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8. CONCLUSIONS
8.1. INTRODUCTION
The food security status of households in Guquka and Koloni was analysed by making
use of data collected during two phases of data collection, During these two phases, three
main investigations namely, demography, income, poverty and expenditure; food
consumption and nutrition and in-depth interviews on livelihoods and food security
strategies employed by households to attain food, were undertaken. The conclusions
therefore, are presented according to these main investigations as follows:
8.1.1. Demography, income, poverty and expenditure
Households in Guquka and Koloni were relatively larger in size. On average they
consisted of six people, and this was the case in both villages. Males headed the majority
of households. The majority (57% in Guquka and 55% in Koloni) of heads of households
were pensioners who stayed in the villages most of the time. Large numbers of people
were unemployed. The overall unemployment rate in the study area was 47%. Koloni had
a relatively higher (56%) unemployment rate than Guquka (39%). A large number of
unemployed people belonged to the age group 20 to 39 years, which had an
unemployment rate of 45% in Guquka and 70% in Koloni. In both villages, women
suffered higher rates of unemployment than men. There were also people who were
under-employed. The majority of these were away from the villages looking for work.
Incomes were earned from various sources. External sources of income made significant
(92% in Guquka and 82% in Koloni) contributions to household incomes. Old age
pensions followed by salaries and wages were the most important sources of income for
Guquka while the opposite was true for Koloni households. The local economic activities
contributed only 11% to household income in Guquka and 18% in Koloni. In relative
terms, households in Guquka were poorer than those in Koloni. The mean monthly
household income was R746,69 in Guquka while in Koloni it was R1020,71. Exchange
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mappings based on own- labour were characteristic of the non-poor households in Koloni
while inheritance and transfers characterised non-poor households in Guquka. The poor
and ultra-poor in both villages were characterised by exchange mappings based on
inheritance and transfers.
Ownership of and access to land was found to be inadequate, especially in Guquka. Only
35% of the households that were interviewed owned land, while land ownership
amounted to 82% in Koloni. Only a small proportion of households cultivated their land
during the 1998/99 cropping season. In Guquka only 21% cultivated land and 29% in
Koloni. The majority (90% in Guquka and 87% in Koloni) had access to home gardens.The size of gardens was larger in Guquka than in Koloni, with averages of 768m2 and
211m2respectively. Only a few households did not cultivate their gardens, Lack of means
to acquire fencing material, lack of labour and lack of time, were the main reasons for not
cultivating the gardens.
The sources of livelihoods of households fell into three main categories, namely, grants
or transfers, exchanges, and agriculture. Very few households relied on a single source of
livelihood. The majority relied on combining sources, and the most common source of
livelihood strategy consisted of combining transfers with agriculture. In Guquka, the
majority (53%) constructed their livelihoods in this way, and 45% of households in
Koloni. None of the households in Guquka relied on agriculture alone while only two
households did so in Koloni. The grouping of households according specific livelihood
strategies resulted in six different livelihood strategy groups. These were welfare
dependent households, salary and wage earners, rural entrepreneurs, farmers, migrants
and marginalised households. In both villages the majority (60% in Guquka and 62% in
Koloni) were welfare dependent households. The family size and dependency ratios were
larger in the marginalised, migrants and welfare dependent households. Also, ownership
of assets showed a skewed distribution among livelihood strata within the village and
between villages, especially in terms of land and cattle.
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The results showed higher levels of poverty in the study area, with Guquka households
relatively poorer than Koloni households. The analysis of poverty using a poverty line
(PL) showed that more than 90% of households earned incomes lower than the poverty
line (PL) in Guquka and 75% in Koloni. Depth of poverty was also considerable. The
poverty gap was 60 - 79% in both villages. The majority of households in both villages
belonged to the ultra-poor poverty class and relied mainly on state grants for survival.
The analysis of the entitlements, on which the food security of households was based,
showed no major differences in terms of exchange mappings amongst the three poverty
classes in Guquka (all relied mainly on inheritance and transfers), while there were
substantial differences in Koloni. The poor differed from the ultra-poor by adding ownlabour and trade entitlements while exchange mappings based mainly on own labour
characterised the non-poor. The analysis of ownership of assets showed that the majority
of households especially the ultra-poor did not have access to productive resources (cattle
and land) while the non-poor in both villages had complete sets of productive resources.
The average amount of money needed to raise incomes of the households in order to
remove poverty was high, especially amongst the poorest quintiles.
