National Alliance For Syria: 46 Questions on Syria

8/2/2019 National Alliance For Syria: 46 Questions on Syria

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46 Questions on Syria1/29/11

1. Whats going on in Syria?

Since March 2011 and inspired by uprisings across the Arab world, millions of

Syrians have taken to the streets to peacefully demand the end of the Assad

familys 40-year brutal regime and a transition to democracy.

2. What was the trigger for the protests?

The protests were triggered by the torture of children who, inspired by

revolutions in Tunisia & Egypt, sprayed anti-regime graffiti in the southern

Syrian city of Daraa. What began as provincial grievances against corruption,

nepotism, and human rights abuses has now reached a tipping point, with

large segments of the Syrian population supporting the fall of the Assadregime there are major protests in every city, every day.

3. How has the Assad regime responded?

The Assad regimes response to the peaceful, pro-democracy demands hasbeen a full-scale military operation against unarmed civilians. As of early

January 2012:

o Human rights researchers, including Amnesty International, HumanRights Watch, and Avaaz, have reported that more than 6,000

civilians have been murdered, including hundreds of children

o More than 1,000 Syrian soldiers have been executed by the regime forrefusing to shoot unarmed protesters

o Approximately 100,000 persons are missing or confirmed detained.They face torture and, in many cases, death

o More than 17,000 people have become externally displaced refugees inTurkey, Lebanon, and Jordan

o There are tens of thousands of internally displaced civilians4. What are the Syrian people demanding?

The people are demanding the fall of the Assad regime; not just Bashar.

They have rejected the regime's disingenuous announcements of so-called

reforms and calls for dialogue with the regime. In Syrians opinion, the

regime has lost credibility and any opportunity to deliver substantive,

meaningful reforms.

For the first 6 months of the revolution, the protest movement held three key

pillars:

o This is a peaceful revolution no to violent resistance


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o The Syrian people are ONE no to sectarianismo This is a Syrian peoples revolution no to foreign military intervention

Now however, due to the sheer brutality of the regime, there iswidespread recognition that the combination of civil resistance,

development of the Free Syrian Army (FSA), and international

pressure is the model to lead to the regimes collapse.

The Syrian protests continue to be largely peaceful, as demonstrated

by the creative civil disobedience demonstrations that have occurred

throughout the country.

5. Has the protests and revolution lost steam?

On the contrary. The Local Coordination Committees in Syria (LCC), which

coordinates protests on the ground, has documented a steady increase in the

number of demonstration points across the country.

Resentment and hatred for the regime has not subsided, instead, is fuelingprotestors even more. Much of this is due to:

The rising death toll of Syrians by the hands of the regime Increasing number of detentions by the government Collective punishment of certain towns and cities where the

regime has cut off electricity, water, and lines of

communication

While rural areas have maintained a very high profile in demonstrations, the

capital Damascus and 2nd largest city Aleppo are also becoming centers ofresistance to the regime.

6. But wasnt Bashar elected by the people?

Assad inherited Syria in July 2000 after the death of his father Hafez Al-

Assad, who ruled Syria as a police state for 30 years. At the age of 34, Bashar

al-Assad, an ophthalmologist who studied in England, was thrust into power

through the regimes nomination. His election was rubberstamped by a

referendum vote of over 97% (according to government statistics), but he

was the only candidate on the ballot.

Interestingly, the Syrian constitutions age requirement for President was

changed within hours, from 40 to 34, to allow this nomination. Does this

sound like Bashar al-Assad was freely elected?

7. But why doesnt Bashar stop the killing or step down?

It is a mistake to separate Bashar Al-Assad from the rest of the regime. He is

purely the symbol/ figurehead of a close-knit family mafia that runs the

country.


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They cannot simply step down, as the family mafia is inextricably intertwined

with all elements of Syrian political and economic power.

These are some of the inner circle individuals responsible for the brutalrepression:

Maher Al-Assad Bashars brother and commander of thearmed forces, specifically republican guard and 4th armored

brigade

Rami Makhlouf Bashars cousin, and the regime fianancier.They call him Mr. 10% as he take a cut out of every industry/business deal in the country

Anisa Makhlouf Bashars mother, and key advisor. She hasbeen firm in advising Bashar to crush the revolution, in thesame manner as his father Hafez did

Assef Shawkat Married to Bashars sister, Bushra, deputychief-of-staff of the armed forces

Abdulfattah Qudsiyeh head of military intelligence andresponsible for loyalty of the armed forces

Jamil Hassan head of Air force intelligence, one of the keysecurity forces carrying out the brutality

Ali Mamlouk head of General Security Rustum Ghazali head of military intelligence (Dimashq) Dhu AL-Himma Shalish cousin of Bashar and head of security Muhammad Nasif Kheirbek - Deputy vice-president for security

affair sand a close Assad confidante

Decisions are made as a group and these individuals are the tip of the iceberg

of those who are responsible for the brutality in Syria.

