association between father involvement and parental conflict (Amato & Rezac, 1994; Furstenberg & Harris, 1992; Furstenberg & Nord, 1985). As Amato and Rezac argue, contact provides increased opportunities for conflict. An absence of conflict does not necessarily imply that the parents are getting along with one another but may indicate that the parents have nothing to do with one another. If a father, for example, has completely disengaged from the family, not only will there be no father-child contact, but the lack of contact with his ex-wife will preclude conflict. Some amount of contact must exist before con-

386

Nonresident Father Visitation

flict can occur. In this sense, some conflict may be "good," in so far as it indicates a father's continued engagement as a parent.

Parental Satisfaction

Few studies have examined parental satisfaction with nonresident father involvement, yet parental satisfaction is likely to be linked to the viability of cooperative parenting arrangements. Satisfied fathers may be more likely to stay involved with their children, given that some fathers report that the emotional pain involved in visitation causes them to decrease their contact with their children (Arendell, 1995; Fox, 1985).

In addition, because of the mother's role of gatekeeper, her satisfaction might have implications for her support of a father's involvement (Buchanan, et al., 1996). It is not clear just how often mothers actually try to prevent or interfere with visitation. Advocates of fathers' rights claim that men are locked out of the family (Furstenberg, 1995, p. 196), and the mother's interference with visitation is reported to be a problem by many nonresident fathers (Arditti, 1995; Arendell, 1995). Yet studies based on custodial mothers find little evidence that mothers frequently deny or obstruct fathers' visitation (Arendell, 1986; Furstenberg, 1995).

Few studies have directly explored the level of father involvement at which mothers are most satisfied. Arendell (1986) found that divorced mothers who experienced the least economic hardship and had the most parenting support from ex-husbands were the most satisfied. Mothers often wished their children could see more of their fathers and were angry and resentful if fathers had no contact.

Furstenberg and Nord's (1985) national study found that most custodial parents complained about the low levels of childrearing responsibility assumed by the nonresident parent, but this source of dissatisfaction declined as levels of nonresident parent-child contact increased. On the other hand, Furstenberg (1988) reports that when it comes to satisfaction with custody arrangements, custodial parents are more dissatisfied when children have very frequent contact than when they have lower levels of contact.

It appears that in some families, father contact is welcomed and leads to feelings of satisfaction, but in others it creates a source of dissatisfaction. It is unknown which family type is more common.

Child Well-Being

Early research and concern over the relationship between nonresident fathers and their children often were predicated on the assumption that father contact would have positive benefits for children. Father involvement in two-parent families is associated with child well-being on an array of measures, and it was assumed that nonresident fathers who maintained frequent contact could mitigate some of the negative consequences associated with their absence from the household. For example, if fathers continue to have contact, parents may be better able to maintain consistent discipline over and supervision of their children. Mothers may experience less stress from not having to take sole responsibility. Fathers who visit are more likely to pay child support, which can ease some of the economic hardship of divorce for women and children (King, 1994a; Nord & Zill, 1996b).

Evidence supporting this assumption, however, has been limited. Most studies based on large national surveys have found little association between father visitation and child well-being. Re- searchers have begun to examine the contexts or conditions under which visitation may promote child well-being (e.g., Furstenberg, Morgan, & Allison, 1987; King, 1994b). However, few studies have reported strong or consistent effects.

Studies examining the direct effect of conflict on child well-being often do report a negative association (Amato & Rezac, 1994), although this effect is often not particularly strong (Buchanan et al., 1996; McLanahan, Seltzer, Hanson, & Thomas, 1991). Again, not all conflict may be "bad." Indeed, most intimate relationships involve some conflict. Conflict can vary in its content, frequency, intensity, process, and resolution, as well as in the extent to which children are directly ex- posed to it (Cummings & Davies, 1994). As Emery (1988, pp. 97-98) argues, it is when conflict is open and angry that it is most likely to affect child well-being. If parents can cooperate over childrearing, children often exhibit positive adjustment, regardless of parental conflict.

No studies have directly assessed the importance of parental satisfaction for child well-being. Yet there are reasons to believe that a mother's satisfaction may be linked to factors that are related to children's adjustment. For example, a mother's satisfaction may be an important compo- nent of her functioning after divorce, which is linked to child adjustment (Furstenberg & Cher- lin, 1991; Furstenberg et al., 1987; Kelly, 1993).

387


Her satisfaction with parenting arrangements may promote and reflect her own well-being, which can benefit her child.

To the extent that father visitation promotes child well-being, children may suffer if a mother's dissatisfaction leads to restricted father contact. Even if mothers do not restrict visitation, they may make their dissatisfaction with the father's continued visitation known to the child, who may then feel a sense of divided loyalty to both parents, with negative implications for the child's well-being (Grych & Fincham, 1990; Johnston, Kline, & Tschann, 1989).

