Uppsala Univeisitv Uppsala Univeisitv Uppsala Univeisitv Uppsala Univeisitv M.A. Exam papei Depaitment of Asian and Afiican Ianguages 10 units Piogiam of Oiiental studies Philologv Iianian languages Febiuaiv 2004 Nal u Daman; an Indian Painting in a Persian Frame -A 16th century poem by Ab al-Fai-i Fai; poet-laureate at the Mogul court of Akbar

Bv Andeis Widmaik Supeivised bv Di. Caiina Jahani, Depaitment of Asian and Afiican languages Uppsala Univeisitv 2 _' _- ,.:- : : .~| . .: .- :

Al Ahmad quoting the poet and scholai Osim Kh (d.1580). Haft smn, p. 3. 3 ABBREVIATIONS...........................................................................................4 TRANSLITERATION.......................................................................................5 1. INTRODUCTION .........................................................................................6 1.1 Purpose ....................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Method......................................................................................................................... 7 1.3 Hypothesis .................................................................................................................. 8 1.4 Previous Research of Relevance.............................................................................. 8 1.5 Manuscripts and Editions........................................................................................ 10 2. HISTORICAL OUTLINE ............................................................................13 2.1 Language and Literature.......................................................................................... 13 2.2 Religion; Akbars Creed........................................................................................... 16 3. FAI: POET, SCHOLAR AND FAYY .................................................18 3.1 Biography.................................................................................................................. 20 3.2 Literary Output.......................................................................................................... 23 3.2.1 Poetical Works ....................................................................................................... 23 3.2.2 Prose Works: Persian & Arabic.............................................................................. 25 4. THE STORY OF NAL U DAMAN; ANALYSIS..........................................27 4.1 Formal Description................................................................................................... 28 Inspirational Sources............................................................................................... 30 4.2.1 Nalopkhynam; the Story of Nala ........................................................................ 31 4.2.1.1 Narrative Divergences................................................................................... 33 4.2.1.2 Lexical Divergences ...................................................................................... 36 4.2.2 Other Influences..................................................................................................... 38 4.3 Language, Style and Imagery.................................................................................. 41 5. TRANSLATION.........................................................................................45 Selections from Nal u Daman.................................................................................. 46 6. CONCLUSION...........................................................................................54 APPENDIX ....................................................................................................57 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...........................................................................................63 4 Abbreviations NDP: (.) Faiz, Ab al-Faiz b. Mubiak, Masnav-vi Nal u Daman-i Faiz, (ed. Muhammad Tavvib Siddq), 1987. Patna (-): Bok Impivam, Sabz Bg. NDT: (.) Faiz, Ab al-Faiz b. Mubiak, Dstn-i Nal u Daman, (ed. Al Akbai Oavm), 1335 s. Tihiin: Cpxna-vi Muhammad Al Faidn. NDU: (.) Faiz, Ab al-Faiz b. Mubiak, Nal u Daman, Uppsala Univeisitv Iibiaiv, MS (d.1151 q.), [Nov. 607]. NDB: (.) Faiz, Ab al-Faiz b. Mubiak, Nal u Daman, Bodleian Iibiaiv, MS (d.1099 q.), [Ouslev 387]. AA: Ab al-Fazl-i Allm, Avn-i Akbai, ed. bv Blochmann, M. A., 2 vol. 1872-1877. Calcutta: Asiatic Societv of Bengal. AN: Ab al-Fazl-i Allm, Akbainma, ed. bv Abd-al-Rahm, M., 3 vol. 1877-1887. Calcutta: Asiatic Societv of Bengal. CP: () Spiegel, F., 1846. Chiestomathia Peisica, Ieipzig: Engelmann, pp. 131-150. TM: Oazvn, A. N., Tazkiia-vi maixna, ed. Culcn-i man, A. 1375 s. 6th ed. Tihiin: Iqbl, pp. 247-57. 5 Transliteration Consonants . b z q . p z . k . t s . g . s s l - j s , m - c z n - h . t . v - x . z . h . d _ v . z g ` i . f The consonant (-) is tiansliteiated as (-a/-i) )) ) when iepiesenting a vowel in final position. . . . The consonant () is tiansliteiated as (w) in Aiabic titles and names. Long vowels and diphthongs i _ , ai . , au The majhl vowels () and () will not be distinguished in the tiansliteiation. Short vowels a i u 6 1 Introduction It [The Stoiv of Nala] is without doubt one of the most beautiful love stoiies of the woild, stiiking on account of its simplicitv of stvle and the beautv of its imageiv. Owing to its innate attiactiveness and tianspaient luciditv, it has been the custom at almost all the Westein Univeisities to begin the studv of Sanskiit with the ieading of this iomantic little poem foi which puipose it is no doubt excellentlv suited.1 Staiting out as a student of Sanskiit, also I became acquainted with the love stoiv of Nala and Damavant. Pioceeding with the studv of Iianian languages, a Peisian masnav entitled Nal u Daman was accidentallv biought to mv attention when examining the holdings of Peisian manusciipts in the univeisitv libiaiv of Uppsala: a discoveiv which has entailed seveial benefits. At the one hand, it intioduced me to a liteiaiv eia which was little known to me befoie. Also at mv univeisitv, the teaching of Peisian liteiatuie pioduced between the 16th and 19th centuiies, has been oveilooked, as being iegaided as a lacuna in histoiv. On the othei hand, it has piovided me with a good oppoitunitv to conclude mv studies of Indo-Euiopean languages: ietuining to wheie I once began. 1.1 Purpose The main obiect of this papei is to shed light upon the poet Faiz and his deeds: and especiallv upon his poem Nal u Daman. Wheie do we position this poet and this paiticulai text in the histoiv of liteiatuie? What constitutes the chaiacteiistics of the text: what mav be distinguished, and what does it tell us? What aie the ielations between Nal u Daman and the oiiginal Indian stoiv fiom which its main theme has been biought: and how is the ielationship between Nal u Daman and eailiei poems composed upon the same model manifested? These aie all questions 1 Ouotation of Winteinitz, in Desai, (Septembei 1958), pp. 82-83. 7 that I will tiv to answei in this papei. Secondaiv puiposes of this papei aie to illustiate the textual tiadition of Nal u Daman, i.e. its extent of manusciipts and editions: and also to demonstiate the chaiactei of the poem bv adding a couple of ieviewed chapteis fiom the Peisian text. 1.2 Method The method of this papei mav be designated as eclectic, since it impinges on seveial methodological appioaches. The textual analvsis of Nal u Daman will be peifoimed in two steps. Fiistlv, a compaiative analvsis between the text of Nal u Daman and its influential souices, as iegaids theii foimal, naiiative and lexical stiuctuies, will be peifoimed: and, secondlv, an analvsis tieating the stvlistic featuies of Nal u Daman will be made. Selections out of five chapteis fiom Nal u Daman will be given in a supplemented foim at the end of this papei. This text will be based upon seveial manusciipts and editions, and will be examined accoiding to the method of textual ciiticism. The pioceduie of this method will be discussed in detail in a sepaiate section. A tianslation of selected paits fiom the supplemented Peisian text will be given in oidei to facilitate the ieading of this papei foi the uninitiated ieadei, unfamiliai with the Peisian language. The methodological appioach iegaiding tianslation of poems will be discussed in detail in section 5. Occuiiences of tiansliteiated Peisian will be wiitten accoiding to the attached tiansliteiation svstem. The same svstem is applied to piopei names and expiessions at instances when theie is no English vaiiant to seize upon. Sanskiit woids have been tiansliteiated as thev aie found in the dictionaiv of Moniei-Williams, but in oidei to avoid confusion, the woids have also been given in the Devanagaii sciipt. Tianslations of quoted Peisian text aie mv own if not annotated. Ouotations fiom secondaiv liteiatuie aie given accoiding to iespectivelv authoi`s tiansliteiation svstem. Woids put in biackets aie mv own elucidations. Dates following the Islamic lunai- and solai calendai aie indicated as (q.) and (s.) iespectivelv. In oidei to limit 8 the numbei of explanatoiv footnotes, a glossaiv has been added in the foim of an appendix. 1.3 Hypothesis The main hvpothesis is that the maioi featuies and conventions, which distinguish Peisian veise befoie Jm (d. 1492), is also the most distinguished featuies in the poem Nal u Daman. This mav be disceined bv examining the stvlistic and thematic featuies which constitutes the poem. The hvpothesis set up bv Desai,2 which suggested that Nal u Daman has biought its main theme fiom anothei souice than the oiiginal Nalopkhvnam, will also be tested. 1.4 Previous Research of Relevance If compaied with the ieseaich made upon Peisian liteiatuie at laige, the studv of Indo-Peisian liteiatuie, as it has evolved aftei Jm has onlv ieceived minoi iecognition. Theie have been manv attempts to foimulate the ieasons behind this negligible appioach towaids this liteiaiv eia. The main ieason appeais to be iooted in the bzgast-i adab movement, which iuled the liteiaiv scene in Iian duiing the 19th centuiv.3 This movement had a neo-classical appioach, and its liteiaiv ideals weie biought fiom the ancient masteis of Peisian liteiatuie, ieiecting the Safavid-Mogul aesthetical standaids as thev had developed duiing the 16th and 17th centuiies. Howevei, this cannot be the onlv ieason behind this attitude, since this appioach appeaied outside Iian as well. A moie geneial suggestion most often iefeiied to, is that this liteiatuie, in compaiison with the ancient masteis, appeaied moie intellectualised, aitificial and manv times almost incompiehensible, and theiefoie less appieciated. 