8. But doesn't Bashar al-Assad need time to reform the country?

This regime had 11 years to deliver reforms, yet provided only

cosmetic reforms until demonstrations started in March 2011. In fact,even the little relaxation of the police state that occurred after Bashar

al-Assads inheritance of the throne (in a republic) was followed byserious repression, imprisonment, and torture of peaceful activists (the

Damascus Spring).

The regime is a de facto continuation of the one Bashar al-Assad

inherited from his father, Hafez Al-Assad. While the president himself

changed, the inner circle and the mafia running the nation has not.

Even putting 11 years aside, Assad could have complied with therequirements he signed up for in the December 2011 Arab League

Protocol. In that protocol, Assad committed to withdrawing troops andmilitary equipment from cities, putting an end to the killing, releasing

all political prisoners, and allowing foreign media immediate access to

Syria. Assad has failed to compy with a single requirement.

9. Didnt Bashar improve the nation?


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Actually, he did not. The gap between rich and poor has grown exponentially

in Syria over the past 10 years. By opening Syrias protected economy to theworld market, and by favoring certain members of the regime elite to engage

in business deals, Bashar al-Assad has enabled the wealthy to become

wealthier, while the poor have become poorer.

The presidents cousin, Rami Makhlouf, is but one example of a businesstycoon who monopolized Syrian industries most famously the cell phone

industry and who charges a 10% tax on nearly every major businesscontract in Syria. As such, Rami Makhlouf has earned the nickname Mr. 10

Percent.

Relative to its neighbors, stability has not been a problem in Syria over the

past 40 years as it has been at the expense of personal freedoms. The GDP inSyria is still one of the lowest in the region and three-fourths of Syrians live

on less than $70 / month. The unemployment rate is as high as 20 % (exact

figures are not provided by the government).

Furthermore, much of Syrias national resources, such as oil and natural gas,go directly into the presidential budget, and are unaccounted for in the

national budget.

10. But didn't Bashar announce reforms to address protesters demands?

Bashars announcements have been purely symbolic and designed to appease

the masses. The so-called reforms have not led to any tangible or meaningful

change in the Syrian society.

For example, in April 2011, the decades-old Emergency Law was repealed as

an empty concession to the ongoing protests. This law was never the problem

in itself; rather, the problem is that the regime is above the law. Theinvasiveness of the security forces into every aspect of life, with or without

emergency laws, has only fueled the problem.

Bashar even decreed in August 2011 a multi-party system. This is also afarce: How can a multi-party system exist when Article 8 in the Syrian

Constitution guarantees the Baath Party as protectors of the nation?

In October 2011, 6 months after his advisor Buthaina Shaaban announced aconstitutional reform committee would be established, Bashar decreed the

formation of a 29-member committee to revise the constitution by February

2012. The committee, headed by former Justice Minister Mazhar al-Anbari,looks to be a continued delay tactic to keep the obsolete document in place.

With every announcement that Bashar makes, we see his so-called reform

in action as protesters are shot in the streets for calling for change.

Ironically, since the establishment of the constitutional reform committee, the

daily death toll, at the hands of the regimes military and paramilitary forces,

has risen dramatically.


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11. Will the regime fall?

Absolutely Syria has reached a tipping point, with large segments of the

Syrian population supporting the fall of the Assad regime there are majorprotests in every city, every day.

The regime will fall it is just a matter of when, and how many more peoplewill be killed in the process.

The regime has so much blood on its hands that it is past the point of return almost every family in Syria has had a family member killed, tortured, or

detained.

It is personal for people.

12. Why will the regime fall?

The brutality we have seen has only strengthened the resolve of the Syrian

masses with every Syrian who is tortured, detained, or murdered, morepeople who may have been on the fence realize that the regime has lost

legitimacy, and is no longer in a sustainable position.

Also, the momentum of the Arab streets is substantial after witnessing the

fall of dictators such as Ben Ali, Mubarak, and Gaddhafi, the Syrian people

understand that this may be their only chance for a better life.

13. How will the regime fall?

Many scenarios are plausible, with a combination of the following

resulting in a situation where the regime can no longer survive:

o In-fighting within the regime, among the brothers, as we saw in themid-80s between Hafez al-Assad and his brother Rifaat. Ultimately,

Rifaat was exiled from Syria.

o Bankruptcy of the Syrian economy the economy has been at astandstill since the protests began.

o Divisions within the army defections are increasing daily, and theFree Syrian Army is gaining momentum & numbers. The FSA currently

estimates its force in the tens of thousands, with daily confirmed

defections.o Continued peaceful civil resistance (strikes, boycotts, protests etc.)

further keeps the nation in paralysis, ensuring that the regime can no

longer govern.

o Foreign international pressure, both economic and diplomatic, which isslowly tightening the noose around the regimes neck.