A mother's satisfaction is also likely to reflect positive attributes of the father's personality or behavior that may benefit children. For example, a mother is more likely to be satisfied with frequent father contact if the father is, warm and easy to negotiate with, shows up on time for scheduled visits, and pays child support. When the parental relationship is strained and the father frequently misses scheduled visits or pays infrequent or no child support, a mother's satisfaction with frequent visits is likely to be lower.

Finally, the level of satisfaction may be an important context that potentially moderates the influence of visitation or parental conflict on child well-being. Perhaps it is when mothers are satisfied with high levels of father visitation that children benefit the most. Conversely, children may be worse off if mothers are dissatisfied with the father's involvement, particularly if conflict over this ensues. This suggests that in addition to possible direct effects on child well-being, interactions may exist among visitation, conflict, and satisfaction.

OBJECTIVES AND HYPOTHESES

Informed by the existing literature, we explore the following objectives and hypotheses.

First, we examine the bivariate relationships among mother's satisfaction with visitation, parental conflict over visitation, and levels of father visitation. We also explore what conditions of visitation and conflict satisfy mothers the most. We hypothesize that parental conflict is nega- tively associated with mother's satisfaction. We also expect that frequent visitation is positively associated with mother's satisfaction, but past research has failed to consider whether this relationship is linear or to explore the relative prevalence of satisfaction under varying levels of visitation. The literature is mixed on whether frequent visitation is associated with more or less

parental conflict. In examining this relationship, we also test the possibility that it may not be linear. Finally, we hypothesize that mothers are most satisfied when visitation is frequent and conflict is absent and that they are least satisfied when visitation is infrequent and conflict exists.

Second, we examine which family types are most prevalent and how their demographics and family processes differ. Prior research yields little information about the prevalence of different nonresident parenting arrangements and has found many of the demographic and family factors in this analysis to be associated with father visitation. But here we explore which factors are important in differentiating family types characterized by varying levels of visitation, conflict, and satisfaction.

Third, we explore the implications of these family types for child well-being. We hypothesize that children are doing best in families characterized by frequent father visitation, satisfied mothers, and the absence of conflict. Similarly, we expect that children are doing most poorly in families characterized by infrequent father visitation, dissatisfied mothers, and conflict.

METHODS

Data come from the first wave of the National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH), a probability sample of adults in households in the United States in 1987-1988. The full sample includes over 13,000 respondents and had a response rate of approximately 74%. Sample weights are available to compensate for the differential proba- bilities of sample selection due to the oversampling of several population groups, such as minorities and single parents. The results reported here are from approximately 1,565 cases in which respondents were mothers in households with children younger than 18 years old who had a father living elsewhere. A focal child was randomly selected from all eligible children. The sample includes both children born in and outside marriage. The final set of analyses examining child well-being is limited to children 5 years old and older (approximate n = 1,172). Many of the items (e.g., problem behaviors at school) are inappropriate for younger children.

A description of the key variables in the analyses is presented in the Appendix. All of the measures are based on mother reports. Our three key measures focus on the domain of nonresident father contact by assessing the frequency of father visitation with a focal child (from no contact to several

388


times a week), by assessing whether the mother is satisfied or dissatisfied with the father's level of contact with the focal child, and by assessing whether conflict exists between the parents over the father's visitation. (Given that fewer than 8% of the respondents reported "a great deal" of conflict, we dichotomized this variable into no conflict versus some or a great deal of conflict.)

Then we group families based on levels of visitation, conflict, and satisfaction. We create eight family types by the cross-classification of conflict (no, yes), satisfaction (dissatisfied, satisfied), and visitation (low, high). High visitation is defined as at least once a month, low visitation as several times a year or fewer. Although some information is lost by dichotomizing visitation in this manner, we feel this split is a reasonable one. In addition to having face validity, it facilitates the grouping of families and allows for an almost equal distribution of cases between the two groups. Although other splits are possible, they result in more skewed dis- tributions. Finally, additional analyses not shown here yield findings consistent with our conclusions and suggest this split is a reasonable one.

The grouping of families based on patterns of visitation, conflict, and satisfaction is consistent with a person-centered approach (Magnusson, 1985) to data analysis in which people-and not variables-are the key unit of analysis. In this approach, individuals (and in our particular case, families) are categorized into subgroups on the basis of pattern similarity and then compared. It is consistent with our orientation of viewing visitation, conflict, and satisfaction as interrelated processes and it moves the analysis beyond simple additive linear models.