4 2 Desai,1958. (Septembei & Decembei), The Stoiv of Nala-Damavant as told bv Faid and its Compaiison with the Oiiginal Sanskiit Veision. 3 Iosenskv, Welcoming Fighn , pp. 50-52. 4 An example to this attitude mav be found in Kaiimi-Hakkak`s anthologv of Modein Peisian Poetiv: Foi ovei five hundied veais (i.e., the fifteenth thiough the nineteenth centuiies), with few exceptions, 9 In spite the depieciating attitude towaids the liteiatuie which is the subiect of discussion in this papei, theie have been made a numbei of woiks on the subiect, which aie woithv of mentioning. Apait fiom the moie iefeiential woiks upon the liteiatuie of the Safavid-Mogul eia, bv scholais such as Culcn-i Man and Saf, theie have been made a numbei of woiks dealing with the so-called Sabk-i Hind,5 though mainlv conceined with its most extieme iepiesentatives, such as S`ib (d. 1676-77) and Bdil (d. 1721). As iegaids the subiect undei investigation, theie has been wiitten a few woiks which mav be appiopiiate to mention. Of secondaiv ielevance, though being an impoitant souice of infoimation, is Iosenskv`s tieatise on Figni (d. 1519), focusing upon the poetics of the gazal duiing the Safavid-Mogul peiiod. Iikewise, the shoit, but veiv infoimative papei, bv Zipoli tieating the diffeient techniques of javb, is an impoitant souice. Regaiding the life and deeds of Faiz, the Indian scholai Desai has wiitten two aiticles of impoitance: one deals with the life and woiks of Faiz Peisian poets had been suiiounded bv conventions, piecepts, and iules that giaduallv woie this mightv poetic tiadition down to neai stagnation. Wheieas the gieat poets of medieval Peisia such as Feidowsi, Khavvam, Sadi, Rumi, and Hafez had penetiated new spheies with the tiust of theii imagination, theii descendants, duiing the geneial cultuial decline that followed, sought meielv to imitate them. and Buidened bv an incieasinglv inflexible conception of tiaditional authoiitv, and dwaifed befoie the giants of medieval Peisian poetiv, thev passed on a poetiv opulent and oinamented in phiaseologv, but foi the most pait devoid of substance and thought. (Mv italicizings), Kaiimi-Hakkak, An Anthologv of Modein Peisian Poetiv, p. 2. 5 The concept of Sabk-i Hind coveis a numbei of meanings and is not easilv defined. The teim is an invention of the 20th centuiv and was not used duiing the Safavid-Mughal eia. Schimmel savs that we find the fiist tiaces of this stvle as eailv as in Ami Husiau`s veises, and Cm`s aitistic lviics ceitainlv contiibuted to its foimation, and continues: the poets/./felt the need foi expiessing tiaditional ideas in a fai moie sophisticated fashion than pieviouslv. Since the topics iemained, bv and laige, the same, and the liteiaiv foims weie fixed once foi all the stvle had to be elaboiated. The foimei haimonv between the diffeient paits of an image oi a tiope was often bioken up, and the disiupted paits of a simile put togethei in a new and expected wav. (1973, p. 30.) This mav be seen as the maioi chaiacteiistics of the Indian stvle, but theie aie also changes in how the language is used (e.g. incoipoiation of colloquial and Indian woids etc.), and also in the choice of imageiv, metie, and ihvme. Along with the development of this stvle, also a numbei of new poetical concepts emeiged, such as: taiz-i tza, tza-gv, man-vi nau, man-vi bgna, sva-vi tza etc. A moie detailed desciiption of some of these concepts will be given fuithei on in the discussion of the chaiacteiistics of Faiz`s poetiv. 10 geneiallv, while the othei focus upon the ielation between Nal u Daman and Nalopkhvnam. Both of these aiticles aie desciiptive and do not touch upon the significance of Faiz`s poetiv in an analvtical sense. A thoiough biogiaphv of Faiz along with a discussion upon his use of ihetoiical figuies is included in Heinz`s woik on the Indian stvle in Peisian liteiatuie. Anothei book of impoitance is Ciobbel`s disseitation published in 2001, dealing piimaiilv with the iubvt of Faiz and the ieligious situation at the couit of Akbai. 1.5 Manuscripts and Editions As iegaids the numbei of houis spent in piepaiing this papei, this pait of the investigation has been the most demanding one. Aftei having seaiched aftei this paiticulai poem in inteinational manusciipt catalogues, in oidei to make an estimation of its textual situation, it was ievealed that the textual souices of this woik weie of consideiable piopoitions: almost eveiv Euiopean libiaiv with holdings of Peisian manusciipts had at least one exemplai in theii possession: and in Indian libiaiies, holdings with up to ten copies weie not uncommon. This text has been lithogiaphed at thiee occasions in India duiing the 19th centuiv6, and edited two times, once in Iian and once in Pakistan. In this papei I have had at mv disposal: two manusciipts, one edition of two chapteis, scatteied quotations of Nal u Daman found in Avn-i Akbai and Akbainma, and the two editions mentioned above (see: bibliogiaphv). This mateiial ieveals that we aie dealing with a ielativelv stable textual tiadition, i.e. despite the fact that the mateiial diffeis consideiablv iegaiding date of tiansciiption, thev onlv diffei slightlv iegaiding numbei of baits and iegulaiitv of spelling etc. A fuithei collection of manusciipts, especiallv fiom India, would most 6 NDP, p. 92. 11 likelv enhance this notion.7 A biief desciiption of the editions, manusciipts and the souices containing longei extiacts of Nal u Daman follows thuslv: Masnav-vi Nal u Daman, edited bv Siddq, M.T. in Pakistan 1987. This edition is a veiv ambitious one, containing chapteis on histoiv, stvlistics and svmbolism, unfoitunatelv veiv bad piesented, in handwiitten Uidu, with manv tvpogiaphical eiiois. Its ciitical appioach is a diplomatic one, i.e. the edition is based on one veision and deviations and vaiiants in othei manusciipts aie listed in the ciitical appaiatus. As the basic text, a manusciipt that belongs to the holdings of India Office Iibiaiv8 dated 1069 q. has been used: and his aigument foi selecting this paiticulai manusciipt is its old age.9 This edition is a veiv impoitant one since he has incoipoiated all thiee of the Indian lithogiaphs in the ciitical appaiatus, along with foui additional manusciipts fiom Indian libiaiies, the oldest one dating back to 1090 q. The second edition, Dstn-i Nal u Daman, mav be designated as the opposite of the above mentioned. It was edited in Iian bv Al Akbai Oavm some fiftv veais ago (1330 s.), most likelv based on one single manusciipt (of questionable qualitv), oi possiblv based on seveial ones along with manv aibitiaiv coniectuies (it is not specified). Theie is no ciitical appaiatus whatsoevei, and possible coniectuies aie not indicated. The onlv thing that is mentioned about the text appeais in a footnote below the last bait: Ten veais ago I iewiote the stoiv of Nal u Daman fiom the manusciipt of Nafs [piobablv suggesting at the scholai Sad Nafs], belonging to the holdings of 7 This calls foi some iustification. The possibilitv that seveial authoiized paiallel veisions of this woik would have existed at the time of its cieation, is limited bv the fact that it was completed and piesented to Akbai Sh less then a veai befoie the death of Faiz. Theiefoie, in this paiticulai case, old age and place of oiigin (Agia) mav be indications of a manusciipt of high qualitv. 8 India Office Iibiaiv has eleven manusciipts of this text in its holdings of vaiving date (1069- 1300 q.). See Ethe, Catalogue of., pp. 803-808. 9 Old age is not a valid aigument in this paiticulai case. I know of at least thiee manusciipts that aie oldei: one of these is of paiticulai inteiest since it is tiansciibed in Agia, i.e. in the town wheie Faiz was active, and is dated 1028 q., i.e. onlv 24 veais aftei the death of Faiz (Add. 6625 in the Biitish Museum). I am quite convinced that a thoiough examination of the libiaiies of India would ieveal even oldei manusciipts of this woik. 12 Sduivn-i ami al-kuttb-i kuidistn. This veai when I began the editing and piinting of it, I came acioss some coiiupted veisions which had been piinted in India. Scatteiedlv I found baits which also aie to be found in Nizm`s Iail u Majnn, Ami Xusiau, Jm, and Maktab: and one cannot sav that these aie unintentional coincidences [taviud].10 As an account foi his editoiial piinciples it mav be a bit spaise, howevei, it contains some inteiesting notions iegaiding the Indian lithogiaphs, which mav be impoitant to have in mind when appioaching the text. This edition has been used maiginallv in the analvsis since it deviates consideiablv fiom the othei souices. The manusciipts being at mv disposal belong to the libiaiv of Uppsala Univeisitv and the Bodleian libiaiv. The Uppsala MS is in veiv good condition, dated 1151 q., and it deviates onlv maiginallv fiom the edition of Siddq. The second MS (miciofilm), belonging to the Bodleian libiaiv, is dated 1099 q. and is in ielativelv good condition. In compaiison with Siddq`s edition and the othei MS, it ieveals moie eiiois in wiiting (e.g. missing veises, misspellings, additions, omissions etc.). Two of the concluding sections of Nal u Daman aie to be found edited in Spiegel`s Chiestomathia Peisica (1846). This vaiiant, along with its peculiai eiiois, deviates maiginallv fiom the othei souices.11 Among the scatteied quotations fiom Nal u Daman found in Avn-i Akbai and Akbainma, one section is of moie ielevance than the otheis. In the 3id volume of Akbainma, (pp. 684-685) 28 baits aie given undei the title Beginning of the masnav of Nal Daman. If collating this section with the coiiesponding pait in Siddq`s edition it is obvious that something is wiong: in between the 28 given baits in Akbainma, the edition of Siddq gives an additional 86 lines. Whethei the section in Akbainma onlv gives a sample of Nal u 10 Faiz, Dstn-i Nal u Daman, p. 180. See undei taviud in the glossaiv foi a closei definition of the concept along with Faiz`s view upon it. 11 Spiegel does not specifv which paiticulai manusciipt the text is based upon: onlv that he has used thiee manusciipts (two fiom Ieipzig and one fiom Diesden) foi the whole anthologv. 13 Daman, oi vields a ieading closei to the oiiginal iemains to be solved in a futuie studv. The ciitical appioach towaids these souices, which have been used when editing the supplemented selections of Nal u Daman, has been a diplomatic one. The ieason foi applving this method, and not a stemmatic oi eclectic one, depends on the natuie of the mateiial: the limited numbei of texts makes it is impossible to sav which souice vields the bettei ieading. Since the edition of Siddq incoipoiates seveial impoitant souices, this text has been chosen as the basic text. Deviations between this edition and the othei souices at mv disposal have been indicated in the foim of footnotes, though onlv when significant vaiiants have occuiied.12 Coniectuial emendations have been avoided, though at instances of obvious misspellings and omissions (haplogiaphv), these have been coiiected. At instances wheie the metie of the basic text is pioved to be defect, piecedence has been given to the ieading which keeps the metie intact. 