Please note, most Syrians living in Syria, as well as their expatriate

counterparts, have been opposed to foreign military intervention, however

due to the barbaric brutality unleashed by the regime of the Syrian people,

there is a desire for the international community to play a stronger role in

protecting Syrian civilians.


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14. But wait, arent there many Syrians who are pro-regime? We saw the

protests!

While there is a diverse set of opinions in Syria, the pro-regime rallies (akathe minhibak or we love you rallies) have been orchestrated directly by

the regime.

They almost always take place on workdays so thatgovernment workers and students can be pressured to attend.

For government workers, its a day out of the office; for

students its an opportunity to get out of class. Often, theserallies are compulsory, where government workers and

students are not permitted to miss them

They are always choreographed with flags and celebrities,despite being publicized as spontaneous

Finally, there are no attacks on mnhibik rallies from the so-called Salafists, infiltrators, armed gangs, or foreign agents

accused of being behind the protest movement if there were,

how many would still protest?

While there are pro-regime elements within Syrian society, the numbers arerapidly dwindling as Assad proves that he and his regime are the main causes

of instability in the country. In addition, key constituencies, once strongholds

of support, have witnessed the regimes brutality first-hand.

Now, the overwhelming majority of Syrians have made their voices clear.

They have demanded an alternative to the ruling regime. The Syrian people

have spoken.

15. Why arent Damascus and Aleppo (Halab) protesting?

They are! The regime focuses a lot of energy to perpetuate this claim. It is

important to note, that both Damascus & Aleppo are centers of government &the security apparatus and therefore civil resistance takes on different forms

than it does in other parts of Syria sometimes smaller flash protests or

even creative public displays of defiance (like placing red dye in cityfountains) .

In Damascus the neighborhoods of Midan, Barzeh, Rukn-Din, Kafar Souseh,

and Douma have been hotspots for the revolution and the people of this

neighborhood have paid a heavy price. The suburbs of Qabun, Harasta and

nearby towns of Daraya, Madaya, and Zabadani have witnessed almost daily

protests and adherence to the Strike for Dignity.

To further rebut the regime claims that Damascus isnt pro-revolution, flashprotests are conducted in ritzy areas like Abu Roumana and Shaalan, where

people rally for a few minutes and disperse before the secret service arrives.

In Aleppo, evening demonstrations occur daily in suburbs like Al-bab & Tal

Refaat. Within Aleppo, protests occur regularly in areas like Marea, Sakhour,

and Aleppo University.


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This is especially important, as the regime has invested heavily into Aleppo to

ensure loyalty, especially Aleppos merchant class over the last decade astrade with Turkey has grown, and as a counter to the traditional merchant

power base in Damascus.

16. Why are some Syrians still supporting the regime?

There is undoubtedly a sizable proportion of the Syrian population that still

supports the regime. The reason being is usually one of the following:

Financial and/ or political interest & collusion Fear of repercussions if they were to oppose the regime Fear of the unknown and unstable future

For over four decades, this regime has been able to silence public opinion and

create a culture of fear and deterrence that is only recently starting to

disappear.

17. Why is the Syrian business community pro-regime?

The business community in Syria is not entirely pro-regime and has been

divided since the start of the revolution.

Those still supporting the regime see their fate as tied to preservation of the

status quo many who are benefiting from the unfair economic system

created by this regime feel reluctant to relinquish this privilege, and fear that

a system based on fair trade and competition may undermine their current

financial position.

Additionally, it is important to note that many government officials are also

involved in big-business making regime loyalists and the business communityone and the same.

Additionally, for many Syrians to survive economically, they were required to

submit to corruption and extortion. Those who have benefited and grown

wealthy from the regimes business practices are reluctant to see their

fortunes disappear. But interestingly, the business elites in Syria, in

increasing number, are turning away from the Assad regime and supporting

the revolution.

It is afterall the business community who are:

Funding underground clinics serving wounded protestors Funding medical and humanitarian supply-chains to areas in

need

Adhering to the Strike for Dignity in major cities and townsacross Syria

18. Why is Syrian clergy pro-regime?


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The Syrian clergy (such as Sunni Sheik Al-Bouti) have been handpicked by

the ruling Baath party as well as by the secret services, and any imam orpriest who had ever questions the status quo is severely punished.

