Historicising hospitality and tourism consumption: exploring Orientalist expectations of the Middle East

Derek Bryce; Andrew C. MacLaren; Kevin D. O’Gorman*

Strathclyde Business School, University of Strathclyde, 199 Cathedral Street, Glasgow, Scotland

derek.bryce@strath.ac.uk; a.maclaren@strath.ac.uk; kevin.ogorman@strath.ac.uk;

(Received XX Month Year; final version received XX Month Year)

This article explores ‘Orientalist’ accounts of hospitality to identify historical antecedents for contemporary Western demand for hospitality and tourism products in the Middle East. Scenes of hospitality in the diaries of Richard Burton and Gertrude Bell are analysed in the context of the authors’ historically locatable, subject positions. The paper finds that Orientalist expectations of hospitality form an image that is both culturally self-serving and, to an extent, impenetrable by the actual experience of the traveller. The durability of this discourse may still inform Western impressions of the contemporary Middle East. The development of the Middle East as a centre for hospitality and tourism innovation is critical to the continued global success of this industry; thus, by understanding historical antecedents, contemporary operators can begin to conceive the rich complexity of consumer attitudes towards the region. This analysis offers both an exploration of the inscription of a longstanding discourse of ‘difference’ on contemporary consumer culture and presents a context for future research into contemporary modes of hospitality and tourism demand and commercial response in the Middle East.

Keywords: Orientalism; hospitality; expectations; consumption; historicism

IntroductionGiven its rich endowment in cultural and natural attractions, the Middle East

and North Africa region (MENA) attracts fewer international tourists than might be

expected relative to competing destination regions (Henderson 2006). Yet destinations

such as Egypt, Dubai, Morocco, Tunisia, Jordan and Oman are attracting growing

extra-regional tourist arrivals, although the effects of recent popular anti-authoritarian

political uprisings may inhibit this growth in the short term. Dubai, of course, has

constructed an international profile based on the provision of high quality, often

spectacular, hospitality and tourism facilities and Emirates Airlines’ establishment of

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a global aviation hub at Dubai International Airport (Lohmann, Albers, Koch, &

Pavlovich 2009; Mansfield & Winckler 2007). In 2007 the World Tourism

Organisation reported an increase in tourist arrivals in the Middle East of 16.4% from

the previous year, compared to 4.8% in both Europe and North America (UNWTO,

2008). The continued significance of those Western markets as principal zones of

extra-regional demand for hospitality and tourism in the Middle East and North Africa

may yet be acknowledged.

In order to contextualise twenty-first century Western modes of hospitality and

tourism demand and consumption in the Middle East (and for reasons we will

elaborate upon, Turkey), we suggest the utility of adopting a historicist approach

whereby the availability of a variety and combination of textually determined ‘Easts’

becomes a resource for contemporary consumer expectation and, potentially,

commercial response. Bonsu (2009) calls for attentiveness to the historical contexts

within which current discourses of consumption emerge by using the example of

residual colonial imagery in contemporary advertising images of Africa. Here, it is

argued, the tropes of supposed African savagery coupled with untutored benevolence

that ‘justified’ colonial intervention are recycled as effective stimulants for

consumption. Yet, these are disavowed and thereby dehistoricised as discursive

remnants of colonialism. This invites consideration of modes of contemporary

consumption involving the individual experience of historically informed tropes but

decouples them from any cohesive narrative that has troubling associations with past

injustice. Sardar (1998, 176) looks askance at suggestions that dissociation of detail

from framework indicates a concomitant decoupling of Western consumer subject

from complicit location in discourses of inequality. Rather, he sees a renewed

imperialism in Western culture where final victory is vested in the ability of

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consumers to engage in a ‘new game of old images’ by mixing and matching detail in

a kaleidoscope of dehistoricised images of various ‘others’. The archive of historical

tropes that we will explore in relation to Western images of the Islamic East is

considerably more nuanced than a simple imperial metropole/colony dyad and the

implications for consumer expectation and commercial response are correspondingly

complex. Therefore, framed within Edward Said’s critique of Orientalist discourse,

we offer indicative analyses of two prominent examples of mid-nineteenth and early

twentieth century British travel writing in the Middle East by Richard Burton and

Gertrude Bell. These serve to demonstrate, in the former, an existing awareness of

longstanding Orientalist lore and, in the latter, the material consolidation of that

discourse during the brief inter-war period of Anglo-French colonial rule in much of

the formerly Ottoman Middle East. Framed within a wider discussion of the history of

Western travel writing in the Islamic Orient we hope to outline a set of Western

‘expectations’ of the Orient that, even within a contemporary commercial context like

hospitality and tourism, are remarkably durable.

Certain clarifications and caveats related to spatial nomenclature are

necessary. We use the terms ‘West’; ‘Europe’; ‘East’ and ‘Orient’ in full cognisance

of their empirical inadequacy as signifiers of ‘imagined geographies’ (Said 1978)

proceeding from Eurocentric cultural registers. Hence, ‘Near Orient’ or ‘Middle East’

implies a certain kind of European spatial attitude that places them in relation to the

‘Far East’ of China, Japan, etc. (see, for example, Bryce 2009; Delanty 1995). For

instrumental reasons, we refer often to the Ottoman Empire, which encompassed

much of the territory that constitutes the Middle East, where Burton and Bell’s travels

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took place, as well as North Africa and south-eastern Europe. (Hathaway 2008;

Özbaran 2009).

Theoretical and contextual frames: Orientalist reception, expectation and Ottoman historical space

Jameson’s (1992) ‘totalisation’ approach seeks to identify the relationships

between cultural products and the historical conditions in which they are embedded.

Moreover, the notion that popular consumption is a vehicle for wider cultural

expression is longstanding (e.g. Adorno 1991; Arnould & Thompson 2005;

Featherstone 1987 Lash and Lury 2007). In the sphere of tourist motivation, for

example, Shepherd (2003) notes that it is less productive to seek insights from

consumers’ quest for authenticity versus commodified experience, as it is to attend to

the historico-cultural contexts from which such a binary itself emerges.