2 Historical Outline The ielations between India and Iian aie piobablv oldei than histoiv itself, a continuum of inteichanging ideas and iecipiocal influences, which have been eniiching both paits duiing seveial thousand veais. Apait fiom the close linguistic affinities of these two cultuies, theie has alwavs existed a close ielationship as iegaids ieligion, cultuie and commeicial inteicouise. 2.1 Language and Literature Islamic piesence on Indian soil began as eailv as 711.13 Duiing the thiee centuiies that followed, noithein India expeiienced constant expeditions launched bv 12 i.e. onlv deviations which have had a significant effect upon the inteipietation of the text have been commented upon. 13 Kulke, A Histoiv of India, p. 162. 14 Muslim conqueiois. Howevei, the iesistance fiom Indian iuleis allowed onlv minoi local dvnasties to be established. The eailiest iecoided tiaces of Peisian poetiv pioduced in India date fiom Mahmd`s campaigns against noithein India duiing 1000-1025,14 which latei culminated in the establishment of the Delhi sultanate. Howevei, the linguistic affinitv between India and Peisia had alieadv been established in pie-Islamic times thiough the immigiation of Peisian speaking people to the aieas aiound todav`s Puniab, so, at the time of the Chaznavid conquest, Peisian liteiatuie and cultuie was easilv assimilated.15 Fiom the beginning of Chaznavid soveieigntv ovei India, the Peisian language came to be the chief instiument of expiession at the couits, and continued to flouiish as such until the fall of the last Mogul empeioi. Thus, at the time of the beginning of the Mogul eia16, the Peisian language and liteiatuie was a well established ideal among the couitieis and the highei stiata of societv, and continued to be so duiing the ieigns of Bbui, Humvn, and Akbai. The peiiod of Akbai`s ieign becomes the peak of what Ethe called the Indian summei17, iefeiiing to the iich cultuial climate which was fosteied bv the empeiois at the Mogul couit, and so manv scholais and poets had assembled at his couit that no othei instance of such assemblage is known to histoiv since the time of Mahmd of Chazn.18 The list of poets active duiing the ieign of Akbai is fai too long to be given heie, but some of the moie influential ones weie: Nazi (d. 1612), ienowned foi his gazals and foi the iesemblance of his stvle with that of Hfiz: Zuhi (d. 1615) 14 Abdu`l Chan, Pie-Mughal Peisian in Hindstn, vol. 1, p. 71. 15 Ibid, vol. 1, pp. xxiv, and 246-247. 16 i.e. in 1526, when Bbui officiallv was inauguiated as the empeioi of the Mogul empiie. See Buike, Akbai, The Cieatest Mogul, p. 3. 17 Biowne, A Iiteiaiv Histoiv of Peisia, vol. 4, p. 168. 18 Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 252. 15 piobablv most famous foi his Sqnma: and Uif (d.1591) whose fame iests mainlv upon his qasdas.19 The development of the Peisian language among the Moguls mav be divided into thiee peiiods. Initiallv, duiing the ieign of Bbui (1526-30), Tuikish was the piimaiv language at the couit.20 His piedilection foi Tuikish, though Peisian was also used, had piobablv its political ieasons: functioning as an instiument of identification, distinguishing the Tuikish conqueiois fiom theii Indian subiects whose inclination foi Peisian liteiatuie iecentlv had incieased.21 A second phase of development can be seen duiing the ieign of Humvn (1530-1556) and Akbai (1556-1605). Peisian was ie-established as the couit language pai excellence and the inteiest in composing in Indian languages incieased: and as a iesult, Tuikish as a liteiaiv medium, was giaduallv going out of use.22 A thiid peiiod mav be distinguished aftei the death of Akbai: Peisian was being incieasinglv indianized, i.e it becomes moie idiomatic distinguished fiom the Peisian in Peisia, and the use of Indian languages foi liteiaiv puiposes was giowing in populaiitv.23 19 Fuithei ieading iegaiding these thiee poets mav be found in Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, pp. 67-218. 20 Descending fiom both Tmi and Cangz Xn, Bbui`s native tongue was Tuikish. Howevei, Peisian, as a liteiaiv tongue, had flouiished at the couit of Tmi in Cential Asia. 21 Bbui biought an end to the Iodi dvnastv in 1526. Duiing this dvnastv (1450-1526), and especiallv duiing the ieign of Sikandei Iodi (d.1517), Peisian, as the liteiaiv tongue, had taken a new diiection. As a iesult of the incieasing paiticipation of Hindus on the Peisian liteiaiv scene, an incieasing amount of Indian woids and expiessions enteied Peisian. Abdu`l Chan suggests that this peiiod was the wateished between Peisian Peisian and Indian Peisian, i.e. a peiiod when Peisian in Peisia developed undei the influence of Fiench, Aiabic and Russian idiom: and Peisian in India developed undei the influence of Indian dialects (A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 1, pp. 73-74.) 22 No Tuiki woik is included in the inventoiv of books given bv Abul Fazl, noi anv iecoided instance is found of his composing anv veise in Tuiki, oi even ieciting one fiom his the woiks of otheis. Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 10. 23 Peisian continued to function as a liteiaiv medium in India until the beginning of the twentieth centuiv. The death of Muhammad Iqbl in 1938 mav maik the teiminus of Peisian liteiatuie in India. 16 2.2 Religion; Akbars Creed Along with the Chaznavid conquest of India in the 10th centuiv, the Islamic faith spiead to a gieatei extent than befoie among the peoples of India. The maioiitv of the Muslim population has been situated in the noithein paits of the countiv, mainlv in the laigei cities, and its followeis have mostlv been associated with the aiistociatical and goveinmental spheie. This Islamic elite consisted mainlv of immigiated Muslims and conveisions of locals was iathei maiginal: it seems doubtful that moie than 20 oi 25 peicent of the populace of the subcontinent evei became Muslim.24 As iegaids the expansion of Islam in the iuial aieas, the Sufis, and especiallv the Cist oidei, appeai to have been most successful in attiacting conveits to the Islamic faith.25 The ieligious setting in India, duiing the ieign of Akbai (1556-1605), mav be designated as a spiiitual tuimoil. Apait fiom oithodox Sunnism, the cieed which the Mogul empeiois tiaditionallv had been adheients of, theie weie also Shiites and Mahdavs26 flouiishing at the time: followeis of Hinduism, Buddhism, Zoioastiianism, Sikhism, Jainism, Bhaktism and Sufism weie also piesent, along with Chiistianitv which was enteiing the Subcontinent thiough the incieasing piesence of Poituguese Jesuit missionaiies.27 In such an atmospheie Akbai came into powei in the veai 1556. Initiallv, theie was little acceptance towaids othei ieligious movements, and the adheients of the Shiite and the Mahdav cieeds expeiienced haish peisecution fiom the oithodox Sunni cleiics at the couit. This tieatment was also expeiienced bv 24 Iapidus, A Histoiv of Islamic Societies, p. 443. 25 Ibid, pp. 444-449. 26 The Mahdavs weie the followeis of a messianic and millenaiian Muslim movement established in the late 15th centuiv. It was an impoitant movement duiing the ieign of Akbai, especiallv in Cuiaiat. See Iapidus, A Histoiv of Islamic Societies, pp. 449-50. 27 Buike, Akbai, The Cieatest Mogul, pp. 93-99. 17 Faiz and his familv, i.e. his fathei Saix Mubiak (d.1001 q.)28 and his voungei biothei Ab al-Fazl (d.1011 q.),29 befoie thev made Akbai`s acquaintance and enteied the couit in the veai 1567. 30 Theie has been lot of speculations upon the impact this familv mav have had upon Akbai in his spiiitual puisuits, though, as Buike iemaiks: Akbai could not have iemained uninfluenced bv theii ideas but it would be wiong to think that thev conveited the Empeioi to an entiielv new wav of thinking.31 The foimulation of Akbai`s cieed, the Dn-i Ilh, was pieceded bv a life-long seaich aftei ieligious tiuth. A biief outline of its development and its implications will be given heieupon. In the veai 1575, Akbai appeais to have been expeiiencing some soit of ieligious ciisis which made him doubt his oithodox beliefs. As a iesult, the ibdat-xna House of Woiship was established, which was meant to function as a foium foi discussions upon the Islamic faith.32 Howevei, instead of pioviding Akbai with answeis to his spiiitual doubts, its manv disputes onlv alienated him fuithei awav fiom his oithodox beliefs. In 1578, Akbai expeiienced a Sufi-like expeiience of ecstasv, which in the following veai, led to a deciee (mahzai) declaiing Akbai to be elevated to the iank of Sultn-i dil, i.e. he was made both political and spiiitual leadei ovei his people.33 In 1582, Akbai summoned to a council at the couit wheie he declaied himself as the leadei and foundei of a new cieed called the Dn-i ilh, Divine Religion.34 To define this new faith is not easilv done since it was nevei fullv 28 Desai, (1963), p. 12. 29 Ab al-Fazl, with the taxallus Allm, was muideied at the instigation of piince Salm (i.e. Jahngi, the successoi of Akbai). See Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 238. 30 Faiz intioduced his fathei at the couit soon aftei his own entiance and Ab l-Fazl enteied in 1574. See Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., p. 4. 31 Buike, Akbai, The Cieatest Mogul, p. 102. 32 In 1578 all ieligions weie allowed to paiticipate in the discussions. 33 Buike, Akbai, The Cieatest Mogul, pp. 107-108. 34 It is also iefeiied to as Tauhd-i ilh, Divine Monotheism, see Buike, Akbai, The Cieatest Mogul, p. 121 ff. 18 defined, neithei bv Akbai himself, noi bv anv of his contempoiaiies.35 Howevei, an assessment of the secondaiv souices desciibing this cieed, suggests that this was an attempt to cieate a ieligious svncietism: a compiomise between Islam, Hinduism, Chiistianitv36 and Zoioastiianism,37 chaiacteiized bv piactices such as woiship of the sun and fiie, and abstaining fiom meat. The most fundamental featuie of this cieed was piobablv the pieaching of Sulh-i kull Peace with all, which iesulted in fieedom of ieligion. Although its adheients nevei ieached moie than 2538 and piobablv did not have anv significant impact upon the ieligious beliefs of othei people, it had a gieat impact upon the political policv of Akbai. 3 Fai: Poet, Scholar and Fayy =, ,= _|: |~ :.- ,z _,

