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MEGACOMMUNITIES: AFRICANS IN THE DIASPORA ARE THE FOURTH WHEEL Transitions are all the rage, what with terms such as ‘transitioning economies”, ‘transitioning democracies”, “emerging economies”, so on and so forth. Scholars of all things political have determined that a transition does not always result in a movement from a negative or undesirable state to a positive or desirable one. Countries have been known to slip back into less liberal forms of democracy after starting a most painful transition. The question then becomes how to have a transition that is continuously progressing in the right direction, and sustainable. To this end, the authors of the book “Megacommunities” i have proposed the creation of loosely fitted organisms that would combine their resources to address the issues faced. The components would be drawn from existing structures, namely government, private enterprise and NGOs. However in the case of Africa, there is a component that has to be included due to its size demographically but also due to the significant resources it represents. This is the Diaspora ii community. When taken from this perspective, it makes perfect sense to go beyond the oft expressed opinion that members of the Diaspora need to return home if they want to see their countries change and develop. In their book “Megacommunities” Gerencser et al argue that there are three main components of a megacommunity: government, private enterprise and NGOs. I argue that in the case of Africa there exists a fourth which is the Diaspora. This argument can be seen as validated by the African Union (AU) which included the Diaspora as the 6 th constituency in 2012, stating in its “Declaration of the Global African Diaspora Summit” (May 25 th 2015) that “In the area of political cooperation, we commit to the following: … (e) Take necessary measures to promote and create effective synergies between national and continental Diaspora programmes; (g) Encourage and intensify the participation of the African Diaspora in conflict prevention, management and resolution as well as post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation and disaster mitigation in Africa and the Diaspora regions” (Diaspora/Assembly/AU/Decl (I) p4). International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) such as the AU have recognized for some time that the African Diaspora is a vital and untapped resource. Admittedly this came about due to donor fatigue as a result of more than 50 years of aid and still no sign of the improvements that this aid was meant to create. The Diaspora potential cannot be quantified because their expertise has yet to be monetized in the existing environment. Even so, the single measure of contribution that can be quantified shows great promise and has been projected to increase by 5% worldwide in 2015. What I am referring to is remittances. The figures alone are astounding and without delving too far into the dollars and cents, suffice it to say that these remittances represent more than individual transactions to assist families in need. The World Bank Group has estimated that these sums have exceeded official aid, and in some cases they have are more than double that amount. Just to give you a rough idea, in the case of Sub Saharan Africa (SSA) remittances in 2014 were expected to reach US$33 billion and in

Megacommunities and The African Diaspora

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Page 1: Megacommunities and The African Diaspora

MEGACOMMUNITIES: AFRICANS IN THE DIASPORA ARE THE FOURTH WHEEL

Transitions are all the rage, what with terms such as ‘transitioning economies”,

‘transitioning democracies”, “emerging economies”, so on and so forth. Scholars of all things

political have determined that a transition does not always result in a movement from a negative or

undesirable state to a positive or desirable one. Countries have been known to slip back into less

liberal forms of democracy after starting a most painful transition. The question then becomes how

to have a transition that is continuously progressing in the right direction, and sustainable. To this

end, the authors of the book “Megacommunities”i

have proposed the creation of loosely fitted

organisms that would combine their resources to address the issues faced. The components would

be drawn from existing structures, namely government, private enterprise and NGOs. However in

the case of Africa, there is a component that has to be included due to its size demographically but

also due to the significant resources it represents. This is the Diasporaii

community.

When taken from this perspective, it makes perfect sense to go beyond the oft expressed

opinion that members of the Diaspora need to return home if they want to see their countries

change and develop. In their book “Megacommunities” Gerencser et al argue that there are three

main components of a megacommunity: government, private enterprise and NGOs. I argue that in

the case of Africa there exists a fourth which is the Diaspora. This argument can be seen as

validated by the African Union (AU) which included the Diaspora as the 6th

constituency in 2012,

stating in its “Declaration of the Global African Diaspora Summit” (May 25th

2015) that

“In the area of political cooperation, we commit to the following: … (e) Take

necessary measures to promote and create effective synergies between national and

continental Diaspora programmes; (g) Encourage and intensify the participation of

the African Diaspora in conflict prevention, management and resolution as well as

post-conflict reconstruction and reconciliation and disaster mitigation in Africa and

the Diaspora regions” (Diaspora/Assembly/AU/Decl (I) p4).