Orientalism is “a fairly constant sense of confrontation felt by Westerners

dealing with the East’ (Said 1978, 201). The focus of Said’s (1978, 41) attention in

Orientalism is the Islamic Middle East, with the author stating that, for Westerners, ‘it

was in the Near Orient, the lands of the Arab Near East, where Islam was supposed to

define cultural and racial characteristics, that [the Orient was encountered] with the

greatest intensity, familiarity and complexity’. Unlike the deployment of more

generally applicable postcolonial theory (e.g. Spivak 1988; Bhabha 1994; Said 1993)

emphasising the counter-discursive agency of the Orient in consumer culture (Cayla

and Eckhardt 2008; Kuehn 2009; Jafari and Goulding 2008; Brace-Govan and de

Burgh-Woodman 2008), we insist upon the specific utility of Said’s Orientalism for

this study given its particular geographical, cultural and historical context.

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Expectations solidified during the colonial period emerge from far older sets

of images and discourses accumulated before ‘Eurocentric diffusionist geography

polarised the world into an all-competent inside (Greater Europe) and empty outside

(Others)’ (Majid 2000, 134; Chakrabarty 2000). The classical antecedents of

Orientalism are perhaps less certain than Said suggests (Llewellyn-Jones and Robson

2009), yet are traceable to the acute judgment of difference between the spheres of

Medieval Latin Christendom and Islam, subsequent systematic academic approaches

in the eighteenth century followed by the actual military-political encroachment from

the early nineteenth (Said 1978, 73-76). It is useful to briefly survey that ‘pre-

Orientalist’ archive since it provides the very basis upon which the diarists discussed

below conceived of the region itself and the modalities of their access to it in both

material and discursive terms.

During the Renaissance, “in a climate of commercial and political

competitiveness, Europeans looked outwards for aesthetic confirmation of who they

were – what defined them as ‘civilised’ – and met the steady returning gaze of the

non-European”. (Jardine and Brotton 2000, 11). Western accounts acknowledged

travel from a cultural and economic periphery into Mamluk and Ottoman polities in

the Eastern and Southern Mediterranean more advanced in these respects than their

own, with excoriation of the East proceeding principally from awareness of religious

difference (Wheatcroft 2004; Çirakman 2005).

Accounts in the 17th and 18th centuries were shaped by an Enlightenment

discourse that valued empiricism and the rendering of complex phenomena into

abstract typologies such as ‘Oriental despotism’ (Çirakman 2005; Grosrichard 1998).

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Maclean (2004, 134), for example, writes of the seventeenth century Englishman, Sir

Henry Blount’s account, the ‘Voyage to the Levant’, as further “shifting

understanding of the Ottoman Empire from a religious to an empirical frame of

reference”. Western travellers in the Ottoman lands could not proceed with the

armature of subjective and discursive assurance that Said identifies in later, 19 th and

twentieth century, visitors (Mather 2009). Yet, their persistence was driven by desire

and their observations contributed to the set of images and expectations carried with

such confidence by later travellers.

Not until Napoleon’s 1798 invasion of Egypt and subsequent French, British

and Italian occupation after World War I was the Ottoman-Islamic Orient to become a

zone of focused European presence and political power, supplementing existing

aesthetic desire (Jeffreys 2003; Lockman 2004). Drawing on Foucault (1981, 2002a)

Said (1978, 14) observes that Orientalist discourse should be seen as a productive and

not “unilaterally inhibiting force”. Western art, scholarship and imperial practise

constituted a consolidated vision of how colonial subjectivities should be engaged

with (Said 1993). This was the context within which the Orient became, “a favourite

place for Europeans to travel in and write about” but which “always involves being a

consciousness set apart from, and unequal with, its surroundings.” (Said 1978, 157).

Renda (2005) notes that stabilised relations with the Ottomans required travel

to collect useful information on the imperial court, administration and daily

commercial life. Written and illustrated accounts of Western European diplomatic

visits to the Ottoman Empire (e.g. de Busbeq 2001; Fischer 2009; Montagu 1994), as

well as of ‘insiders’ at the court writing for a Western audience (Popescu-Judetz

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2007) from the 16th to 18th centuries stimulated not only production of histories of the

Ottoman Empire (Parry 2003) but emerged in spheres of popular consumption

ranging from ceramic production, movements in fashion and interior design and in the

settings and staging of Baroque and Romantic opera (McKendrick 1960; Faroqhi and

Neumann 2004; Wheatcroft 2004; Quataert 2005; Cardini 1999). This indicates an

emerging sense that the Ottoman lands, and the Orient generally, were no longer

threatening, but available as a source of images of fabulous wealth, luxury and sexual

license (Kontje 2004, 61; Quataert 2005, 8-9).

By the nineteenth century, access to the Ottoman lands and the production of

writing about it had moved into the discourse of Orientalism ‘proper’ identified by

Said (1978) wherein access, both covert and ‘touristic’, by Western Europeans was

motivated increasingly by the perception of the region’s status as Oriental and

intellectually and aesthetically ‘other’ (Thompson: xi in Lane 2003; Pardoe 2010). By

the 1870s, this expectation of the Ottoman-Islamic Orient was embedded to such an

extent that its disruption by prosaic reality could elicit expressions of profound

disappointment, such as that of the Italian writer, Edmomdo de Amicis (2005). Where

the aesthetic specifics of one Oriental location did not correspond with reality, artists

and writers might on occasion fill in the gaps with imagined or transposed detail

(Fahim 2001). These, in turn, were ameliorated by counter-discursive moves to

apprehend the Orient in terms of sympathetic identification (Anderson 2004;

Sharafudin 1994; Nash 2005; Jasanoff 2006).

Expanding sea and rail transport stimulated travel by painters anxious to

capture original, authentic and sympathetic detail in their depictions in possible

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reaction to the more lurid fantasies of the East produced by their contemporaries

(Thornton 1994; Peltre 2004). These paintings, at the height of their popularity, were

exhibited publicly and distributed widely in albums and catalogues, constituting

‘heady discoveries of exoticism by Westerners (Thornton 1994, 5). Here, then, was a

discursive context in which a seductive blend of empirical veracity and heightened

exotic escapism emerged when the industrialisation of hospitality made access to the

Orient increasingly viable.