RESULTS

Bivariate Relationships Among Mother's Satisfaction, Parental Conflict,

and Father Visitation

Table 1 reports the percentage of mothers who are satisfied with the father's visitation and the percentage of mothers who report conflict over visitation at different levels of visitation. Consistent with our hypothesis, the percentage of mothers who are satisfied (88%) is greatest in families in which fathers visit most often, although the relationship is not linear. More mothers are satisfied when fathers have no contact (71%) than when fathers have very low levels of contact (e.g., only a few times a year, 59%). Thus mothers are more

TABLE 1. PERCENTAGE OF MOTHERS SATISFIED WITH

FATHER'S VISITATION AND WHO REPORT

CONFLICT WITH FATHER OVER VISITATION, BY

DIFFERENT LEVELS OF VISITATION (WEIGHTED)

Mothers Who Mothers Who Frequency of Visits Are Satisfied Report Conflict

None 70.5 7.1 Once a year 57.7 25.6 Several times a year 58.9 32.5 1-3 times a month 66.2 33.8 Once a week 76.1 29.7 Several times a week 88.4 21.5 X2 31.64*** 46.25*** (Unweighted n) (1,544) (1,546)

***p < .001.

likely to be satisfied when fathers are highly involved with their children, although in some cases mothers are more likely to be satisfied when fathers never visit, rather than when they visit infrequently.

Conflict over visitation increases as levels of father contact increase but not monotonically. For the highest levels of contact (once a week or more), the percentage of mothers reporting conflict declines somewhat. Very high involvement may reduce conflict between parents, or fathers may only be very involved in the absence of conflict (Aren- dell, 1995). These results also suggest that conflict is expected in many families when there is any interaction. Lack of conflict is better viewed as an indicator of disengagement of the parents than as an indicator that the parents are getting along well. The curvilinear nature of the relationship between visitation and both satisfaction and conflict was confirmed by testing nested logistic regression models that showed that adding a squared term to allow for curvilinearity resulted in a better fit to the data. (Analyses referred to in this article but not shown are available from the first author.)

In comparing the percentage of mothers who are satisfied by the father's visitation with whether conflict over visitation exists, it is not surprising to find that, consistent with our hypothesis, mothers are less likely to be satisfied when conflict exists than when it is absent (53% satisfied vs. 75% satisfied, X2 = 27.87, p < .001, n = 1,542; table not shown). Yet even in situations of conflict, over half of the mothers still report being satisfied.

Linkages Among Mother's Satisfaction, Parental Conflict, and Father Visitation

Which mothers are most satisfied with the father's visitation? Table 2 reports the percentage of mothers who are satisfied, given different levels

389


TABLE 2. PERCENTAGE OF MOTHERS SATISFIED WITH

FATHER'S VISITATION UNDER VARYING CONDITIONS OF

VISITATION AND CONFLICT (WEIGHTED)

Levels of Visitation Mothers and Conflict Who Are Satisfied

1. Low visitation, no conflict 69.0 2. Low visitation, conflict 45.1 3. High visitation, no conflict 84.6 4. High visitation, conflict 59.0

Note: F = 35.3 (p < .001), unweighted n = 1,537. All groups are significantly different from each another at p < .05.

of visitation and the presence of conflict over it. Consistent with our hypothesis, mothers in families in which father contact is high and conflict is absent are most likely to be satisfied (85%). Even if conflict exists, however, a majority of mothers are still satisfied (59%) when fathers have high levels of contact. Many mothers are satisfied when father contact is low if conflict is also absent (69%). Mothers are least likely to be satisfied when fathers are not visiting very often and when the parents experience conflict over this (45%).

Family Patterns and Distinguishing Characteristics

Families can be differentiated by the patterns they exhibit for father visitation, mother satisfaction with the visitation, and parental conflict over visitation. This section explores characteristics that distin- guish these family types, beginning with the most common groups. (See Table 3; group percentages are based on weighted data with unweighted n = 1,537.)

Group 1: Low visitation, mother satisfied, no conflict (33%). The most common family pattern is one in which fathers have little contact, the mother is satisfied with this arrangement, and there is no conflict over it. These fathers live farthest from their children and are more likely to be currently married and to have additional children. The mothers are also most likely to be currently married. These parents are least likely to share legal custody, and a relatively smaller proportion has children who were born within marriage. In families in which children were born within marriage, the time since separation has been longer. These mothers report the lowest levels of discussion with the father about the child and rank them among the least influential in making decisions about the child. These fathers are least likely to pay child support.

Thus, in these families, the parents appear to have disengaged from one another. The fathers have little contact with their children, but mothers seem satisfied with this arrangement.

Group 2: High visitation, mother satisfied, no conflict (25%). The other common pattern is one in which fathers have a lot of contact with their children and mothers are satisfied with this involvement and report no conflict. These fathers live nearby and are least likely to be currently married or to have had additional children. The mothers are also less likely to be currently married. These mothers report the highest levels of discussion with fathers and rate them as the most influential. These fathers have among the highest rates of child support payments and an intermediate prevalence of joint legal custody.