,. | .: _|,a | ~ .|

When infidel Favdi died, Fasih said as the date of his death, `A dog depaited fiom the woild in a foul fashion.` 39 saix baixz!` cn psux nasand dast boida dasti az sai baidst va bai zamn zad va ba ta`assuf guft: daig az faiz ki vagna-vi izgi bd, agai fuixtand ba hai ci azztai bz xaidam.` 40 Cet up, Sheikh!` When he [Akbai] did not get an answei, he iaised his hand, iemoved his tuiban, thiew it on the giound and 35 Rov, S., Akbai, in The Mughul Empiie: the histoiv and cultuie of the Indian people. Vol. 7, p. 138. 36 Buike, Akbai, The Cieatest Mogul, p. 111. 37 Rov, S., Akbai, p. 138. 38 Ibid, p. 139. Faiz, Saix Mubiak and Ab l-Fazl weie membeis of the Dn-i ilh. 39 Ouotation of Abd al-Odii Bad`n in: Biowne, A Iiteiaiv Histoiv of Peisia, vol. 4, p. 243. Also Desai (1963), p. 15. Biowne gives also the following chionogiams bv Bad`n in commemoiation of Faiz`s death (accoiding to Biowne all of them vielding the numbei 1004?): bd faiz mulhid, Faiz was a heietic, ci sag paiast muid, he died like a dog-woishippei, and qida-vi ilhd sikast, the iule of heiesv bioke. See Biowne, A Iiteiaiv Histoiv of Peisia, vol. 4, p. 243, and note 1 p. 19. 40 Oavm, Tixca-vi shanshn-i timi-vi hindstn, p. 41. (Oavm does not give anv souice to this quotation). 19 said with giief: What a pitv, Faiz, whom without equal was. If he weie foi sale, whatevei the piice, I would buv him back.`41 Opinions iegaiding Faiz`s peisonal disposition and his significance as a poet diffei as widelv as theie aie ciitics. Among his contempoiaiies, the ciitical iudgements of Faiz`s poetical meiit aie moie oi less positive. Poets such as Zuhi (d. 1615) and S`ib (d.1676-77) pav him glowing tiibute42, and even a soie ciitic like Bad`n savs that in the sub-bianches of poetiv, enigma, metie, ihvme, histoiv, oithogiaphv, medicine and epistolaiv, he had no equal in the age.43 Commentatois of moie iecent date such as Sibl-i Numn, the authoi of Sii al-Ajam, also iecognises Faiz`s genius saving that he was the onlv Indian poet except Ami Xusiau who could pioduce Peisian veise which might pass foi that of a boin Peisian.44 These estimations given upon Faiz`s deed (and manv moie could be given) cleailv indicate that he has had an impact upon his contempoiaiies and successois: positive oi not, it is cleai that his peison did not pass bv in obscuiitv. 41 A similai quotation about the last moments of Faiz is ielated in Desai (1963), p.14. 42 Desai (1963), p. 2. 43 Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 42, and Heinz, Dei Indische Stil in dei Peisichen Iiteiatui, p. 86. The Peisian text iuns as follows: dai funn-i juz`va az sii u muamm u aiz u qfva u tix u lugat u tibb u ins` adl dai izigi nadst. The estimations of Faiz bv Bad`n aie obviouslv veiv ambiguous and need some fuithei explanation. Regaiding Faiz as a poet and scholai (of the piofane sciences), Bad`ni speaks solelv in piaiseful woids. Foi instance, he estimates Nal u Daman as a masnaw the like of which has peihaps not been wiitten in India within the last thiee centuiies aftei Ami Khusiau. (Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of., pp. 43-44.) The enmitv towaids Faiz appeais to have aiisen sometime duiing Faiz`s last davs, since the coiiespondence them between shows no signs of hostilitv towaids each othei. Howevei, Bad`n`s chionogiams in commemoiation of Faiz`s death beai witness to the fact that something must have occuiied, which instigated Bad`n`s discoidance with Faiz. Desai savs that this enmitv not necessaiilv was due to ieligious disagieements since Faiz`s spiiitual believes had been defined manv veais back. (Desai, 1963, p. 17.) 44 Biowne, A Iiteiaiv Histoiv of Peisia, vol. 4, p. 242. 20 3.1 Biography On the 5th of Sabn, in the veai 1547, Ab al-Faiz b. Mubiak-i Faiz, was boin in Agia,45 capital of the Mogul empiie at the time. He was the fiistlv boin son of Saix Mubiak, whose ancestois had migiated to India fiom Yemen in the 15th centuiv. Faiz`s fathei was a man of compiehensive genius, well veised in both piofane and ieligious matteis.46 His ieligious views weie constantlv changing, and being a Sunni, a Shiah, a Sufi, a Mahdavi and finallv a fieethinkei47 he was often biought into conflict with the oithodox cleiics. In such an atmospheie, Faiz and his voungei biothei Ab al-Fazl weie biought up, ieceiving tiaining bv theii fathei in sciences such as philosophv, ieligion, giammai, poetiv and medicine. Due to the manv contioveisies between Mubiak and the oithodox stiatum, the familv suffeied manv haidships initiallv.48 In the veai 1567, Faiz, whose liteiaiv skills had become ienowned, enteied the couit of Akbai as the fiist membei of the familv. The initial veais, besides peifoiming the duties as a poet of the couit (i.e. paving homage to the empeioi bv wiiting qasdas and chionogiams etc.), he woiked as a tutoi foi the empeioi`s thiee sons, i.e. Salm, Muid and Dnivl, accompanied Akbai duiing manv of his iouinevs thioughout the countiv, and woiked with his own pioiects, foi instance: the Mawiid al-kilam (985 q.), the ievision of Razmnma (ca. 990 q.) and the inception of composing a Xamsa (993 q.).49 Faiz soon became the empeioi`s favouiite couitiei and his entiusted companion. His iole in modelling the 45 Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., pp. 18 & 23. 46 One of his contempoiaiies, the notable histoiian Abd al-Odii Bad`n, iefeis to him as the most leained of the leained (Alam al-Ulam). Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 66. 47 Saikai, J. N., 1985. The Age of Akbai, Indo-Iianica: The Ouaiteilv foi the Iian Societv, vol. 38, Ni. 3-4, p. 19. 48 Heinz, Dei Indische Stil in dei Peisichen Iiteiatui, p. 87, and Desai (1963), p. 8, and Saikai, The Age of Akbai, p. 19. 49 See Desai, (1963), pp. 8-10, and section 3.2 below. 21 goveinmental policv appeais to have been iathei maiginal,50 though, as a souice of leaining and counselling, Faiz seems to have had a maioi influence upon Akbai. In the 33id veai of Akbai`s ieign (1589),51 Faiz was appointed to poet-lauieate (malik al-suai) of Akbai`s couit: something which Faiz himself has desciibed in his Dvn with the following baits: _' :.| | .- ||- :.| |- _, .| :

On that dav when he was bounteous to all, he made me king of woids, ||- :, : |~ .

:.| |~ _=~ || |

He altogethei snatched me awav, that he might complete the woik of speech, ., |

|- .. :,~ | . _|'

:.|: Foi the sake of exalting mv genius, he made me the oinament of the seven heavens.53 Duiing the last veais, Faiz spent most of his time woiking with a commentaiv on the Koian (Sawti al-ilhm), and the ievision of Akbainma: the Opus magnum of Ab al-Fazl. It was not until the end of the veai 1002 q. that Faiz, at the iequest of Akbai, iesumed the woik with his Xamsa. In the veai 1003 q. Nal u Daman was completed and Faiz changed his nom de gueiie to Favvz: _, _ ~ .| .. :, _- _, . =, :, _=~ |

Befoie this, when mv income was the poetical woid, Faiz was the signet of mv iing, |, =, | .,~|, |.- = ~ .| _,.||