A consequence of this normalisation of consumption was what Behdad (1994,

54), calls a sense of melancholic ‘belatedness’ in which the “search for a ‘counter-

experience’ in the Other turns out to be a discovery of its loss”, foreshadowing the

‘loss of discovery’ Eldem (2007) identifies amongst current consumers of tourism in

the region. Therefore, if longstanding images and tropes of the Orient are recycled

and redeployed in new touristic contexts of promotion and consumption then perhaps

the same can be said of the circuit of Western desire for, domestication and mastery

of, regret at the loss of original discovery in and, finally, search for new forms of

authentic escape to and in the perennially ‘re-imaginable’ Orient.

Costa (1998, 306) notes that in ‘paradisal-based tourism [escape to a tropical

idyll] … a particular local identity is created and/or reinforced by tourist perceptions

and expectations and by marketing practices’. Yet, whereas Costa’s work is situated

within a tradition of taking up Said’s ideas as a general theoretical method for the

analysis of the representational politics of ‘othering’ in a metropole/periphery dyad,

we focus on the quite specific historico-geographical binary explored in Orientalism

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and its potential legacy in contemporary modes of hospitality and tourism

consumption.

Hospitality and tourism consumption in the Islamic Orient – historical and theoretical contexts

Focusing on Egypt, Gregory (1999, 2001) invokes Said’s notion of the Orient

as an imaginative geography; a theatrical space appended to Europe, to identify

scripted performances of contemporary tourism within spaces of constructed

visibility. He notes nostalgia for colonial modes of transport, such as the Nile cruise,

which is catered for by tour operators offering products explicitly evoking that period

for ‘Western’ visitors. Antecedents for contemporary tourism images are identified by

Burns’ (2004) analysis of how idées reçues from formal academic Orientalism

emerged in the discourse of popular consumption in staged ethnographic images of

Oriental types, including veiled women, in early twentieth century postcards. In a

subsequent study, Al Mahadin and Burns (2007) highlight the durability, and we must

presume utility, of Orientalism in the continued presence of veiled women in Western

generated tourism imagery as signifiers of the East’s supposed perennial dialectic

between exotic, mysterious allure and pre-modern backwardness. Echtner and Prasad

(2003) argue that Western tour operators are commercially driven to proffer fantasies

of the mystical and unchanging East, while Bryce (2007) explores the invocation of

Orientalist tropes by the travel industry, placing tourists in the subject positions of

eighteenth and nineteenth century Europeans in relation to Turkey and Egypt.

The phenomenon in modern tourism of ‘Western’ or ‘Orientalist’ forms of

representation and consumption in Turkey and the Middle East are now of sufficient

duration to allow thematic shifts to be identified historically. Nance (2007, 1072)

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notes that tourism services for Western visitors in the Ottoman Empire prior to the

1870s was largely provided by imperial subjects themselves who ‘develop[ed] sights

and practices specific to their [tourists’] interests’. Western based tour operators such

as Thomas Cook, therefore, entered an existing ‘industry’ but the recognisable brand

name and European staff Cook provided made the company’s services preferable to

many Western tourists.

Eldem (2007, 263) argues that, prior to the 1960s and 1970s, promotional

materials ‘paid due respect for the expectations of oriental(ist) tropes (emphasis

added)’ where natural signifiers such as desert and palm trees were usually associated

with cultural markers such as ‘typical’ modes of architecture and dress. Eldem (ibid)

goes on to suggest that ‘the arrival of mass tourism seems to have reduced the cultural

content of this package, to the advantage of the basic ingredients of leisure and

holiday: sun, sea and sand’. This has, in some destinations where ‘modernity’ and

‘westernisation’ (or at least, standardisation) is perhaps most apparent, such as Dubai

and beach-resort areas of Tunisia, Egypt and Turkey, resulted in a sense amongst

consumers that the ‘discovery’ of the ‘genuine’ Orient had been lost (ibid). Tourism

providers, to compensate for this perceived ‘loss’, have recreated elements of Oriental

exoticism in, for example, newly built ‘souks’ in cities such as Amman and Dubai to

evoke the historic bazaars of Istanbul, Cairo and Damascus (Bryce, 2010).

Oman explicitly recognises its advantages in possessing abundant and original

built heritage sites in comparison with neighbours such as Abu Dhabi and Dubai and

has aligned this with its endowment of natural attractions to build an upscale tourism

industry emphasising ‘authentic’ eco and cultural tourism experiences alongside a

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discreetly luxurious Arabian themed hospitality sector (Winckler 2007). Eldem (2007,

263), meanwhile, notes a further development in Turkish tourism promotion where a

return to the dyad of Oriental nature-culture where ‘typically’ dressed exotic but

distant inhabitants are replaced with smiling hosts, communing directly with potential

consumers ‘in what seems to be a new form of exoticism, that of the traditional values

of yore, lost to the modern world’. This, then, is not simply the representation of

commodified culture but the physical recreation of it to facilitate expected modes of

‘orientalist’ consumption. Wherever one places real or potential tourists in terms of

their desire to experience and consume ‘culture’ on what McKercher and du Cros

(2002, 32) propose is a continuum from purposeful to incidental, deep to shallow,

their expectations surely come from some accretion of images of and subjective

responses to the destination. In the case of Western based promotion of the Middle

East and Turkey, Bryce (2007) suggests, a familiar archive of Orientalist images are

used by the commercial sector and readily received by consumers.

The influence of this discursive archive is increasingly recognised in recent

developments both in Western markets for hospitality and tourism and ‘Oriental’

zones of supply. Orientalist genre painting of the nineteenth century, for example, has

emerged from its unfashionable twentieth century position to act as a lens into historic

and contemporary cultures of travel. While Germaner and İnankur (2002, 40) argue

that, with the advent of photography and mass tourism, such art lost its significance

for Western consumers. Eldem (2007) demonstrates how such images provided the

inspiration for tourist brochures, comic art and advertisements for products ranging

from soap to coffee to tobacco where a visual link with the Orient was intended to

stimulate consumption. Recently, individuals and institutions in Turkey and the

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Middle East have become serious collectors of nineteenth century Orientalist painting

with exhibitions exploring the cultures of travel depicted therein mounted in London,

Istanbul, Lisbon and Doha. These explored links between historical and contemporary

Western engagement with, and consumption of, the Islamic East. In the cases of

Turkish and Qatari institutional collections, Orientalist art is valued as an important

lens into the history and possible present inflection of Western attitudes towards the

Islamic Near East (see, for example, Yapı Kredi 2007; Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian

2007; Tate Britain 2008; Pera Museum 2008; Museum of Islamic Art Doha 2010).

