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Multicultural Education: Issues, AModel and RecommendationsGerry R. Cox a & Ronald J. Fundis ba Sociology at Fort Hays State University in Hays , Kansasb Sociology at Fort Hays State UniversityPublished online: 16 Jul 2012.

To cite this article: Gerry R. Cox & Ronald J. Fundis (1982) Multicultural Education:Issues, A Model and Recommendations, Action in Teacher Education, 4:2, 33-40, DOI:10.1080/01626620.1982.10519102

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01626620.1982.10519102

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Multicultural education is a topic receiving increased att ention in teacher education programs.This article provides an excellent summary oj som e of the problems related to multiculturaleducation and its implementation in schools and society.

MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: ISSUES,A MODEL AND RECOMMENATIONS

INTRODUCTION

There has been a squee ze on educa tional budgets at almost every level for sometime. The national elections have set the tone for even further bud getary constraintsand pressures. Issues that were once primarily in textbooks on school finance are nowvery much a part of almost everyone's vocabula ry-cost ben efit analysis, cost qualityarguments, management /l eadership effectiveness, program evaluation, etc. The pre s­sure to keep taxes down also fostered a series of publications on "creative financing."Most of this genre of literature (Warren , ]980; Burrup, ]977; Reischauer and Hart­man, 1973; Benson, 1968) calls for data-based management systems with longer timelines in the planning process. These writers are encouraging grantsmanship to tapfund s from public and private agencies to alleviate some of the press ure on the localta x base. Thi s latter point, grantsmanship, appears to be especially important whenschool official s are searching for ways to support "unpopular" programs or programsthat benefit a relatively small proportion of the student population.

These funding or resource proposa ls are all responses to very practical administ ra­tive concerns. The political implications of the fiscal decisions by school administra­tors come unde r even greater scrutiny in times of retrenchment as constituenciesorganize to protect their programs. Waller, a prominent sociologist writing in the

/ . .t;~ - t

Ge rry R. Cox is an Associate Professor of Sociology at Fort HaysState University in Hays, Kansas . He has a Ph .D . in Socia l ScienceEducation with a Sociology majo r. He has been involved in multi cultu ­ral activities as a researcher, cons ultant. and ed ucator for over fifteenyears. He served in the Peace Corps and is a memb er of the Midw estSociolo gical Society, the American Sociological Association, and theKansas Sociological Society. He was a participant in the North CentralAssociation 's Project on Mu lticultural Education in 1980 and 1981 andhas publish ed several articles and chapters on multicultura l educationand related topics.

Ronald J. Fundis is a n Associat e Professor of Sociology at Fort HaysState University. He is a Ph .D. candidate in Sociology at the Univer­sity of Kansas. He has been involved in international and multiculturaleducational act ivities as a researc her, teacher an d consultant for fifteenyears. He has been a visiting professor at the National University ofNicara gua and belongs to severa l professional organizations includingthe American Sociological Assoc iatio n, the Midwest Association ofLatin Amer ican Scholars. and the Lat in American Sociol ogical Society.He has publi shed several a rticles and chap ters in books on educationaltopics in both Spanish and English .

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1930's, provides some insight. He states that when program decisions are made, theadministrators must be careful not to alienate the powerful community groups. Amore contemporary author (Gross, 1968) has also indicated that power is the primaryfactor in arriving at budgetary decisions.

Since the advantages in education generally accrue to the more powerful groups,the question remains as to what happens to the less powerful or minority groups.Owen (1974) asserts that schools must educate the lower classes because of the bene­fits that would be forthcoming to society. Saunders (1980) argues in a similar vein thatthe country must give a high priority to develop skills and competencies in popula­tions, with widely divergent backgrounds. Accrediting agencies, CA TE for example,have also been advocating multicultural programs for years accompanied with someof the same rationale, but the evidence of actual pressure for implementation of aseries of minimum requirements is recent and not without opposition.

