Mexico, the Americas, and the World 2012-2013

7/27/2019 Mexico, the Americas, and the World 2012-2013

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Guadalupe Gonzalez Gonzalez

Jorge A. Schiavon

Gerardo Maldonado

Rodrigo Morales Castillo

David Crow

Center For Research And Teaching In Economics

International Studies Division

FOREIGN POLICY: PUBLIC OPINION AND LEADERS

MEXICO,THE AMERICAS, AND THE WORLD

2012-2013


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A report o the results o the th biennial national survey o leaders and the public in Mexicoon oreign policy and international relations

http://mexicoyelmundo.cide.edu


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MEXICO, THE AMERICAS,

AND THE WORLD 2012-2013Foreign Policy: Public Opinion and Leaders

Guadalupe Gonzalez Gonzalez

Jorge A. Schiavon

Gerardo Maldonado

Rodrigo Morales Castillo

David Crow

Center For Research And Teaching In Economics

International Studies Division

Mexico May 2013


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CIDE is a center or research and higher education specialized in social sciences, governed by international

standards o scientic quality, and unded with public resources. The mission o CIDE is to contribute to the

development o Mexico through the creation o rigorous and relevant inormation and the ormation o a new

generation o leaders capable o working with creativity and responsibility in an open and competitive world.

As an independent, plural institution, CIDE assumes no position on political matters. All statements, premises

or opinions contained in any o its publications are the sole responsibility o its authors.

The analysis and data interpretation in this report do not refect the opinions o CIDE, its proessors or researchers,

or o any o the institutions or members that, in one way or another, supported the realization o this project.

All opinions expressed here are the sole responsibility o the co-authors who prepared this publication.

Copyright CIDE, 2013

All rights reserved. This publication and all complimentary materials may not be reproduced, either wholly or

partially, registered or transmitted by any inormation system, in any orm or by any means, whether by photo-copy or electronic means, without prior written consent rom CIDE.

First Edition: May 2013

ISBN: 978-607-7843-51-1

Made in Mexico/Hecho en Mxico

The carrying out o the survey and the elaboration, publication and dissemination o this report were made

possible thanks to the generous nancial support o the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs (SRE), the Senate

of the Republic of Mexico, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, the United StatesEmbassyin Mexico, the Canadian Embassyin Mexico and the Mexican Association of International Studies.

Coauthors: Guadalupe Gonzalez Gonzalez, Jorge A. Schiavon, Gerardo Maldonado, Rodrigo Morales Castillo

and David Crow, (CIDE).

Email: [email protected]

The Mexico, the Americas, and the World 2012-2013 Research TeamGeneral Director and Lead Researcher: Guadalupe Gonzalez Gonzalez, CIDE

Executive Director and Lead Researcher: Jorge A. Schiavon, CIDE

Executive Secretary and Researcher: Rodrigo Morales Castillo, CIDEProject Researchers: David Crow, Gerardo Maldonado, CIDE

Research Assistant: Alejandra Nava, CIDE


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Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11Aknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Summary of 2012-2013 Trends and Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

C H A P T E R 1 Interest in and Contact with the World

Interest in the International . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31Level, Channel and Type o Contact with the World 33Knowledge about National and International Aairs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36

C H A P T E R 2 Identity and Nationalism in Mexico

Identity in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41The Dimensions and Meanings o Nationalism in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

C H A P T E R 3 International Threats and National Security

International Activism and Perception o the State o the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53International Threats. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

Security and International Cooperation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57

C H A P T E R 4 Opinions and Attitudes Towards Countries and Regions

Sympathies and Antipathies: Appraisals and General Preerences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61Our Neighbors: Relations with the United States and Guatemala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68Attitudes towards the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70Attitudes towards Latin America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75Attitudes towards Asia and China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

CONTENTS


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6

C O N T E N T S

C H A P T E R 5 Foreign Policy Instruments and Objectives

The Importance o Mexico in the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

Foreign Policy Objectives and Priorities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83Foreign Policy Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86Foreign Policy Evaluation. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86Investment in Foreign Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

C H A P T E R 6 Multilateralism

Convenient Multilateralism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89Evaluation and Perception o International Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94United Nations: Contrasts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95

C H A P T E R 7 International Economy

Liberalism or Protectionism: a Resolved Debate? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97Evaluation o Trade Policy by Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .103

C H A P T E R 8 The Multiple Faces of Migration

Contact with the Phenomenon o Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .105Attitudes towards Emigration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107Opinions towards Immigrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .109The Rights o Migrants in Mexico and Other Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111Public Policy Actions and the Role o Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112

Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

Notes on Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .121

Acronyms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127


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INDEX OF TABLES AND GRAPHS

C H A P T E R 1

Figure 1.1 Interest in the News . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32Figure 1.2 Contact with the Outside via Trips Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34Figure 1.3 Contact with the Outside via Living Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35Figure 1.4 Identiying Acronyms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36Figure 1.5 General Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37Figure 1.6 Average o Public Knowledge o Countries, Political Figures

and International Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

C H A P T E R 2

Figure 2.1 National and Local Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42Figure 2.2 Adherence to National Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43Figure 2.3 Supranational Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44Figure 2.4 Regional Identity in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45Figure 2.5 Pride and the Importance and International Reputation o Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46Figure 2.6 Ideas and Customs rom Other Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47Figure 2.7 Rights o Naturalized Foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48Figure 2.8 Unions with Other Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49Figure 2.9 The Meaning o Nationalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

C H A P T E R 3

Figure 3.1 The State o the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54Figure 3.2 Participation in International Aairs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55Figure 3.3 Threats to the interests o Mexico in the next 10 years . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56Figure 3.4 U.S. Cooperation: Economic Aid against Drug Tracking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57Figure 3.5 The Fight against Drug Tracking and Organized Crime. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58


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I N D E X O F T A B L E S A N D G R A P H S

C H A P T E R 4

Figure 4.1 Evaluation o Other Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Figure 4.2 Evaluation o Political Leaders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64Figure 4.3 Role Models in Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65Figure 4.4 Regional Preerences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66Figure 4.5 Importance o Relations with the United States and Guatemala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67Figure 4.6 The Most Important Aspect o Relations with the United States and Guatemala . . . . . . 68Figure 4.7 The State o Relations with the United States and Guatemala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69Figure 4.8 Proximity: Advantage or Problem? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70Figure 4.9 Feelings towards the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71Figure 4.10 The Global Perormance o the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72Figure 4.11 Joint Decisions with the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73Figure 4.12 Coordination with Canada and Latin America against the United States . . . . . . . . . . 74Figure 4.13 Mexicos Relations with Latin America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

Figure 4.14 The Probability o Confict in Latin America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76Figure 4.15 The Leadership o Mexico in Latin America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76Figure 4.16 Economic Priorities o Regional Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77Figure 4.17 Actions towards Latin American Integration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78Figure 4.18 Asia: Opportunity or Risk? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79Figure 4.19 The Economic Growth o China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80Figure 4.20 The Infuence o China in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81

C H A P T E R 5

Figure 5.1 Foreign Policy Objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84Figure 5.2 Foreign Policy Instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Figure 5.3 Representation o Mexico Abroad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88

C H A P T E R 6

Figure 6.1 Peacekeeping Operations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90Figure 6.2 Multilateral Decisions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91Figure 6.3 Willingness o Leaders to accept Supranational Decisions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92Figure 6.4 Evaluation o International Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93Figure 6.5 Correlation between Evaluation and Knowledge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94

C H A P T E R 7

Figure 7.1 Attitudes towards Globalization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98

Figure 7.2 Approval o Foreign Direct Investment and Free Trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99Figure 7.3 Economic Openness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .100Table 7.1 Economic Openness: Socio-demographic prole . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101Figure 7.4 Foreign Investment by Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .102Figure 7.5 Evaluation o Free Trade Agreements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .103Figure 7.6 New Free Trade Agreements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .104


