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MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN CHURCH I Historical View MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN CHURCH: AND THE ENCYCLICAL ON MUSIC Rev. Fr. Fidelis Smith, a.F.M. Of the many points treated in the encyclical of Pius XII on sacred music, the question of the use of instruments in Church is also considered. The three qualities proper to liturgy as mentioned in section III of the encyclical are "let it (the music) be holy, let it be an example of genuine art, and let it exhibit the quality of universality ..." (sancta sit, verae artis specimen praebeat, univer- sitatis prae se ferat notam.) 1 After applying these norms-restate- ments of the Motu Proprio-to chant, Renaissance polyphony and modern composition, the document refers these qualifications to the organ and other musical instruments also. As treated elsewhere by the author, the organ has been asso- ciated with ecclesiastical music from the earliest times. 2 Yet there are other instruments which can be called into service in the pro- duction of truly sacred music as long as there is nothing profane or noisy about them. 3 The question of profane and religious instru- ments, of course, comes back to the general discussion of profane and religious music. 4 The instruments, as instruments, are in them- selves neither religious nor profane, but may be employed for either purpose. Thus the reed aulas, used by the Greeks with percussion instruments in Dionysiac rites and dances, was in itself simply an instrument and nothing more. The same aulas was introduced into marching and drilling, according to Athanaeos. 5 This double oboe (Oboenpaar),6 however, and percussion instruments could easily have led astray the early Christian congregation due to their acci- dental external connection and association with pagan environment and ceremonies. Yet the Jewish cognate was used in the Old Testa- ment: the haUl. The Septuagint translates this as aulas and the Vulgate as tibia. In the Second Temple the sound of from two to 1 Pius XII, Musicae Sacrae Disciplina, in Acta Apostolica Sedis, Jan. 28, 1956, p. 15. 2 Smith, F., O.F.M., The Organ in the Light of Pius XII's Encyclical on Sacred Music, in 'The American Organist, February, 1957, p. 44f. 3 Pius XII, op. cit., p. 19 " ... dummodo nihil profanum, nihil clamosum et strepens redoleant, quod sacrae actioni et loci gravitati neutiquam conveniat ..." 4 Smith, F., O.F.M., The PreReformation Kirchenlied and Congregational Singing, in Franciscan Studies (St. Bonaventure University) December 1956, pass. 5 Strunk, Oliver, Source Readings in Music History (New York, Norton, 1950) p. 51. 6 Sachs, Curt, Die Musik der Antike, in Handbuch der (New York, Musurgia, 1931) ed. Buecken, I, p. 24. 237

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MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN CHURCHI

Historical View

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS IN CHURCH:AND THE ENCYCLICAL ON MUSIC

Rev. Fr. Fidelis Smith, a.F.M.

Of the many points treated in the encyclical of Pius XII onsacred music, the question of the use of instruments in Church isalso considered. The three qualities proper to liturgy as mentionedin section III of the encyclical are "let it (the music) be holy, letit be an example of genuine art, and let it exhibit the quality ofuniversality ..." (sancta sit, verae artis specimen praebeat, univer­sitatis prae se ferat notam.) 1 After applying these norms-restate­ments of the Motu Proprio-to chant, Renaissance polyphony andmodern composition, the document refers these qualifications to theorgan and other musical instruments also.

As treated elsewhere by the author, the organ has been asso­ciated with ecclesiastical music from the earliest times.2 Yet thereare other instruments which can be called into service in the pro­duction of truly sacred music as long as there is nothing profane ornoisy about them.3 The question of profane and religious instru­ments, of course, comes back to the general discussion of profane andreligious music.4 The instruments, as instruments, are in them­selves neither religious nor profane, but may be employed for eitherpurpose. Thus the reed aulas, used by the Greeks with percussioninstruments in Dionysiac rites and dances, was in itself simply aninstrument and nothing more. The same aulas was introduced intomarching and drilling, according to Athanaeos.5 This double oboe(Oboenpaar),6 however, and percussion instruments could easilyhave led astray the early Christian congregation due to their acci­dental external connection and association with pagan environmentand ceremonies. Yet the Jewish cognate was used in the Old Testa­ment: the haUl. The Septuagint translates this as aulas and theVulgate as tibia. In the Second Temple the sound of from two to

1 Pius XII, Musicae Sacrae Disciplina, in Acta Apostolica Sedis, Jan. 28, 1956, p. 15.2 Smith, F., O.F.M., The Organ in the Light of Pius XII's Encyclical on Sacred Music,in 'The American Organist, February, 1957, p. 44f.3 Pius XII, op. cit., p. 19 " ... dummodo nihil profanum, nihil clamosum et strepensredoleant, quod sacrae actioni et loci gravitati neutiquam conveniat ..."4 Smith, F., O.F.M., The PreReformation Kirchenlied and Congregational Singing, inFranciscan Studies (St. Bonaventure University) December 1956, pass.5 Strunk, Oliver, Source Readings in Music History (New York, Norton, 1950) p. 51.6 Sachs, Curt, Die Musik der Antike, in Handbuch der Musi~wissenschaft, (New York,Musurgia, 1931) ed. Buecken, I, p. 24.

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twelve pipes was heard twelve times annually during certain feasts.The New Testament records the use of the haW at funerals andfuneral processions.7 Oboes are still tolerated in the Catholic Church,and instruments may be used even at funerals, if the usual prescrip'tions are observed.s

The haW was but one of the instruments used by the Jews.The mna'anim was the Hebrew name for the Egyptian sistrum(Greek: seistron), which together with the shawm (not mentionedamong the Jewish instruments) were two musical instruments ofpagan Egyptian origin.9 The instruments used by the Jews in theirtemple services, such as the nevel, ~innor, shofar, uggav, tof,paamonim, etc., are the Jewish version of the common instrumentalpatrimony of the Mediterranean. Orchestras of the Egyptian templeshad many points in common with those of the Temple of Jerusalem.When the psalmist (Ps. 150) called on all the temple instrumentsto praise Yahweh, he called upon instruments that had been usedby secular and pagan Mediterranean musical interests, and which,therefore, had been used for pagan and profane purposes. But thetotal effect of the sentiment of the psalmist concerning the duty ofall instruments and all things that had breath to praise the God ofIsrael, is tremendous:

Praise the Lord in his sanctuary,praise him in the firmament of his strength.