Families in Groups 1 and 2 are similar in that mothers report being satisfied and no conflict over visitation exists. They are also almost equally common. Yet the level of father visitation differs dramatically, as do the characteristics of these families. In Group 2 we get a portrait of involved fathers who are still attached to their children and whose efforts appear to be supported by mothers.

Group 3: Low visitation, mother dissatisfied, no conflict (15%). Although only half as common as the two largest groups, a fair percentage of families are characterized by infrequent father visitation and mother reports of dissatisfaction with this, despite no conflict. These fathers live com- paratively far from their children and are among the most likely to be currently married and to have additional children. The children tend to be older, on average. The mothers report little discussion with the fathers, rate father influence lowest, and are among the least likely to report receiving child support or to share legal custody. These families also have been separated the longest (for children born within marriage).

These patterns suggest that these fathers have little to do with their children and former partners, but what makes them distinct from Group 1 is that the mothers are unhappy with this arrangement. It is likely that many want to see the fathers take a greater role in their children's lives. Perhaps in some cases in which visitation is infrequent but still occurs, mothers would prefer that the father not visit at all.

Over two thirds of families fall within the first three groups. Although each makes up only between 5% and 7% of the overall sample, the remaining

390

TABLE 3. CHARACTERISTICS OF FAMILY TYPES (MEAN LEVELS, WEIGHTED)

Group 1: 33% Group 2: 25% Group 3: 15% Group 4: 7% Group 5: 6% Group 6: 5% Group 7: 5% Group 8: 5% Low Visitation, High Visitation, Low Visitation, High Visitation, Low Visitation, High Visitation, High Visitation, Low Visitation,

Mother Mother Mother Mother Mother Mother Mother Mother Satisfied, Satisfied, Dissatisfied, Satisfied, Dissatisfied, Dissatisfied, Dissatisfied, Satisfied,

No Conflict No Conflict No Conflict Conflict Conflict Conflict No Conflict Conflict

Demographic characteristics of fathers, mothers, children

Distance 685 64 618 58 521 91 113 422 Father is married .41 .23 .42 .22 .41 .33 .39 .35 Father has other kids .38 .18 .43 .19 .26 .20 .19 .35 Mother is married .31 .16 .23 .15 .27 .14 .20 .16 Mother's education 11.8 12.3 12.1 12.5 12.9 13.1 12.2 12.4 Mother is White .60 .56 .55 .59 .76 .70 .66 .53

Age of child 9.7 8.5 10.6 6.7 8.8 7.5 9.7 9.0 Child's gender 1.46 1.53 1.47 1.46 1.47 1.53 1.46 1.46 Child born in marriage .48 .56 .58 .62 .65 .77 .66 .44 Time since separation 106.76 74.70 107.47 55.20 90.62 56.57 72.11 81.31

Family processes Joint legal custody .03 .15 .05 .17 .13 .24 .21 .12 Father pays child support .25 .63 .37 .62 .43 .72 .48 .49 Parents discuss child 1.80 4.36 1.89 4.28 2.46 3.90 3.32 2.80 Father's influence 1.12 1.95 1.07 1.77 1.14 1.68 1.30 1.40

Note: The groups differ significantly (F, p < .01) on every characteristic except child's gender. Approximate unweighted n = 1,537.


family types show an interesting array of patterns. In Group 4 (7%), fathers are very involved, and mothers are satisfied, despite conflict. These families are similar to Group 2, except that conflict exists, although it does not appear to get in the way. The source of this conflict is unclear. Perhaps one parent prefers even greater involvement or feels the other parent could be more supportive. Furthermore, the families without conflict in

Group 2 may have experienced conflict earlier but then witnessed its attenuation over time. Evidence for this interpretation lies in the fact that although they share many similar family characteristics, Group 2 differs most from Group 4 by having a longer time since separation and older children.

In Group 5 (6%), fathers are not very involved, conflict exists between the parents over this issue, and the mothers report being dissatisfied. On many characteristics, these families tend to fall between the other groups. Some of these fathers might be fighting with the mothers to gain more frequent access to their children. In other families, mothers might be trying to get fathers to play a larger role.

In Group 6 (5%), fathers do have frequent contact with their children, but mothers report conflict over visitation and are dissatisfied. Some of these fathers are likely demanding a greater role in the lives of their children. They visit frequently, have the highest incidence of joint legal custody, and the

highest probability of paying child support. But mothers report intermediate levels of discussion and father influence. These fathers live at intermediate distances, which makes frequent contact more difficult but not impossible. These families appear to enjoy greater economic and social re- sources (e.g., highest proportion of children born within marriage, a relatively short time since separation, and the highest level of maternal education).