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C H A P T E R 8

Figure 8.1 Contact with the Outside through Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .106Figure 8.2 Intent to Emigrate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107Figure 8.3 Emigration: Good or Bad? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .108Figure 8.4 Attitudes towards Foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110Figure 8.5 Desirable Characteristics in Immigrants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110Figure 8.6 Opinions on Foreigners based on Origen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112Figure 8.7 Rights o Mexicans and Foreigners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113Figure 8.8 Actions o the Mexican Government Against Immigration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114Figure 8.9 Government Priorities on Mexican Emigration. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .115


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Mexico, the Americas, and the World is a research project o the Division o International Studies at the Center

or Research and Teaching in Economics, dedicated to studying the social attitudes and political culture o

Mexicans with respect to Foreign Policy and International Relations Currently, the project has taken on a

regional scope, consisting o a periodic biennial survey using representative samples o the national population and,

in some countries, a group o leaders It is a rigorous instrument to gather original and reliable inormation about

opinions, attitudes, belies, interests, aspirations, eelings, social values and behaviors in regards to international issues

This is one o a kind project, not only in Mexico but in the rest o Latin America as well, given that by ocusing

on social attitudes towards oreign aairs, it lls an inormation gap about the relationship between citizens andglobal governance With a comprehensive approach, the project covers a wide range o topics (cultural, economic,

political, social and security-related issues), o social groups (leaders and the general public) and geographic regions

(the north, center and south o the country) It collects data on general perceptions, not on opinions o conjuncture

One o the traits that distinguishes Mexico, the Americas, and the World rom other academic research on social

attitudes is that it allows simultaneous comparisons and cross tabulations at ve levels: sub-national, among the

dierent regions o the country (North, Center, South); national, between elites and the Mexican public as well as

among dierent economic levels and socio-demographic variables; intra-elite, between government, political, busi-

ness, academic, and social leaders; international, between the populations o dierent countries, and longitudinal, or

across dierent biennial periods

The main objective o this study is to help ll a void o empirical, objective and rigorous inormation in a strategic

area or Mexico, where independent, reliable data is scarce or unocused That is, to gain precise knowledge o citizenperception on how the world works and how it should work in evaluating the degree o legitimacy o the institutions,

rules and actors in the international system and government perormance in oreign policy matters Furthermore,

this inormation provides inputs or academic research and both public and private decision-making

The international reach o the study has varied In 2004, the survey was carried out in two countries (the United

States and Mexico); in 2006, in 6 (China, South Korea, United States, India, Japan and Mexico); in 2008, in 4 (Co-

lombia, Chile, Mexico and Peru); in 2010 in 5 (Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru); and, in this edition,

FOREWORD


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12

F O R E W O R D

the study was carried out in Colombia, Ecuador and Mexico, eectively building a database o over 29 thousand

interviews with people over the age o 18 in 11 countries

The structure o the questionnaire covers a large range o global issues and is composed o 14 thematic areas:contact, interest, knowledge, identity, human rights and cultural politics, international security, international economy, multi-

lateralism, migration, foreign policy, regional integration, relations with Latin America, relations with the United States, and

relations with other countries and regions of the world.

The inormation is based on a conceptual ramework that makes it possible to locate the attitudes and percep-

tions o the population and the leaders in our axes: the degree o openness towards the world (isolationism versus

internationalism); the optic rom which they observe international reality (realism versus idealism); the degree

o inclination towards international cooperation (unilateralism versus multilateralism) and the way they align (a

map o sympathies and antipathies)

In terms o disseminating the results, Mexico, the Americas, and the World reaches a wide audience: decision mak-

ers in Mexico and other countries at a public, private, social and international level, as well as academic institutions,

researchers and students o social sciences We hope that those to whom this exercise is directed use it as a key

instrument in strategic decision making, public policy ormation, governance, academic research and social com-

munication in a global, changing world

This report presents the main results o the th edition o the survey Mexico, the Americas, and the World 2012-

2013, carried out rom August 18th to September 20th 2012 or the general public and rom June 16th to October

31th o the same year or leaders The complete inormation and disaggregated data on the 29 socio-demographic

variables and the 114 thematic questions included in the questionnaire, as well as the database in SPSS (Statistical

Package for Social Sciences) ormat, are reely available and can be downloaded at: http://mexicoyelmundo.cide.edu


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Mexico, the Americas, and the Worldis a nonprot research project whose presence over nearly 10 years would not

have been possible without the generosity o various public, private, national and international institutions

We would like to thank the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs (sre) or supporting this survey rom the

rst edition and the Minister o Foreign Relations, Jos Antonio Meade, or continuing this collaboration We would

also like to express our appreciation to the previous Administrations commitment, especially to Ambassador Emerita

Patricia Espinosa Cantellano, Ambassador Maria de Lourdes Aranda Bezaury, Rogelio Granguillhome Morn and

Minister Counselor Jose Octavio Tripp Villanueva

We are also thankul or the generous, sustained contribution o the Committee on Foreign Relations o the lxi

Legislature of the Senate o the Republic o Mexico or helping carry out various editions o the survey, in particular tothe then President, Senator Rosario Green Macias, and her work group, with special thanks to Marco Antonio Alcazar

Our gratitude is extended to the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, particularly to their representative in Mexico, Ste-

an Jost, to Martin Friedek, Rachel Nicolas and Violeta Bautista, who made an invaluable eort to get the necessary

resources or both the publication o the results and the realization o the survey We are also grateul or the contri-

bution o the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, particularly Thomas Manz, representative o the oundation in Mexico, Elisa

Gomez and Zirahuen Villamar, or their support in holding conerences and national team meetings or the project

We would like to express our appreciation to the United States Embassy in Mexico, particularly to Ambassador

Anthony Wayne, to Dr Mara R Tekach, Minister Counselor or Cultural Aairs and Inormation, and Araceli Parte-

arroyo or their interest in the project as a source o inormation on public opinion regarding the most important

issues o the bilateral relationship We would also like to thank the Embassy of Canada in Mexico, especially Ambas-

sador Sara Hradecky, Scott Mc Cook and Pierre Sved, who acilitated the dissemination o the results o this survey

It is important to note the generous support or the project by the Mexican Association o International Studies

(amei); we are especially grateul or the dedication o their President, Dr Jorge A Schiavon Uriegas, and their General

Secretary, Dr Raael Velazquez Flores

We wish to highlight the support o several people who, by their extensive experience as proessional diplomats,

civil servants, businessmen, lawyers and journalists contributed to the conceptualization and realization o this

study In particular, our enormous gratitude to the members o the Mexican Council of Foreign Affairs(comexi): Jaime

Zabludovsky, President, Claudia Calvin, Director, Enrique Berruga, Ex-President, Andres Rozental, Chairman o the


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A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S

Board, Fernando Solana, Ex-President, and Luis Eduardo Garzon Lozano, Associate, or their enormous generosity

and interest in the project

The survey was carried out in a rigorous manner thanks to the excellent team at Data-Opinion Publica y Mercadosdatawas in charge o the national survey and the survey o leaders, under the leadership o Pablo Paras and the e-

ective technical coordination o Carlos Lopez Olmedo We thank Adrianna Rico, Sergio Martinez and Moises Tapia

or their excellent work as eld work coordinators

We would like to thank the national teams o other countries or their commitment to the project Through this

exchange, the survey has gained greater visibility and is in a stage o regional consolidation In Argentina, we would

like to thank Federico Merkel; in Chile, Jose Morande Lavin and Miguel Angel Lopez; in Brazil, Maria Herminia

Tavares, Janina Onuki and Leandro Piquet; in Colombia, Arlene Tickner, in Ecuador, Beatriz Zepeda and Francisco

Carreon; in Central America, Miguel Gutierrez Saxe and Stean Gomez, o the State o the Nation Program o Costa