Praise him for his mighty deeds,praise him for his sovereign majesty.

Praise him with the blast of trumpet,praise him with lyre and harp,

Praise him with the timbrel and dance,praise him with strings and pipe.

Praise him with sounding cymbals,praise him with clanging cymbals.

Let everything that has breathpraise the Lord. Alleluia.10

7 Gradenwit7;, Peter, 'The Music of Israel. (New York, Norton, 1940) p. 53f.Idelsohn, A. Z., Jewish Music in its Historical Development (New York, Tudor

1948) .Sachs, Curt, 'The History of Musical Instruments (New York, Norton, 1940) pp.

118 and 119, d. halil.

8 Hanin, A., S. I., La Legislation Ecclesiastique en matiere de Musique Religieuse(Desclee, Paris, 1933) pp. 87 & 93 Compostellana Rescripts.

Romita, Fioren7;o, II Codice Giuridico della Musica Sacra (Roma, Desclee, 1952)canon 60, No.3, p. 25'.

"vradenwit7;, op. cit. p. 33.

10 'The Holy Bible. vol. iii, The Sapiential Books: lob to Sirach, ed. Confraternity ofChristian Doctrine (St. Anthony Guild Press, Paterson, N. I., 1955) p. 3H.

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Instruments, therefore, as instruments, are neither profane norreligious, except, as music itself, religious secundum quid, in thatthey may be adjudged suitable for introduction into religious use.Yet it was the Church's experience that elements harmful to thefaith and piety of the faithful could well enter the sacred precinctsby means of instruments, as environmentally connected with secularor immoral practices.11 It was with this in mind that Clement ofAlexandria decried the use of the trumpet, timbrel, aulos, etc., allexcept the lyra and ~ithara of David. As he called the WordOur New Song,12 now he also appealed to the use of but one instru­ment, one of peace: the Word. This is, of course, allegorical. Inthe Paidagogos Clement gives an allegorical interpretation to psalm150: the trumpet was the blast of doom's day; the tongue was theharps of the Lord; our bodies organs and the sinews strings; cymbalsmeant the sound of man's tongue producing words, etc.13 The fa­mous Alexandrian school with Origen in the lead outdid itself inallegorizing about musical instruments. For Origen, the trumpetwas the efficacy of the word of God; cymbals, the soul inflamedwith love of Christ, etc. Allegory did not appear only because theChurch was forced to justify the fact that instruments crept intouse in the sacred precincts despite bans to the contrary, as some havemaintained.14 This was a partial reason. The school of Alexandriawould have allegorized, ban or no ban. For Athanasius, instrumentsalso had an allegorical content. St. Augustine, for his part, alsoregarded musical instruments in symbolic fashion: ··On the timbrelleather is stretched, on the psaltery gut is stretched; on either instru­ment the flesh is crucified."l~ The kithara, which in David's handscalmed the morose Saul, was for some the victory of Christ overSatan.16 Chrysostom, who wrote: ··Let her (Laeta, daughter of afriend) be deaf to the sound of the organ, and not know even theuse of the pipe, the lyre and the kithara," also wrote in a homilyon the Acts that the kithara was the symbol of Christian love in

11 Halter, Carl, 'The Practice of Sacred Music (St. Louis, Concordia, 1955') p. 2l.12 Clement of Alexandria, Exhortation to the Gru1{s. ed. Putnam.18 Clement of Alexandria, Christ the Educator, in Fathers of the Church. vol. 23(Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1954), transl. Simon P. Wood, C. P., p. 131f.14 Reuter, Evelyn, Les Representations de la Musique dans la Sculpture Romane enFrance (Paris, Leroux, 1938) p. 8 " ... force lui fut de ceder et, alors, cherchant a safaiblesse une excuse, e1le (I'Eglise) soumit les instruments a une edifiante et naiveinterpretation symbolique destinee a rachter, par I'intermediare du signe, ce que leurson contenait d'impur."

Gilbert fj Kuhn, A History of Esthetics (Bloomington, Indiana University Press,1953) p. 119 Cf. Chapter five, "Medieval Esthetics" on the philosophical backgroundand meaning of symbolism.

Lang, P. H., Music in Western Civilization (New York, Norton, 1941) p. 54.1~ Reese, Gustave, Music in the Middle Ages (New York, Norton, 1940) p. 61f.16 Gradenwitz, op. cit., p. 47: David's instrument was most probably not a harp buta kind of lyre.

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which all virtues came together in a consonance, like the strings ofthe kithara, when properly played. Eusebius disapproved of allmusical instruments much in the same fashion, but excluded eventhe kithara, calling rather the human soul the kithara, on which afitting hymn of praise was to be sung to God. Salvian, the Presbyter,brings out the case against music in its relation to the theatre, whenhe decried music halls along with circuses and theatres for the ob­scenities.17 St. Valerian mentions the dangers of seductive songsand a libidinous voice and also mentions "unfortunate men palpi­tating to every note of the flute."18 No wonder that musical instru­ments were allegori~ed and sublimated.