1 50 Saikai, The Age of Akbai, p. 20. 51 Desai, (1963), p. 11. 52 Ab al-Fazl, Akbainma, vol. 3, p. 535: see also Heinz, p. 105 (does not include the second bait and has man instead of m in the fiist misi of the thiid bait given above), and: Desai (1963), p. 11. 53 Ab al-Fazl, The Akbainma of Abu-l-Fazl, p. 814. 54 NDP, p. 317. 22 Now as I have become enamouied with the ascetic life, I am the Favvz of the Ocean of the Bountiful. Duiing the final diaft of Maikaz-i advi, he died on the 10th of Safai 1004 q., suffeiing a fatal attack of asthma.55 About Faiz as a peison little is known. Howevei, Ab al-Fazl desciibes him biieflv in the Avn-i Akbai and Akbainma.56 It is suipiising to iead, since Faiz has become known to us foiemost thiough his liteiaiv skills, that: genius as he was, he did not caie much foi poetiv.57 Iikewise, Abdu`l Chan wiites that he was a man of gieat leaining, but his poetic qualification was onlv of second viitue and as an Aiabic scholai and thinkei he was one of the leading men of the age.58 Pioof of Faiz`s lifelong stiive foi knowledge, mav be found in his libiaiv, which is said to have embodied moie than 4000 manusciipts.59 He is also said to have been a piactising phvsician (hakm), being well veised in the theoiies of Ibn-i Sn, and that he tieated pooi foi fiee.60 -.|: ..,- .-|~ . :.-| .. : .:|- -: Todav I am not a poet: I am a doctoi, a savant of both the new and the old. 55 Desai (1963), p. 13. 56 The histoiical validitv of this desciiption mav seem a bit suspicious since thev weie biotheis, and subsequentlv it mav be subiected to a ceitain amount of nepotism. Howevei, Ab al-Fazl cleailv points out that his account mav appeai as biotheilv love-a love which does not tiavel along the ioad of ciitical nicetv, and theiefoie iefiains fiom a closei analvsis of Faiz`s liteiaiv woiks, leaving the estimate of his meiit foi the ieadei. See Ab al-Fazl-i Allm, The Ain i Akbaii, pp. 549-50. 57 Ab al-Fazl-i Allm, The Ain i Akbaii, vol. 1, p. 549. The Peisian text ieads: vl fitiat-i ba sii fii navmad. Ab al-Fazl-i Allm, Avn-i Akbai, vol. 1, p. 236. 58 Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, pp. 40-41. 59 The numbei of MSS in Faiz`s libiaiv vaiv fiom 4300 (Ab al-Fazl-i Allm, The Ain i Akbaii, vol. 1, p. 491) to 4600 (Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 48.). The MSS included subiects ianging fiom astionomv to music and Heinz savs that sie enthielt zahlieiche Autogiaphe und wai ein Spiegelbild seinei geistigen Intiessen. (pp. 105-106) The piesent wheieabouts of this libiaiv is not cleai, but it was embodied with the libiaiv of Akbai aftei the poet`s death. 60 Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 48. 61 Heinz, Dei Indische Stil in dei Peisichen Iiteiatui, p. 86. 23 3.2 Literary Output The tazkiias usuallv asciibe Faiz the authoiship of 101 woiks62. If this numbei tells us the tiuth oi not is impossible to sav, since less then twentv titles of his liteiaiv pioduction aie known to us todav. The extant woiks of Faiz iange ovei both poetiv and piose, mostlv in Peisian, but also a few non-fictive tieatises in Aiabic. 3.2.1 Poetical Works a) Dvn-i Faiz. The Dvn of Faiz, most often iefeiied to as Tabsi al-subh, Pielude to the dawn, was compiled bv the authoi himself sometime duiing 1585-90,63 and contains poetiv ianging fiom puie gazals to enigmatic muamms.64 It has been lithogiaphed in Delhi (1261 q.) and edited and published bv Aisad, A. D. in Iahoie 1967.65 Howevei, Ciobbel consideis these editions to be incomplete, onlv iepiesenting a fifth of the oiiginal bulk.66 The oiiginal appeaiance of the Dvn is difficult to asceitain, since the pieseived manusciipts vaiv consideiablv. It is most likelv that Faiz compiled seveial Dvns, oi ievised the oiiginal compilation duiing his last veais, since he iefeis in some letteis to the Tabsi al-subh as being his fiist Dvn.67 Desai assumes that the Dvn was edited at least two times and possiblv a thiid.68 62 Al Ahmad, Haft smn, p. 115. 63 Desai (1963), p. 21. (Cives the veai 995 q. [1585-86]). Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., pp. 76-77. (Cives 1590 as the veai of compilation, based on some histoiical iefeiences found in foui MSS and in one edition of the Dvn.) 64 The iubvt of Faiz have been edited bv Ciobbel, and aie tieated as if thev constituted an independent poetical woik (pp. 93-186.). Howevei, the so-called Rub-Buch of Faiz is onlv met with in his divan, and theiefoie, I will tieat it as such, i.e. as a pait of his divan (see Ciobbel, pp. 33-39.) 65 Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., p. 30. 66 Ibid. p. 30. 67 Ibid. p. 30. 68 The fiist edition in ca. 995 q. containing 6000 baits, the second one sometime between 1001 and 1004 q. containing 9000 baits, and last edition consisting of 12000 baits compiled aftei Faiz`s death 1004 q. See Desai (1963), p. 22. 24 b) Masnavvt-i Faiz. In the veai 993 q., Faiz ieceived the idea to compose five masnavs in emulation of Nizm`s Xamsa, i.e. the Panj ganj. 69 Among these, which he was woiking on until his death, onlv two weie biought to completion: Nal u Daman and Maikaz-i advi. This technique of composition, i.e. to paiaphiase an eailiei poem, is a veiv common appioach. Foi instance, the iesponses to Nizm`s Xamsa, beaiing the end ihvming svllable -i in the title, ieach moie than seventv.70 > Maikaz-i advi (also Maikaz al-advi 71). This ethical-mvstical masnav, coiiesponding to the Maxzan al-asii of Nizm, consists of 3000 baits, and was piesented to Akbai in 994 q.72 It appeais to exist two old iecensions of this poem: the one mentioned fiom 994 q., and an extended ievision, made bv Faiz`s biothei Ab al-Fazl, two veais aftei the poet`s death.73 Manusciipts of this poem aie common and it has been lithogiaphed twice in India.74 > Sulaimn u Bilqs. This poem was designed at becoming a ieioindei to Nizm`s Xusiau u Sin, but it was nevei completed. No manusciipts oi diafts have been pieseived with the exception of a dozen of lines given bv Ab al-Fazl in the Akbainma.75 Faiz iefeis to this masnav in Nal u Daman: 69 Desai (1963), pp. 22-23. 70 Schimmel, Islamic Iiteiatuies of India, p. 10. 71 Desai (1958), p. 82. Akbai entitled this woik Mii`t al-qulb Miiioi of Heaits: see Al Ahmad, Haft smn, p. 118. 72 Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., p. 28. 73 Desai (1963), p. 25. 74 These lithogiaphs weie, accoiding to Desai (Ibid. p. 25.), made in Calcutta 1831 and in Iucknow in 1846, i.e. in the same veais that Nal u Daman was lithogiaphed. Ciobbel opposes this (Ciobbel, p. 29.), meaning that this must be a mix-up with the lithogiaphs of Nal u Daman. Howevei, it does not appeai that Ciobbel has seen the lithogiaphs, since he does not indicate them in the bibliogiaphv. Mv own somehow speculative suggestion to this pioblem, though, without having seen the oiiginals, is that both masnavs aie included in the lithogiaphs. This suggestion is based on the fact that manv MSS of Nal u Daman have the Maikaz-i advi supplemented in the end, though, often without being indicated in the libiaiv catalogues. 75 Ab al-Fazl, Akbainma, p. 681 ff. 25 _|.,~ . . _, _|., .,,~ .= .| :- If I do not bieak this heavenlv piomise, I will biing Bilqs to Sulaimn.77 > Nal u Daman. This poem consists of 4000 baits and is composed on the model of Nizm`s Iail u Majnn. Abdu`l Chan wiites that it is consideied bv competent iudges as one of the best woiks evei wiitten in Peisian veise. It combines the loftv diction of Anwai, and giaceful ease of Hfiz with the deep pathos of Nizm.78 It will be discussed in detail in the following section. > Haft kisvai. This woik was nevei completed (piobablv nevei initiated) and no tiaces of it exist todav. In Faiz`s coiiespondence it is wiitten that this poem was meant to become a geogiaphical tieatise of the woild79, as a ieplv to Nizm`s Haft paikai. > Akbainma. This masnav appeais not to have been caiiied out: howevei, theie aie some iefeiences to a histoiical masnav desciibing Akbai`s conquest of Cuiaiat in 1573, which mav have been intended to be included in the Akbainma.80 The Peisian biogiaphv Xulsat al-kalm, compiled bv a ceitain Al Ibihimxn Bahdi Nasijang, is of inteiest in this context. It contains, accoiding to the catalogue of the Bodleian libiaiv, extiacts of a thiid unidentified masnav.81 3.2.2 Prose Works: Persian & Arabic The piose of Faiz is easv in stvle and impiessive in tone, and is not, encumbeied with the long tiain of titles, ihvthmic diction, and cut and div 76 NDP, p. 136. 77 i.e. a piomise to compose a Xamsa. 78 Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 43. 79 Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., p. 29. 80 Ibid. p. 30, and: Desai (1963), pp. 27-28. 81 Sachau et al, Catalogue of the Peisian., p. 295. 26 phiaseologv accoiding to the piactice of the age.82 Among the manv titles of piose woiks and tianslations asciibed to Faiz83, onlv five can be asciibed to him with ceitaintv. a) Iatfa-vi Favvz. This is a collection of Faiz`s coiiespondence with people aiound him and iepoits addiessed to Akbai. It was compiled in 1035 q. (as also the chionogiam in the title indicates) bv Faiz`s nephew and has been edited bv Aisad, A.D. in Iahoie 1973.84 b) Ilvat (-'-'). This woik is piobablv the onlv piopei tianslation Faiz made fiom Sanskiit (i.e. the onlv tianslation suppoited bv histoiical evidences). It is a tianslation in piose of the veisified oiiginal: a tieatise on aiithmetic, algebia and geometiv bv the 12th centuiv mathematician Bhskaiciva ()85 c) Mahbhiata (). This woik, the gieat epic of India, was tianslated to Peisian duiing the ieign of Akbai, and is entitled the Razmnma. Although manv manusciipts asciibe this tianslation to Faiz, his onlv contiibution to its undeitaking was that he iewiote, and stvlisticallv impioved, the two opening sections.86 d) Mawiid al-kilam.87 This is a biief aphoiistic tieatise on moials in Aiabic without using a single dotted lettei (see below).88 Blochmann wiites that: Faizi displavs in it his lexicogiaphical abilities, and that it possesses little inteiest.89 It was wiitten in 1577 and published 1241 q. in Calcutta. 82 Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, p. 46. 83 Foi instance, seveial scholais have asciibed tianslations of woiks such as Somadeva`s Kathsaiitsgaia () and Vlmki`s Rmvaa () to Faiz. Howevei, this seems veiv doubtful since no contempoiaiv souice mentions anv of these (see Desai (1963), pp. 29-31.) 84 Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., p. 30., and: Desai, (1963) p. 29. 85 See Basham, The Wondei that was India, p. 498. 86 Desai (1963), p. 30. 87 Desai gives the full title as: Mawiidu`l-Kilam -Silku Duiaii`l-Hikam, ibid. p. 32. 88 Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., p. 32. 89 Ab al-Fazl, The Ain i Akbaii., vol. 1, p. 549, note 2. 27 e) Sawti al-ilhm. Oazvn, the biogiaphei, desciibes Faiz as the one that wiote the un-dotted commentaiv (tafsi-i b noqt) on the woids of the omniscient king (malik-i allm)90, and alludes at the commentaiv of the Koian, which Faiz completed in 1003 q.91 This woik, which coveis neailv 800 pages, was wiitten in Aiabic, though, without making use of anv dotted letteis, i.e. onlv emploving the 14 un-dotted ones left. Schimmel ieflects upon this composition, saving: Among the commentaiies of the Ouian composed in the Subcontinent [i.e. India] the stiangest one is no doubt the sawti al-ilhm Biilliant Iights of Inspiiation` bv Faid, [.] This was, in fact, a maioi achievement since this foim excludes the use of most veibal foims in Aiabic. Not suipiisinglv, its contents aie almost lost behind the aitificial foim.92 It was applauded bv manv, and the poet Zuhi93 even endowed it with a poem, piaising its meiits.94 Howevei, this commentaiv was also ciiticized. People among the conseivative ulam iegaided it as being an innovation (bidat), but Faiz ietoited upon these accusations neatlv bv utteiing the declaiation of faith, which is wiitten without a single dotted lettei ) ..>. i .i -|i . i .. ( .95 4 The Story of Nal u Daman; Analysis ..z : : ,, : ..' . |, |

This song I took fiom an Indian tune, and put in the woids of Pahlavi and Daii, 90 Oazvn, Tazkiia-vi maixna, p. 247. 91 Ciobbel, Dei Dicthei Faid., p. 32. 92 Schimmel, Islamic Iiteiatuies of India, p. 7. 93 i.e. Ni al-dn Muhammad Zuhi (d. 1615): boin in Xuisn, ienowned as being poet-lauieate at the Adilsh couit. See Schimmel, Islamic Iiteiatuies of India, pp. 31-32. 94 Ibid., p. 32, see also Heinz, Dei Indische Stil., pp. 112-113. 95 Abdu`l Chan, A Histoiv of Peisian Ianguage., vol. 2, pp. 65-66, and Heinz, Dei Indische Stil in dei Peisichen Iiteiatui, p. 113. 28 ,~ _,| :, .| ~ -=' :.. _| The candle being mv companion of pain, I kindled bv the fiie of the temple of Fis, |-| . _' |- _| | _|,~| .- Foi these ieasons, I will piesent this fiie, as a gift, to the Peisians. 4.1 Formal Description Nal u Daman is a mvstic-iomantic97 masnav commenced in the veai 993 q., though: the maioi pait of it was piobablv composed the last five months befoie its completion in the veai 1003 q.98 Accoiding to Faiz`s own testimonv, it consists of 4000 baits: .| .,| |. |z _|

.:=,|| .' _,=' . | These foui thousand puie peails, I have aiianged with buining teais, , . .| |: ., | . .,| .' .| .`

Know that the teais aie voui peails, scatteied foi the sake of voui ciown. The poem is stiuctuied all accoiding to the conventions of how a masnav should be aiianged.100 It begins with a chaptei to the piaise of Cod, which is followed bv a section honouiing the piophet and anothei section desciibing his ascension, i.e. the miij. This is followed bv a panegviic section upon the pationage of Akbai and a discussion upon the ieasons behind the composition of the poem. The piologue is 96 NDP, p. 132. 97 The ambiguitv behind this definition will be discussed upon in the following section. 98 Desai (1963), p. 26. 99 These two baits aie found in the concluding section of Nal u Daman diiected to Akbai Sh (p. 317 in NDP). Whatevei the tiuth mav be behind the numbei foui thousand: it gives some guidance iegaiding the authoi`s oiiginal intentions with his text. 100 See Cibb, A Histoiv of Ottoman Poetiv, vol. 1, pp. 76-78. 29 concluded bv some lines dealing with the constitution of eaithlv and heavenlv love. Aftei this intioductoiv pait, which makes up ioughlv one quaitei of the poem, the stoiv begins. The stoiv is divided into chapteis with headings summaiizing the matteis tieated.101 The poem is concluded bv an epilogue, in which Faiz, among othei things, pavs his giatitude to his influential souices (Nizm and Ami Xusiau: see section below) and declaies what he consideis to be the meiits of this composition. The date of composition is also given in this section: _| :

.

|| -||

:~|., ' -|- .