Grambs (1979-80) raises several cogent criticisms of current multicultural programs:(I) How do we distinguish between mu lticultural differences and differences in race,religion and class? (2) How can we develop an understanding of multicultural differ­ences without divisiveness? (3) How can we create an understanding of multiculturaldifferences when the cultural practices of many groups are antithetical to Americanbeliefs and cultural practices? (4) How do we reconcile the needs of bilingual andbicultural children with the problems of their potential entry into the mainstream ofthe American society?

Tucker (1979) is a strong advocate of the concept of national culture. He suggeststhat the United States is not merely a happy accident of history, that it has a purpose,and that it has the right to require the learning of a national language in the schools.

Banks argues against the dominant trends in multicultural programs-that theseprograms are needed only in areas where a minority group (usually Hispanics orBlacks) is present and where the clients for said programs are the minority membersonly . "These assumptions, while widespread, are myopic and intellectually indefensi­ble and relegate ethnic minority studies to an inferior status in the school curricu­lum." (Banks, 1975, 17) He continues by stating that:

Perhaps unknowingly, educators who feel that ethnic minority contentshould only be studied by ethnic minorities and that minorities only needto study about their own cultures have a condescending attitude towardethnic minority studies and do not consider the ethnic' minority expe­riences to be a significant part of American life. (Banks, 1975, 17).

These are then major problems in the debate over multicultural education centeringaround the lack of consensus about definitions and the benefits of programs. At thispoint, the authors would like to offer a new model or strategy for multicultural edu­cation programs that responds to many of the criticisms.

A MODEL FOR MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION(Cox and Fundis, 1980)

The blending of the cultures (or the lact thereof) has been a major historical con ­cern of anthropologists and sociologists. Several typologies have been developed todescribe the consequences of intergroup relations from the point of initial contact

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through the stages of competition, accommodation, and eventual assimilation (Park,1950, l50). These early unilinear evolutionary models are simplistic at best. Barth andNoel (1972) argue that there are at least five theoretically stable outcomes of intereth­nic contact:

1. Exclusion, encompassing expulsion and annihilation;2. Symbiosis, a stable relation of more or less equally beneficial exchange between

members of distinct sociopolitical systems;3. Ethnic Stratification , involving super / su bordination within a single political

system;4. Pluralism, the equalitarian integration of distinct ethnic groups within a com­

mon political and economic system; and. 5. Assimilation, the biological, cultural, social, and psychological fusion of distinct

groups to create a new ethnically undifferentiated society.

The task before the social scientist is, of course, to specify the conditions underwhich any given outcome is more likely.

Of the five outcome alternatives, the pluralism and assimilation (or melting pottheory) ones are the most frequently discussed. On closer examination, however, someglaring deficiencies emerge. Pluralism refers to the equalitarian integration of groups,suggesting that somehow a society can be comprised of a series of groups that areequally important to the survival and maintenance of the society. It also implies thatthe members of these groups perceive themselves as equals and that they are receptiveto the notion that their culture is not terribly special or unique and that it is only oneof several equally important ones. The voluminous literature on ethnocentrism comescrashing in at this point as well as the arguments supporting the concept of a nationalculture. A second problem focuses on the linkage between these separate cultures andthe "national" culture. How much of the "separate culture" can be retained, or isacceptable to those espousing only the benefits of the national culture?

The assimilation or melting pot theory appears to be primarily an optimistic illu­sion. As one reexamines Barth and Noel's definition, one can see that the distinctiveethnic cultures must be fused into a new ethnically undifferentiated society. How thisis to be achieved remains one of the best kept secrets of all time. The resurgence ofinterest in family histories, ethnic traditions and folklore, nationalism, etc., all seemto militate against the realization of this goal.