This awareness of the power of Orientalist imagery, and those of Ottoman luxury in

particular, now find lavish commercial expression in hotel developments such as

Dubai’s new Jumeirah Zabeel Saray, which, according to its owners, ‘will deliver

unrivalled luxury with an imperial touch … to conjure up the magnificence of the

Ottoman Empire’ (Jumeirah Group 2010). It is clear, therefore, that embedding modes

of Western demand and consumption for hospitality and tourism in the Middle East in

a wider historical frame is of contemporary significance and value and is perceived as

such within the so-called Orient itself.

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Methodological approach

According to Hills (2005), cultural theory can itself adopt a narrative form

while alighting upon individual narratives as units of analysis. Drawing on Stern

(1995, 167) we apply narrative analysis in a dual sense ‘to ascertain plots and values’

shaping both the diaries introduced below, as well as suggesting how the discourse

articulated therein in turn emerges in the ‘emplotting’ of current consumer discourse

in relation to the Islamic Orient. In doing so, we adopt a historicist approach to the

texts analysed, both at the time of their production and in their contribution to a

discursive archive that has commercial utility today. Munslow (2006, 12), argues that,

‘because history is written by historians, it is best understood as a cultural product

existing within society … rather than an objective methodology and commentary

outside of society’. In other words, ‘the representability of a particular aspect of the

past has its own history’ (Rigney 2001, 94).

This is contingent upon the politico-cultural epistemic conditions that texts

making use of historical reference points, are situated within. Davies (2006, 138-139)

speaks of the assimilation of ‘personal and local memories to more comprehensive,

historically verified, regional, national and cultural structures of meaning’ that are

themselves historically specific. These are discursive and material events in history

not simply as points on a linear sequence, dependent upon and referring principally to

immediate antecedents and successors, but as contingencies made possible by lateral

and oblique relations to other events (Foucault 2002a; Flynn 1994, 29-34). Therefore,

our critical focus here is the potential uses that may be made of the past in extra-

disciplinary spheres of cultural production. We accept the notion that any particular

representation of the past is an available resource that may be drawn upon today.

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This historicist attitude towards the texts finds expression in a narrative

interpretivist approach, as with previous studies conducted by O'Gorman (2007) and

Morrison and O’Gorman (2008). Reissner (2005) introduces the idea of sensemaking,

a concept considered broader than cognitive development but one that supports the

views of Rhodes and Brown (2005) in saying that narrative analysis is the only thing

that can bridge the gap between cognition and context. Narrative analysis embeds the

insights and observations of a given author within a certain ‘emplotted’ and

‘historicised’ context. Black (2006, 319) underlines the utility of the interpretivist

paradigm to illustrate the, “complexity and meaning of situations” and discusses the

process of stripping back the various layers of meaning contained within a research

subject.

Despite the notion that motivations towards compiling narrative accounts can

infect data with bias and contrived focus, unsolicited diaries offer an insight into the

interpretations and most intimate opinions of individuals in contexts that can be of

interest to researchers (Jacelon and Imperio 2005; Elliot 2006). We cannot expect

diarists’ reflection to be sustained enough to yield a concentration of ‘findings’

specifically related to contexts of hospitality consumption in the late and post-

Ottoman Middle East (Allport 1947). Yet, we can use them to place the texts within

‘emplotted’ historical contexts where the observations on hospitality exist in

‘archaeological’ (Foucault 2002b) relation to wider cultural and political phenomena.

We therefore adopt the historicist approach to narrative suggested by Burke (2005,

25) in which ‘comparative analyses … are neither evolutionist nor static’ but provide

genealogical conditions of possibility and discursive resources for later forms and

contexts of cultural production.

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Units of analysis: the diaries of Sir Richard Burton and Gertrude Bell.

The diaries of Sir Richard Burton and Gertrude Bell are used to offer

contrasting illustrations of the hospitality that was experienced, and expected, at key

moments of transition in ‘Western’ engagement in, and penetration of, the Islamic

Orient. The clandestine and overt nature of their respective presence in the Orient

reflects this and in turn, emerges in the modes in which hospitality was received and

described by them.

Sir Richard Francis Burton is heralded as one of the great explorers of the

nineteenth century; his well-documented travels taking him to India, Africa and the

Near East (Burton, 1987, 1991, 2001). Highly educated with a celebrated proficiency

in 29 languages (Burton, 1893), his undercover pilgrimages to Meccah and Al-

Madinah are famed as being the most detailed account of the Hajj from a Western

perspective. Before embarking on his journey Burton assumed the identity of an

Arabic speaking Muslim for nine months so as not to arouse suspicion, achieving a

unique insight into the customs of this milieu, albeit filtered through a Western

perspective. While current critiques on the ethics of covert ethnography (e.g. Duranti

1993; Herrera 1999) cannot be retrospectively applied, we may yet acknowledge the

additional insights yielded by such an account where those Burton observed were

unaware of being ‘researched’ while also considering that only his subjectivity

‘speaks’ to the reader in a comparatively unmediated sense.

Gertrude Bell’s Arabian Diaries 1913-1914 (Bell 2000) documents the

experiences of one of the most prolific and influential travellers in the Near East at the

turn of the twentieth century (Goodman 1985). Bell’s ability to influence political

agendas in this part of the world grew as her breadth of knowledge and contacts

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widened and was, alongside T.E. Lawrence, influential in the post WWI formation of

Iraq. Unlike Burton, Bell acted overtly as a political agent for the British Empire. Her

political role and immersion in the Near Eastern world at that time makes her Arabian

Diaries considerably useful.