Luther, for his part, gave a similar exegesis of the musical in­struments. For him the psaltery was Christ in his divinity, sittingamong the ten choirs of angels. Thus '"to praise with the psalter"meant to meditate on heavenly things and on the angels. Christ,again, was the harp, and like the strings of that instrument wasstretched out on the croSS.19 And Luther further states that St.Jerome would condemn him as a musician-Luther played on theflute and the lute-but justifies himself by saying that Jerome hadhis faults also. 20

Indeed, Jerome did inveigh against pagan music, as did alsoBasil, Arnobius and Ambrose, in addition to those already men­tioned. But, as we have seen, they had to cope in the early Churchwith the forces of paganism, magic incarnations, orgiastic rites, etc.The mentality of the Church Fathers is understandable. A similarsituation is to be seen in the teachings of the rabbis of the Hellen­istic period, and later in the writings of the theologians of Islam,all opposed to pagan music because it constituted a part of paganrites.21 Restrictions on the part of the Church Fathers applied notonly to instruments in church but also to the quality and executionof music allowed in the sanctuary,-Clement of Alexandria, forinstance, disapproving of the '"chromatic modulations" in use amongcourt dancers.

Besides the organ, it is hard to say with certainty just whatother instruments were used, and when, in the early Middle Ages.The miniature from the Utrecht Psalter of the ninth century may

17 Salvian the Presbyter, in Fathers of the Church (New York, Cima, 1947) transl.J. F. O'Sullivan, pp. 155 fi 156.18 Valerian, Homilies, in Fathers of the Church (Fathers of the Church, Inc., 1953)transl. George E. Ganes, S. J., pp. 339 fi 340.19 Buchwald, Georg, Martin Luthers Leben und Lehre, (Guetersloh, Bertelsman, 1947)p. 189 Die Musik in gottesdienstlichem Gebrauch, 520 Luther, Martin, Saemmelte Wer/te, (ed. Erlanger 1854) vi, p. 111.21 Gradenwit:z;, op. cit.,

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be an artistic testimony to an already established custom of usinginstruments in Church.22 The lyre, chrotta, musa and others arementioned in early sources, but their exact role, if any, in churchmusic is difficult to pin down. The fact that writers such asCassidorus and others continued the symbolism and allegory of theFathers helps becloud the issue. It is often hard to say whetherthe instruments they describe were actually used, or whether theywere obsolete instruments that simply furnished the occasion for anallegorical comment. In his De Institutione Musica Boethius men­tions the tibia by name, and mentions other types such as strings,percussion and the instrument run by water, the hydraulis.23 In­strumental music for him is the third in his classification. Music ofthe universe and that of the human voice precede it.a

The liturgical drama which arose also brought many instru­ments into church use. The drama in question originated from thepractice of troping. The famous Christmas trope of Tuotilo isamong the earliest,23 and outstanding is the Easter presentation,~uem quaeritis.26 These dramas mark the beginning of instrumentalmusic as also the use of the vernacular in Church. A study of theliturgical drama would lead to a partial deepening of our concept ofearly instrumental church music.

We know that during the 13th century the tenor of motetssung in church were often performed in church by means of instru­ments.21 During the 14th century instruments frequently doubledwith voices in the singing of melismatic melody lines in the madrigal,and the voices failing, the melisma became an instrumental solo.28As far as opening melismata are concerned, it is possible to postulateinstrumental performance as primary. Such style of madrigal per­formance doubtless had its counterpart in the precincts of thechurch. Often enough the instrument in question would be themixture organ. The caudae of the conductus, moreover, may havebeen instrumental, and the three voices above the freely inventedLatin text were probably taken by instruments, accompanying homo­rhythmically. By the 14th century, the number of instruments used

22 McKinney f:i Anderson, Music in History. (New York, American Book Co., 1949).23 Sumner, W. L., 'The Organ (New York, Philosophical Library, 19H) d. p. 17f. fora detailed discussion of the water organ.24 Strunk, op. cit .. p. 8~.

25 Lang, op. cit.. p. 91.26 Haas. Robert, Auffuehrungspraxis in der Musik, in Handbuch der Musi/twissenschaft(New York, Musurgia, 1931) lIb, p. 61.

Van Waesberghe, Jos. Smits, A Dutch Easter Play, in Musica Disciplina. vol. vii(Amsterdam, American Institute of Musicology, 19f3) p. 1H.21 Reese, Gustave, Music in the Middle Ages (New York, Norton, 1940) p. 312.28 ibid., p. 370.

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in church, in addition to the organ, has been conjectured as consider'"able. Whatever instruments· happened to be on hand would beemployed, though there would be no orchestra in the modem senseof that .. word.

The encyclical of Pius XII on sacred music mentions the stringfamily as highly desir~ble among instruments, after the organ, be...cause of its ,ability to move the sollis of the Christian faithful. Thl"encyclical mentions a definite play on the emotions-which maycome as a shock tb stoics-"with a certain unspeakable impulse theyexpress the emotions ofthe soul, whether of sorrow or gladness ..."(". . . seu maestos seu laetos a;nimi sensus ineffabili vi quadam ex'"pnmunt.") 29 Joannesde Grotcheo mentions the same thing, andsingles out the viol as first among the string instruments. Of allthe instruments in modem times, the string family probably blendsbest with the organ and the choir. It has a long and illustrioushistory, originating in the East. The first eviderlce of the bowedinstruments is to be found in the Spanish 10th and 11th centurymanuscripts.3o The Byzantine lyra became Europe's chief bowedinstrument in the Middle Ages, under the name of viele, fiedel, violaand fiddle.

Joannes de Garlandia's Introductio Musicae defines m'Usicafalsa-after Ars N.ova was afooe1-and mentions with other con­temporaries the close connection between musica falsa or ficta andthe use of instruments. However, the human voice was probablyincluded under the designation of instruments.