It would seem that none of these models accurately reflects the real life situation ofthe cultural groups in the United States. Perhaps a different model might help todescribe the current situation-the model of Ambivalent Social Exchange. Ambiva­lent Social Exchange is an attempt to use some of the components of pluralism with­out separatism. Ambivalent Social Exchange focuses upon the choices that individu­als make in their social exchanges. These choices are made under the influence ofmultiple cultural groups. Each individual is a part of or has sufficient contact with anumber of different cultural groups that have their own norms and values. Eachcultural group exhibits pressure to conform to its own standards rather than to thoseof other cultural groups. The focus. then, is on the process of choosing betweencultural alternatives.

Merton (1976, 6-7) assists here:... sociological ambivalence refers to incompatible normative expecta­tions of attitudes, beliefs, and behavior assigned to a status (i.e., a socialposition) or to a set of statuses in a society. In its most restricted sense,

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sociological ambivalence refers to incompatible normative expectationsincorporated in a single role of a single social status ... In both themost extended and the most restricted sense, the ambivalence is locatedin the social definition of roles and statuses, not in the feeling-state ofone or another type of personality. To be sure, as we would expect andas we shall find, sociological ambivalence is one major source of psycho ­logical ambivalence. Individuals in a status or a status-set that has alarge measure of incompatibility in its social definition will tend to de­velop personal tendencies toward contradictory feelings, beliefs, andbehavior.

In all societies and social groups, then, there is a tendency for individuals to bepulled, both psychologically and behaviorally, in opposite directions. Social structuresproduce pressures that cause ambivalence to develop. Individuals form social groupswhich in turn form social structures. These social structures then provide individualswith norms and values. These norms and values-the cultural stock-tell us whatchildren should be taught and that three should not attack one. Clusters of socialknowledge gradually become institutionalized and clearly identifiable and specializedinto such topics as the family, education, religion, economics, and government. Onealso learns that not all parents teach their children what they should be taught, thatthree against one is likely to win, and that the whole may be greater than"the sum ofthe parts. Individuals internalize or make social norms a part of their personalities.While individuals are social animals, none are ever thoroughly socialized creatures(Wrong, 1961, 187), that is to say, violations of the normative structure are as normalas conformity. Durkheim suggests that the very existence of a social norm implies itsviolation (Durkheim, 1964a and 1964b). Sociological theory has tended to overstressthe stability and the integration of society. Wr,ong, on the other hand, has suggestedthat those who conform are bothered as much by guilt as those who do not (Wrong,196 I, 187). This would suggest that individuals are bothered by conflicting norms andvalues. Such difficulty would seemingly emerge from their membership in multiplesocial groups.

On a daily basis, each individual engages in social exchanges-positive, negative, orambivalent-as he or she interacts with other individuals. One decides to help UncleRalph fix his roof or to drink with friends. Individuals in social exchanges have coststo themselves and gains to be made for themselves. Pressures to choose betweenalternatives are always present. Each individual decides how to use time, to eat, tosleep, to be with friends, to work , to play, or to do whatever. Ambivalent pressuresalso exist at all times. Choices also exist in terms of group membership and groupintegration. How much of the norms and values of social groups one adopts is amatter of choice. What role one plays as a part of the Amish culture, for example, isa product of this choice. One may choose to be Amish only with other Amish peopleor one may choose to be "Super-Amish" in the sense of being the most vocal andnoticeable model of being Amish .

As mentioned earlier, individuals learn their roles from their cultural groups. Thesesame-cultural groups help define and make choices for the individual. Individuals donot have to bear the strain of making decisions for the hundreds of actions theyperform each day. Instead, they rely on cultural norms for the best or most appropri­ate response. This produces a sense of identification with the cultural group andremoves the feelings of isolation that would develop if such decisions were always tobe made alone.

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For educators, the Ambi valent Social Exchange approach means that individualsshould be taught how their cultural decisions are mad e and how the decisions ofother individuals, regardle ss of culture, are made. One culture is not necessarily super­ior to another, but rather offers the individual different choices. By having greaterknowledge of the many cultures found in the United States, one increases his or herown choices. Culture pro vides a framework for solving problems. The more knowl ­edge one has, the more resources one can must er to solve problems. If the individualrecognize s that ambivalence is, to a grea t exte nt, caused by conflicts in norms andvalues brought about by the different standards emerging from several social groupsof which he or she is a part, then one should be able to ma ke better decisions.Multicultural education, then , should enhance the process of understanding the con­cept of culture and how it varies among the social groups which comprise the nationalculture, so that an individual can choose the values which allow maximum personalfulfillment.

MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION

Thi s literature point s out that multicultural education has traditionally been organ­ized along one of the following three orientations.

Fir st , it may be viewed primarily as a product. In this approach, multiculturaleducation emphasizes ethnicity, the cont ributions of ethnic groups, and the unusual­ness of surface aspects of ethnic groups such as rain danc es, voodoo, exotic food s,sexual practices, or whate ver. This approach focuses upon teaching about differentethnic and cultural groups. A second approach emphasizes the violation of civil rightsand the need for atonnement of past injustices to ethnic and cultura l gorups. Whilethis approach would still involve historical da ta and an analysis of sociological rela­tionships, it targets certain oppressed groups and the measures necessary for the ame­lioration of their conditions. A third and least often used approach is that of multi ­cul tural education as a pro cess. This approach incorporates aspects of the first twoapproaches, but it goes beyond the first in that the primary focus is on the concept ofculture as opposed to ethnicity and upon the influ ence of culture on the everydayclassroom instructional process. This third approac h emphasizes the process of effec­tively teachi ng various disciplines [0 members of various ethnic and cultural groupsas opp osed to merely teaching about various ethnic and cultural groups.

It is valuable for educators to demonstrate that whether one is discussing a trib e,clan, business enterprise, church, nation, play group, gang, or whatever, a ll ha vehuman methods for problem sovling . Eac h may identify with his/h er own group'sway s of viewing the world and solving probl ems. Each individ ual defines the worldand his or her view of it. Decisions are mad e based on this world view. Some perceivethe world as hostile and make violent decision s. Others may see the world as pleasantand make relatively gentle decisions regarding relat ions with others. By knowing whatgroups an individual is a part of , one can make better pred iction s about his or herbehavior. If we know , for example, that an individual is a Roman Catholic, a JohnBirch Society member, a KKK member, a Black Panther, a member of the moralmajority, etc, others have some preliminary insight into his or her decision -makingprocesses. Knowledge of the cultural and social groups of a society allows one to bemore efficient and to exper ience less stress in interactions with those of other groups.This aids in the understanding of the individual's social world and of oneself.

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Banks (1975, 29), author of one of the most popular texts for teachers of ethnicstudies, ably supports this viewpoint:

the main goal of ethnic studies should be to help students develop theability to make reflective decisions so that they can resolve personalproblems, and through social action, influence public policy and developa sense of political efficacy. It is especially important to help studentsmake intelligent decisions and participate in social action in times whenrhetoric is often substituted for reason and when simplistic solutions areoften proposed as answers to complicated social problems.

PROGRAM REALITIES AND RECOMMENDATIONS

School administrators today are forced to make decisions about personnel andprograms and must find ways to "do more with less." This decision -making process isoccurring at every level in the educational system. Even though one level of govern­ment may decide to discontinue the funding of certain programs, the problems stillremain for the local school officials. Several states are already funding bicultural/bilingual! multicultural programs, but most are resisting pressures to be too respon­sive to minority needs. The most practical short-term solution for many schools expe­riencing active constituent pressure for multicultural programs and simultaneouslyfacing retrenchment, whether due to financial or demographic factors, seems to be thehiring of classroom teachers that have some specialization or training in multiculturaleducation. Rather than developing entirely new programs and having to face theprospect of trying to hire a new breed of teacher that is relatively scarce, Freese(1980) and Astin (1974) recommend that strong and aggressive programs in facultydevelopment (workshops, inservice training, consultants, etc.) can enable the teachersto incorporate multicultural content into the existing curriculum. This is not an idealsolution but it is one that is at least realistic and possible in the short-run whenresources are limited.