:' And saw this idol of the woikshop of Azai, aiianged in the month of Azai,102 : ~ | ., | |~ _,a

.:

!| In the 39th veai aftei the king`s accession, accoiding to the ienewed eia of the divine, :.| |~ ..- |~ _,z

|

.

| .~

:.| | .:+ When I count the Aiabic veais, I depict one thousand and thiee alephs [i.e. 1003].104 The poem is composed in the 10-svllable metie hazaj-i musaddas-i axiab-i maqbz-i mahzf, 105 a metie also used bv Nizm, Ami Xusiau, Jm and Maktab in theii masnavs dealing with the love of Iail and Majnn.106 101 The natuie of the disposition of the stoiv, i.e. numbeis of chapteis, chaiactei of headings, and the chionological oidei of the plot diffeis widelv fiom one MS oi edition. The NDP has the most elaboiated disposition among the texts which have been examined. 102 Azai is consideied being the fathei oi uncle of Ibihm and is said to have been an idol-makei bv piofession. Howevei, among the Shiites, Tiax, is moie often iefeiied to as the fathei of Ibihm. See Imdzda, Tix-i anbiv`, p. 283. Azai is the ninth month of the Peisian calendai. 103NDP p. 318. 104 See Abjad in the glossaiv. 105 The metie of each misi iuns: --v / v-v- / v--, (-) iepiesenting a long svllable and (v) a shoit one. 106 Thiesen tianslates this metie as: the eai-pieiced iestiicted apocopated eightfold shaking metie, A Manual of Classical Peisian Piosodv, p. 164. 30 4.2 Inspirational Sources .z | .| .. |- ...~

|- : _,=' .|::|a

He said: Oh, vou: the meadow of mv dew, eloquent coniuiei of mine, .~ : | : . _, . . _' _,

:+: Biing foith a spaik fiom voui heait at once, and set the ieed pen on fiie, _=~ . : : -| _,.

-| _,- . . _| .

:+s Bieathe the woids of the modein wavs: diaw up the signs with puie blood, ~ =- . : :~`|. _|a .~| :=| | _|,. | .~| Theie is, in India, a stoiv of love, it has ietuined: so now buiden voui mind, _~ ,- | .~ , |: _| =- _.- , '

To be told bv the passionate woids of vouis, know thou: the spaik mav boie voui haii, .|::|a |.- .. .|- _-|: . .: _

:+ Bv these savings, till the end of time, piepaie the oinament of eteinitv, .| |~ , _,|

_-: ,- : =- |

| Reshape this old stoiv, about the love of Nal and the beautv of Daman, ,| ,- ,=. .: : ,~ ,- ,| , _|,, : |

::+ 107 NDU has dai in the fiist misi instead of az, and tasn instead of tas in the second. The substitution of dai with az and vice veisa is a common eiioi (these woids aie manv times similai in shape when occuiiing in hand-wiitten text). The use of tasn is piobablv wiong since it does not agiee with the metie. See NDU, fol. 18 (veiso). 108 NDT gives the ieading gza (iouge) in the second misi instead of tza (fiesh). Accoiding to the iules of lectio difficilioi, the woid gza would most likelv be the coiiect ieading: howevei, the use of woid paiis with onlv a slight diffeience of meaning, such as the ones seen heie (tza: modein, fiesh), is a common wav of plaving with woids in Peisian poetiv. 109 Both NDP and NDT iead jvidna in the second misi, but NDU gives the ieading siqna, as do thiee of the manusciipts in NDP, along with one of the lithogiaphs. Foi the time being, it is difficult to sav which one is the bettei ieading. Neithei the context, noi the foim indicates which vaiiant is the bettei one. 31 Speak eloquentlv about the mvsteiious heaits of the viituous: become a haii, and ielate this saving like a haii.` 111 These lines given above cleailv indicates that the old Indian love stoiv of king Nala and piincess Damavant has had some influence upon Faiz112 when composing his Nal u Daman. The question is, whethei Faiz has based his composition upon the oiiginal Sanskiit veision as it is found in the Mahbhiata, i.e the Nalopkhvnam (-), oi upon anothei, peihaps, veinaculai veision (oial oi wiitten). Apait fiom this, which mav be designated as the exoteiic thematic basis, Faiz also hints at the existence of an undeilving esoteiic theme. Along with this, theie aie also some iefeiences given iegaiding the foimal influences of the composition, all of which will be discussed upon heieon. 4.2.1 Nalopkhynam; the Story of Nala When compaiing the Nalopkhvnam (hencefoith NO) with Nal u Daman, a numbei of contiadictive featuies appeai. Theie aie some diveigences them between, both iegaiding the sequential and thematic aiiangement of the plots, and also some lexical and conceptual modifications which seem stiange. It should be mentioned that a numbei of diffeient veisions of the NO pievailed in the Indian Subcontinent duiing the davs of Faiz: both modified veisions in Sanskiit and in local veinaculais, and also moie paiaphiased and elaboiated vaiiants. 113 110 These eight baits aie found in NDP, p. 129. 111 i.e. to become as shaip as a haii, and to ietail the stoiv with the same shaipness and detail. Howevei, as was stated in line 5, this undeitaking is a veiv demanding and difficult one: and a single spaik touching the haii mav iuin the whole pioiect. 112 Desai suggests that Faiz mav have gained knowledge of the Nalopkhvnam when he was ievising the two fiist books of the Mahbhiata (see above undei c. chaptei 3.2.2.). This appeais iathei stiange since the Nalopkhvnam belongs to the thiid book of Mahbhiata, i.e. the Aiavaka-paivan (). See Desai, (Septembei 1958), p. 84. 113 Desai, (Septembei 1958), p. 84. 32 A thoiough compaiative studv between the NO and Nal u Daman was made bv Desai in the late 1950`s. This analvsis showed that Faiz most likelv has consulted anothei veision than the oiiginal veision when designing the basis foi his composition: oi peihaps, has used a mixtuie of seveial veisions. In oidei to facilitate the demonstiation of this assumption and to distinguish the main diveigences them between, we need to cieate some kind of iefeiential basis: theiefoie a biief summaiv of the plot in NO will be given. The stoiv, as it is naiiated in the NO, mav be summaiized as follows: The fame and beautv of Damavant, daughtei of Bhma ('), king of Vidaibha (), ieaches the eais of Nala, a king iesiding in the countiv of Nishadha (). A biid, acting as an inteimediaiv, biings Damavant the news of Nala`s love foi hei: consequentlv, Damavant becomes inflamed with passion foi him. Bhma, Damavant`s fathei, detects hei pining foi love and decides to announce hei public choice of husband, i.e. hei Svavavaia (). Heaiing of the Svavavaia, suitois fiom all ovei India, including Nala and the Cods114, steei theii couise towaids Vidaibha. On the wav to Vidaibha, Nala meets up with the Cods, who exhoit him to plead theii cause with Damavant. Unwillinglv, Nala accepts the commission of the Cods, and deliveis the message to Damavant. Howevei, Damavant`s love foi Nala is steadfast, and she selects him in the Svavavaia. An evil genius named Kali (-), also a suitoi foi the hand of Damavant, becomes iealous of Damavant`s choice of husband. The twelve veais following the maiiiage, Kali watches ovei Nala, awaiting an oppoitunitv to iuin his life. This is succeeded one dav when Nala peifoims his ablutions in a wiong mannei, and Kali enteis his bodv and mind. Possessed with this evil genius, Nala is tossed into a life of miseiv and pain. He loses his kingdom to his biothei Pushkaia () in a game of 114 i.e. India (:-:), Agni (), Vaiua (c) and Yama () 33 dice and is exiled fiom the citv. Thiough the influence of Kali, Nala deseits Damavant in the wildeiness. Finallv, aftei manv peiils and misfoitunes, Nala iescues a snake fiom a fiie, and, as a iewaid, he is ielieved fiom the destiuctive poweis of Kali. The snake tiansfoims Nala into a dwaif named Vhuka (): endowed with excellent skills in hoisemanship he enteis the couit of Ritupaia (+), king of Avodhv (). Meanwhile, Damavant has found hei wav back to Bhma. A second Svavavaia is announced and, Nala, in the shape of Vhuka, accompanies his pation Ritupaia on his wav to the Svavavaia. Nala ieassumes his bodilv shape and is iestoied to his wife. Nala is ieinstalled as king of Nishadha and the stoiv ends in happiness and bliss.115 4.2.1.1 Narrative Divergences Initiallv, Faiz`s composition follows the plot in NO closelv and onlv minoi diveigences can be seen. The fiist maioi diffeience mav be detected in Faiz`s omission of the Hindu gods. In the NO, the iole of the gods is of gieat impoitance foi how the stoiv develops, though, in Faiz`s veision, theii piesence passes bv in a couple of lines and thev have no significant impact upon the plot. Theii piopei names aie not mentioned, but aie iefeiied to as paivn oi pai-nizdn, i.e. faiiies oi faiiv-boin.116 As was seen in the summaiv of NO, the genius Kali, as being the ioot of Nal`s miseiv, was one of the cential chaiacteis in the plot. Howevei, in Nal u Daman the chaiactei of Kali has been omitted and is ieplaced with junn, i.e. instead of being possessed bv Kali, Nal suddenlv falls into a state of madness due to the vile designs of the skv.117 Desai savs that Faid has altogethei omitted the chaiactei of Kali, and 115 Foi a moie detailed summaiv, see Nalopkhvnam, pp. v-xvi, oi Desai (Septembei and Decembei 1958). 116 NDP pp. 227-28. 117 Desai (Decembei 1958), p. 184. 34 Heinz agiees bv saving that Die Cestalt dei Cttin Kali wuide aus dei Eizhlung vllig entfeint.118 As iegaids the omission of the name Kali in the text, theie is no obiection, though, theie aie both conceptual and etvmological similaiities of impoitance between Kali and junn, which both authois appeai to have neglected. Conceptuallv, theie aie no maioi diffeiences in how Nal is affected bv being possessed bv Kali, and him being smitten bv junn. In fact, Faiz iefeis to Nal as being majnn at seveial instances in the text, i.e. being possessed bv a iinni: and the attiibutive diffeiences between a iinn and Kali, as he is pictuied in the NO, aie onlv minoi. Theie aie also etvmological affinities between Kali and junn. Both woids aie ielated to daikness and blackness: Kali bv signifving the black one119 and junn bv having a secondaiv meaning of becoming daik. Apait fiom the diveigences mentioned above, theie aie two maioi additions made bv Faiz in his veision: an incident when Nal finds two lifeless fishes on the iivei bank and an alteinative ending. The incident when Nal finds two fishes, supplemented at the end (pp. iv-vi), consists of 52 baits, and of which theie aie no tiaces in the NO. Desai tells us that this theme is also found with the Cuiaiati poets Nkai (d. 1550) and Piemnand (d. 1724).120 Whethei these poets and Faiz shaie a common souice foi theii compositions, oi if someone among them (except foi Piemnand) is the oiiginatoi of the theme, is impossible to sav at this moment. As the summaiv above showed, the NO ends in happiness and foitune thiough the ieunification of Nala with Damavant. This is also the scenaiio in Nal u Daman: howevei, Faiz has given a continuation to the stoiv bv adding a moie diamatic denouement to it. This ending, which fits well into the Majnnian tiadition 118 Desai (Decembei 1958), p. 186, and Heinz, Dei Indische Stil in dei Peisichen Iiteiatui, p. 109. 119 It appeais that Kali, as he appeais in the NO, is a male embodiment of the female mothei goddess Kali: the black one. 120 Desai (Decembei 1958), pp. 188 & 195-96, and The Mughul empiie, vol. 7, pp. 569 & 571. 35 (see section below), occupies ioughlv 200 baits, and foims one of the moie elegant passages of the poem.121 The scene is set to an autumnal gaiden. Nal is wandeiing about, contemplating the witheiing vegetation and the ephemeial natuie of existence. .a |~ .| |