Among the early contemporaries of Dufay, Jean Franchoispresent,s us with an Ave Virgo with a T rompetta Introitus. Thiswas to be performed in the lowest part with a slide-trumpet, afterwhich the voices executed the taleas of the isorythmic motet.52

Among the works of Dufay, himself, the cantus firmus Mass is mostimportant, as he was probably the first Frenchman to work in thisform. Since the cantus firmus was in rather long time values, itwould not be easily distinguished unless it were played by an instru­mentsuch as the slide-trumpet, with or without the voices of thatpart.

. In the Renaissance, secular and religious music were broughtclosely together. Church music was' used for secular events, andwhile the church had always employed wind instruments, as we have

29 Pius XII, in oP.. cit., p. 19.30 Sachs, Curt, 'The History of Musical Instruments, (New York, Norton, 1940) p. 27';.

. 31 Ursprung, .Otto, ,Die Katolische Kirchenmusik, in Handbuch der Musil{wissenschaft.VIII, p. 14H. Instrumentalbegleitete Kirchenmusik im 5til und kuensterischer Umge­bung der Ars Nova.32 Reese, G., Music in the Renaissance (New York, Norton, 1954) p. 42.

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seen, it now assimilated· also those instruments which made· upintimate chamber music:· the lutes, viola da braccio, da gamba,violone, probably also the theorbo, or archlute.33

Gafori has a.Missa Trombetta in the early l~th century. Andin the Choralis Constantinus of Heinrich Isaak, the first polyphonicsetting of the Propers of the Mass covering the entire church year,the style of writing of cantus firmus indicates the probable use ofinstruments to negotiate quick changes in register, long note values,and a rather wide range.

A classic example of ~he use of instruments in church is theEcce Beatam Lucem of Striggio at Florence. It was performed in15'69 with eight tromboni, eight viole, eight flauti grossi, and instru­mento da penna and a liuto grosso.34 The Gabrielis, of course, arefamous for their polychoral vocal,instrumental compositions at SanMarco, Venice. They need no special elaboration. This was thetime of the "colossal baroque" and the splendor of the liturgicalservice at San Marco knew no limits. Interesting is the title ofAndrea Gabrieli's early motets, "Motecta ... tum viva voce, tumomnis generis instrumentalis cantatu commodissimae."35

The orchestral effusions oftheBaroque and Romantic eras werein a way already outlined in the 16th century. In 15'26 Erasmuswas said to have complained at the use of such varied instrumentsas pipes, flutes, trumpets and trombones in church. The organ wasaccompanied by tnlmpets, trombones and event kettledrums, inunion with the choral parts.. Haydn was later to use timpani in theAgnus Dei of the Mass in C Major, the Missa Tempore Belli, fore­shadowing Beethoven.36 And even Bruckner was to use a timpaniroll at the "et resurrexit" of his D Minor Mass. n During the Re­naissance, Dufay and. his contemporaries, Ockeghem, Obrecht,]osquin, Brummel LaRue, to mention but a few major composers,employed instruments in church. As every student of music historyrealizes, the pure Renaissance a capella style is a figment of theimagination. The term:itself did not come into being till the BaroqueEra, and is displayed in .a title of Ghizzolo's works.38 A capellastyle was but one of three possibilities during the Renaissance. Theother two possibilities were: all instruments; or, a combination ofvoices and instruments. Monteverdi employed the stile antico con'

a{lang, 0 p. cit., p. 239.£.34 Reese, in op. cit., p. 487.35 Reese, ibid., p. 496.36 Geiringer, Carl, Haydn, A CreatilJeLife in Music (New York, Nortoil, 1946) p. 302f.31 Wolff, Werner, Anton Brucl{ner, Rustic Genius (New York, Dutton, 1942) p. 258.38 Bukof~er, Manfred, Music in the Baroque Era (New York, Norton, 1947) p. Bf.

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'Sciously in his sacred composItIons of strict liturgical character, andemployed the a capella style with reduced instrumentation, or withvoices along.39 The proponents of a pure a capella style in Caecilianhistoricism surely must have been cognizant of titles, such as "pro1'ocibus vel instrumentis" in very many of the manuscripts of theAntiquitates Musicae Ratisbonenses.

The orchestras that played in church during the Renaissancewere better balanced and coordinated than those of "Gothic" tra'dition. But it was to be the Baroque Period that was to see thefusion of voices and orchestra into one glorious concert of livingfaith in the temple of religion. The Gabrielis at San Marco havebeen mentioned. Besides them, however, there are innumerableother composers who brought into the church the glorious sonorityof orchestral-vocal music. Unfortunately, the liturgical balance wasoften upset, so that in many cases the ban on music was liturgicallyjustifiable. The motets of Monteverdi, Grandi, Pace, Saracini andcountless others brought baroque monody into church use, and Gre'gorian chant, the peak of medieval monody was no longer used ascantus firmus in the composition of Masses. Viadana's Masses forsolo voices and continue are the exception. There was, of course,the school of Anerio, Allegri, N anino, Soriano, etc., which espousedthe cause of stile antico. Even Monteverdi wrote in stile antico, notas an attempt at archaicism, but rather simply by way of the naturaloutgrowth of the so-called polarity of styles in the Baroque Era.This, despite the fact that he was the proponent ~at' exochen of theprattica seconda, as shown briefly by the defence of it against theacademic Artusi in the dichiarazione preceding the II quinto librode' madrigali. The commentary on the forward was written by hisbrother, Giulio Cesare Monteverdi.40 Schrade points out the ap­parent reluctance, however, with which Monteverdi composed inthe stile antico both at Mantua and at St. Mark's in Venice. 41

Besides the better known Masses of Carissimi, LeGrenzi, Landi,Lotti, etc., there were also the Masses of Chapentier, Lully andDumont in the court of Louis XIV. We have here the beginningsof the messe basse solenelle also. The motets of Lully, such as thefamous Miserere, were scored for a brilliant Lullian orchestra com'plete with kettledrums. 42

The height of the baroque gave us the incomparable duo, Bach

39 Schrade, Leo, Monteverdi, Creator of Modern Music (New York, Norton, 19;0)p. 317.40 Strunk, op. cit.. p. 40;.41 Schrade, op. cit., p. 247£: Sacred Music in Mantua; p. 314£: The Composer at SanMarco.42 Bukofter, opus cit., p. 163.