Analysis of the expenditure patterns of households showed expenditure on food to be the
most important category, especially amongst the poor households in both villages.
Amongst the ultra-poor households, 75% of income was devoted to food, whilst the non-
poor spent less than 30% on food. The relationship between household income and the
proportion of income spent on food was curvilinear and negative. As income increased,
the proportion spent on food decreased, and non-food expenditure became more
important.
There was little own production of food by most households. Data shows that most
import their food from elsewhere through purchase in urban centres. Contrary to what
might be expected, both rural settlements failed to supply a substantial part of the food
they consumed. Most farming in the two villages is on a micro-scale and produces small
quantities of food. The majority of rural households remain engaged in agriculture on this
kind of scale.
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8.1.2. Food consumption and nutritional status of food
The analysis of food security strategies employed by households in Guquka and Koloni
showed that food was acquired in five different ways. None of the households
interviewed acquired food in a single way, all combined two or more food acquisition
strategies. Amongst these strategies, purchasing food from urban markets was the most
important in both villages, while buying food from village markets was important for
ultra-poor households. The seasonal (summer, autumn, winter and spring) food calendarsof the 16 households investigated showed that food consumed by households formed part
of 12 different food groups. These were cereals and cereal products, tubers, vegetables,
legumes, fruit, seasonings, drinks, milk and milk products, meat and meat products, eggs
and egg products, fats and oils and sugars. In all 16 households, cereals were consumed
in larger quantities than any other food group. The total monthly quantities consumed by
one adult equivalent person in each household exceeded 10 kilograms in all seasons.
However, in respect of the quantities (not only for cereals), there were seasonal
differences. The diet of households also differed from season to season. Certain foods
disappeared completely in some seasons, especially during winter and spring. For
example, households consumed a variety of vegetables in autumn, but in winter and
spring vegetable consumption was limited to cabbages. Generally, the range of food
groups was very narrow in winter and spring.
The main ingredients of the diet included maize meal, samp, flour, potatoes, sugar and
amasi. In some seasons, households added other products to these basic products. For
example, households added meat to their basic diet in December, and green maize,
vegetables, potatoes and legumes in autumn (March). With the exception of amasi, the
main source of food was supermarkets in urban centres. All hous eholds in Guquka
obtained amasi from local producers. In Koloni, 80% of this product was obtained from
own production. The cost of obtaining food from urban markets was high, because
transport and loading costs had to be added to price per unit product. Nevertheless, this
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did not discourage households from obtaining their food from these markets, because the
unit prices of products were much cheaper in town than in the village shops. In terms of
the rand value of food consumed showed that households in Guquka relied on
supermarkets during all seasons. The rand value of food obtained from own production in
that village did not reach 50% of total in any one season. The situation was different in
Koloni. Here own production of food measured in rand value was the main source of
food in summer (December) and autumn (March) with 50% and 46% of food consumed
obtained from this source.
The most common cereals consumed by households in the study area were maize mealand samp, but during summer, autumn and winter, no ne of these products were obtained
from own production. Households began to source these products from their own
production only in spring (September). In both villages, 20% of maize meal was obtained
from own production. With regard to samp, households in Guquka obtained 40% from
own production, whilst households in Koloni obtained 47% of the product by growing
their own maize.
Analysis of the food consumed by households indicated nutritional deficiencies in terms
of energy, protein, and fat. The findings showed that not all households satisfied their
daily energy requirement. Energy intake was higher in December and March than in June
and September. Koloni households were better off than households in Guquka. During
the wet seasons (summer and autumn), only one household showed a lack of energy in
Koloni and three in Guquka. During the dry seasons, energy levels were lower and a
larger proportion of households failed to meet the recommended energy requirements.
Cereals made significant contributions to total energy. The result of energy distribution
from different food groups during the four-season period showed that more than 50% of
energy consumed was obtained from cereals, and that was the case in all seasons. The
highest contribution to energy intake by cereals occurred in spring when cereals
contributed 67% to total in Guquka and 66% in Koloni.