As Said demonstrates, there is a vast discursive archive of writing on and

images of the Orient for the specialist academic or political interest as well as the

popular imagination (and its commercial handmaiden) to draw upon. Diverging from

his broad Foucauldian framework, Said (1978, 23) notes ‘the determining imprint of

individual writers upon the otherwise anonymous collective body of texts constituting

a discursive formation like Orientalism’. He argues that the discourse acted as a

framework wherein authors, popular as well as academic, drew upon one another as

authorities ‘whose use was an imperative for anyone writing or thinking about the

Orient’. Moreover, Said (ibid, 224) specifically singles out non-academics like Burton

and Bell as being of particular importance as travellers who did not simply represent

the East from afar but developed praxes for effective access to, movement within and

management of Oriental difference in-situ. Burton, alongside other traveller-writers in

the East was a resource drawn upon and added to by Bell in later years. These

accounts, in turn, were disseminated and enjoyed popular reception in Britain and

other Western countries alongside similar accounts. So, while the selection of the

diaries of Burton and Bell does not indicate their singular status as forerunners of

contemporary expectation of the Islamic East we argue that their importance lies in

their particular historical situatedness as works that, respectively, offered up and drew

upon a textually ‘managed’ East at key moments of Western encroachment on the

Islamic Orient. Their importance therefore, is as key points of punctuation in the

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solidification of a popularly received discourse that has assembled and temporally

flattened moments of Orientalist discourse.

Said (1978, 157) subdivides travel writers into three intentional categories. These are:

(1) The writer who intends to use his residence for the specific task of providing professional Orientalism with scientific material, who considers his residence a form of scientific observation.

(2) The writer who intends the same purpose but is less willing to sacrifice the eccentricity and style of his individual consciousness to impersonal Orientalist definitions. These later do appear in his work, but they are disentangled from the personal vagaries of style only with difficulty.

(3) The writer for whom a real or metaphorical trip to the Orient is the fulfilment of some deeply felt and urgent project. His text therefore is built on a personal aesthetic, fed and informed by the project.

Said (ibid, 158) places the work of Burton in the second category. While not

explicitly locating Bell within the framework above, for the purposes of this paper she

is also considered to be in the same section, since she neither writes in an academic

form nor tries to fulfil some metaphorical dream.

A further refinement is offered by recent scholarship that examines the agency

of women, both Western and Oriental, in undermining the structures and assumptions

of a male-centred, nineteenth century, Orientalist gaze (Lewis 2004; Roberts 2002,

2005). These analyses draw upon Mary Wortley Montagu’s earlier eighteenth century

accounts for inspiration and similarly speak of women travellers’, writers’ and artists’

access to and reception of hospitality from elite Oriental women.

The history of travel writing among women is discussed by Nittel (2001) within the

context explored by Von Marthels (1994, 18),

“Travel writing seems unlimited in its form of expression…It ranges from indisputable examples such as guidebooks, itineraries and routes and perhaps also maps to less restricted accounts of journeys overland or by water, or just descriptions of experiences abroad.”

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According to Birkett (1989) Victorian women travel writers tended to display

the determination and pioneering qualities of men but retained the observational

perceptiveness often associated with women. It is said by Strobel (1991, 37) that

women tended to produce, “odysseys” whereas men, “more commonly wrote quest-

romances or tragedies,”. Such styles are compared by Strobel (1991, 37) with the

following example,

“Male writers quested after a goal or confronted a dangerous continent-often perceived as feminine-which must be dominated by the force of their will. In contrast women travellers developed strategies of accommodation, not confrontation or domination, and wrote rich, loosely structured narratives.”

Such a dichotomy, in Bell’s case certainly, is perhaps of limited utility given

her explicit role as an agent of empire. More generally, Yeğenoğlu (1998, 89-90)

cautions against relying too heavily on gender difference as an explanatory tool

underwriting ‘negative’ and ‘sympathetic’ accounts. After all, she reminds the reader,

‘the power of Orientalism does not stem from the “distortion” of the “reality” of the

Orient … but from its power to construct the very object it speaks about’. Some

women travel writers may have beheld the East in benign terms, but beholding it as

the Orient, they were engaged in the same regime of truth as their male counterparts.

Therefore, Burton and Bell’s diaries, their training, background, temporal

location and audience all place certain statements within a coherent discursive

archive. Burton arrived in the Near East in the 1850s, decades before actual direct

colonial rule in the Near East took hold, but with a sense of Britain’s potential in the

region conditioned by its already established presence in India (Said 1978, 196-197).

Bell, by contrast, arrived in the region as an explicit agent of empire in the early

decades of the twentieth century and helped to oversee the British assumption of

Mandates in former Ottoman provinces in Palestine and Mesopotamia. What we

suggest is that these two ‘moments’ of Western engagement with the Orient, Burton’s

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penetration of Oriental mystery and Bell’s mastery of Oriental political ‘reality’, have

formed part of a discursive archive that is an available resource upon which

contemporary inflections of representation, commodification and consumption may

draw.

Analysing hospitality scenes in the diaries of Burton and Bell

Burton and Bell’s dairies show that there are a total of 158 scenes where

hospitality is proffered in the home or consumed in commercial terms. That Bell

records no instances of engaging with commercial hospitality highlights the difference

in the way she and Burton travelled and consumed hospitality. Burton moved in a

more independent manner, whereas Bell was often the guest of dignitaries or

statesmen because of her diplomatic role in the post-Ottoman Orient.

Consuming the hospitality received in the Orient

The analysis and discussion now focuses on the inherent behaviours that

related to the expectation of being received in the Orient. Both diarists observe the

customary and time-honoured context within which hospitality was provided. A

typical example is taken from (Burton 1855, 56)

“The very essence of Oriental hospitality, however is the family style of reception, which costs your host neither coin nor trouble. I speak of the rare tracts in which the old barbarous hospitality still lingers. You make one more at his eating tray, and an additional mattress appears in the sleeping room. When you depart, you leave if you like a little present, merely for memorial, with your entertainer; he would be offended if you offered him openly a remuneration, and you give some trifling sums to the servants. Thus you will be welcomed wherever you go”.