Rica; in Peru, Fabian Novak; and, in Uruguay, Ignacio Zuasnabar In addition to our counterparts in Latin America,

we appreciate the interest o Rice University in the United States, in particular, Erika de la Garza and Tony Payan

We thank our International Advisory Council, Miguel Basaez, Jorge I Dominguez, Alejandro Moreno, Mitchell

Selingson, Robert Shapiro, Peter Smith and Mariano Torcal We extend a special mention to Proessor James Ron, o

the University o Minnesota, or promoting the survey with great enthusiasm, in collaboration withcide, the Global

Perspectives Project on Human Rights, which we are very proud to sponsor

We recognize the support provided by our colleagues in the International Studies Division (dei) and especially

o the ormer director, Carlos Heredia, and his successor, Dr Lorena Ruano; also to the students in various depart-

ments ocide that participated in the survey o leaders, and as part o the team oMexico, the Americas and the World,

we appreciate the tireless work o our Executive Secretary, Rodrigo Morales Castillo, and Yolanda Munoz Perez, in

administrative and nancial coordination We thank Alejandra Nava, project research assistant, or her dedication,

and a special mention goes out to Andrea Daniela Martinez, dei assistant Finally, we would like to thank Fabiola

Rodrguez Cern or her rigorous commitment to the edition o this report, Marco Landaverde or the graphic design,

and Nathaniel Russell or his exhaustive work translating this report

To all the people and institutions which, in one way or another, collaborated in the preparation o this report,thank you very much This study is the result o a group eort and, o course, the end result is the sole responsibility

o the team that makes up Mexico, the Americas, and the World


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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The start o a new administration in Mexico is a propitious time to review the priorities and international

strategies o the country in light o the views, concerns, and interests o Mexicans In the th edition o the

survey oMexico, the Americas, and the World, carried out by the cide every two years since 2004, we have

managed to rene our methodology and derive more accurate results1 on the preerences o citizens regarding oreign

relations o Mexico and global governance From the 2012-2013 survey, the ollowing 15 central ndings stand out:

1. Mexican society demands a oreign policy that increases the prestige o Mexico in the world and contri-

butes to improving the saety and wellbeing o its population. From a citizen perspective, the main oreign

policy goals should be, in order o priority, to promote Mexican culture, ght drug tracking and organizedcrime, protect the environment, attract tourists, increase exports and deend the interests o Mexicans abroad

In this regard, there is a broad and stable consensus on which all the social sectors, political currents and re-

gions o the country agree

2. Public Opinion bets everything on the sot power o Mexico.The public and leaders avor instruments o

sot power as the core o Mexicos ability to infuence, and they consider trade policy and cultural diplomacy to

be the pillars o the projection and activity o Mexico in the world

3. The country looks upon the world with pessimism but completely rejects isolationism.Mexicans perceive

a world that has deteriorated in the last decade and show a growing concern or international threats In spite

o that, they are increasingly convinced that, in the ace o global uncertainty, the best thing or Mexico is to

actively participate in global aairs Support or international activism has enjoyed rapid, sustained growth over

the past six years, in spite o the environment o global economic turbulence and nationwide public insecurity

4. In 21st century, Mexican nationalism is not opposed to opening up to the world, with the exception o

the oil sector Mexicans show strong and growing eelings o pride, identication with and attachment to their

1 The results o previous surveys can be consulted without cost online at http://mexicoyelmundocideedu


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E X E C U T I V E S U M M A R Y

nationality, with Mexican nationality being the primary political community o identication and belonging

The high level o national pride is not opposed to cultural and economic openness, in such a way that support

has increased or the dissemination o ideas rom other countries in Mexico, globalization, ree trade and oreigninvestment, with the sole exception being the oil sector

5. The lack o attention to, knowledge o, and contact with the world represents a glass ceiling or the inter-

national aspirations o Mexico. Unlike leaders, a signicant percentage o the general population shows no

interest in global aairs; the average citizen has a limited and ragmented knowledge about issues, countries,

organizations and international personalities, has never traveled outside o the country, and doesnt maintain

direct contact with oreigners Much o the exposure they have with the outside world is indirect, through ami-

ly members, and concentrated on the United States

6. Social communication at the government level is insucient in the international relations o the country.

Mexicans are unaware o who is responsible or oreign policy, and they are not inormed o the main actions

and diplomatic initiatives o Mexico, nor o how those actions relate to the rest o public policies

7. Aspiration towards international participation does not translate into a willingness to invest resources or

assume responsibilities. Mexicans believe that Mexico should participate more in global aairs, but without

accepting the costs associated with such an aspiration There is limited support or oreign initiatives involving

joint decision-making, giving up sovereignty, investment o resources, or commitments, such as increasing

diplomatic presence abroad or unding programs or cooperation in development in Central America

8. Mexican society lacks global perspective. The public pays no attention to other regions and countries o the

world beyond the Americas Although they view European countries and the economic rise o China positively,

relations with Europe, the Asia-Pacic region, Arica and the Middle East are o little priority Though, or the rst

time, interest in leaders in the Asia-Pacic grew, tying the region with North America, this has been to the de-triment o Europe Thus, the vision o the Mexican people lags behind new global economic and political realities

9. Mexico sees itsel as a regional actor but is ambivalent towards the North and the South. The priorities,

aspirations and identities o Mexicans are concentrated in North America and Latin America, but opinions are

divided, almost equally, as to which should be the regional priority While the main supranational identity is

Latin American, the region o priority or the public is North America Meanwhile, leaders are convinced that

the priority must be Latin America, which results in ambivalence when attempting to integrate both components

into a national long-term strategy

10. Mexicans desire a special relationship with the United States, principally economic in nature, but open to

cooperation in security and migration. The anti-American eelings o Mexican nationalism have decreased:more Mexicans trust and admire the United States, consider it a development model or Mexico, and positively

evaluate the actions o the US abroad (with the exception o their policy towards Cuba) Furthermore, they

highly rate the President, believe that vicinity with the US brings more advantages than problems, aspire to

a special relationship between both countries Trade and investment are by ar considered the most important

aspects o the bilateral relationship, and, at the same time, the public are willing to accept American help in

ghting drug tracking and organized crime, even though it may imply certain concessions rom Mexico


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11. Mexicans look to Latin America with optimism, with no intention o leadership, and with an agenda

o trade, nance and inrastructure integration. The Mexican public is optimistic about the prospects o

Mexicos relationship with Latin America, they view Latin American integration with a vision more pragmatic

than ideological, and they avoid the aspiration o having a regional leadership role There is strong support or

the ree movement o goods and capital and inrastructure projects that improve the physical interconnection

between countries in the region; on the other hand, they are not as enthusiastic about plans or deeper integra-

tion such as the ree movement o people, a monetary union, common oreign policy or the coordination o

deense policies

12. In the hemispheric debate on drug control policy, Mexicans reject legalization and preer preventative

approaches to militarization. The treatment o addicts and campaigns to prevent drug use are the preerred

methods o Mexicans, ollowed by army participation in the ght against drug tracking and the extradition

o drug lords By contrast, legalization is considered to be the worst possible action the government could take

13. The relationship with Central America is positive but there are red fags on the horizon. The proximitywith Central America represents more benets or Mexicans than problems, and there is a positive view o the

relationship with Guatemala, with emphasis placed on the economic and trade agenda rather than security

issues However, Central American countries and immigrants are among the least avored by Mexicans, who

are divided between establishing temporary work programs and toughening border controls