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Deficiencies in the protein and fat intakes were even worse than energy. As with energy
intake, Koloni households consumed higher levels of these nutrients than those in
Guquka. There were again seasonal differences. The protein intakes peaked in March
(due to consumption of nutrient rich vegetables and legumes) while fat intakes peaked in
December (due to meat consumption). Overall, only three households (one in Guquka
and two in Koloni) households managed to satisfy their protein and fat requirements
during all seasons. This meant that only three out 16 households that were investigated
were considered food secure (had enough energy, protein and fat). The majority of
households had enough energy to perform daily activities during December and March,
but the intake of specific nutrients (protein and fat) was insufficient. Households did notnecessarily go hungry, but their diet seriously lacked specific components. The
relationship between adult equivalent income and energy level was positive and the
relationship between energy consumption and the proportion of income spent on food
was negative. This meant that overall increasing income of households improved their
energy intake, and reducing income resulted in households spending proportionally more
on food, but not enough to maintain energy intake at adequate levels.
Food acquisition in Guquka and Koloni was influenced by factors such as social habits
(social and cultural acceptability of food), seasonal differences and the availability of
water (rain and irrigation). Factors responsible for nutritional differences among
households were found to be adult equivalent income of the household, family size and
education and occupation of the household members.
8.1.3. In-depth interviews on livelihoods and food security strategies
This investigation documented the experiences of households in their quest to be food
secure. The results showed that there were three kinds of households in the study area,
namely, enduring households, resilient households and as fragile households. Two types
of fragile households were found, namely, those who had no reliable source of income,
and those who had access to at least one reliable source of income. Those without a
reliable source of income employed strategies that did not result in enough food at any
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time during the four-season period of investigation. Lack of ownership and access to
resources was the main problem in these households. The most limiting resources were
financial, human and natural. Both quality and quantity of these resources was not
adequate in ensuring enough food for household members. With regard to financial
resources, they earned incomes below the poverty line and were categorised as ultra-poor.
The quality and quantity of human resources was also a constraint. The heads of the
households were usually women who were not in good health. Other household members
were often school children.
The livelihood strategies employed by these households were neither resilient norsustainable as they were very susceptible to shocks and stresses. These households
survived by doing piece jobs in the village where they lived with the purpose of earning
money or food for their families. When paid cash, the main food acquisition strategy of
these households was to buy food from village shops. Money earned at any one time was
never enough to consider buying in urban supermarkets. Their coping strategies involved
cultivating the garden, which also enabled them to exchange food for other food
products, claiming against relations and reducing meals from two to one per day. Another
desperate attempt involved transforming school children into adults to earn money for
their families despite school obligations. The only assistance these households had access
to was the School Feeding Scheme, which appeared to have problems of targeting.
Targeting problems are demonstrated in Nombulelos household (7.2.1). Nombulelo had
two children who were both still in primary school at the time of investigation. Legally,
by virtue of being in primary school, they were both eligible to the scheme. However,
data showed that only on child enjoyed the benefits of the scheme even though they were
both affected by the same kind of poverty.
The second type of fragile households were welfare-dependent households. In these
households, at least one member had access to a social welfare grant, which provided
them access with a reliable source of income. But, because the dependency ratio in these
households was usually high, income was inadequate to ensure that the food needs of the
household members were met. Nevertheless, these households managed to obtain three
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meals per day for two to three weeks after payment of the grant, but the food consumed
was of poor quality. The members of these households struggled to obtain the required
levels of energy, protein and fat. The same resources (financial, human and land) were
limiting amongst these households. As with the other type of fragile households the head
of household was often a woman, usually old and sick. They differed from the other type
of fragile households in terms of their food acquisition strategy. Instead of purchasing
food from village shops, the monthly grant enabled them to buy food in urban markets.
The coping strategies of both types of fragile households were the same, but fragile
households with a reliable source of income only experienced shortages towards the
month-end, whilst the others were facing food shortages throughout. When short of food,fragile households reduced the number of meals from three to two per day, and from two
to one in desperate cases. Also, the second type of fragile households (welfare assisted)
did not resort to desperate measures like transforming school children into adults.
Another different coping strategy of these households was to buy maize meal in larger
quantities, which would be used when the households ran out of food.
Resilient households were rural entrepreneurs and farmers. An example of an
entrepreneur used in this study was found to own all kinds of assets though access to land
was limited to a home garden only. The main livelihood strategy of this household was
trading various goods and services for the purposes of earning money to meet basic needs
including food. While other households acquired food in five different ways, this
household had an additional way of acquiring food through umgalelo. As already
mentioned, resilient households were households who suffered from shocks, but
recovered quickly because of assets they owned. For example, when drought or any kind
of stress struck, they sold some of the assets they owned.