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and Handel, the former with the magnificent Mass in B Minor, evi­dently not suited to liturgical purposes today, the latter with com­positions for the Catholic Church during his Italian period with theArcadia. Here Handel did as the Romans by setting psalms tomusic, as, for example, the Laudate Pueri and the Dixit Dominus.43

With Pergo1esi and Jomelli, Hasse aided in the introduction ofsonata and rondo form into church music, and the symphonic Massesoften became more the property of instruments than voices. For theperfection of the symphonic Mass, we look to Mozart and Haydn.

Mozart and Haydn brought their musical genius to the altarduring the classical period, and Mozart, particularly, was quiteprolific in ecclesiastical compositions. There are eighteen Massesand the unfinished Requiem--eomp1eted by Suessmayer after thecomposer's untimely demise. In addition there were Litanies, Ves­pers, Kyrie's Offertories, Introits, Te Deums a Tantum Ergo, etc.44

One fruit of his study of Bach was the great C Minor Mass whichbrought his contrapuntal vocal and instrumental proficiency to thefore. This Mass was performed in Salzburg at the Petrus~irche in1783.45

Haydn's Mass of St. Caeci1ia was likewise unsuited to litur­gical purposes, and this type of Mass composition, approaching theNeapolitan cantata style, was abandoned by the master himself, asunliturgical. After the Missa Celensis, Haydn stopped composingMasses until 1792, due partially to a decree by Josesph II banningmore complicated instrumental forms from church use.46 The sixMasses composed between 1792 and 1802, however, are liturgicallymore acceptable. The vocal solos were greatly reduced, polyphonybecame more important, and the master strove to give more adequateinterpretation to the text.47

It was Michael Haydn whose music was probably more accept­able liturgically than that of the great Haydn, Joseph. His twoMissae if(uadrigesimales were recognized as great works by JosephHaydn and Mozart.48

43 Abraham, Gerald, Handel, a Symposium (London, Oxford, 1954) Chapter V: TheChurch Music, by Basil Lam, p. 156.

Deutsch, Otto, Handel, A Documentary Biography (New York, Norton, 1954)p. 19.44Turner, W. J., Mozart. the Man and his Wor1{s (New York, Tudor, 1938) p. 435.45 Haas, Robert, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (Potsdam, Akademische VerlagsgeseIl·schaft Athenaion, 1950) p. 74f.

Turner, op. cit., p. 324, 330.46 Geiringer, op. cit., p. 268.47 ibid., p. 302.48 Weinman, Karl, History of Church Music (Ratisbon, Pustet, 1910) p. 194.

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Beethoven~s Mass in C and his Missa Solemnis fall into thesame class as Bach's B Minor, as far as liturgical suitability is con­cerned. No one can or would call into doubt their worth as concertMasses, however. These compositions are masterpieces of orchestral­vocal work, even if the voice leading at times reminisces of instru­mentalism.

Analogous in concept to the Catholic Caecilian Movementunder the patronage of Ludwig I of Bavaria, was the Berlin restora­tion of music according to the prototypes of Bach and Palestrina­the latter favored - under Lutheran Friedrich Wilhelm IV ofPrussia. Mendelssohn himself composed for the Berlin Cathedral inarchaic fashion. During this period of revival of choral societiesand of reverence for rediscovered glories of the past, reactionism wasable to justify itself quite easily, in view of the type of church musicbeing produced by the greats of the Romantic era. It was also thetime of the foundation in Paris of the Institution Royale de MusiqueClassique et Religieuse by Choron. All of this was diametricallyopposed to the orchestral style of the classic masters. And it washere that the modem false idea of a capella style originated.49 Incontrast to Berlioz, Liszt, Gounod and Franck stood the figures ofCaspar Ett, Karl Proske, Mettenleiter, Schrems, Franz Witt, Haberl,Mitterer, Diebold, Wiltberger and others of the Caezilien-beweg­ung.50 Ett and Aiblinger wrote Palestrina-like church music but oftenwith orchestral scoring. The forces of historicism supplied liturgically"proper" music to the churches in sharp contrast to the work of thereal masters. The works of the latter were often unsuitable for thechurch, or adaptable only with the broadest musical resources, as inthe case of Berlioz' Grande Messes des Morts. Thelatter reshiftedthe texts of the liturgy and would not be acceptable today forChurch use.

Standing in stark contrast to the Caecilian works were theMasses of Franz Liszt, such as the Missa Choralis, Coronation Massand Missa solemnis, the latter two scored for orchestra.51 Gounodcomposed fifteen Masses, one for orchestra alone, voices ad lib!None of these, even much of Franck's church music, are liturgically"proper" in the sense that they would integrate well with theestab­lished liturgy of the Church. However sincere were the compositionsof Rossini, as the Petite Messe Solenelle, and the Requiem or T eDeum of Verdi, these works are more for the concert hall than forthe liturgical service. In the age when the orchestra was supreme,

49 Buko£zer, op. cit., p. 158f.50 Weinman, op. cit., p. 161£.51 Sitwell, S., Liszt (London, Cassell, 1955) p. 236£.

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these works were masterpieces of the union of voices and instru­ments. The artistic effect was grandiose.