The religious establishments, just like any other public service that are run in

the centralized state, have been used as propaganda tools to disseminate

regime ideology.

It is interesting that the so-called secular Assad regime, has utilized religious

leaders (across all sects) to solidify control over the people of Syria.

19. Why are minorities still supporting the regime?

This is a big misconception. Those opposed to the regime represent all sects

and walks of life.

The regime has perpetuated this myth to drive a wedge across Syrian society

and distract communities from seeing their true enemy the Assad family

and regime.

The regime has also perpetuated the myth that the opposition is

comprised of Islamic Fundamentalists:

To play on the fears of sectarian strife, which run deep in theminds of many Syrians, given the history of brutal minority rule

and the civil wars in Lebanon and Iraq

To scare religious minority groups (e.g., Christians and Druze)into continued submission

To prey on Western fears of Islamic 'fundamentalist'penetration

With that said, the majority of Syrian Alawis do not benefit from the current

regime, and certain prominent Alawi thinkers and writers have expressed

their support to the Syrian revolution.

Christians as well have been taking part in the revolution since day one, and

are well represented in Syrias political opposition both within and outside the

country.

Ethnic minorities such as Kurds have long been mistreated by the regime, andit is only after the beginning of the revolution that the regime decided to

provide some Kurds with long-awaited citizenship, which they rejected for the

most part.

The Kurdish community has also risen up against Assad, particularly after the

assassination of their SNC representative Mashaal Tammo in October 2010.

20. Who makes up the Syrian opposition?


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For more than 40 years, being vocally opposed to the Syrian regime has not

been an option. Naturally, this has led to a political vacuum in Syria, which isnow being filled by:

o Youth activists, who are the backbone of the revolution and whoorganize communities into local coordinating committees.

o Syrian intellectuals and members of banned parties within and outsideSyria who have long demanded democratization but have been

crushed in the past.o Syrian artists, including actors (i.e. Fadwa Sulayman), political

cartoonists (i.e. Ali Ferzat), and singers/ musicians (i.e. singer Asala

Nasri, composer/ pianist Malek Jandali), who have high profiles inSyrian society, yet are targeted violently by the regime.

o Syrian expatriates, who had to leave their home country for a varietyof reasons political, financial, or other.

o Religious figures from different sects (e.g., Sunni and Alawi leaders)who have refused to worship the regime.

o Others who have worked with and benefited from the Syrian regime inthe past, but who lost their privileges. These people left to live abroad

and now are eager to return to Syria. These individuals (e.g., Rifaat

Al-Assad, Abdul Halim Khaddam) have been marginalized by the

Syrian people, and are not taken seriously in any opposition circles.

Politically, the opposition is also extremely diverse. The Syrian National

Council (SNC) an umbrella organization that encompasses many oppositionblocs was formed in August 2011 as a means to coordinate across all anti-

regime efforts. They include:

Local Coordinating Committees (LCCs) Damascus Declaration signatories he Assyrian Democratic Association Kurdish parties The Muslim Brotherhood Independents

21. Why isn't the opposition united?

Much was made at the outset of the revolution of the lack of an organized and

united opposition, whether within Syria or abroad. This was the result of

successful regime policy: over the past 40 years, through massacres, human

rights violations, the culture of fear, sectarian divisions, and military and

political impotency, virtually no institutions that could have been used as a

means of opposing the regime have been left intact.

With this reality, this explains why at the outset of the uprising, the organized

opposition inside Syria was weak, and externally not very cohesive.

However, despite the systematic assault on activists and community leaders

across Syria (estimates are that one activist disappears every hour), theopposition and decentralized protest movement is continuing to mature into a

well-connected network of organizers, activists, and community leaders.


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On August 232011, in Istanbul Turkey, after months of coordination, The

Syrian National Council (SNC), an umbrella group of opposition networks, wasannounced with the aims of representing the political aspirations of the

revolution.

The SNC includes representation across Syrias diverse society, both inside

(incl. the Local Coordinating Committees) & outside Syria and announced inDecember it coordination with the Free Syrian Army (FSA).

22. Who is the Syrian National Council (SNC)?

The Syrian National Council (SNC) is an umbrella organization that

encompasses many opposition blocs. Formed in August 2011 in Turkey, as ameans to coordinate across all anti-regime efforts. They include:

Local Coordinating Committees (LCCs) Damascus Declaration signatories he Assyrian Democratic Association Kurdish parties The Muslim Brotherhood Independents

They aim to represent the Syrian Revolution politically; embody itsaspirations in toppling the regime; achieve democratic change; and build a

modern, democratic, and civil state.

23. Who is the Free Syrian Army (FSA)?

The Free Syrian Army is a network of defectors who have become themilitarized wing of the Syrian opposition.