Families in Group 7 (5%) share much in common with families in Group 6. The fathers are highly involved, but the mothers are dissatisfied. The main difference is that these mothers report no conflict. Perhaps these parents are more likely to avoid each other. The mothers are dissatisfied with the fathers' involvement but do not argue about it.

In Group 8 (5%), fathers have infrequent contact, and mothers are satisfied with this, although they do report conflict over it. The fathers live relatively far away, and these children were most likely to have been born outside marriage. Other- wise, these families tend to rank at intermediate levels on many other characteristics, including discussions about the child, influence, and payment

of child support. It is likely that some of these fathers may be trying to get more access to their children, which increases the chance of conflict, but mothers are satisfied with less involvement.

Thus these families can be differentiated using a variety of demographic and family-process characteristics. Indeed, the child's gender is the

only factor that did not make a difference. Over two thirds of families fall within the first three

groups. In 33% of the families, mothers are satisfied when fathers have little or no role in the fam-

ily, but many mothers welcome the father's frequent contact (25%) or are dissatisfied if his contact is

infrequent (15%). The three largest groups are characterized by

an absence of conflict over visitation. In some of these families the parents are probably getting along well with each other, but in others the lack of conflict signals parental disengagement. Only 23% of all mothers in the sample report conflict over visitation. In addition, overall levels of satisfaction are high; 70% of all mothers report they are satisfied with the father's visitation. But, as we have seen, some are satisfied with high levels of contact, and others are satisfied with infrequent contact. The families are almost equally divided between those who experience infrequent (58%) and frequent (42%) father contact.

Family Types and Child Well-Being

What are the implications of these different family types for child well-being? Previous studies based on large national surveys have found little effect of father visitation on child well-being, even after levels of conflict are considered. (See King, 1994a, 1994b.) Does a mother's satisfaction make any difference in this regard?

We began our analysis by examining child well-being across eight family types. However, we reduced the eight types into four by collapsing across conflict. The presence or absence of conflict does not make a difference, and results are similar to those of the original eight types. When examining differences in child well-being across the four family types, we add conflict as a control variable in the multivariate models with the background, demographic, and family-process characteristics. In addition to testing for an overall group effect, we use Tukey's test to compare between-group differences.

In contrast to our hypothesis, frequent contact does not benefit children more than infrequent contact, even when mothers are satisfied. (See

392


Table 4.) However, children are doing worst of all in families in which fathers visit frequently but mothers are dissatisfied. These children score significantly lower on mean levels of adjustment (2.36 vs. 2.53, 2.53, and 2.51) and global well- being (3.11 vs. 3.45, 3.46, and 3.41) and higher on behavior problems (.16 vs. .09, .13, and .12). Thus an interaction effect exists between father contact and mother dissatisfaction. A mother's dissatisfaction predicts poor child well-being only when the father's contact is high. Conflict does not appear to mediate or moderate this relationship. Additional models explicitly testing two- and three-way interactions between visitation, satisfaction, and conflict on each measure of child well- being in a traditional OLS regression framework confirm these results (tables not shown).

We also ran bivariate models, models without using weights, and models with and without controlling for missing data. Results and conclusions remain the same. The one exception is that, for behavior problems, differences between Group 3 and Groups 1 and 4 were sometimes significant (results not shown). These findings mirror those of the eight-group analysis. The two groups (Groups 6 and 7) in which mothers are dissatisfied with high visitation stand out. These two groups are not significantly different from each other, despite differences in conflict and many other family characteristics, such as the mother's level of education and the father's payment of child support.

This finding prompted a new question. When father contact is high, why are mothers dissatisfied? We know that conflict is positively associated with dissatisfaction, but what else explains why mothers are dissatisfied? As a final step in the analysis, we ran logistic regression models predict- ing a mother's dissatisfaction when visitation was frequent. This analysis was restricted to the sub- sample of families in which father contact was high. First, we examined the effect of each of the

background and family-process characteristics separately, only controlling for conflict. Then we examined a multivariate model that included all of these factors.

The results (not shown) indicated that the odds of dissatisfaction are significantly higher when the child was born within marriage and when mothers report that the father has little influence and rarely discusses the child. Thus these fathers are visiting the child but seem to have little interaction with the mother. The mothers may expect the father to play a larger role in the family. They may want the father to consult them about the child. When children are born within marriage, mothers may have higher expectations about ap- propriate father behavior and involvement than when children are born outside marriage.

The odds of dissatisfaction are also higher in families in which the father is currently married, in White families, and in families with older children, but these differences reduce to nonsignificance when other background and family characteristics are taken into account.

CONCLUSION

This study is unique in several respects. First, we examine a previously neglected facet of nonresident parenting-the role of the mother's satisfaction with the father's contact. Second, we examine the interrelationship of mother's satisfaction, parental conflict, and father visitation, and we emphasize the prevalence and characteristics of different family types. Finally, we explore the implications of these different family arrangements for multiple measures of child well-being, including adjustment, global well-being, and behavior problems.