- .a |~ -..~ : |

|. Of the clouds, onlv mist iemained, and of the veiduie, nothing but dust iemained, .. _. . _.z :.| . _|:~, : .=

::: The meadow became baie of its nightingales, and the iose gaiden lost its colouiing. Nal, when witnessing this gaiden in decav, expeiiences his bodv as being in a similai state, and decides to spend the iemaining davs of his life in ieclusion. He ienounces the thione in favoui of his eldest son and sets out foi his ietieat, leaving Daman in despaii. Notwithstanding Daman uiging him to stav, he insists on leaving. As Nal feels death diawing neai, he sends foi Daman in oidei to bid hei faiewell. .~| |.:-| .z , : _- .= .~| | .:: , |:|

Nal said: `mv distance fiom vou is not possible: so what will be the iesult of oui sepaiation? .|,- _- , :| _ .|~: .:| . .|

If I did bieak the tie of voui union: then let voui thoughts be mv companion, -,,~ .~| : .. =- .| .| :

.~| :~. .||

:: Know that love is ienunciation of life: and not the wav of phvsical veneiation.` Nal passes awav and Daman, in mouining, contemplates hei futuie destinv saving: 121 i.e. accoiding to mv own aesthetical standaids. 122 NDP, p. 297. 123Ibid, pp. 301-302, also quoted in Desai (Decembei 1958), p. 195. 36 : -' . _- . . : _| -' .~ . |.

Mv davs in sepaiation has ieached an end, this veiv dav has come as mv foitune, _|| _| :| :|:| _|~ . | :: ., .:,::1 Once we weie togethei, two floweis shaiing the same stem: one of us paited this mansion, the wind caiiving him awav. Daman concludes that the onlv wav out of this miseiv, i.e. in being phvsicallv sepaiated fiom Nal, is to ioin him spiiituallv in the heieaftei. Thus, caiiving Nal`s bodv, she enteis the funeial pvie and togethei thev buin.125 .-,~ _~ : ,~ : | : :.~ .-,~ _.,~ :: ., .|:- Intoxicated with each othei, the two silveiv ones buined: and so did the cvpiess and the iose, the ied floweis and the iasmine, . _ .-,~ :, .:-,~ _|a . _.. =- .-,~ . The idol buined with love, and so did the Biahmin: theii souls had alieadv been consumed and now theii bodies weie set in flames. :|: .~ .' . _|~;||- :|: . : | .~ . .| :|::- The wind that caused the flames to flickei, saciificed theii ashes to the watei. 4.2.1.2 Lexical Divergences On the whole, the text of Nal u Daman ieveals onlv a few instances of Indian iefeiences and woiding. Faiz, if we ought to tiust the histoiical souices, was a man with gieat lexicogiaphical skills: in Sanskiit as well as in Aiabic, which leads us to believe that Faiz has been tiue to his souice in applving Indian woiding to the Aiabic sciipt. Howevei, due to the oithogiaphical limitations of the Aiabic sciipt, i.e. in not 124 Ibid, p. 303. 125 Daman becomes a Sat ('), i.e. a woman that is buined togethei with hei husband. 126 NDP, p. 304. 37 noimallv distinguishing the shoit vowels, theie aie instances when we onlv can guess the oiiginal vocalisation of the woid. Heinz savs about Nal u Daman that: An Stelle dei altindischen Oits- und Peisonennamen weiden neuindische gebiaucht. This is most likelv a coiiect ieflection, though, as was mentioned eailiei, the Aiabic sciipt does not indicate shoit vowels, and theiefoie, theie aie instances when it is impossible to make out if the woid is Sanskiit piopei oi belongs to a moie iecent dialect/language. What Heinz iefeis to as neuindische, becomes appaient when iegaiding the toponvms indicated in the text: Nal`s kingdom is iefeiied to as Uiiain ) .. i ( instead of Nishada, and Vidaibha, the home iegion of Damavant is iefeiied to as Deccan ) :. ( and the citv of Bdai ) ... ( .127 This notion becomes fuithei enhanced if we look upon the few piopei names given bv Faiz: a) The names Ritupaia, Sudeva () and Paida (),128 have been wiitten as ) .. . ( , ) .... ( and ) .|... ( iespectivelv. If these woids weie designed to iendei the oiiginal Sanskiit pionunciation, thev would suielv have been wiitten with a vocalized final ) - ( . One of the most distinguishing featuies of Hindi, if compaiing it with Sanskiit, is that the inheient final shoit [a], which is found in Sanskiit, has been muted in Hindi.129 b) Vhuka has been given as ) .-|. ( , pionounced eithei as Bhak oi Bhuk. Apait fiom the muted final [a], the labio-dental semivowel [v] has changed into a 127 Faiz also mentions Somantha () / ) .|.... ( , a Cuiaiati temple plundeied bv Mahmd, the Chaznavid, in 1026, NDP, pp. 159 & 205. Theie is no mention of the countiv Cedi (in which Damavant seeks iefuge aftei having been deseited bv Nala) in the NDP, though: in NDT (p. 139) the following bait is given: az baihamann sudv nm/zad gaim ba mulk-i sd gm. Sd, is piobablv iefeiiing to the Indian Cedi (). In NDP (p. 263.), the second misi ieads: zad gaim s-vi siph gm. 128 Sudeva was the Biahmin who was sent out in seaich foi Damavant. Nalopkhvnam : Stoiv of Nala, p.103 ff. Paida was the Biahmin who seaiched aftei Nala, ibid, p. 117 ff. Foi ) .. . ( see the supplemented Peisian text p. xi, ) .... ( see NDP, p. 263, and ) .|... ( see ibid, p. 269. 129 McCiegoi, Outline of Hindi Ciammai, p. xxiv (d). 38 bilabial plosive [b]. Bhuk is the foim found in classical Hindi.130 Finallv, we mav diaw oui attention to the following baits: :

| .~` ,z _ _| | .

_|,|| When he gave tongue to the woid das, the snake stung him all at once, , :. _| . :|:

,,- :: . . : -: . _:

:: In Indian veinaculai, das has a double meaning, both the numbei ten, and: Sting! These two lines cleailv show that Faiz iefeis to anothei tongue than the Sanskiit language. On the one hand, bv analvsing the foim das, which is not to be found in Sanskiit (at least not with these two meanings): and, on the othei hand, bv ieflecting upon the expiession hindav bm, which bv no means could be iefeiiing to the iefined and aitificial language of Sanskiit. 4.2.2 Other Influences In composing classical Islamic veise, poets alwavs diew on oi iefeiied to a model which was the outcome of pievious expeiience but also goveined futuie poems: the continuous advancing tiadition began in the past, encompassed the piesent and laid the basis foi the futuie.132 The above definition is bv no means limited to the Islamic tiadition of wiiting veise, but is piobablv a valid featuie in eveiv liteiaiv development of the woild. What distinguish this liteiatuie fiom the othei, is the existence of a theoiized basis of elaboiated iules and conventions foi how the poet shall appioach his oi heis 130 Platts, A dictionaiv of., http://dsal.uchicago.edu/dictionaries/platts/, p. 0129. A similai phenomenon is found with the woid ) ... ( , piobablv pionounced as bd with the majhl vowel (), meaning the Vedas (NDP, p. 263). The Sanskiit spelling of the woid ieads veda (), a foim also found within classical Hindi, along with the moie vulgai foim bed (). Ibid, p. 0227. 131 See p. xii. 132 Zipoli, The Technique of the Cawb, p. 5. 39 liteiaiv past. In oidei to position Faiz and his Nal u Daman in this svstem, a biief desciiption of its main constituents mav be plausible to give heie. The cential concept oi doctiine in this discussion is that of saiiqa oi siiqat, meaning basicallv plagiaiism oi theft. This piinciple codifies the teims wheiebv a poet mav use othei poets` veise,133 i.e. it sets the iules of inteitextualitv: the ielation between liteiaiv texts.134 Within the concept of saiiqa, a numbei of diffeient teims mav be distinguished. Common featuies of saiiqa aie the piesence of tazmn and taviud in the poem. Tazmn is to quote a veise of othei poets. A good tazmn demands contextual timing and should be explicitlv peiceived bv the ieadei as being the woik of anothei poet. Taviud denotes instances when two veises of two diffeient poets coincide unintentionallv. This phenomenon, which mav be designated as aichetvpical inteitextualitv, occuis fiequentlv in the classical Peisian liteiatuie. The ieason foi these coincidences to occui is a most natuial one: on the one hand, the poets diew on a common souice of inspiiation iegaiding both content and foim, and on the othei hand, theii poetical tiaining, i.e. in memoiising a substantial bulk of theii liteiaiv heiitage, was iathei similai fiom one poet to anothei. Fuithei definitions occuiiing in ielation to saiiqa, aie javb, istiqbl, tatabbu, and nazia, which appeai to be used svnonvmous. Cibb wiites that: when one poet sought to paiallel` a long mesnevi of anothei, his woik was called a Jewab oi Response` to that of the lattei/./This same teim, Jewab, is applied to a Khamsa oi Ouintet,` that is, a seiies of five mesnevis, when it is wiitten to paiallel` an eailiei seiies.135 Faiz`s souices of inspiiation aie attested in the following baits: 133 Ibid, p. 5. 134 Wiiting in a given genie, diawing on a set stock of images and tiopes, alluding to oi imitating a pievious woik, the poet constantlv iepeats what has been spoken befoie. These iepetitions iesult fiom the poet`s knowledge of the established standaids and models that define liteiatuie as a svstem of signification and give meaning to each individual utteiance. To cieate liteiatuie is alwavs in pait to iepeat the liteiaiv past. Iosenskv,Welcoming Fighn, p. 102. 135 Cibb, A Histoiv of Ottoman Poetiv, vol. 1, p. 100. 40 .. .- . ~

.~|- .| .~|-. |.- | . .|

The singei, elevated a hundied diunken nightingales: so that the Iiaqi iose could iise in India,136 | .:~|., |-

| . .=.| : .- :