The specific goals for multicultural programs based on the authors' AmbivalentSocial Exchange Model would include at least the following objectives:

(1) to recognize a different set of values in other cultural groups;(2) to develop human empathy and active concern for other people;(3) to see a common humanity in the midst of cultural diversity;(4) to discern the interrelationships between language and culture; and(5) to appreciate the increased problem-solving potential available to an individual

who has some knowledge of more than one culture.

This Ambivalent Social Exchange Model, which is related to the process approachof Banks, can enhance the educational outcomes for both instructors and students(whether majority or minority members) under optimal educational conditions orunder the increasingly more common situation of educational conditions which areworsening. The authors believe that in times of scarcity this model makes even moresense than ever refore since more individualistic approaches to develop multiculturaleducational skills and experiences are likely to diminish further in the years ahead.

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REFERENCES

/ . Astin. A. W. Faculty Development in a Time of Retrenchment: New Rochelle,NY: Change Magazine Press, /974.

2. Banks, James A. Teaching Strategies for Ethnic Studies. Boston: Allyn andBacon, /975.

3. Barth, Earnest A.T. and Donald L. Noel. "Conceptual Frameworks for the Anal­ysis of Race Relations: An Evaluation," Social Forces 50 (March, 1972),336.

4. Benson, Charles S . Economics of Public Education. Boston: Houghton Mifflin,1968.

5. Burrup, Percy E. Financing Education in a Climate of Change. Boston: Allynand Bacon. /977.

6. Cox, Gerry R. and Ronald J. Fundis. "A Proposed Strategy for MulticulturalEducation," University Forum (September, 1980). No. 22.

7. Durkheirn, Emile . The Division of Labor in Society. Translated by George Simp­son. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1964.

8. M urkheim, Emile. The Rules 0/ Sociological Afethod. .Translated by Sarah A.Solovay and John H. Mueller. New York: The Free Press, 1964.

9 . Firman, William D. "The Relationship of Cost to Quality in Education," in NEALong-Range Planning in School Finance. Washington, D.C., 1963.

10. Freese, Robert J. "Some Thoughts on How to Implement Multicultural Educa­tion into Already Existing Education Courses," in Multi-Cultural] Multi-EthnicEdu cation's Impact on Teacher Education. North Central Accrediting Associa­tion , 1980.

I I . Gauerke, Warren E. and Jack R. Childress (eds.) Theory and Practice 0/ SchoolFinance. Chicago: Rand McNally and Company, 1967.

12. Grarnbs, Jean Dresden. "Multicultural Education: Issues Without Answers," Educa­tion Digest 45 (September-May, 1979- 80).

13. Gross, Neal. Human Services and Teacher Education. AACTE Commission onPrograms and Projects (April, 1979).

14. Gross, Neal. "Who Controls the Schools," in Readings on the School in Society.Edited by Patricia Cayo Sexton. Englewood Cliffs. N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968.

/5. Merton , Robert K. Sociological Ambivalence. New York: The Fress Press, 1976.16. Owen, John D. School Inequality and the Welfare State. Baltimore: Johns Hop­

kins University Press, 1974.17. Park, Robert E. Race and Culture. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1950.18. Reischauer, Robert D. and Robert W. Hartman. Reforming School Finance .

Washington, D.C. : The Brookings Ins titute, 1973.19. Saunders, Ro bert L "Developing New Muscles to Meet New Challenges," Jour-

nal of Teacher Education 3 1 (January-February, 1980).20. Tucker C. "English Spoken Here," Saturday Review (May 12, 1979).21. Waller, Willard . The Sociology of Teaching. New York: John Wiley. 1967.22 . Warren. Paul B. The Dynamics of Funding: An Educator's Guide to Effective

Grantsmanship. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1980.23 . Wrong. Dennis H. "The Oversocialized Conception of Man in Modern Sociol­

ogy, " American Sociological Review 26 (April, 196 1), No.2.

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