Results show that nonresident father visitation is interrelated to levels of satisfaction and conflict but not in a simple or linear way. Many mothers seem to want fathers to stay involved with their

TABLE 4. FAMILY TYPES AND CHILD WELL-BEING (MEAN LEVELS, WEIGHTED)

Group 1 Group 2 Group 3 Group 4 High Visitation, High Visitation, Low Visitation, Low Visitation,

Well-Being Mothers Satisfied Mothers Dissatisfied Mothers Satisfied Mothers Dissatisfied

Adjustment 2.53 2.36 2.53 2.51 Global well-being 3.45 3.11 3.46 3.41 Behavior problems .09 .16 .13 .12

Note: All F statistics for the group effect are significant at p < .01. Significant between-group differences (p < .05), based on Tukey's test for multiple comparisons, include: adjustment = 2 vs. 1, 3, 4 (unweighted n = 1,093); global well- being = 2 vs. 1, 3, 4 (unweighted n = 1,127); behavior problems = 2 vs. 1, 3, 4, and 3 vs. 1 (unweighted n = 1,111). Means are adjusted for conflict over visitation, distance, father's current marital status, father has other children, mother's marital status, mother's education, mother's race, child's age, child's gender, whether child was born within marriage, joint legal custody, father pays child support, parental discussion of child, and father's influence.

393


children, rather than to leave them alone. Overall, the mother's satisfaction with the father's contact is

high, even if some conflict over visitation exists. Thus, although contact may increase conflict, it also appears to increase satisfaction. Conflict is not always bad, and mothers may be grateful for the father's involvement even if some conflict occurs. At the same time, there is a subset of mothers who are satisfied when fathers are pretty much out of the picture. Indeed, a variety of family types exist, and they differ considerably in demographics and

family processes. Finally, not only is father visitation not posi-

tively associated with child well-being, as previous research based on national surveys has found, but in families in which mothers are dissatisfied with high levels of father contact, children appear to be the worst off. The presence of conflict does not alter these results. Fortunately, this situation is less common and characterizes only 10% of these families. In the arrangements of the remaining 90% of these families, children appear to be doing equally well. These findings are consistent with those of Buchanan, Maccoby, and Dornbusch (1996), who report that adolescents in their Cali- fornia study were adapting equally well to different forms of family life after divorce.

The finding that conflict did not play a significant role in understanding the influence of nonresident parenting arrangements on child well-being is consistent with several other studies that report weak effects of conflict (e.g., Buchanan et al., 1996), although many other studies do report negative effects. Part of this discrepancy may lie in the fact that our national sample displays relatively modest levels of conflict over visitation. Only 23% of mothers report that any conflict exists. For many families, several years have passed since separation, and levels of conflict likely decline as the parents disengage. Furthermore, we do not have more crucial measures of the context in which conflict occurs (e.g., whether it is open and angry or infrequent and not expressed in front of the child). Given the low frequency of any conflict, however, we suspect that even if such measures were available, the overall results reported here would not change for most families.

These findings point to the importance of con- sidering a mother's satisfaction when examining child well-being. One major concern, of course, is that mother reports are used for all of the measures, including child well-being. Mother reports are subjective. There is a danger that the measures are picking up some unobserved characteristic of the

mother (McLanahan et al., 1991), although we do control for some of the mother's characteristics in our models. Unhappy and dissatisfied mothers

may be projecting some of their own feelings onto their children. However, evidence against this

interpretation is the fact that dissatisfied mothers in families in which fathers rarely visit do not report lower levels of child well-being. Future research would benefit by using child reports of their own

well-being. A limitation of our study is that the maternal

satisfaction item focuses in a general way on the father's contact with the child. Although this most

likely includes satisfaction with the amount of contact, it also may refer to other aspects of contact, such as its perceived quality or how the mother feels about what the father does during these visits. Given its apparent importance, future research needs to consider parental satisfaction more care-

fully than this single item allows. Future research also is needed on the family

processes in the different family types reported here. What sources or reasons prompt dissatisfaction? What promotes satisfaction? The reasons for a mother's dissatisfaction are likely to be different when nonresident fathers visit often and when nonresident fathers are absent. Satisfaction with visitation is likely to be linked to other characteristics of families, such as whether a mother also

expects the father to consult her on important decisions concerning the child. Similarly, factors such as whether the child was born within mar-

riage may affect mothers' and fathers' expectations about father involvement and the satisfaction they derive from it. A mother's satisfaction is also likely to be linked to characteristics of the father, although we do control for some of these in our models (e.g., whether he pays child support). Further research is needed to uncover what it is about a mother's satisfaction that is most important for child well-being.