Initially started by Syrian soldiers who refused regime orders to fire on anti-

Assad protestors, their aim is to support civilian demands to overthrow the

Assad regime.

The FSA currently estimates its force in the tens of thousands, with

daily confirmed defections and is in coordination with the SNC.

24. Is the opposition cozying up to anti-Arab, anti-Syrian elements in the

West?

The Syrian opposition is very diverse. As with any fragmented network, many

opportunists have jumped on board without keeping in mind the bestinterests of the revolution.

It is critical to note that the Syrian people will not accept an externally-

fabricated opposition that does not reflect the aspirations of the Syrian

people. A classic example is Farid Ghadry (the Syrian Chalabi), based in

Washington, DC who has previously appeared before Israel's Knesset Foreign

Affairs and Defense Committee to address interests in Syria. He has beensummarily rejected within opposition circles.


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In addition, the Syrian people will not accept former agents of the regime,

who have now switched sides. Perfect examples of this are Abdul HalimKhaddam and Rifaat al-Assad, who had at some point been as brutal to the

Syrian people as the regime itself.

There are also examples of human rights advocates speaking at Zionist

organizations. While it is impossible to monitor every individual statement,these people do not represent the movement itself, and the general

consensus is that Syrians oppose these sort of engagements.

25. Is the opposition serving a foreign agenda?

The opposition started from within Syria for political, humanitarian, and socio-economic reasons, and will remain centered in Syria. Syrian expatriates are

providing as much financial, political, and moral support as possible to the

internal movement; however, the revolution remains grounded in serving one

priority: the average Syrian citizens agenda.

Currently, regional and international influences (from the US, Europe, Turkey,the Gulf, Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, Russia and China) are all trying to sway the

outcome of the revolution in Syria some for the preservation of the Assadregime, some for the downfall with this said, the Syrian people, demanding

self-determination from 40 years of mafia rule are caught in the middle ofcompeting elements.

26. Does the opposition have a plan for Whats Next?

Rebuilding the nation after 40 years of systematic destruction of all civil

society in Syria is no easy task. There is a lot of work to be done; the goal is

to implement a practical foundation behind which Syrians of all backgrounds

can rally.

The SNC for example has communicated its high-level framework a

democratic society grounded in pluralism and the protection of the human

rights of all. More robust plans are in development through the collaborationbetween the SNC, LCCs and activists across Syria who are all planning for the

day after.

27. But who will lead Syria if the regime falls?

Many have raised the concern that no key personalities are known entities while this is true, the future stability of Syria will no longer need to depend on

the cult of personality that has been dominant over the last 40 years of

Assad family rule.

There are thousands of activists and community leaders who are willing to

unite and lead their nation forward.

Despite the systematic assault on activists and community leaders across

Syria (estimates are that one activist disappears every hour), the opposition

and decentralized protest movement is maturing into a well-connected


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network of organizers, activists, and community leaders. All are preparing for

the inevitable collapse of the Assad regime by electing local representativesand connecting them nationally and internationally, and formalizing political

platforms.

28. But the regime says these people are foreign infiltrators?

In a country that has been ruled as a police-state for 40 years, it is ludicrous

to presume that foreign infiltrators would be able to spring up overnight and

continue to have a presence in Syria for months on end without any tangible

proof of their existence.

The only evidence of foreign infiltrators has been that of Hezbollah andIranian snipers and guards, who have assassinated peaceful demonstrators

and trained regime security forces to continue their brutality against a

peaceful civilian population.

It is also important to note, that Russias only Mediterranean navy base is in

the Syrian port city of Tartous, and as foreigners have a military presence inSyria.

29. Isnt Bashar providing security & defending Syria against violence by

armed gangs?

In a nation that has been ruled as a police-state for more than 40 years, it is

absurd to presume that armed gangs have suddenly appeared in every town,

village, and city across the country.

The only evidence of armed gangs has been that of pro-regime Shabiha(the regimes armed thugs and death squads) who have brutalized the

population at the orders of the regime.

30. But the regime says these protests are religious fanatics, Salafists?

It is clear that the protest movement represents every corner of Syria from

Lattakia on the coast, to Deir Ezzor near the Iraqi border, to Damascus. To

claim that these millions are religious fanatics is not only ludicrous, but also a

gross distortion of reality.

For one, there is no organized religious opposition in Syria, as it waseffectively wiped out by Hafez Al-Assad in the 1980s.

In addition, one of the main chants throughout Syria has been AlshaabAlsoory wahid or The Syrian people are one! that doesnt sound like

fanaticism, does it?

The regime has tried to play this card for a few reasons:

o To convince the population that only the current regime can ensurestability.