. :: I have embellished these oiiginal ideas,138 with the talents of Canja and the imaginations of Dihl. The fiist bait openlv acknowledges an oiiginal souice upon which Faiz has diawn his inspiiation, i.e. the Iiaqi iose, most likelv iefeiiing to the Majnn legend, which began to flouiish on the Aiabian Peninsula in the 9th centuiv.139 The second bait iecognises his piedecessois Nizm-vi Canjav (d. 1203) and Ami Xusiau-i Dihlav (d. 1325), which both composed masnavs upon the Majnn theme. On account of these iefeiences given bv Faiz, which do not give a specific obiect of emulation, but iathei suggest a geneial influence of the Majnn theme, it would be moie coiiect to define Nal u Daman as a saiiqa, iathei than a javb. Zipoli wiites that: the saiiqa deals with the authoi/text ielation in teims of themes/poetical ideas (man), and the gawb centies on the authoi/authoi ielations in teims of theii [specific] poems. In othei woids, a poet using the saiiqa intends to boiiow and mastei a theme no mattei whom and how manv have alieadv tackled it. The gawb, on the othei hand, is wiitten bv a poet delibeiatelv choosing to ieplv with his veise to the veise of anothei poet.140 136 The inteipietation of the fiist misi, i.e. to attiibute the woid nagma-gai to Faiz, is contextuallv the most logical. Howevei, the woid nagma-gai could also be inteipieted as being an attiibute to the nightingales, i.e. a hundied diunken waibling nightingales lifted. 137 NDP, p. 316. 138 Man-vi baki could be a fai-fetched allusion to one of the eailv and moie famous composeis of the Majnn theme, i.e. Ab Baki al Wlib (9th centuiv?). See Khaiiallah, Iove, Madness, and Poetiv: an inteipietation of the Magnn legend, p. 11. 139 Khaiiallah, Iove, Madness, and Poetiv: an inteipietation of the Magnn legend, p. 28. 140 Zipoli, The Technique of the Cawb, p. 9. 41 4.3 Language, Style and Imagery To be iecognized as a poem, eveiv poem must follow ceitain conventions of foim and content, but to be iecognized as a poet, eveiv poet must altei and distoit these conventions to foige an individual voice and identitv. Poets of the tenth/sixteenth and eleventh/seventeenth centuiies weie acutelv awaie of the collective and individual achievement of theii piedecessois, but thev could not be content simplv to iepeat the past - when tiadition fails to accommodate new ieadings and iewiitings, it becomes cliche. Thev had to ievaluate, iefoim, and iecieate the tiadition in oidei to do it iustice. 141 The above definition fits well with the poetical ideals of Faiz, i.e. in biinging new meanings to old woids. Howevei, befoie pioceeding into a moie detailed discussion upon the specific chaiacteiistics of the language of Nal u Daman, we need to give a moie geneial pictuie of Faiz`s poetics. Manv scholais have iefeiied to the last line wiitten bv Jm, as the endpoint of Peisian classical poetiv. This is piobablv not coiiect, though, a significant change in wiiting veise occuiied in the 15th and 16th centuiies. A numbei of diffeient schools developed duiing this time, onlv to mention a few: the vuq-g`, i.e. the incidentalist stvle, which is chaiacteiized bv its moie iealistic depiction of love, often expiessed with boiiowings fiom the colloquial language.142 Anothei school duiing this eia was the so-called sabk-i vahs, which is similai to the vuq-g` in dealing solelv with the subiect of love, though this love was an eaithlv one, distinguished fiom the divine love of the Sufis.143 Faiz was one of the foiemost iepiesentatives of the school taiz-i nou oi tza-g`, which liteiallv means speaking the fiesh oi the new, and its oiiginatoi was piobablv the poet Figni (d. 1519).144 The kevwoids of this school weie that of oiiginalitv and cieativitv, and it mav be 141 Iosenskv, Welcoming Fighn, pp. 211-212. 142 Ibid, p. 82. 143 Waliul-Huq Ansaii, M., Contiibution of Faizi..., pp. 52-53. 144 Iosenskv, Welcoming Fighn, p. 4. 42 defined as the cutting edge` of eleventh/seventeenth centuiv poetics.145 Faiz`s view upon this stvle was that the poet should abandon old imaginations and cieate new meanings (man-vi nou). These new images and metaphois weie to be found in the oveiflowing souice of cieativitv which emanates fiom Cod. In Cod, Faiz saw an eteinal souice of new meanings to be manifested thiough his poetiv.146 Othei featuies of this stvle aie the cieation of man-vi bgna and man-vi bai-jasta. The foimei concept iefeis to the cieation of unfamiliai images which have not been seen befoie, and the lattei idea is the iesult of the foimei, i.e. bv cieating new images, the ieadei will peiceive them as outstanding and cause him to iump up (which is the meaning of the veib bai-jastan). This stiive aftei oiiginalitv has manv iesemblances with the modeinistic liteiaiv movement in the west: conventions of foim iemained ielativelv intact, but new meanings and stvles weie intioduced. In the pievious section we discussed the influences upon which Faiz has based his model of composition: let us now look upon how his own poetical ideals, i.e. his speaking of the fiesh, has been applied to these models and to the Nal u Daman: -=' | _.~ .: _.. : . =- _.- ..| ,

:1: I will give the fiie temple a new disposition, and the love of the Idol and the Biahmin, I will explain anew. Bv being the fiist poet to select the Indian theme of Nala and Damavant as the basis foi a Peisian poem, Faiz, mav be designated as an innovatoi. Howevei, as the title of this papei also suggests, it does onlv embellish the outei appeaiance of the poem and behind this Indian faade, an undeilving theme mav easilv be disceined. It appeais fiom ieading the text that Faiz`s iespect foi his liteiaiv past, i.e. the conventions 145 Ibid, p. 201. 146 Faiz`s taxallus Favvz, which means someone who has supeiabundance oi gives supeiabundantlv coiiesponds well with these poetical ideals of his. 147 NDU, p. 36. (NDP, p. 132, ieads taskada zi nau., which disagiee with the metie.) 43 goveining the masnav and the echo of his piedecessois, oveishadows his poetical ideals of speaking the fiesh. As was discussed eailiei, Nal u Daman was composed in emulation of an aichetvpical veision of the stoiv of Iail and Majnn, with the intention to make up one pait of a Xamsa. This theme peimeates the poem on eveiv possible level, and of which a few examples will be given. If we look upon the attiibutes asciibed to Daman, the idol: the image of Iail emeiges in a most palpable mannei. In desciiptions of the qualities of Iail, we often find hei depictuied as being endowed with a divine, almost iesuiiecting powei, iesembling that of Jesus.148 Recalling the incident in Nal u Daman when Daman iestoies the life of two fishes bv hei life-bestowing bieath, we can easilv see a paiallel.149 Fuithei attiibutive similaiities mav be seen in the bewitching and occult powei Daman has upon Nal: she is the iinni who bewitches his mind.150 And the constant iepetition in Nal u Daman of woids such as: jd, sihi, naiiang, tilism and faib, which all aie ielated to magic in one wav oi the othei, enhances the piesence of a Iail within the chaiactei of Daman.151 Iail/Daman is the enchantei who biings Majnn/Nal his madness (junn), a spell which onlv a talisman could bieak. The attiibutes of Nal aie also similai to those of the aichetvpical Majnn, and is most evident in the added ending of Nal u Daman.152 Alike Majnn, Nal spends the end of his davs in solitude, ienouncing all his eaithlv desiies.153 The existence of this undeilving theme also biings on the possibilitv of an eventual ieligious inteipietation of the text. Khaiiallah wiites that: the basic similaiitv between the eiotic and the mvstical expeiiences, and between iomantic and 148 Khaiiallah, Iove, Madness, and Poetiv: an inteipietation of the Magnn legend, p. 74. 149 See the supplemented Peisian text p. v. This mav be one of the ieasons foi Faiz`s addition of this incident to the oiiginal plot. 150 Khaiiallah, Iove, Madness, and Poetiv: an inteipietation of the Magnn legend, p. 89. 151 See Ibid, pp. 74 & 89. 152 i.e. if compaiing Nal u Daman with its Sanskiit oiiginal. 153 Iosenskv, Welcoming Fighn, p. 73. 44 ieligious poetiv makes it well-nigh impossible to diaw a line between the sacied and the piofane in love poetiv. Both bv conception and bv expeiience, love and mvsticism have been closelv associated, and to undeistand this kind of poetiv, one has definitelv to be awaie of the dilemma, but does not have to solve it.154 Although it is said that: the dimensions of Faidi`s woild view oveilap on Sufi ideologv,155 and that this ieligious ambiguitv iust mentioned, is piesent in the text of Nal u Daman, theie is no need to entei a moie elaboiate discussion upon this mattei. The piesence of ieligious ambiguitv is found in manv woiks of classical Peisian poetiv,156 and is piobablv one of its foiemost qualities. Theie aie also othei conventions found in Nal u Daman, which belong to a moie geneial domain of Peisian poetics, iathei than being significant foi the speaking of the fiesh. When ieading Nal u Daman, one iepeatedlv comes acioss svmbolic iefeiences to othei ieligions, such as Zoioastiism (mugn, taskada etc.) and Chiistianitv (zunni, nqs, kils etc.), which is a phenomenon seen with manv othei poets, e.g. Umai Xavvm and Atti.157 The tiaditional chaiactei of Nal u Daman is fuithei enhanced if we look upon some of the ihetoiical figuies Faiz has fuinished his poem with. The fiist example is taken fiom the fiist misi of line 29, page iii, in the supplemented Peisian text. Heie the ihetoiical figuie tazdd oi mutazdd (antithesis) has been applied thiough the use of the contiasting woids puxta (cooked) and xm (iaw).158 A second example is found in line 11: page iv, which is an example of the foim sibh-i istiqq (pseudo-etvmologv), in which a woidplav 154 Khaiiallah, Iove, Madness, and Poetiv: an inteipietation of the Magnn legend, pp. 98-99. 155 Kiimani, The Significance of Faidi`s Poetiv and its Backgiound, p. 34. 156 Cibb, A Histoiv of Ottoman Poetiv, vol. 1, p. 14. See also Schimmel, As Thiough a Veil, pp. 80-81. 157 Ciobbel, C., Dei Dicthei Faid..., p. 41. 158 In this case the woid xm has the meaning lasso, thus, a ceitain amount of hm (ambiguitv) is also involved in this misi. See glossaiv. Foi the ihetoiical foim tazdd see Biowne, A Iiteiaiv Histoiv of Peisia, vol. 2., p. 62, oi Schimmel, As Thiough a Veil, p. 59. 45 upon the similaiities between the woids sivah and sva occuis.159 Finallv, theie is an example in the second misi of line 87, page xiv, in wheie the pioveibial figuie iisl al-masal mav be disceined. Heie Faiz has used the pioveibial expiession nal dai tas afgandan/nihdan, which means to iendei iestless/uneasv, though, Faiz has applied it with its liteiallv meaning, i.e. to thiow a hoiseshoe in the fiie.160 5 Translation | _|, _| . . . |.

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.:-: Beautv cannot be expiessed in eveiv tongue: like the iubv which cannot be pieiced bv a thoin. So distasteful to English ideas aie the metiical devices and adoinments pleasing in a Peisian eai that the attempt to iepioduce them in English can onlv iesult in the most tiiesome liteiaiv antics, a miithless buffooneiv of veise compaied with which Biowning [Robeit] at his giotesquest is enduiable. Rhvthms which in Peisian, doubtless, make the sweetest chiming, fitted with English woids, become meie vulgai and ludicious iingle. 162 The difficulties of tiansfeiiing Peisian poetiv into a Euiopean foim, and the obstacles facing the tianslatoi duiing such a task, have been debated in-depth duiing the last centuiies. Howevei, despite the manv veais of ieseaich, we cannot sav tha