14. On issues o global governance, Mexicans sympathize with multilateralism but are reluctant to delegate

authority and abide by joint decisions. Issues such as nuclear prolieration, strengthening the multilateral

architecture, cooperation in development, the deense o human rights and the promotion o democracy are o

moderate or low priority There is limited support or abiding by multilateral decisions that are inconvenient

or Mexico, even though there is support or the participation o Mexico in UN Peacekeeping Operations, par-

ticularly those o a humanitarian nature

15. Leaders support opening trade negotiations with the brics, entering the tpp, and establishing nancial

regulation with teeth. Emerging economies are seen as an opportunity niche that the country must take

advantage o through trade integration They positively assess the benets the country has reaped through its

network o ree trade agreements and believe that trade agreements should contain environmental and labor

obligations In order to contain the risks o protectionism, the elite support greater nancial regulation with

teeth at the international level


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SUMM ARY OF 2012-2013 TREN DS AN D RESULTS

Contact with, Interest in, and Knowledge about the World

Mexicans have a similar interest in national and international news: 59% are very or somewhat interested innews about the national social and political situation, 56% in the oreign relations o Mexico, and 51% in nanceand economy

The public pays little attention to international aairs, but leaders are very attentive: 53% report little or nogeneral interest in international aairs, whereas 93% o leaders are very or somewhat interested

A minority has direct contact with the world, and a large part o their international mobility involves residen-cies abroad: 76% o Mexicans have never traveled outside o the country, but 94% o leaders have at least oncein their lie O the 24% that have traveled at some point outside o the country, one o every 2 has lived abroad,mainly in the United States (88%) and or labor reasons (65%)

The main contact o Mexicans with the world is indirect via amily networks o migrants:49% o those surveyedreported having relatives that live outside o the country, o which 34% are close amily members (11 pointshigher than in 2010); one out o every ve receive remittances, 19% maintain contact with oreigners in Mexicoand 11% speak a oreign language

Public knowledge o international issues is narrow and limiting:58% o the public correctly identied the acronym

onu (un), 51% fifa, 50% cndh, 23%oea (oas), 21% sre, and 13% fmi (imf) Leaders have more knowledge onthe subject: 94% identied OEA, 76%omc (wto), 61% ocde (oecd), 41% APEC and 26%, celac The averageawareness o countries (744%) is greater than that o organizations (593%) and international leaders (556%)

Knowledge gaps regarding the Mexican Foreign Ministry suggest social communication problems: Most peopleknow the name o their governor (73%) and o the President o the United States (71%), but only a th correctlyidentiy the acronym sre and even less know the name o the Foreign Minister (5%), and that Mexico chaired theG-20 at the moment the survey was carried out (8%)


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S U M M A R Y O F 2 0 1 2- 2 0 1 3 T R E N D S A N D R E S U L T S

Nationalism and Identity

The Mexican Nation is still the primary political community o identication and belonging: 64% o the publicand 82% o the leaders identied primarily as Mexicans, beore identiying locally (34 and 14%, respectively) For39% o the population, national and sub-national identities arent exclusive, given that they identiy nationally,as Mexican, and equally identiy locally, as rom their state

There is a high commitment to Mexican nationality: 52% o the population and 37% o leaders say that i theywerent Mexican, they wouldnt like any other nationality American is the alternate identity most chosen by thepublic (14%), whereas the leaders chose Canadian more than any other nationality (9%)

Mexicans consider themselves and their country as part o Latin America: the public (50%) and leaders (51%)essentially identiy themselves as Latin American The second most important identity is Cosmopolitan (27%o the public, 38% o leaders) There remains a low identication with both immediate geographic areas: North

America (8% o the public, 7% o leaders) and Central America (7% and 2%, respectively) Those surveyed con-sider Mexico to be a more Latin American country than North American (48% o the public and 50% o leaders)

A strong sense o national pride and high esteem o the importance and international reputation o Mexico wasrearmed: large majorities o the public (85%) and leaders (86%) are very proud to be Mexican; both share theopinion that Mexico is very important on an international level (56% o the public, 46% o leaders), that it is morerelevant today than a decade ago (65% o both groups) and that its image in the world is very or somewhat good(68% o the public, 57% o leaders)

There exists cultural openness and receptivity to ideas and customs rom abroad, but stubbornness when itcomes to granting political rights to oreign nationals: 50% o the population and 92% o leaders consider thespread o ideas and customs rom other countries in Mexico as a good thing However, only a minority agreedthat naturalized oreigners should be eligible to run or oce as Senators or Congressman (20% o the public,52% o the leaders) or President (13 and 29%, respectively)

Individual pragmatism limits adherence to national sovereignty:60% o Mexicans avor orming a single countrywith the United States i it means an increase in their quality o lie This pattern is repeated on a smaller scalewhen the hypothetical union is proposed with Central America (56% in avor)

The public mainly associates nationalism with patriotic aspects, pride and national reputation, rather thancivic actions or chauvinistic attitudes: For the public, being nationalist means, above all, respecting patrioticsymbols (an average o 67 on a scale o 1 to 7, with 7 being a very important action in order to be nationalist and1 as not important), deend the country in the case o war (62) and supporting the national soccer team (56)

Leaders, on the other hand, associate nationalism with paying taxes (66), deending the country in the case owar (65) and respecting patriotic symbols (61) The action least associated with nationalism is opposing theUnited States (41 or the public, 28 or leaders)

Perception of Security and the World

Despite public pessimism about the global situation, there is a growing conviction that the best thing or theuture o the country is to play an active international role: 68% o the public believe that the world is worse


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today than a decade ago, and 49% believe it will be worse in 10 years However, large majorities (72% o thepublic and 95% o leaders) believe that the best thing or the uture o Mexico is to actively participate in globalaairs, an increase o 16 percentage points rom 2006 Investing resources to support such participation elicitsless support: 39% o the public and 31% o leaders believe that Mexico should increase the number o Embassiesand Consulates abroad

The perception remains that the greatest international threats are those that directly aect the security andwell-being o people:drug tracking and organized crime continue, since 2004, to be the greatest concern o thepublic (82%) and leaders (91%), ollowed by global warming (80% o the public, 82% o leaders), and the scarcityand high cost o ood (79% o the public, 78% o leaders) The threats that are viewed with intermediate sever-ity are terrorism, nuclear weapons, military spending, border conficts, human rights violations and inequalityamong rich countries and poor countries The majority dont perceive either undocumented immigration (47%o the public, 36% o leaders), or the rise o China as a global power (37 and 17%, respectively) as grave threats

Mexicans are not in avor o the legalization o drugs, but they do preer prevention and rehabilitation to mili-tary actions in the ght against drug tracking: on a scale o 1 to 7, with 1 being not eective at all and 7 beingvery eective, the public and leaders agree that the most eective actions against drug tracking and organizedcrime are treating addicts (61 in both groups) and drug-use prevention campaigns (59 or the public, 62 orleaders) The least eective option or the public is legalizing drug consumption (30), and or the leaders, permit-ting American troops on Mexican territory (21)

Multilateralism and Foreign Policy

Foreign policy should ocus on bettering the image o Mexico, improving the saety and well-being o the popu-lation and promoting economic development: The most important oreign policy objectives or the Mexicanpublic are promoting Mexican culture (77%), ghting drug tracking and organized crime (75%), protectingthe environment (75%), attracting tourists (73%), increasing exports (73%) and protecting Mexicans who liveabroad (70%) The least important objectives are promoting regional integration (50%), strengthening the un(46%), helping spread democracy to other countries (43%) and strengthening the oas (37%) Among leaders, themost important challenges are protecting the environment (91%), ghting drug tracking and organized crime(90%) and protecting the interests o Mexicans abroad (90%)

There is a marked preerence or the use o sot power instruments to infuence: The vast majority o the publicis strongly or somewhat in avor o using cultural (90%), trade (89%), and diplomatic (76%) resources to increasethe international infuence o Mexico Leaders agree categorically with the three (98% or trade and culturalresources, 97% or diplomatic resources) On the other hand, support or military resources as an instrument ooreign policy is much lower among the public (54%) and almost non-existent among leaders (15%) For both

groups, commercial instruments are the most important (46% o the public, 42% o leaders)