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o To play on the fears of sectarian strife, which run deep in the minds ofmany Syrians, given the history of brutal minority rule and the civilwars in Lebanon and Iraq.

o To scare religious minority groups (e.g., Christians and Druze) intocontinued submission

o To prey on Western fears of Islamic fundamentalist penetration31. Who says the protestors are peaceful?

While a small number of protesters may have resorted to violence the vast

majority is overwhelmingly peaceful utilizing tactics of civil disobedience andcivil resistance. In cases of violence, it is mostly in response to security force

/ Shabiha attacks, but even then, they are a small minority of those involved

in the uprising.

The few of those who have resorted to violence have largely used Molotov

cocktails, stones, and hunting rifles, which are no match for the full military

power of Syrian forces, including tanks and helicopter gunships.

Army defectors have repeatedly confirmed that they were ordered to fire on

unarmed protesters. These unarmed protestors are the terrorists & armedgangs the regime refers to.

In addition to the overwhelmingly unarmed protestors, since the fall, Army

defectors have created the Free Syrian Army as a means to defend protestors

and deflect attacks on civilians. Many believe the FSA will have a more

prominent role in accelerating the fall of the Assad regime.

32. Who is killing the brave Syrian soldiers?

There are very few documented accounts of Syrian security personnel beingkilled by protestors; however, there are numerous eyewitness reports frommilitary defectors recounting situations in which soldiers who defected or

refused to take up arms were shot by officers or fellow soldiers.

Since the fall, Army defectors have created the Free Syrian Army as a means

to defend protestors and deflect attacks on civilians. Many believe the FSA will

have a more prominent role in accelerating the fall of the Assad regime.

33. But the regime says the revolution will benefit Syrias enemies?

This regime is the enemy of Syria, and for decades has compromised the

national ideals and aspirations of the Syrian people.

For example, more bullets have been fired at Syrian protesters on any single

day since the uprising began than on the Golan front over the past 40 years.

The Assad regime has gladly collaborated with the US to support the War on

Terror. Even Rami Makhlouf, Bashar al-Assads cousin, recently stated,If

there is no stability here, theres no way there will be stability in Israel.


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It is time for the Syrian people to control their own destiny by building a

strong nation that protects the nation, not the interests of the regime.

34. But isnt this fabricated by the media? This is all blown out ofproportion!

With very little access by international press (as it has been restricted by theregime to enter the country) the people have become citizen-journalists

documenting the atrocities, protests, and funerals across the nation.

Pro-regime Syrians often point to Syrian state TV (SANA and Dunia) as

credible sources to marginalize the revolution. This is laughable as state TV

has never been seen as credible, nor independent by the Syrian people as ispurely a propaganda outlet for the regime.

If the international coverage is blown out of proportion and all footage is

skewed, one must ask, why is the regime not allowing foreign press into the

country?

35. But wont the revolution destroy the economy?

The Syrian economy has been at a standstill; however, the nations economyhas been manipulated for the personal benefit of the regime, specifically, the

Assad family for generations.

The gap between rich and poor has grown exponentially in Syria over the past

10 years. By opening Syrias protected economy to the world market, and by

favoring certain members of the regime elite to engage in business deals,

Bashar Al-Assad has enabled the wealthy to become wealthier, while the poorhave become poorer.

The GDP in Syria is still one of the lowest in the region and three-fourths of

Syrians survive on less than $70 / month. The unemployment rate is as high

as 20% (exact figures are not provided by the government).

Furthermore, Syrias national resources, such as oil and natural gas, go

directly into the presidential budget, and are unaccounted for in the national

budget.

One of the goals of the revolution is to ensure that the wealth of the nation isdirectly invested into the country, and not into the pockets of the regime.

36. What about sectarianism? Minority rights?

Everyone in Syria has suffered at the hands of the regime, whether Sunni,

Christian, Alawi, Druze, Kurd, Circassian, or any of the other ethnicities which

make up the Syrian cultural fabric. This is the shared experience of the Syrian

people under the Assad rule.

The issue in Syria is not really about minority rights; rather, it is about basic

human rights and equality for all, regardless of sect or ethnicity.


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This is what is meant when protestors chant Alshaab alsoory wahid The

Syrian people are one!"

Furthermore, the regime is desperately trying to instigate sectarian responsesby using sectarian tactics:

o Alawite-dominated military units (Republican Guard, Maher Al-Assads4th Brigade) and militias and gangs (Shabiha) have been responsible

for most of the killings

o These groups are aiming to provoke Sunnis across the nation byattacking religious institutions, burning Korans, and targeting religiousleaders

The broad based opposition has been very vocal in highlighting that

the rights of minoritys and ALL Syrians will be protected in a new

Syria. In the SNC for example, all sects and segments of Syrian

society are represented.