The lack of expected reciprocation for hospitality is associated with religious

devotion “Human nature feels kindness is displayed to return it in kind. But Easterns

19

do not carry out the idea of such obligations as we do.” (Burton 1855, 40). He goes

further to express the difference from Oriental culture and his own by stating,

“It is true that if you save a man’s life, he naturally asks you for the means of preserving it. Moreover, in none of the Eastern languages with which I am acquainted is there a single term conveying the meaning of our ‘gratitude’” (Burton 1855, 40)

Burton’s latent Orientalist (Said 1978) gaze emerges as a result of the perceived

difference in the nature of the hospitality ‘expected’ of the East. Commercial

hospitality was a prevalent characteristic in the region yet, for Burton, the ‘essence’ of

Oriental hospitality is ‘pre-commercial’ or ‘barbarous’ and indeed outside of

mainstream ‘human nature’. Said (1978, 195) argues, that for Burton access to this

essence was enabled by his diligent survey of the Islamic Orient as a ‘system of

information, behaviour and belief’ and his status as a ‘consciousness aware … and

able to steer a narrative course through them [emphasis added]’ based on his access to

the existing archive of Western knowledge we have outlined above. Burton, therefore,

articulates an expectation of hospitality that constitutes an intellectual and aesthetic,

but not yet political, mastery over the Orient. The East retains the outline of autonomy

and impenetrability. The pleasure for Western travellers is to, first, objectify the

mystery and, second, to know in advance they have the tools to penetrate it.

20

Cultural traditions of hospitality

Both texts display a similar quantity of occurrences of hospitality underpinned

by a strong connection to religion and honourable tradition. Further, sustenance and

the emergence of hospitality codes from the influence of the landscape and

environment are prominent throughout the texts, a typical example is:

“They are men these hosts of mine; tall and broad and deep voiced, ready to square all the difficulties which cross their path, exactions of the government and the exactions of the Arabs. They kill a sheep every night for those who claim their hospitality; they heap up the enormous rice dish, and fill the mangers with corn – I asked them how rural economy bore the strain of such hospitality and they answered with all simplicity: “Where is the inn in this wilderness?” … They have provided me with camel drivers, for the Agilat whom I brought with me from Damascus, have returned for Ziza, fearing the risks of the “accursed road” before us; and they have sent with me two rafiqs, whom they have bound over, by all that any man can call sacred, to see that not a hair of my head suffers injury”. (Bell 2000, 44)

Here, however, this deeply culturally and religiously embedded mode of

hospitality is offered to a traveller armed not only with the archive of knowledge

enjoyed by Burton but with the assurance that the Orient will provide hospitality in

full cognisance of, and in specific response to Bell’s status as an overt agent of

empire. The mystery, therefore, has been penetrated and must now comply.

Both accounts describe hospitality being provided in order to ensure the

survival of guests in the, to the diarists, often harsh conditions of the region.

Hospitality seems to be less socially and more physiologically orientated. This relates

to a theme identified in both texts where Near Eastern customs seem to evolve from

the environment, as the reliance on sustenance from hosts indicates. However, despite

this reliance on their hosts, Burton (1855, 22) shows a sense of elevated superiority in

his writing, ‘the traveller will learn to follow the example, remembering that ‘nature is

founder of customs in savage countries’.”

21

Here, Burton, for all his linguistic and cultural competence and ability to

‘pass’ as an Oriental, still dismisses his hosts as savages. The Orientalist gaze can

function as a mechanism by which a Westerner can justify his or her perceived

superiority by purposefully applying bias and taking surroundings out of context. The

context of the above statement sees Burton experiencing a refreshment stop at a desert

tea tent. His remark concerning customs refers to the stall set-up in the desert to cater

for travellers. What his comment serves to do is to dehistoricise the socio-cultural and

economic context within which modes of hospitality occur. Such circumstances may

be assumed to exist in Europe, but in the ‘savage’ East, such ‘customs’ are assumed to

emerge from a population barely distinguishable from its natural surroundings.

Bell also illustrates a degree of imagination being allowed to inform her

impression of the East. She often recounts tales she has heard, to which she

contributes her judgment and interpretation. Despite Bell’s knowledge of the East and

her diplomatic relationship with many dignitaries in the region, she still shows a

genuine Orientalist fascination with the region. Perhaps she relished tales that

reinforced her Orientalist gaze and yearning for counter-experience that fulfilled

travellers’ (Behdad 1994) expectations of otherness and intrigue, stating that

“...my own slaves sit and tell me tales of raid and foray in the stirring days of ‘Abd al Aziz...In Hayyil murder is like the spilling of milk and not one of the Shaikhs but feel his head sitting unsteadily on his shoulders.” (Bell2000, 81)

Yet, Bell’s judgment is in evidence where she firstly allows artistic interpretation to

charge her impression of murder in the Orient, serving to show her civilised Europe in

stark relief to the savage Orient. Yet, despite the frisson of danger embodied by the

East that Bell articulates, she nonetheless assumes her ultimate safety is assured by

her position as Western with recourse to an associated security apparatus. Such

assumptions may emerge from the discursive archive in current modes of tourist

22

consumption with, as Bryce (2007) suggests, a temporary excursion from Western

‘reason’ into Oriental ‘unreason’ with a return to reassuring embrace of the former.

Issues and observations concerning gender differences are made by Bell

(2000, 200), however, she demonstrates a marked sense of subjective detachment,

distinguishing between women of the East and herself. She relates how the head of

the Iraqi council, ‘receives no women but your humble servant’ (Bell 2000, 101). This

simultaneously illustrates Bell’s observation of the treatment of women and her own

rather unique position as a woman in the East.

Gender does not emerge as a divisive element between the two accounts.

Perhaps Bell is the pivotal author in this sense as, notwithstanding her gender, she was

working on behalf of the British government in a particular cultural and political

environment. Thus, by her very presence in the East, Bell was privileged with

autonomy that was not shared by her Oriental sisters. Her character and skills may

have endeared her to her hosts and one might reductively assume they treated her as

an ‘honorary’ man. Yet, as we have pointed out above, this would be to ignore that

the Western subject position she proceeded from, in the already gendered ontology of

Orientalist discourse, was the masculine component of that dyad in relation to what

Said (1978, 206) calls the Orient’s ‘feminine penetrability’. In other words, the

construction of ‘colonised woman’ as what Spivak (1988, 94) calls an ‘object of

protection from her own kind’ renders ‘masculine’ the Western interlocutor,

regardless of individual gender. If the literature on gender perspectives in travel

writing were to be considered it could be said that the combination of Bell and

Burton’s accounts provided ‘male’ and ‘female’ perspectives yet within ritually

cognate contexts of reception.