The most important coping strategy included diversification, because having access to
multiple assets enabled them to employ different options. But apparently, these options
did not lead to food security. Like all resilient households, they were found to be food
insecure. Though they did not go hungry at any time of the year, their diet was found to
be insufficient, especially in terms of protein and fat. Several reasons contributed to this
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state. The main reason being less reliable strategies, as they were unable to make good
money at certain times. On the other hand, like all non-poor households, food was not the
only important need. As their income increased, they strove for other household needs
such as childrens education. Lack of knowledge pertaining to human nutrition was
another reason, but most importantly, present food security was as important as future
food security. They chose to preserve their assets and save money for future food
security.
The farmer was one of the most interesting cases amongst these households. Surviving on
one livelihood strategy while others employed different strategies was worthinvestigating. The findings showed that this household was not doing badly at all. In fact,
the household belonged to the non-poor households. But like other non-poor households,
they were food insecure as they failed to consume a nutritionally adequate diet. The main
problem was that the household relied on farming alone, and farming was faced with
many constraints in these rural areas. The most limiting resources for rural farmers were
human capital and water. Nothing could be done about water, especially for field crops,
but fortunately, because this household was in Koloni, the garden crops were
supplemented with water during drought periods. In fact, gardening was the main coping
strategy of this household. In the garden, a variety of vegetables were grown. The garden
produce helped them through difficult times, e.g. when field crops failed. Also, because
they managed to get surplus from the garden, the garden also earned them money as the
surplus was sold.
With regard to labour shortages, farmers in Koloni combined their limited labour
resources, especially during ploughing and planting times. This strategy offset the
difficulties of acquiring labour at these times, and enabled them to stay involved in
farming. Another constraint facing farmers was lack of infrastructure, especially storage
and processing facilities at village level. During a good season, when there is more than
enough produce for home consumption, the produce could not be transferred to another
season. The value adding was rather impossible too, as the processing facilities were in
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urban centres. Farmers had to get rid of the produce quickly, and most of the time at
bargain prices.
The enduring households were the only types of households who were food secure in
Guquka and Koloni. These were people who had sufficient resources and in most cases at
least one household member had a reliable source of income e.g., employment in the civil
service. The strategies employed by these households were resilient and sustainable and
were not vulnerable to retrenchments. However, only few (19%) of these were found in
the study area.
In conclusion, there were a number of factors that influenced household food security in
Guquka and Koloni. These were ownership of and access to resources, the historical,
political and social processes or contexts under which food security took place affected
household food security and available opportunities, especially at village levels. All these
contributed in shaping the present livelihoods and food security strategies of rural
households. The results of this study showed that food security was not just an outcome
of what people own, but whether that ownership could be translated into adequate food.
Food security status of household in Eastern Cape is the consequence of the food security
policies in this province.
As shown in Chapter 2, the policies of the Department of Agriculture do little in ensuring
access to food. They emphasize on food availability or increased production. The results
of this study revealed that ownership and access to land is accompanied by labour
problems in the study area. The agricultural policy encourages agricultural production yet
fails to address the land and rural labour problems. With regard to land, small-scale
farmers in the study area operate outside the institutional support structures. The policies
encourage people to form Community Property Associations, which do not necessarily
solve the problem of land ownership. Also, the policies encourage the production of high
value crops by small- scale farmers. The question of cash crops as a route to food security
has to be looked at. This appears to be a long-term solution that is not guaranteed to
eventually improve food security in rural areas. The opportunities available at village
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level force the majority of households to survive on non-farming rather than farming
activities.
The Departments Health and Social Welfare seemed to play a major role in ensuring rural
households access to food. However, their intervention programmes appeared to have
problems of targeting. For example, the Department of Health was responsible the School
Feeding Scheme. The scheme targeted children in primary schools, especially those who
were from poor households. In reality, as the study revealed, this was not the case. Some
children from these poor households did not enjoy the benefits of the scheme. On the
other hand, the grants offered by the Department of Social Welfare did not reach alldeserving individuals. Some of these individuals fell outside the structures of these grants
while others were simply victims of re-registrations that took place in 1997. Apart from
targeting, the nutrition education programmes, food aid and primary health care of the
Department of Health did not reach every village. The nutritionally inadequate diets of
the non-poor households in Guquka and Koloni showed lack of education pertaining to
nutrition. Lastly, the objective of improving health care services has not yet been
attained. In Guquka there was neither a clinic nor was it visited by a mobile clinic.