Probably the only composer of this period who used orchestrawith voices in Mass compositions liturgically acceptable, and themidde1 ground between Romantic frenzy and dull historicism, wasAnton Bruckner. Probably the most famous of his Masses was theE Minor scored for voices plus wind instruments. The work isadapted to the liturgy, in that the priest's opening· intonation, forone thing, at the Gloria and Credo is omitted by the composer. TheD Minor and F Minor Masses have a richer orchestral scoring, andthe F Minor has a musically closer connection with the text of theliturgy.52

In modern times, of course, we have the controversial PoulencMass in G, the Stravinsky Mass, the Missa Brevis of Zoltan Kodaly,the archaic Mass in G of Ralph Vaughn Williams, a Mass by RoyHarris, recent Masses by Rev. R. Woollen.53 The instrumentalfactor other than organ does not 100m as problematic in these com­positions.

The entire history of the composition of Masses, motets, etc.,for church use shows us what a great role instruments played inenhancing the liturgical workshop. Among Protestant denomina­tions, the Moravians at Bethlehem, Pa., now outstanding for theirBach presentations, introduced instruments into church from theirinception in this country.54 The reason that the Church bannedsome baroque, classic and 19th century Masses was not that theywere not great works of art, but that they did not integrate wellwith the established liturgy, especially that of the Mass.

Modern Masses, even when scored for instruments, are inthemselves as suitable for use in divine service as is their integratingfactor vis-a-vis the sacred liturgies. The fact that they are modernin idiom does not enter into direct discussion. Modern idiom shouldbe pursued, since the Church favors the progress of the arts in alllines. Yet there is such a thing as church legislation on the use ofinstruments that must form a necessary part of this discussion.Modern composers will have to bear in mind the canonical statusquo if they score Masses, motets and such like for instrumentsobligato, or for orchestra as such.

52 Wolff, op. cit., p. 256f.53 Hume, Paul, Catholic Church Music (New York, Dodd, Meal fi Co., 1956) pp.56,64.54 Maurer, Joseph A. Moravian Church Music-1457·1957, in The American Guild ofOrganists ~uarterly. Jan. 1957, p. 6.

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II

Legislation

As we saw, the Fathers of the Church very early objected tothe use of instruments in the Church. These objections were subse­quently followed up by legislation. Simultaneously, however, werealize that often a praxis contra legem also accompanied the laws,much in the same way as it did the prohibition of the Kirchenliedduring the Hochamt (High Mass) in Germany.

The Council of Trent banned sensuous and lascivous musicfrom the liturgy, in the Decretum de observandis et evitandis incelebratione Missae.1 Whatever in orchestral music, therefore,was too closely linked to the sensuous merely for sensuousness' sake,or reminisced of worldy influences, was apt also to distract thefaithful from prayer and waft them into a world quite apart fromthat of liturgy. This was the Tridentine ideology. As we saw inthe case of the Kirchenlied, however, caution must be used in pinningdown exactly what is voluptuaria et lasciva. Voluptas as immoderatepleasure certainly should be banned from church, but this does notmean that all pleasure should be taken out of church music, vocalor instrumental. Pleasure is, after all, a God-given element of humanactivity, and no instrument is in itself an ipso facto producer ofvoluptas. It will therefore became a question of association, as itwas in the early church: association with Dionysiac orgies. Since,however, one will look hard in XVI century history to what wewould now-a-days style as Dionysiac orgiastic rites, (unless we lookat the beginning of the Carnivale festival) we are brought to thepractical conclusion that the number of instruments of the Gothicand Renaissance exuberance conflicted with the more serene (butnot dull) style of more conservative elements within the church.

The Constitution of Alexander VII (Feb. 11, 1749) mentionsthose instruments that are tolerated in church in the Holy Yearencyclical, Annus Q.ui.2 Along with the instrumental music of theorgan, those of other families of instruments must not be of atheatrical style nor too long. Stringed instruments were allowedand fagotti. Forbidden were timpani, hunting horns, trumpets, oboes,flutes, salteri, mandolins and all instruments of a theatrical nature.This instruction decimated the orchestra of the late Baroque and

1 Pius XII, Musicae Sacrae Disciplina, in Acta Apostolicae Sedis, Jan. 1956, p. 9,footnote 11.2 Hanin, A., S. J., La Legislation Ecclesiastique en matiere de Musique Religeuse(Desclee, Paris, 1933).

Romita, Fiorenzo, Ius Musicae Liturgicae, (Rome, Turini, 1936).Papal Documents on Sacred Music, in 'The White List (St. Greg. Soc'y, 1956).

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early Classic periods. That would mean, legislatively, the subse­quent orchestral Masses of the Haydns, Mozart and lesser lights.It is easy to see the exclusion of mandolins and perhaps salteri, butit is hard to envision the prohibition on trumpets, especially in viewof their noble fanfare role at the Mass for years. Once more, thelegislation was not directed against the instrument as instrument,but against the use of the theatrical style of the baroque and classicopera, to which the people were greatly addicted, once opera be­came of public domain and was no longer the property of princes.Haas mentions the reform movement of Archbishop Jerome in hiscritical biography of Mozart, and shows how in the Missae breves(K. 49, 65) for the Sunday service at Salzburg, Mozart restrictedthe orchestra to strings and organ, and showed leanings toward thestricter style of Fux and Eberlin. The four Masses of the period1773-1774, however much under the influence of the reform of thearchbishop in question, show a more developed orchestra and theinfluence of orchestral form as such.3

The Vicar of Leo XII, Cardinal Zurla, issued a decree on music,(Dec. 20, 1824) to the effect that among other things instrumentalmusic was forbidden in church without special permission. Absol­utely banned was music which qualified as noisy or inappropriate tothe Church.

Cardinal Patri reiterated these ideas in his Instructions forDirectors of Music (Nov. 20, 1856). Once more, special permissionwas necessary for the employment of instruments in Church. For­bidden was the use of drums, timpani, cymbals, all percussion andany noisy instruments. A monitum to composers pointed out thefact that the Church merely tolerated instrumental music, and thatthey must compose accordingly.