23

Commercial hospitality

Although there is an inherent duty to provide hospitality, the Orient’s existing,

long developed commercial hospitality ‘industry’ is recognised. This is a

characteristic notable more in Burton’s account and, as the nature of his journey was

more typical for travel within the region than in Bell’s account, it can be deduced that

commercial hospitality was commonplace. Commercial hospitality was a product of

the busy trade routes in the region stimulating growth in commercial hospitality. A

broad range of commercial operations such as wakalahs, caravanserai, teahouses,

guesthouses and hostels existed to support a longstanding ‘capitalist’ economy

stretching across the Islamic lands from Morocco to Central Asia (Rodinson 2007).

Moreover, coffee houses in the Ottoman Empire had developed as a forum for the

articulation of trangressive political and ethical identities in relation to the state

(Karababa and Ger 2010). This range of operations justifies commercial provision as

a characteristic of Oriental hospitality linked of course to the religious and cultural

conditions it was embedded within with, for example, meals being served around

prayer times.

Prosaic evidence of dealings with an established commercial industry

frequently occurs in the texts. Burton (1855, 35) explicitly describes being angered by

having to pay a particularly high rate for his stay in a wakalah, accommodation

similar to caravanserai.

“(I got) possession of two most comfortless rooms, which I afterwards learned were celebrated for making travellers ill; and I had to pay eighteen piastres for the key and eighteen ditto per mensem for rent, besides five piastres to the man who swept and washed the place. So that for this month my house-hire amounted to nearly four pence a day.”

24

This quote also infers the idea of a diversified industry as Burton finds this particular

inn expensive, suggesting that the industry catered for a range of markets. Burton also

devotes an entire chapter to describing the layout and operational aspects of a

wakalah,

“The wakalah combines the offices of hotel, lodging house and store. A massive pile of buildings surround a quadrangular ‘Hosh’ or courtyard. A roofless gallery...into which all the apartments open runs around the first and sometimes the second storey. The latter, however, is usually exposed to the sun and the wind.” (Burton 1855, 35)

As well as this, the relationships amongst shops within the wakalah show that

the industry had developed an infrastructure to support the functioning of individual

businesses and to ease the transport of goods across long distances, “On the ground

floor are rooms like caverns for merchandise, and shops of different kinds: tailors,

cobblers, bakers, tobacconists, fruiterers, and others.” (Burton 1855, 35)

The image created by Burton, in particular, suggests that travellers could not

move too far, even in the desert, without coming across some form of commercial

hospitality. He even points out the “fashionable” clientele at hospitality

establishments, likening them to the people that socialised in Covent Garden in

London at that time. Given the widely dispersed imagery of Ottoman luxury that

Burton would have been familiar with, we can hardly suggest his ‘surprise’ at

encountering such, even in the empire’s hinterlands. Moving within such commercial

contexts would, after all, have simply required his implementation of but one aspect

of the codified knowledge of the East he come pre-armed with. It is the aesthetic and

experiential differentiation of such settings and services from their corollaries at home

that indicates their reformulation through an Orientalist referential grid.

25

Discussion

The rapidity with which the discourse inhabited by Burton became inscribed

on organised modes of commercial consumption is manifested by the fact that, by the

mid nineteenth century, the Orient had been opened up to early forms of commercial

tourism, with Thomas Cook’s Egyptian excursions proving particularly popular

(Withey 1997). Expectations of hospitality began to be determined by and catered

towards the tastes of Western markets, specifically expecting to consume a version of

an already scripted Orient (Behdad 1994). As discussed earlier, in the popular

nineteenth century European genre of Orientalist painting, there was a visual corollary

of the tension amongst abstract, pejorative and sympathetically accurate renderings of

the East in scenes of brutality, sensuality and daily, prosaic, life. Hospitality settings

are recurrent including the caravanserai, reception within the home and the Turkish

coffee house (e.g Peltre 2004). By the time of Bell’s writing, this commercial

discourse of reception in the East was so recognisable that the post-Ottoman

hegemony of Anglo-French political power in the Levant could be linked explicitly to

it. Said (1978) after all, relates how for Bell the post World War I settlement had

eased the path of Western tourists to and within destinations such as Damascus.

Again, we emphasise the point that Bell and Burton’s diaries are not presented

as direct linear precursors of current Western tourism and hospitality consumption in

the Middle East. Rather, we suggest that they form part of the conditions of possibility

for a culture of consumption in which a palimpsest of ‘historical’ modes of

engagement with ‘other’ cultures is temporally flattened and itself becomes a tourism

and hospitality product.

26

We may roughly hang this contemporary mode of Orientalist consumption,

insofar as it is inscribed upon hospitality and tourism, on a tripartite framework

consisting of, first, the historical accretion of an archive of images and discursive

tropes leading to certain modes of consumer expectation; second, the use made of

confirmatory heritage or cultural evidence of or commercial responses to those

expectations encountered at the destination; and, third, the transnational geographies

of demand and supply upon which these are inscribed.

As Costa (1998) has argued, contemporary rendering of ‘non-Western’

destinations as sites of unproblematic privileged access, escape to and refuge in the

subordinate ‘other’ relies on a popular consumer imagination saturated with historical

exposure to a range of textual sources that confirm the naturalness of such a binary.

We have returned to the original historico-geographical context of that Saidian

argument to demonstrate that close attention to the specificities of such historical

binaries can shed detailed light on the particular forms such expectations may take in

given demand-supply contexts.

Lest we over-determine such relations, we draw upon Brown et al (2001, 71)

who conceive of ‘post-modern’ consumers making use of ‘historical’ narratives and

heritage in a ‘pick and mix’ style to make their own self-narratives adhere. In the

context concerning us here, this may be a manifestation of what Sardar (2006)

suggests is a new consumer dynamic in which the Orient is still made to exist by and

for a Western subject in such a way that abandons coherent narrative in favour of a

bank of images that are available to be deployed and repositioned temporally and

spatially, at will. This consumer engagement with the idea of the Orient is, of course,

27

only one of a potential range of historically informed varieties with given

destinations. The Orientalist consumer of hospitality and tourism may be a contingent

manifestation of what Mouffe (1993, 71) has called ‘an ensemble of subject positions,

constructed within specific discourses and always precariously and temporarily

sutured at the intersection of those subject positions’. This type of consumer may,

therefore, may be a receptive and complicit participant in various forms of its own

interpellation (Althusser 2008).