The evaluation o oreign policy improves, surpassing approval o other public policies. One out o every twoMexicans and 65% o leaders (an increase o 9 points rom 2010) evaluate government perormance in oreignaairs as very or somewhat avorable, putting it in second place behind approval or economic policy (54% othe public, 67% o leaders) The protection o Mexicans abroad is third best evaluated area o public policy by thepublic (50%) and leaders (59%)


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Public opinion supports the participation o Mexico in un Peacekeeping Operations, provided they are hu-manitarian in nature and in areas with proven experience: 58% o the public and 52% o leaders support theparticipation o Mexico in pko in general However, while 46% o the public reject sending Mexican militarypeacekeepers to confict zones, large majorities (89% o the public, 95% o leaders) are strongly or somewhat inavor o sending military personnel to other countries to help in natural disaster response

The strong multilateral commitment o leaders contrasts with the low willingness o the public to accept thedecisions and jurisdiction o multilateral organizations: leaders are convinced multlilateralists, with 67% inavor o Mexico abiding byun decisions even i they dont approve o them 78% believe that international courtscan judge Mexican citizens 79% accept the decisions o thewto even though they arent avorable 966% onaverage think that trade agreements should orce countries to comply with environmental, labor and humanrights standards 73% are in avor o Mexico respecting the commitments undertaken at the last G-20 reunion,and 76% are in avor o strengthening the regulatory capacities o the G-20 Financial Stability Board In contrast,45% o the public are against Mexico abiding by un decisions that they don t agree with, 10 percentage points

lower than in 2008 The issue o international court jurisdiction divides public opinion: 45% are in avor, and41% against, international courts trying a Mexican accused o crimes against humanity, even though supportincreases to 52% i the accused is a politician or public ocial

The un is the best known, most reliable and best evaluated international organization, but it isnt a oreign policypriority:Average knowledge o the un is high (84%), the majority o the people (53%) and leaders (81%) stronglyor somewhat trust the institution, and it is the mostly highly evaluated organization (72 points by the public, 76by leaders) The most poorly evaluated organization by both groups isalba (53) In spite o this, strengtheningthe un is priority number 14 or the public, and 12 or leaders, on a list o 16 oreign policy objectives

International Economy

Strong support or economic liberalization, except or in the oil sector: 42% o the public believes economicglobalization to be generally good or Mexico 77% believe that oreign investment strongly or somewhat benetsthe country 72% consider ree trade to be good or the economies o developed countries, 64% or the Mexicaneconomy, 59% or their own standard o living, 52% or Mexican armers, and 51% or the environment Thebastion o economic nationalism continues to be energy, in particular oil: 47% are against allowing oreign invest-ment in the electricity sector, and 65% against oreign investment in the oil sector

For leaders, economic liberalization is a central component o economic development:74% believe globalization,as well as oreign investment, is generally good or Mexico (90%) The majority think that ree trade benets theeconomies o developed countries (89%), their personal standard o living (77%), the Mexican economy (73%),the environment (51%) and Mexican armers (47%) The countrys elite widely accept oreign investment in tele-

communications (80%), media (76%), electricity (67%) and oil (59%)

Leaders positively evaluate ree trade agreements, and support signing new trade agreements with thebricsandentering the tpp: 76% o leaders consider nafta to have been very or somewhat benecial to the country 68%believe the same about ftaeu-mx and 58% about the FTA with Japan Furthermore, 87% avor Mexico signingree trade agreements with Brazil, India (76%), China (69%), South Arica (66%), and Russia (65%) Eight out oevery 10 leaders somewhat or strongly agree with Mexico entering the Trans-Pacic Partnership


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Migration

Even though the percentage o Mexicans with relatives outside o the country stayed the same, the numbero homes with close amily members abroad, and those that receive remittances, increased: One o every twoMexicans has amily abroad, and a third o those are amily members who lived in their home, 11 points higherthan in 2010 Furthermore, 20% o the homes reported receiving remittances, an increase o 8 points rom 2010

Even though emigration is viewed negatively, the percentage o people who would leave to live in another country,i they could, increased: 51% o the public believe that emigration is bad or Mexico, 47% believe it is bad or com-munities, cities, and towns o origin, and 44% believe it is bad or the amilies o the emigrants In comparison,47% believe that the emigration o Mexicans is benecial or the countries that receive them However, the desireto emigrate increased rom 37% in 2010 to 42%, with the principal destinations being the United States (59%)and Canada (9%)

In general, public opinion o immigration is good, but negative evaluations o the social contributions o im-migrants slightly increased: 61% o the public express a generally avorable opinion towards oreigners living inthe country Likewise, 74% strongly or somewhat agree that they contribute to the Mexican economy, and 7 outo 10 believe they bring innovative ideas However, 51% agree that they weaken customs and traditions, 49% thatthey take jobs rom Mexicans and 41% that they generate insecurity

There is a preerence or oreigners rom certain countries and with certain characteristics: The Americans(55%), the Chinese (53%) and the Spanish (51%) are among the oreigners most avored by the public Argenti-neans (42%), Colombians (38%) and Guatemalans (35%) have lower approval ratings Furthermore, 85% believethat oreigners who come to Mexico should have a proession or trade that the country needs, and 65% say theyshould be highly skilled Only 2 out o every 5 avor allowing poorly skilled immigrants to enter

Mexicans continue to be willing to grant immigrants the same rights they demand or their compatriots abroad:A large majority believes that Mexicans who live abroad have a right to public education (94%), to a job underthe same conditions as a citizen o that country (92%), to bring their amily to live with them (84%) and to votein the country where they live (74%) Moreover, they are willing to grant the same rights to oreigners residing inMexico, but with less intensity (91, 84, 84 y 61%, respectively)

Temporary work programs are the preerred public policy option when dealing with immigration or emigra-tion: 78% o the public and 82% o leaders agree that the government o Mexico should adopt temporary workprograms as a response to undocumented immigration In contrast, 70% o the public and 89% o the elite rejectbuilding walls along the border Regarding emigration, the preerred options o the public are the negotiation oa temporary worker program with United States (30%) and the legalization o undocumented Mexicans living in

the country (29%), while leaders preer that the Mexican government invest in creating employment in areas ohigh emigration (46%)

Neighbors

The proximity to and relationship with the United States and Guatemala are perceived as important, in goodcondition and more o an advantage than a problem: The public (74%) and leaders (97%) value the relationship


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with the United States as very or somewhat important or Mexico Furthermore, they consider the bilateral rela-tionship to be good or very good (60% o the public, 68% o leaders), and that proximity with the US representsmore advantages than problems (57% o the public, 71% o leaders) The relationship with Guatemala is also valuedas very or somewhat important, though less so by the public (50%) than by leaders (90%) Both groups considerthe relationship with our southern neighbor to be good or very good (49% public, 57% leaders), and they sharethe same positive perception that the proximity with Central America is more advantageous than problematic(47% o the public, 65% o leaders), though to less o a degree than with the United States

The agendas and priorities are dierent with each neighbor: the public and leaders agree that trade and invest-ment is the most important issue in the relationship with the United States (45 and 54%, respectively), ollowed bydrug tracking and organized crime or the public (18%) and migration or the elite (20%) While with Guatemalathe most important aspect o the relationship or the public is also trade and investment (31%), leaders prioritizemigration (31%) Both place border security (27% o the public and 28% o leaders) as the second most importantissue

