Migration and Activism in Greece during the Economic Crisis

Georgios Karyotis (Strathclyde University) Dimitris Skleparis (Queen Mary, University of London)

‘Immigrants in Europe: Between the Eurozone Crisis and the Arab Spring’, University of Westminster, London, 9 Nov 2012

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1. Background

• From emigration to immigration

• Heightened public anxieties

• Lack of coherent immigration policy

• Hunger strike: 300 migrants, 44 days in Jan 2011

• Temporary visibility, then back to obscurity

• Face-to-face interviews with 52 strikers (July 2012)

• Funded by the Carnegie Trust

Research Aims

The aim of this paper is twofold:

1. Evaluate the individual drivers behind the protest mobilisation, the migrants’ aims and expectations and the social networks that facilitated their participation in the hunger strike.

2. Discuss the migrants’ own evaluation of the outcomes of their protest action and their overall assessment of the impact of the economic crisis on the migrant experience

2. Migrant Protest LiteratureCommon Problems

• Lack of primary data. Migrant voices under-represented

• Lack of specificity about types of mobilisations and migrants

• Focus on isolated factors and single explanations

Common Fallacies

• Undocumented migrants’ mobilisations considered improbable• Migrants seen as victims, incapable of bearing any form of political agency• Hunger strikes seen as pathological, not political acts

3. Theory: Drivers of Protest

• Aggregate-level and national context

• Individual-level drivers

• Four main political behaviour approaches– Relative Deprivation– Resources and Social Networks– Ideology and Political Values– Rational Choice

Drivers of Migrant ProtestRelative Deprivation: • Unfairness (Chimienti 2011), ‘felt’ deprivation (Gurr, 1970) • Exclusion from labour market (Iskander 2007), • Abuse, group segregation/threats, racism (e.g. Okamoto, and Ebert, 2010)• Resistance as ‘act of desperation’, not act of empowerment (Ellermann, 2010)

Resources and Social Networks• Biographical availability (McAdam, 1986) and ‘socio-economic status’ (SES)• Organisational resources (Rim, 2009), civil society (Laubenthal 2007), advocacy

groups (Guzman, 2008) and elite allies/militants (Simeant 1994) • Social embeddedness (Klandermans, 2008) and political opportunities (Koopmans

et al 2005)

Drivers of Migrant ProtestIdeology and Political Values

• Left-wing

• Interest in politics

• Postmaterialism

Rational Choice

• Redress grievances at affordable costs (Klandermans, 2008).

• Personal political efficacy (Sanders et al, 2005; Klandermans, 2008)

• More restrictive immigration policies (e.g. Laubenthal 2007).

4. The 2011 Migrant Hunger Strike

• 284 participants, residing in Crete

• Maghreb countries nationals, mostly Morocco

• Mid to late 20s; construction and agriculture

• 73% have been in Greece for over 5 years

Tourist/Student visa (8%)

via Turkey to Samos (33%)

via Turkey to Patmos (20%)

via Turkey to other island (18%)

via Turkey to North Greece (21%)

Figure 1: Entry Points

Fear of prosecution at home country

To find a job

As a transit to other EU country

East of access

Anticipated living conditions

Knowledge of welfare provisions

Presence of migrant community

Presence of family

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

8

62

69

37

64

4

29

2

0

19

8

12

12

10

8

4

92

19

23

52

24

86

63

94

Very influencedSomewhat influencedSlightly or Not at all

To what extent did any of the following influence your decision to come to Greece (in %)?

Push-Pull Factors

Ease

Aims• Primary: Residence/work permits• Secondary: Improve living conditions

Outcomes• Successes: temporary residence status,

visit home country, less police harassment• Failures: health, no work permit

Aims and Outcomes of Mobilisation

Evaluations of Key ActorsHow positive or negative would you say the involvement of each of the following actors was in the strike action? (in %)

The Government

The Police

The Solidarity Groups

Immigrant Groups/Associations

The Media

The General Public

The Strike Organisers

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

88

67

2

19

48

25

17

4

13

6

21

33

46

15

8

17

92

60

17

27

67

Negative

Neither Negative nor Positive

Positive

5. Drivers of MobilisationRelative Deprivation

• Life much (62%) or a bit worse (29%) after the economic crisis

• Less jobs, more racism

• 20% unemployed

• 46% have experienced physical or verbal abuse

• 29% reported ‘anger’ or ‘despair’ (or both) before the protest action

Levels of Satisfaction

State's Immigration Policy

Access to Labour Market

Access to Housing

Access to Healthcare

Access to Public Transport

The way Greeks Treat you

Life as a Whole

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

90

87

6

50

13

38

59

10

4

14

17

10

48

19

0

6

80

33

87

12

22

DissatisfiedNeither dissatisfied nor satisfied Satisfied

How satisfied or dissatisfied would you say you are nowadays with... (in %)

Resources and Social Networks

• Biographical availability

• Existence of militant networks and support by political parties

• 83% are members of voluntary organisations

• Face-to-face recruitment through friend/acquaintance

• Community networks

• Prior Protest Experience

Ideology and Political Values

• Interest in Politics

• Left-Right Orientation

• Postmaterialist values

In Greece

In Home country

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

40

17

14

8

25

37

19

37

Not at allNot verySomewhatVery interested

Rational Choice

f. One of the problems with people today is that they challenge authority too often

e. There are times when people should follow their consciences even if it means breaking the law

d. Taking part in a hunger strike could put my life at risk

c. Often politics seem so complicated that I can’t really understand what is going on

b. Being active in politics is a good way to get benefits for me and my family

a. People like me can have a real influence on politics if they are prepared to get involved

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

52

4

0

6

14

10

17

0

8

17

14

15

4

12

2

19

6

2

15

15

12

29

27

29

12

69

79

27

37

42

Strongly disagree

Disagree

Neither agree or disagree

Agree

Strongly agree

Emotions: Before and AfterWhich, if any, of the following words describe your feelings about your overall experience with the hunger strike action and its aftermath?

Angry Happy Despair Hopeful Alarmed Empathy Afraid Proud0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

BeforeAfter

Participation in Future Radical Protest

• Greater political interest, more ideologically defined, political efficacy and rational choice

• Bivariate Correlations:

Evaluation of organisers role

Evaluation of government’s role

Personal political Efficacy

Involvement in politics beneficial

Put life at risk by strike

Satisfaction with life as whole

Feeling of anger or despair

Take Part in Future Radical Protest

- .360** .287* .319* - - -

Participation in Future Radical Protest

• Greater political interest, more ideologically defined, political efficacy and rational choice

• Bivariate Correlations:

Evaluation of organisers role

Evaluation of government’s role

Personal political Efficacy

Involvement in politics beneficial

Put life at risk by strike

Satisfaction with life as whole

Feeling of anger or despair

Take Part in Future Radical Protest

- .360** .287* .319* - - -

Goals of Hunger Strike achieved

.473** .284* - - -.471** .381** -

6. Conclusion

• The effect of the economic crisis on migration

• The political and economic context

• The choice of ‘hunger strike’ as a form of protest

• Radical protest as a ‘political act’ not a ‘desperation act’

• Implications for theories of political behaviour

Implications for politics

• Increased racial tensions and attacks on migrants

• Government locked in security logic

• Political cost of further radical protest