Article 12 of the Regulations on Sacred Music of Leo XIII(Sept. 21, 1884) points out once again that noisy instruments wereforbidden: drums, bass drums, cymbals, bagpipes, the piano and soon. There seems to have been a rash of prohibitions on noisy andpercussive instruments during the Romance Era, a legal testimonyto their actual use in church. Continued legislation became im­perative, just as it was necessary for the recent encyclical on musicto point out and reemphasize certain phases of the Motu Proprio.Ordinarily much legislation on a subject points to widespread abuse.

The Motu Proprio (Nov. 22, 1903) reminds the church musi­cian that the music proper to the church was vocal music, and thatbesides the organ other instruments could be used only within due

3 Haas, Robert, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (Potsdam, Akademische VerlagsgesellschaftAthenaion, 1950) Zweite Auflage, p. ?'if.

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limits, with proper safeguards and with the special permission ofthe local Ordinary of the diocese. The organ or other instrumentsmust never overpower the vocal music, but rather sustain it. In­struments must be governed by the same principles that apply forany type of church music: holiness, goodness of form, universality.As we notice, the encyclical of Pius XII mentions the same thingbut in different words. Once more the use of the piano is inter­dicted, as also are noisy instruments such as drums, cymbals, bellsand so forth. Doubtless, this continued repetitiousness is witness tothe fact that besides continued disobedience to the church on thepart of musicians, the Pope also made copious references to pre­viously existing legislation on the subject. He himself was to be usedas source material by Pius XII on the same subject, though Pius XIIdoes not go into particular in the prohibition of certain instrumentsin the encyclical, M usicae Sacrae Disciplina.

The Motu Proprio brings up the subject of bands, and forbidsthe use of band music in church. In special cases with due per­mission a limited number of wind instruments were allowed, ifjudiciously used and proportionate to the place, and provided thatthe style of the music be ecclesiastical. The use of band musicoutside of church, however, were permitted, with the Ordinary'sleave, with the proviso that no profane pieces be used. It wasrather counseled that the band limit itself to accompanying the sing­ing of the hymns employed by the faithful in their processions. Thislast instance is of practical import for Corpus Christi processions inthose places where the band is actually used.

In the Papal Letter to Cardinal Respighi the Pope mentions thescandal that could be given to non-Romans coming to Rome andhearing instruments used in church as they were in the theatre,though they them~ves did not use instruments in the church oftheir own provenance. In this he quotes the Annus ~ui of BenedictXIV.

The Regulations for the Province of Rome repeat ecclesiasticaldocuments to the effect that the organ is the only instrument properto the church, that others require special permission, to be grantedon rare and exceptional occasions. The use of a bandfor processionsoutside church is again permitted, with due permission, providedthat the band use only sacred music or preferably limit itself to theaccompaniment of hymns.

On April 15, 1905 the Compostellana Rescript was signed re­garding the use of instruments in church. The use of the violin,viola, violoncello, double-bass, flute, clarinet and trumpet came up

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for explicit statement, and received an affirmative answer, in com'pliance with the usual conditions and the wording of the questionpreamble. This amounts to an explicit canonization of the stringsection of the orcestra, and of the basic woodwind and brass sections.Another question asked about the use of instruments in the Officefor the Dead and the Requiem. Instruments, came the reply, wereforbidden in the Office but allowed at the Mass, with the usuallimitations, plus those of the Requiem Mass music regulations. Theuse of the harmonium for these same purposes was also permitted.

Of interest are the replies to the three questions submitted bythe music commission of Joseph Cardinal M. de Herrera y de laIglesia. This is also called the Compostellana Rescript. after theCardinal's diocese. (Nov. 13, 1908) The first question submittedasked whether in musica sacra organica oboes, clarinets and trom'bones could be used. The answer given was that oboes and clarinetscould be tolerated provided that they were employed moderatelyand that each time the Bishop's permission be granted. Asked, sec'ondly, if percussion instruments timbales seu tympanos were to beconsidered as noisy and distracting (fragorosa et strepitamia), theSacred Congregation replied by referring to article 19 of the MotuProprio. banning the drum from church use. Finally, the thirdquestion, whether these same could be used in sacred music andchurch orchestra, met with a negative reply. The rescript wassigned by S. Cardinal Cretoni, Prefect, and D. Panici, archbishopof Laodicaea, secretary.

The Apostolic Constitution Divini Cultus of Pius XI mentionsthe fact that attempts were being made to reintroduce instrumentsinto church, and forbade it. Orchestra, it is here stated emphati'cally, is not a more perfect ecclesiasticalmusica sacra than the humanvoice. The church does not thereby intend to obstruct the progressof music, but simply wishes to reiterate the fact that the voices ofthe people and clergy are more acceptable than instrumental music.The organ is, rather, the instrument sanctioned by time and eccle'siastical documentation!

The encyclical Mediator Dei does not deal specifically with thetopic of instruments other than the organ. In speaking of modemmusic, it states that nothing profane should be allowed in churchor anything written only to startle the faithful. This could applyindirectly to instruments in church.5

Last, but not least, Canon Law states that all lascivious or im'proper music (lasci'lJUm aut impurum) whether for organ, instru'

4 Pius XI, Divini Cultus Sanctitatem in Acta Apostolicae Sedis, vol. xxi, 1929 p. 33f.5 Pius XII, Mediator Dei, in Acta Apostolicae Sedis, vol. xltXix, Dec. 2, 1947, p. 590.

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ments or voice, must be banned from use in church.6 This termin­ology goes back to the Tridentine prescriptions, as was seen inChapter 1. Canon 1264, 1, continues by stating that liturgical lawson sacred music are to be observed. (Section two of the same canonthen deals with the singing of religious women at liturgical func­tions.)