There are dierences o opinion about Americans and Guatemalans, as well as gaps in knowledge and evalu-ation o the Presidents o the United States and Guatemala: 55% o the public maintain a good or very goodopinion o Americans that live in Mexico, while 20% have a bad or very bad opinion This result contrasts withthe less positive view o Guatemalans (35% good or very good and 31% bad or very bad) There is an enormousrecognition gap between President Barack Obama (80% on average) and Otto Perez (only 18%) The evaluationo Obama on behal o the public (64 approval rate) and leaders (72) is greater than that o Perez Molina (49 and57, respectively)

Most accept U.S. cooperation in the ght against drug tracking and organized crime even i it involves cer-tain conditions: 47% o the public and 68% o leaders are in avor o the United States providing nancial aid toMexico to combat drug tracking and organized crime 65% o the public would continue to accept US help

even i they oversee management o resources, and 46% rmly hold the same position even i it involves sendingUS agents to operate in Mexico Leaders agree that cooperation could involve the US controlling unds (76%),but they reject the presence o agents in Mexico (62%)

North American Relations

Mexicans have a good opinion o the United States, and the countrys image has notably improved: The UnitedStates is better evaluated out o a list o 23 countries, with 71 approval points by the public, almost 9 points morethan in 2008 Leaders evaluated other countries more highly: Canada and Germany (both with 79 points), Japan(77) and Brazil (74), with the United States in th place (71) Between 2004 and 2012, there was a constant increasein positive eelings o trust and admiration towards the United States, 20 and 15 percentage points, respectively

Two out o every 5 Mexicans and 54% o leaders reported having eelings o trust, and 44% o the population and59% o the elite elt admiration or the US

The United States is considered to be the best development model or Mexico, with North America being botha regional priority and a priority or economic integration: 40% o Mexicans identiy the United States as thecountry that best serves as a development model or Mexico, an armation accepted by only 13% o leaders,who choose Brazil and Germany instead (31% each) 35% o the public believes that the most important regionor Mexico is North America versus 29% that lean towards Latin America For leaders, Latin America is the top


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regional priority (32%), ollowed by North America and Asia (26% each) A third o both the public and leadersagree that integration with North America is an economic priority o Mexico, but more leaders preer integrationwith Latin America (36%), which the public places in second place (28%)

The good image o the United States does not translate into a clear willingness to take joint decisions with thecountry, but it does lead to a desire or preerential treatment: 54% o the population and 49% o leaders donot agree with Mexico making joint decisions with the United States i that implies accepting compromises theydont like However, 46% o the public and 55% o leaders preer a special relationship with the United States toworking with Canada to advance their joint interests opposite the Americans A similar pattern can be oundwith Latin America: 45% o the public and 51% o leaders preer a special relationship rather than Latin Americanconsultation as a counterweight

Mexicans positively value some American policies, but condemn their actions towards Cuba: on a scale o 1 to7, with 1 being very negative and 7 very positive, those surveyed avorably evaluated American policy promot-

ing ree trade, placing it rst (with an average o 51 or the public and 47 or leaders), ollowed by their policytowards Mexico (51 and 43) and the ght against terrorism (51 and 40) However, they disapprove o theirpolicies towards Cuba (38 and 23)

Latin American Relations

Brazil is the most highly rated Latin American country, and it is perceived by leaders as a successul develop-ment model: Brazil is the third best rated country by the public (with an average approval o 64 points) and the4th among leaders (74 points) Furthermore, together with Germany, Brazil is considered as the best developmentmodel or Mexico by leaders (31%)

Hugo Chavez and Raul Castro are the lowest rated heads o state; Benedictxviand Barack Obama, the highest:Out o a list o 10 international personalities, the worst rating was given to the late Hugo Chavez (39 points inboth groups) and Raul Castro (37 by the public, 44 by leaders) Pope Emeritus Benedict xvi (68) and PresidentObama (64) are the highest rated by the public, coming ahead o even ormer President Calderon (63) Leadersevaluated Obama (72), Dilma Rousse (69), Ban Ki-moon (68) and Benedict xvi (61) most highly, with Calderon(59) in th place

Mexican leaders look to the South and the public to the North: a relative majority o leaders (32%) chose LatinAmerica as the region to which Mexico should pay the most attention, and 36% think Mexico should prioritizegreater economic integration with the region In contrast, the public thinks North America should be the priorityamong regions (35%), and that Mexico should push or greater economic integration with the same (32%)

The elite see Mexico as a regional leader; the public see it as one among equals: support among the elite grewin avor o Mexico seeking to be the leader o Latin America (52%), even though 45% lean towards regional par-ticipation without ambitions o leadership 71% agree that Mexico should allocate resources or the developmento Central America, six points higher than in 2008 The public, on the other hand, preers active participationwithout leadership (44%) to seeking regional leadership (38%), and they are divided with respect to Mexicancooperation in Central American development (49% in avor, 48% opposed)


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Latin America is viewed with optimism, and it is estimated that relations with the region have improved: 40%o the public and 73% o leaders believe Latin America is better than it was 10 years ago Both agree that the re-lationship with the region has improved in the last decade (53% o the public, 60% o leaders)

The Latin American integration agenda is about economics and inrastructure; it is not political or social: thepublic strongly or somewhat supports promoting an integration agenda primarily based on the construction oroads and bridges (79%), ree fow o investments (77%) and ree trade o goods and services (75%) The elitesecond this agenda with a greater intensity (94, 90 and 91% respectively) The least supported options are thecreation o a common currency (48% are strongly or somewhat in avor), the ormation o a Latin American army(45%) and the ree fow o people (45%) Among leaders, the movement o people (51%), a common currency(33%) and a Latin American army (20%) were also the least supported options

Asia

Asia enjoyed a substantial increase in the preerences o leaders:Asia rose 10 percentage points as the region towhich leaders believed Mexico should pay the most attention (26%) A similar percentage chose North America,

and Europe ell in ratings (only 10% name it as a priority)

Asia is seen by Mexicans as a region o opportunity or the country, but not as a priority: 47% o the public and79% o leaders believe that the region is an opportunity or Mexico against 27% and 15%, respectively, that seeit as a r isk However, only 4% o the public believe that Asia should be a regional priority or Mexico

The economic rise o China and its infuence in the world and in Mexico are positively appraised:46% o peopleand 3 out o every 5 leaders rated Chinas growth as good or the world Furthermore 49% o the public and 35%o the elite believe that the infuence o China on Mexico is positive, while a minority o the public (19%) andleaders (22%) see it negatively

Relations with Europe

Europe loses priority or Mexico: 9% o the public and 10% o leaders chose Europe as the region o the worldto which Mexico should most pay attention, a ar third place behind North America (35%) and Latin America(29%) among the public Leaders rate it ourth place, 16 points below Asia

European countries have a very positive image in Mexico: the public holds a very high opinion o Germany (64points and third place in preerence) and Spain (62 points and sixth place) The highest rated country by leaderswas Germany (79) They placed Spain in ninth place with 64 points

German investment is preerred, while Spanish investment is not: or Mexican leaders, German investors aremore trustworthy (24%), ollowed by those rom Canada (16%), the United States and Japan (15%), Lebanon (6%),

Spain and Brazil (5%), and, lastly, China (2%)


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INTRODUCTION

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For Mexico, 2012 was an eminently political year, marked by the return o the Institutional Revolutionary Party

(pri) to the Presidency ater 12 years o governance by the National Action Party (pan) The intense electoral

calendar set the rhythm or the national political context and a new redistribution o power in the country

Although public attention ocused on ederal elections or the Presidency and the complete renewal o the Senate and

Congress, at the local level elections were held to elect 6 governors, the Head o Government o the Federal District,

and 875 municipal authorities in 14 states It was a highly competitive electoral process which, while not reaching

the level o political polarization and disqualication o results seen in 2006, saw the candidates, political parties

and campaigns quickly overwhelmed by the emergence o citizen movements in social networks that questioned

the low quality o Mexican democracy, insucient and uneven economic growth and the persistence o wide socialinequalities