37. Wont this revolution lead to a civil war?

This revolution will hopefully not lead to civil war, especially if the regime fails

in its attempt to divide the Syrian society. Sectarian strife is being promoted

by the regime to create chaos in order to justify its existence.

Bashar Al-Assad has already indicated that if the regime is forced out, they

will burn the nation. Furthermore, in a May interview with the NY Times, Rami

Makhlouf stated: We will sit here. We call it a fight until the endThey should

know when we suffer, we will not suffer alone.

While the regime is pushing a sectarian agenda, pundits are wrong when

comparing Syria to the Iraqi/ Lebanon civil wars. The main difference ofcourse, is that everyone in Syria has suffered at the hands of the regime,whether Sunni, Christian, Alawi, Druze, Kurd, Circassian, or any of the other

ethnicities which make up the Syrian cultural fabric. This is the shared

experience of the Syrian people under 40 plus years of Assad rule.

And while we can expect some chaos after the regime falls this is only

natural after the fall of an autocratic state the shared experiences of the

Syrian people will bring society closer not further apart, post revolution.

38. But doesnt the Assad regime defend the causes of the Arab people?

Myth of Resistance

The Assad regime has perpetuated a myth of resistance since it took over

Syria. They have, for a long time, aligned their public narrative with the

desires of the people, hence creating the illusion, both internally and across

the Arab world, that they are brave protectors of Arab ideals.

Israeli Status Quo


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Their narrative, however, couldnt be further from the truth. For example,

more bullets have been fired at Syrian protesters on any single day since theuprising began in March 2011 than on the Golan front over the past 40 years.

Reflecting this reality, a popular protest chant has been Bashar! Send your

tanks to the Golan or even "The son of a bitch [referring to Hafez Al-Assad]

sold the Golan".

The Assad family while vocally perpetuating a myth of resistance has also

made numerous overtures to concurrent Israeli administrations from Sharon

to Netanyahu to secure a peaceful conclusion to the state of affairs betweenthe nations.

Even Rami Makhlouf, Bashar al-Assads cousin, in a NY Times interview

recently stated, If there is no stability here, theres no way there will be

stability in Israel.

US Collaboration

The Assad regime fought alongside US forces in the Coalition of the willingagainst Iraq in 1990 and has gladly collaborated with the US to support the

so-called War on Terror top level security collaboration meetings even

occurred as recently as 2010 when intelligence chief Ali Mamluk met withthetop US counter-terrorism official Daniel Benjamin and deputy foreign minister

Faisal Meqdad.

Using Palestinians & Lebanese as tools

Lebanese and Palestinian people have also been longtime targets of theregime; more Lebanese have been killed in the past 20 years by Syrians than

by Israelis. Hafez Al-Assad, always wary of Palestinian influence, maneuveredheavily against them during the Lebanese civil war including militaryoperations against Palestinian refugee camps, including involvement in the Tel

al-Zaatar massacre and War of the camps.

Moreover, as confirmed by UNRWA, thousands of Palestinian refugees fled

their camps in the city of Lattakia due to regime bombardment in August

2011.

It is about self-preservation for the regime if you are a threat to their

control you will be dealt with accordingly.

39. Where are the women in the protest movement?

Women of Syria have been out in the street demonstrating in mass

protests on a near-daily basis since late March.

They have held rallies separate from men; rallies where large

contingents of women form a wing in a rally with larger numbers of

men; family rallies which include men, women, and children; rallies of


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women and children; and mixed gender rallies where a large number

of women march side by side with men.

In the month of June alone, 26 mass street protests were conductedby women. The pace continues unabated despite the brutal regime

onslaught. This pattern continues into the new year.

Additionally, after the regime began using protest videos to aid in

identifying protesters in its massive detention sweeps many women

begin protesting with faces covered, to protect protesters identities.

Men began veiling their faces in protests too, for the same reason.

40. Are Syrian women in leadership roles in the revolution?

The Syrian revolution is a popular uprising leveraging the talents and

energies of all those want to see a democratic Syria. Women have had

an important role in leading the revolution. For example:

o Suhair Atassi leads the General Commission for the Revolution, asignificant group of regional protest activists

o Razan Zaitouneh leads another significant coalition of protestcommittees, the Local Coordinating Committees (LCC)

o At least one of the fourteen member committees of the LCC is headedby a woman

o The Syrian National Council includes numerous women41. What role does the international community play?

Currently, regional and international influences (from the US, Europe, theGulf, Turkey, Iran, Lebanon, Iraq, Russia and China) are all trying to sway the

outcome of the revolution in Syria some for the preservation of the Assadregime, some for the downfall.