Of interest to the practical musician should be the interpre­tations of these canonical prescriptions by recognized canon lawyersin the Church. In general, canon lawyers, in commenting on canon1264, tend to limit themselves only to the content of the canon,without branching further. The exception to this is the commentaryon canon 1264 by Ulric Beste, who in his Introductio in Codicemgives one of the finest interpretations of musical situation available.7

It is exact and to the point. He breaks his discussion of section oneinto six parts, not including an introductory article. In the sectionDe Instrumentis he presents a fine breakdown of ecclesiastical legis­lation, stating with ecclesiastical documentation in mind that thehuman voice is superior to instrumental, reviewing the place of theorgan in church services, presenting succinctly what we have alreadygiven in detail on the use of instruments within and without thechurch. Of interest is also a responsum privatum of Pius XI to Rev.Beatus Reiser, O.S.B. (June 29, 1930) concerning the use of theorchestra in church: where it has hitherto not been introduced, itshould not be in the future; where it can be done away with withouttoo much difficulty on the part of the faithful, it should be abro­gated; but where it is an inveterate custom, the use of orchestrashould only gradually be cut back till it disappears; in exceptionalcases with the Ordinary's permission, Mass with orchestra can bepermitted. Though this is only a private reply, it gives the mindof at least Pius XI on the matter. As to the words "lascivum etimpurum", Beste is faithful to the Tridentine ideology which con­sidered that music lascivous and improper which smacked of badtheatre and songs equally infected.

John Ferreres, S. J., gives but brief notice to the question ofsacred music, in logical conformity to the plan for his volumes,Institutiones Canonicae.8 What he does present is the kernel oftruth and the two main sources: the Motu Proprio, and the Councilof Trent: Musicae impurae exclusione ...

6 Canon 1264 in Codex Iuris Canonicae.

7 Beste, Ulric, O.S.B., Introductio in Codicem (St. John's Abbey, Collegeville, 1938),p. 619f.

8 Ferreres, Joannis, S. J., Institutiones Canonicae II (Barcinone 1918) p. 69f.

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Dominicus Pruemmer's Manuale Juris Ecclesiastici simply para'phrases cannon 1264.9 In the Epitome I'uris Canonici, Vermeersch,Creusen are more satisfactory.lO On the words "lascivum et im'purv.m" they have an interesting paragraph. Improper song is moreeasily discerned than improper instrumental music. This is logical,since words can have more effect than music alone. Of interestalso is the citing of a decree of Alexander VII (April 23, 1657)which according to Augustine (using Terry's Catholic ChurchMusic) Alexander VII designated that music as lascivious whichwas associated with profane dance. However, this does not appearto be Alexander's real idealogy on the subject according to theauthors. If it was not Alexander VII's, it was of certain ChurchFathers, as we have seen.

Bouscaren's Canon Law Digest I, is helpful in summing up theprinciples of the Divini Cultus of Pius XI, treating in VII of theuse of instruments in church.11

Fr. Woywod's 'The New Canon Law gave only what amountedto a translation of the canon on music.12 But his Practical Com'mentary on the Code of Canon Law gives some details and sourcesin the commentary, including reference to the Instruction to theArchbishop of Baltimore on banning theatrical music in church.13

The Second Baltimore Council has a brief paragraph on sacredmusic, but does not deal directly with the question of musical in'struments.14

As for the canons of the Acta et Decreta Concilii PlenariiBaltimorensis 'Tertii, no explicit mention is made of instrumentalmusic other than the organ, and here the Council of Trent is quotedon the subject of lascivum et impurum.15

For one of the most complete and competent coverages of thesubject, the volume of Monsignor Romita Ius Musicae Liturgicae is

9 Pruemmer, Dominic, a. P., Manuale luris Ecclesiastid (Freiburg & Breisgau, Herder,1920) p. 444.

10 Vermeersch-Creusen, S. J., Epitome luris Canonid II, (Rome, Mechlin, Dessain1930) p. 363, no. 586.

11 Bouscaren, T. Lincoln, S. J., 'The Canon Law Digest I, (Milwaukee, Bruce, 1934)p. 597f.

12 Woywood, Stanislaus, a.F.M., 'The ]l(ew Canon Law, (New York, Wagner, 1918)p. 259.

13 Woywood, Stanislaus, a.F.M., A Practical Commentary on the Code of CanonLaw II, p. 63 (New York, Wagner, 1925). This work has recently been revised andbrought up to date by Rev. Fr. Callistus Smith, a.F.M., J.C.L.

14 Acta et Decreta Cond/ii Plenarii Baltimorensis II (Baltimore, Murphy, 1877) p. 187,no. 361.

15 Acta et Decreta Condhi Plenarii Baltimorensis III (Baltimore, Murphy, 1886) p. 59f.

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hard to equal.16 Here all phases, including instrumental music, areamply treated, though the book needs to be brought up to date.

We see, then, two different pictures: one the historical positionof instruments in church music, and the legislative side. Both areoften misunderstood. There are historicists who consider the arsperfecta of 15th and 16th century with its so-called leggi inviolabiliin too severe a light, as solely vocal without instruments at all.17

This is an exaggeration. On the other hand, there are those whodo not comprehend the liturgical ideology underlying the legislativebans on musical instruments in church, and that prohibition andlimitation comes not from a desire to curb art, but rather to pre­serve an island of sacredness in a worldly atmosphere. A balancedview must be attained in order to grasp the church's historical andlegis~ative position concerning the use of instruments in liturgicalservICes.

16 Romita, op. cit., pass.

17 Schrade, Leo, Monteverdi, Creator of Modern Music, (New York, Norton, 1950)Cf. the discussion on ars perfecta and the difference in religious and profane music,p. 17f.

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