The father's satisfaction also needs to be taken into account, along with its interrelationship with the mother's satisfaction. Reports from both parents would be ideal. Does the satisfaction of both mother and father go together? Who is more likely to be satisfied? Do different correlates promote mother and father satisfaction, or do certain conditions optimize both?

This study presents a fuller understanding of nonresidential parenting and its implications for family relationships and child well-being. Our findings point to the diversity of nonresident parenting arrangements and their differential impact

394


on child well-being. Broad generalizations of fathers as dead-beat dads or mothers as locking divorced fathers out of the family are suspect and will hinder our understanding of how families manage relationships after divorce. At the same time, children appear to be doing equally well under many of these arrangements, although certain contexts (i.e., maternal dissatisfaction with frequent father contact) may not be optimal for child well-being.

NOTE

An earlier version of this article was presented at the 1998 annual meeting of the Population Association of America in Chicago. This research was supported by core funding (P30 HD28263-01) from the National In- stitute of Child Health and Human Development to the Population Research Institute, Pennsylvania State Uni- versity. In addition, King acknowledges current support as a Brookdale National Fellow. Heard received support from a National Science Foundation graduate trainee- ship while a student at Pennsylvania State. We wish to thank Alan Booth, Dan Lichter, and the anonymous re- viewers for their helpful comments.

REFERENCES

Ahrons, C. R. (1983). Predictors of paternal involvement postdivorce: Mothers' and fathers' perceptions. Jour- nal of Divorce, 6, 55-69.

Arditti, J. A. (1995). Noncustodial parents: Emergent issues of diversity and process. Marriage and Family Review, 20, 283-304.

Arditti, J. A., & Keith, T. Z. (1993). Visitation frequency, child support payment, and the father-child relationship postdivorce. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 55, 699-712.

Amato, P. R., & Rezac, S. J. (1994). Contact with nonresident parents, interparental conflict, and children's behavior. Journal of Family Issues, 15, 191-207.

Arendell, T. (1995). Fathers and divorce. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Arendell, T. (1986). Mothers and divorce: Legal, economic, and social dilemmas. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Bowman, M. E., & Ahrons, C. R. (1985). Impact of legal custody status on fathers' parenting postdivorce. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 47, 481-488.

Bray, J. H., & Depner, C. E. (1993). Perspectives on nonresidential parenting. In C. E. Depner & J. H. Bray (Eds.), Nonresidential parenting: New vistas in family living (pp. 3-12). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Buchanan, C. M., Maccoby, E., & Dornbusch, S. M. (1996). Adolescents after divorce. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Bumpass, L. L. (1984). Children and marital disruption: A replication and update. Demography, 21, 71-82.

Cummings, E. M., & Davies, P. (1994). Children and marital conflict: The impact offamily dispute and resolution. New York: Guilford Press.

Emery, R. E. (1988). Marriage, divorce, and children's adjustment. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Fox, G. L. (1985). Noncustodial fathers. In S. M. H. Hanson & F. W. Bozett (Eds.), Dimensions of fatherhood (pp. 393-415). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Furstenberg, F. F., Jr. (1995). Dealing with dads: The changing role of fathers. In P. L. Chase-Lansdale & J. Brooks-Gunn (Eds.), Escape from poverty: What makes a difference for children? (pp. 189-210). Cam- bridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Furstenberg, F. F., Jr. (1988). Marital disruptions, child custody, and visitation. In A. J. Kahn & S. B. Kamer- man (Eds.), Child support: From debt collection to social policy (pp. 277-305). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., & Cherlin, A. J. (1991). Divided families: What happens to children when parents part. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., & Harris, K. M. (1992). The dis- appearing American father? Divorce and the waning significance of biological parenthood. In S. J. South & S. E. Tolnay (Eds.), The changing American family: Sociological and demographic perspectives (pp. 197-223). Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., Morgan, S. P., & Allison, P. D. (1987). Paternal participation and children's well- being. American Sociological Review, 52, 695-701.

Furstenberg, F. F, Jr., & Nord, C. W. (1985). Parenting apart: Patterns of childrearing after marital disruption. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 47, 893-904.

Grych, J. H., & Fincham, F. D. (1990). Marital conflict and children's adjustment: A cognitive-contextual framework. Psychological Bulletin, 108, 267-290.

Hetherington, E. M., Cox, M., & Cox, R. (1982). Effects of divorce on parents and children. In M. E. Lamb (Ed.), Nontraditional families: Parenting and child development (pp. 233-288). Hillside, NJ: Erlbaum.

Johnston, J. R., Kline, M., & Tschann, J. M. (1989). On- going postdivorce conflict: Effects on children of joint custody and frequent access. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 59, 576-592.

Kelly, J. B. (1993). Current research on children's postdivorce adjustment: No simple answers. Family and Conciliation Courts Review, 31, 29-49.