This international stalemate is based on competing outside influences, ratherthan true concern for the Syrian revolution.

With this said, the international community has an obligation to support the

people of Syria in their time of need through political and economic isolation

of the regime. Specifically the following six actions are required:

1. Declare Bashar Al-Assads regime illegitimate and call for him tostep down.

2.Impose further targeted sanctions on the regime and theindustrial sectors propping up the regime (e.g., oil and gas).

3. Exert pressure through the United Nations to isolate the regime(e.g., UN Security Council resolution; referral to the

International Criminal Court).

4. Pressure Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan to declare Syriansseeking refuge as refugees, not visitors, to enable UN access to

provide protection and assistance.


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5. Showcase solidarity with the pro-democracy movement bysevering or minimizing diplomatic relations with the Assadregime.

6. Support multilateral observer missions to ensure protection ofcivilians and documentation of regime brutality

42. What role should the UN play?

The UN has a very specific role to play, and should focus on:

o Adopting a UNSC resolution declaring the Assad regime illegitimateo Pushing for the temporary suspension of all Syrian activities in the UNo Pressuring the UNSC to refer regime leaders to the International

Criminal Court

o Assigning a special representative of the Secretary-General to go toSyria, act as a monitor, and report back to UN until the crisis is over

o Leveraging the full resources of UN humanitarian response to supportSyrian refugees

o Implement multilateral observer missions to ensure protection ofcivilians and documentation of regime brutalityOf course, these actions would require support from Russia,

China who have veto power in the UNSC and have so farblocked any attempt to condemn the regime (i.e. UNSC

Resolution threatening sanctions in October was vetoed by both

Russia and China).

43. Why is Syria important to the US?

Syria is essential for most US foreign policy goals in the Middle East: Syria is

a key influencer in ensuring stability in Iraq; is at the core of both Irans andTurkeys regional policy; is still in a state of war with Israel; and it is a major

stakeholder in Lebanons political landscape.

A democratic Syria will without a doubt be of interest to the US, especially ifthe Syrian people view the US as a friend in their time of need rather than a

nation that stood on the sidelines while Syrians bravely demanded their

freedom from a ruthless regime.

44. Why has Russia been so supportive of the regime?

Russia has long seen Syria as a key ally in the area as both a military trading

partner and buffer against western hegemony in the region.

More specifically, Russia has taken hard line stances against condemning the

Assad regime, to safeguard against another Western intervention in the area

they felt that UNSC Libyan resolution 1973 which was used by NATO as a

pretext to attack Qaddafi was manipulated for western interests and

weakened their standing in the world.


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Russia also has billion dollar arms contracts with the Assad regime and

continues to supply the regime with weapons to crackdown on the uprising.

Most importantly their only naval base in the Mediterranean is in the Syrianport-city of Tartus a crucial strategic asset to Russian hegemony.

45. Why has Iran + Hezbollah been supportive the regime?

Iran and the Assad regime have held one of the longest standing alliances in

the Middle East and while they hold a very complex relationship, here are afew highlights:

Syria, as the heart of the Arab world, is a key ally to assertinfluence over the entire region and is at the forefront of

perpetuating the myth of resistance in Irans support of Arab

causes

o Losing Syria would be a major blow to extending Iranstangible reach from Iran, to Iraq, to Syria and Lebanon

Syria acts as a conduit to supply/ support Irans proxyHezbollah in Lebanon a major card in Irans regional policyo Threatening this supply line would remove serious

leverage against Western interest (namely Israel) in the

region There is a sectarian affinity between Iran and the Assad

regimes Alawi power base.

o A new government in Syria, based on the will of theSyrian people, would not be grounded in sectarian

relationships and would threaten this

The Assad regime has leveraged the political and militarystrength of Iran as cover to further extend their control over

the Syrian people, along with influence over neighbors (i.e.

Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq)

46. How will a future free Syria address its neighbors, reclaim itssovereignty?

Most Syrians agree that the specific direction of a post-Assad foreign policy

will be determined after the fall of the regime by elected Syrians.

With that said, it is clear that any future policy will hold national interests in

high regard, rather than interests of the mafia regime. For example:

In a December press release the SNC stressed that the new Syria will restore

national sovereignty to the occupied Golan Heights and support the complete

and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. This will lead to true stabilityin the region, as opposed to the repressive regime that threatens the stability

and unity of the state.

A few days later, the SNC President included the following outlook on foreign

policy during his Christmas address to the nation:


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A Syria that maintains active Arab and regional relations. We will

have a Syria of sovereignty, equality, and cooperation built uponmutual respect and the priorities of national interest. We will have a

sister that is a sister of Palestine.

Documents

National Alliance For Syria: 46 Questions on Syria