The election results showed the absence o broad electoral majorities and the deep ideological plurality which

characterizes Mexican society at the beginning o the second decade o the 21st century At the ederal level, the na-

tional political map moved rom the right towards the center and center let o the spectrum with a drop in electoral

preerences or the PAN and the growth o both the pri and the Democratic Revolutionary Party (prd) The candidate

or the pri, Enrique Pena Nieto, won the Presidency with 382% o the votes, 66 percentage points ahead o his

closest competitor, the candidate or the letist coalition, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, and 122 points ahead o

the candidate or the pan, Josena Vazquez Mota Despite the triumph o the Institutional Revolutionary Party in

the presidential election, their position o relative majority in the Chamber o Deputies and the Senate, and their

consolidation as a main local political orce, having obtained 54% o municipal posts up or election or the sixth

time since 1997, the party endorsed the ormation o a Government without a legislative majority The most telling

sign o the growing plurality and political diversity in 2012 was the emergence o the student movement Yo soy

132, which used social networks to denounce the enormous political infuence o the so-called powers that be,

especially the two largest television networks

Overall, the campaigns and the candidates paid little attention to the international agenda, and, unlike the

Presidential elections o 2006, when Lopez Obrador was accused o receiving oreign support rom then President

o Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, this time no oreign policy issues emerged as sources o political controversy or tools

towards electoral ends Nor were there major programmatic dierences between the oreign policy platorms o the


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I N T R O D U C T I O N

dierent parties, even though the prd and the pri criticized the diplomacy o the governing pan, primarily or its

low prole and scarce results and secondly or its lack o independence rom the United States Likewise, both

groups emphasized the loss o international presence by Mexico and the deterioration o the image o the country

abroad as a result o the insecurity at home

In addition to the elections, the public security issues remained one o the principal axes o concern and attention

or citizens and the media In spite o ocial numbers rom the ederal government, state governments independent

o their political aliation, and several international organizations showing that the escalation o violence had begun

to all ater several years on the rise, media coverage o criminal acts across the country continued to be status quo,

along with demands rom various sectors and social movements against impunity and in avor o recognizing the

rights o victims Thereore, it came as no surprise that a large part o the political-electoral debate o 2012 revolved

around the need to revisit the security strategy undertaken during the six years President Felipe Calderon governed

In regards to the national economic context, in 2012, Mexico maintained stable macroeconomic conditions

oreign reserves reached historic levels, showing signs o resilience against an adverse external environment

Throughout the year, a high level o uncertainty and global turbulence prevailed as a result o worsening sovereign

debt problems in the euro zone, a strong European recession, economic slowdown in the United States and the loss odynamism in emerging markets Although global economic activity showed a slower pace o growth in 2012 (31%)

than in previous years (38% in 2011 and 51% in 2010), the Mexican economy continued its same positive trajectory

o moderate growth (39%) as the year beore According to data rom the World Bank and the National Institute or

Statistics and Geography (inegi), conditions o low infation and moderate growth allowed or the creation o jobs in

the ormal sector, but with low and precarious wage ranges The inormal sector, in turn, continued to grow On this

point, the results o the survey Mexico, the Americas and the World show that, even with this hard data, around hal

o the population had a pessimistic reading o the evolution o the economic situation o the country in the last year

In the eld o international relations in Mexico, two events stand out that were the subject o extensive national

media coverage The rst was the ocial visit o then Pope Benedictxvi to Mexico rom the 23rd to the 25th o March

The second was the celebration o the Seventh G-20 Leaders Summit in Los Cabos, a ew weeks beore ederal elec-

tions on July 1, 2012 It was a dialogue that transcended strictly governmental issues, in which parallel channels ointeraction were opened between businessmen (Business 20), academia (Think 20), civil society (Civil 20), the labor

sector (Labor 20) and young people (Youth 20) On this occasion, Mexico proposed a broad agenda that transcended

the limits o technical discussion on possible reorms to the international nancial system and covered environmental

issues, trade protectionism and energy, among other things There were other matters o a commercial nature such

as the negotiations or the ratication o a ree trade agreement with Peru, which, although they were the subject o

minor public interest rom mass media, had a certain impact on business and production sectors due to the open

opposition o some groups rom the private sector The same can be said o the ailure in negotiations o an eventual

ree trade agreement with Brazil, and the subsequent dierences that resulted rom the reversal o terms o a ree trade

agreement between the two in the automotive sector that, urthermore, gave way to a similar dispute with Argentina

On the international level, several events may have had some impact on the perceptions and attitudes collected

by the survey Mexico, the Americas and the World First o all, the Olympics took place in London, and Mexico wonthe gold medal in soccer ater winning the nal against Brazil Secondly, Hugo Chavezs illness and the presidential

elections in Venezuela also received some attention rom the national media Third, the problems o criminal violence

south o the Mexican border, and the fow o Central American migrants who cross Mexico in search o the American

dream, were also o national media interest

Finally, in 2012 the Mexican electoral calendar coincided with presidential and legislative elections in the United

States During the rst hal o the year, primary elections were held, marked by an atmosphere o polarization and

political tension Migration was a subject o electoral debate, generating wide media coverage in Mexico The Repub-


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lican Party openly campaigned in avor o the principal demands o its most conservative actions, demands such

as increased border control and stricter visa requirements, deportation o undocumented immigrants, denial o

health and education services to oreigners with no immigration papers and sanctions or those who employed them

Anti-immigration voices and movements also placed emphasis on the problem o criminal violence along the border

with Mexico Thus, the US Presidential Elections helped expose the Achilles heel o Mexicos international image:

insecurity The electoral outcome in United States with the re-election o President Barack Obama, thanks, in part,

to people o Hispanic origin, would end up nally paving the way or possible immigration reorm in the country

This report o the results o the th edition o the survey Mexico, the Americas and the World sounds out the

social imaginary in the ace o the greatest problems o the global agenda in light o the changing national and inter-

national circumstances described This is a particularly interesting moment to study the link between the domestic

and oreign politics o a country, due to the context o the end o a six-year administration and the beginning o a

new government coinciding with a change o party in the Presidency This report does not claim to be exhaustive,

but rather draw attention to some key aspects o the relationship o Mexico with the world It is organized into

eight thematic chapters: Interest in and Contact with the World, Identity and Nationalism in Mxico, International

Threats and National Security, Opinions and Attitudes Towards Countries and Regions, Foreign Policy Instruments

and Objectives, Multilateralism, International Economy, and, lastly, The Multiple Faces o Migration It closes with

a section o conclusions that highlights patterns o continuity and change in the international political culture o

Mexicans rom 2004 to 2012 We hope that the inormation contained here is useul or teachers, researchers, stu-

dents, government ocials and diplomats, as well as the public in general, interested in international relations and

the oreign policy o Mexico


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CHAPTER 1

Interest in and Contact with the World

Interest in the International

How much attention do Mexicans give inter-

national issues compared to their interest in

political, social and economic matters on the

national agenda? Are citizens more interested in internal

problems than what happens outside o the country?