King, V. (1994a). Nonresident father involvement and child well-being: Can dads make a difference? Jour- nal of Family Issues, 15, 78-96.

King, V. (1994b). Variation in the consequences of nonresident father involvement for children's well-being. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 56, 963-972.

Lamb, M. E., Pleck, J. H., & Levine, J. A. (1986). Effects of increased paternal involvement on children in two- parent families. In R. A. Lewis & R. E. Salt (Eds.), Men in families (pp. 141-158). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Loewen, J. W. (1988). Visitation fatherhood. In P. Bron- stein & C. P. Cowan (Eds.), Fatherhood today: Men's changing role in the family (pp. 195-213). New York: Wiley.

Maccoby, E. E., & Mnookin, R. H. (1992). Dividing the child: Social and legal dilemmas of custody. Cam- bridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Magnusson, D. (1985). Implications of an interactional paradigm for research on human development. Interna- tional Journal of Behavioral Development, 8, 115-137.

McLanahan, S., Seltzer, J., Hanson, T., & Thomson, E. (1991, December). Child support enforcement and child well-being: Greater security or greater conflict? Paper presented at the Conference on Child Support Reform, Arlie House, VA.

395


Nord, C. W., & Zill, N. (1996a). Noncustodial parents' Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and participation in their children's lives: Evidence from the Human Services. Survey of Income and Program Participation. Vol. I: Seltzer, J. A. (1991). Relationships between fathers and Summary of SIPP analysis (DHHS-100-93-0012). children who live apart: The father's role after separa- Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and tion. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 53, 79-101. Human Services. Seltzer, J. A., & Bianchi, S. M. (1988). Children's con-

Nord, C. W., & Zill, N. (1996b). Noncustodial parents' tact with absent parents. Journal of Marriage and the participation in their children's lives: Evidence from Family, 50, 663-677. the Survey of Income and Program Participation. Vol. Teachman, J. D. (1991). Contributions to children by di- II: Synthesis of literature (DHHS-100-93-0012). vorced fathers. Social Problems, 38, 358-371.

APPENDIX

MEASURES

Key Measures of Nonresident Father Contact

Father visitation: During the past 12 months, how often did child see her/his father? from 1 (not at all) to 6 (several times a week)

Mother's satisfaction: Overall, how satisfied are you with the current situation in each of the following areas . .. other parent's contact with child? from 0 (very or somewhat dissatisfied) to 1 (somewhat or very satisfied)

Parental conflict: How much conflict do you and child's father have over his visits with child? from 0 (none) to 1 (some or a great deal)

Background and Demographic Characteristics

Distance: About how far away from here does child's father live (in miles)? Father is married: Is he currently married? (0 = no, 1 = yes) Father has other kids: Has he had any children since those he had with you? (0 = no, 1 = yes) Mother is married: Mother is currently married. (0 = no, 1 = yes) Mother is White: Mother is White. (0 = no, 1 = yes) Age of child: Age of the focal child in years. Child's gender: Gender of the focal child. (1 = male, 2 = female) Child born in marriage: Created from detailed marital and fertility histories. (0 = child born outside of marriage, 1 = child

born within marriage) Time since separation: Number of months since parents separated, for children born within marriage.

Family-Process Characteristics

Joint legal custody: Today, many states allow for joint legal custody, which means that, regardless of where the child lives, both parents have equal decision-making rights. Does your legal agreement give child's father an equal say in making decisions about him/her? (0 = no, 1 = yes)

Father pays child support: Father has paid at least some child support in the past 12 months. (0 = father has not paid any child support, 1 = father has paid some child support)

Parents discuss child: How often do you talk about child with his/her father? from 1 (not at all) to 6 (several times a week) Father's influence: How much influence does child's father have in making major decisions about such things as education,

religion, and health care? from 0 (none or never discuss child) to 2 (a great deal)

Child Well-Being

Adjustment (average of 10 items, alpha = .69): Child's behavior in the past 3 months ... is willing to try new things; is unhappy, sad, or depressed; keeps self busy; loses temper easily; is cheerful and happy; is fearful and anxious; bullies or is cruel or mean to others; does what you ask; gets along well with other kids; carries out responsibilities on his/her own. (1 = not been true, 2 = sometimes true, 3 = often true; coded to indicate positive adjustment)

Global well-being: All things considered, is child's life going... 1 = not well at all, 2 = not so well, 3 = fairly well, 4 = very well?

Behavior problems (average of six items, alpha = .62): Problems exhibited by focal child . . . Parent asked to meet with a teacher or principal because of behavior problems? Has child been suspended or expelled from school? run away from home for one or more nights? been in trouble with the police? seen a doctor or therapist about any emotional or behavioral problem? been particularly difficult to raise? (0 = no, 1 = yes)

396

Documents

Nonresident Father Visitation