Taking up Cyala and Giana’s (2008) notion of a future-oriented shared

transnational subjectivity, we may posit that a Western, Orientalist subjectivity,

available for interpellation, constitutes just such a transnationality that draws upon the

past to construct a narrative for consumption today. Moreover, we may suggest that

Said’s (1978) notion of an undifferentiated Oriental ‘there’ constitutes a collective

self that is externally projected as a set of consumer expectations to which the East is

expected to conform. Whether catering to this constitutes a re-enactment of colonial

subordination or simple commercial good sense in relation to one given market is,

perhaps, best answered by our suggestion that the position of Western consumer

culture and the colonial legacy that it allegedly perpetuates may be progressively

decentred in years to come.

This paper has explored historical accounts of Orientalist reception of

hospitality to identify antecedents for contemporary Western demand in the Middle

East. This serves to contextualise twenty-first century ‘Western’ consumer

preconceptions of Middle Eastern hospitality and to contribute to the call for

28

attentiveness to historicity when examining the subject positions of discrete consumer

groups.

A notable difference between the two diarists is that Burton’s writing infers a

sense of curiosity and fascination with a region that is different and culturally far

removed from his own, where the otherness and difference of the Orient is constantly

presenting itself and being measured against preconceived images. In contrast, Bell’s

diaries are reflective of the period in which they are written and a heightened

familiarity with the traditions and culture of the region suggest less dissonance

between preconceived ideas and reality: the abstract and the actual. However, Bell’s

writing still infers a degree of latent superiority that illustrates the inescapable bias of

the Orientalist gaze.

The perceived ‘nature’ of Oriental hospitality seemed to perpetuate the

Orientalist gaze because of its subservient and non-reciprocal nature. This further

inflated the sense of cultural elevation from the westerners’ perspective and,

consequently, further subjugated Oriental hosts. The potential for this legacy to linger

in the attitudes of contemporary Western visitors to the Middle East is an area that

requires further research. With a continuing military operation in parts of the Middle

East and political tensions associated with Western influence still manifest, the effect

such expectations of the Orient can have on the intercultural exchanges that take place

can be significant and need to be understood by commercial operators. Furthermore,

Western tour operators’ invitation to their customers to occupy an abstract Orientalist

subjectivity in relation to Near Eastern destinations is as much an ‘attraction’ (albeit

in the abstract) as the region’s material cultural heritage (Bryce 2007). While this

might be deplored on humanist grounds, its durable commercial utility may yet be

acknowledged.

29

The diaries of Burton and Bell could have simply been interpreted to paint a

picture of the hospitality that they received, however, that would disregard the subject

position that is inscribed within their writing. More importantly, and at a deeper level,

Burton and Bell travelled to, were received within, and experienced hospitality during

the period within which the discourse of Orientalism was consolidated. For all their

deep knowledge of the Orient their attitude towards and sense of potential, then

realised propriety over it, was irreducibly conditioned by a certain kind of elevated,

sovereign Western bias.

Lest this be confused with the truism that any traveller is likely to encounter

the culturally unfamiliar along with a certain sense of dislocation, the Orientalist

attitude proceeds from a certain set of contingent historical circumstances that both

elevates European enlightenment and modernity to that of supposedly universal

metaphysical norms yet, also, restores their provenance in geographically and

culturally specific terms. The self-assigned ‘genius’ of the West is proclaimed when

the Orient makes claims to parity or, at least, symmetry. It is not our suggestion that

current hospitality and tourism consumption in the Middle East is a simple

continuation of such modes of engagement but that, to deploy one of the truisms of

so-called postmodernity, it involves the consumption of an ironic briccolage of an

array of available (to a self-constituted Western subjectivity) historically locatable,

yet temporally flattened, ‘Orientalism’.

The temporal distance between the twin expectations of penetration of the

unknown and unproblematic reception as sovereign subject may collapse in current

consumption of the region. Migration from the temporal specifics of textual

30

production to widespread reception and reutilisation has taken place because of an

industrialised reproduction and dissemination that yet ‘hails’ consumers as particular

kinds of historicised subjects (Drummond 2006; Schroeder and Borgerson 2002).

Thus to understand hospitality and tourism in the region today is to acknowledge the

discursive accretion of previous encounters in a temporally ‘flattened’ form as a

condensed ‘product’. The analysis of Burton and Bell’s writing is offered as an

illustration of key moments of Western access to and ‘mastery’ over the East. The

subjectivity manifest within the diaries may help to outline the discursive archive

underpinning contemporary ‘Western’ views of the Islamic East and the hospitality

expected therein. As the region continues to develop as a centre for hospitality and

tourism growth and innovation, undoubtedly critical to the continued global

development of the industry, understanding these historical antecedents of ‘Western’

demand may enable today’s industry professionals to respond to the rich complexity

of perceptions of the region.

31

Short biographical notes on all contributors

Dr Derek Bryce teaches in Hospitality and Tourism Management at Strathclyde Business School. His research interests lie in the representation of ‘history’ and cultural identities in tourism products and the relationships between discretionary consumption and wider cultural and political discourses. His particular focus is on the representation of Islam within ‘Western’ commercial and media spheres. His is currently researching ‘post 9/11’ representations of Islam in UK museums as well as the development of Ottoman heritage in Bosnia & Herzegovina.

Andrew C MacLaren is a PhD Scholar in the Department of Management, Strathclyde Business School, Glasgow. His areas of interest include hospitality in the Near East, on which he has also contributed to research for The Royal Geographical Society in London; the empowerment of women in the hospitality industry; and settlement development through commercial hospitality in frontier America. His Doctoral research is a longitudinal, historical analysis of the internationalisation of the contemporary hotel industry.

Dr Kevin D O’Gorman is the Associate Dean of the Strathclyde Business School and a Senior Lecturer in Management and Business History. His doctorate is in the history and philosophy of hospitality in the Greco-Roman world of classical antiquity. His current research interests have a dual focus: Origins, history and cultural practices of hospitality, and philosophical, ethical and cultural underpinnings of contemporary management practices.

32

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