Is interest in the global reality similar throughout the

country, or are there gaps between regions and distinct

segments o Mexican society? These questions are even

more important in the context o political transition inMexico, or both academic and public policy reasons

2012 was a year in which Presidential and Congres-

sional electoral campaigns resulted in an open discussion

o issues o interest to the public The role o international

relations in the campaigns was small and sporadic, given

that oreign aairs was neither the subject o controversy

nor a pivotal issue in the national political debate This is

a particularly appropriate moment to investigate to what

extent the publics attention is centered on domestic is-

sues in an electoral period, overshadowing their interest

in international aairs Likewise, rom a public policypoint o view, the new administration aces the challenge

o assessing how volatile or stable the agenda o public

interest in international issues is, especially when the

moment arrives to dene the oreign policy agenda and

reach agreements This requires researching whether

or not global problems are on citizens radar o interest

The results o the survey shed light on these questions

and conrm three ndings o previous surveys First o

all, they show that no gap in citizen interest in national

events and international events exists, nor is there a gen-

eral inclination among the public that would lead them

to give priority to national issues over international ones

Secondly, it is possible to distinguish the existence o

both an interested and a disinterested public in Mexicansociety, and this dierence refects social and economic

gaps that are primarily related to income and education

levels and, to a lesser extent, to other variables such as

place o residence and gender Finally, there is a high level

o stability in the level o citizen interest in public aairs

and the thematic distribution o their interest

As Figure 1.1 shows,1 the general public and leaders

report very similar levels o interest in both domestic

and international issues When asked the direct ques-

tion How interested are you in news? regarding vari-

ous issues, 59% o the public said that they are very orsomewhat interested in news about the social and politi-

cal conditions o the country, 56% show interest in the

Mexicos relations with other countries and 51% in news

1 The question whose results are reported in this graph is the ollowing: When you ollow the news, how interested are you in newsabout: nance and economics, Mexicos relations with other countries, and social and political conditions in Mexico? The order o thetopics they were asked about changed throughout the survey to avoid order bias


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C H A P T E R 1 I N T E R E S T I N A N D C O N T A C T W I T H T H E W O R L D

about nance and economics The same pattern is seen

with leaders, albeit with markedly higher levels o inter-

est, with a dierence o around 40 percentage points, on

all issues: 98% o leaders are interested in the national

political and social conditions, 95% in Mexicos relations

with other countries and 91% in the economy

In addition to the interest gap between the general

population and their leaders, the data also reveals di-

erences marked by education level and income Among

Mexicans with a college education, the average general

interest in the three issues they were asked about was 21points higher than that o those who only had an elemen-

tary school education In regards to the socio-economic

level o the respondents, the interest in news about eco-

nomic, political and international issues in the highest

income group is ten percentage points higher than that

among those with lower incomes

It should be noted that no variations were observed

in how much attention Mexicans pay to national and

international issues on the public agenda, nor were there

signicant changes in how that attention was distributed

among thematic areas Interest in national, international

and economic political news has remained virtually stable

since 2010 Over the past two years, public interest in is-

sues o national politics went rom 54% to 59%, remained

at 56% or international politics and went rom 46 to 51%or economic issues, insignicant changes, considering

the margin o error2 This data timidly points to a slight

upward trend rom 2008 to 2012 in the proportion o

Mexicans interested in all topics

The percentages of those who responded Do not follow the news, Dont know and No answer are not included.

Social and political in Mexico

Mexico s relations with other countries

Finance and economics

Public

Leaders

Public

Leaders

Public

Leaders

Not at all A little Somewhat Very

13

13

15

8 23 68

31 28 23

50 14 81

29 31 25

25 29 30 =59

=98

=95

=51

=91

=56

94421

1

Figure 1.1. Interest in the News

When you follow the news, how interested are you in news about?(%)

2 In this th wave, the margin o error was +-2 or the general public and +- 44 among the leaders


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M E X I C O , T H E A M E R I C A S , A N D T H E W O R L D 2 0 1 2 -2 0 1 3

Finally, with respect to the general level o interest in

international aairs,3 the survey shows that the unin-

terested segments o the population are in the majority(53% reported having little or no interest) compared to

interested circles (46% are very or somewhat interested)

Thereore, it is possible to speak o an average level o

international interest among the Mexican public In con-

trast, the large majority o leaders are highly interested

in global problems: 93% o the elite surveyed said they

were very (68%) or somewhat (25%) interested in the

issues mentioned

When interest in international aairs is captured in

general terms, social gaps due to education and income

levels are more evident than when asking about interest

in the news by issue: the better educated and those with

higher income are markedly more interested in what

happens in the world than those who have lower levels

o education and income, with a dierence o 26 and 12

percentage points, respectively Furthermore, regional

dierences abound (48% o those who live in the Center

o the country showed interest, 45% o those in the North

and 40% o those in the South), and dierences among

genders as well (50% o men are interested in international

issues compared to 43% o women) that are much less

noticeable in the answers to the question about ollowing

news based on issues

Level, Channel and Type of Contact with the World

Given that the average Mexican is moderately interested

in international issues and holds no clear particular

preerence or national events over international events,

one must ask exactly how in touch he or she is with the

outside world and what their principal channels or stay-

ing inormed and connected with what happens outside

o the country are It is likely that dierences in attentionto and interest in international aairs that exists among

the public and leaders are related to the degree o expo-

sure and contact that people have with the international

reality In order to gather inormation on the subject, the

survey includes a set o questions about direct contact

(trips and residencies abroad) and indirect contact (am-

ily abroad, relationship with oreigners in Mexico, use ocellular phone, use o internet and knowledge o oreign

languages)

A rst nding that emerges rom analysis o the survey

data is that direct avenues o contact with the exterior

carry less weight than indirect mechanisms such as amily

and social networks As Figure 1.2 shows, only a minority

o Mexicans have ever let the country: one out o every 5

Mexicans report having traveled abroad at least once in

their lie The average amount o trips abroad in a lietime

among the national adult population is 218 The gap in

contact with the exterior between the general public and

leaders is huge: 61% o leaders reported having traveled

abroad more than 10 times, and the average amount o

trips in a lietime or the group was 416, almost 20 times

higher than the national average

Similarly, important regional dierences are observed

in the level o contact with the exterior While a third o

Mexicans that live in the North and 24% o those that

live in the Center o the country have traveled outside o

Mexico at least once in their lie, the lowest level o contact

abroad can be ound in the South, with only 14% o the

population having experienced international travel Its

important to note that between 2004 and 2012, a generaldownward trend in international travel was seen that

shows up or both leaders and the general public in all

regions o the country The only group to show an increase

is the percentage o leaders that report having traveled

abroad between one and ten times in their lives

Another measurement o the level o contact and

exposure to the outside world is the experience o hav-

ing lived abroad When this variable is measured, it is

ound that, even though the amount o trips abroad are

relatively low, a signicant proportion o those who leave

the country report having lived abroad Thereore, a largepart o the international mobility o Mexicans is not o a

transitory nature, nor can it be explained by short outings

or tourism or vacations, but rather involves relatively

longer time spent abroad

3 The direct question was the ollowing: And, in general, how much are you interested in international aa irs?


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C H A P T E R 1 I N T E R E S T I N A N D C O N T A C T W I T H T H E W O R L D

Figure 1.3 illustrates this nding with precision 50%

o the population that reported taking trips abroad have

lived outside o the country, whereas 49% have not The

United States is by ar the main destination o Mexicans

who have lived abroad at some point in their lie (88%)

This signicant data reveals that hal o the Mexicans that

have had direct contact with the outside world have been

exposed or relatively long periods to other social and

cultural contexts, particularly the American way o lie

As or the motivation to leave and live abroad, work(65%) and amily (27%) predominate over other actors

Schooling comes in third place (9%), escaping insecu-

rity in ourth (3%), and, nally, natural disasters (2%) It

should be noted that despite the escalation o criminal

violence aecting many regions o the country in recent

years, insecurity has not been an important reason to

leave Mexico Only 1% o leaders mentioned having let

Mexico because o insecurity

In regards to the multiple indirect channels through

which Mexicans connect to the outside world, the survey

reveals that they are even more important than the above

direct channels The principal routes linking Mexicans

with the outside world are the amily networks that

result rom migration Nearly hal o the public (49%)

has relatives living outside o the country, 34% have a

close amily member in said situation, and a th receiveremittances rom abroad While this data is discussed

in detail in Chapter 8 o this report, it greatly reveals the

importance o amily and social networks as a means o

contact with the outside

Documents

Mexico, the Americas, and the World 2012-2013