International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs)

such as the AU have recognized for some time that the African Diaspora is a vital and untapped

resource. Admittedly this came about due to donor fatigue as a result of more than 50 years of aid

and still no sign of the improvements that this aid was meant to create. The Diaspora potential

cannot be quantified because their expertise has yet to be monetized in the existing environment.

Even so, the single measure of contribution that can be quantified shows great promise and has

been projected to increase by 5% worldwide in 2015. What I am referring to is remittances.

The figures alone are astounding and without delving too far into the dollars and cents,

suffice it to say that these remittances represent more than individual transactions to assist families

in need. The World Bank Group has estimated that these sums have exceeded official aid, and in

some cases they have are more than double that amount. Just to give you a rough idea, in the case

of Sub – Saharan Africa (SSA) remittances in 2014 were expected to reach US$33 billion and in

Page 2: Megacommunities and The African Diaspora

some cases would represent as much as 24% of GDP of an individual country. What is astounding

is how much in foreign currency reserves these remittances do represent: as high as 72% in the

case of Senegal. It can be argued that countries like Senegal would have a hard time meeting their

debt obligations without their Diaspora. Thus Diasporans has become an integral part of the

African economy, and are playing a significant role in stabilizing their home economies.

My argument is that while remittances can be measured and tracked, they should be

treated as an indicator of potential FDI. They serve as an indicator because these sums of money

are sent to specific recipients and have intended goals with an expected end point. They do not

represent the full capability of the Diaspora to fuel the economy and create lasting change.

According to the UNDP report on remittances, it has been proven that remittances have the ability

to reduce poverty and this has been proven through regression analysis. Even when it comes to

baseline data such as literacy rates or levels of education, remittances have been shown to

significantly impact these: “remittances have been associated with increased [individual] household

investments in education, health and entrepreneurship … children of remittance-receiving

households have a lower school drop-out ratio” as well as recorded higher birthweights which are

imperative if infant mortality is to be reducediii

.

What leaders of African countries have to recognize is that the Diaspora has great interests

in seeing their home countries prosper. And while the remittances provide proof of their on-going

link, they also serve as a reminder of the possibility of large sums of FDI. As it is, it is not possible

to state exactly how much money is remitted because there are some channels utilized which are

not traceable such as monetary exchanges and the physical transportation of cash across borders to

the intended recipient; much less to try and state what the projected FDI would be. In addition to

traceable remittances, there are numerous projects that Diasporans undertake for which data does

not exist, thus monetary values cannot be assigned. However, there is the example of India and

China whose economies have been transformed by their Diaspora populations and can provide us

with a picture of what is possible.

India’s 2013 GDP was reported at USD1.877 trillion and remittance inflows for the same

year were USD69.9 billion, approximately 3.7% of GDPiv

. However, when looking at India’s

economy one has to consider its IT services sector which makes up an amazing 56.9% of India’s

GDP. It is the largest sector with industry at 25.8% and agriculture at a mere 17.4%v

. This sector

was built almost solely by its Diaspora community which saw the opportunity and worked with the

government to create the right environment to make this industry what it is today. When one looks

at the 13-15% projected growth for this sector alone and what it represents in dollars for India, it is

clear that in order for African countries to attain the kind of economic growth that will decrease

poverty and aid in creating the requisite middle class, they have to engage their Diasporas.

In addition there are other financially immeasurable contributions that Diasporas make.

One of these is being ambassadors of their home countries, especially in this era of social media

where anyone with an inexpensive hand held device can be a journalist. There are entire

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communities on platforms like Twitter such as the group Kenyans on Twitter (KOT) who have

established themselves as guardians of their country’s reputation. For instance, in 2012 a hand

grenade exploded in an occupied building resulting in some deaths. A western journalist reported

the story as “Kenya Burning” which sensationalized an unfortunate event but the story was

withdrawn because of the storm that KOT created on Twitter demanding its withdrawal. This

example demonstrates that given if given the mandate, Africans in the Diaspora can alter the view

of the rest of the world regarding their home countries. That, however, will require a complete

embracing of those who left their homes in search of a better life for themselves and their families.

There are also projects that they undertake such as building schools, setting up medical

camps or constructing apartment buildings. These projects, while just a few examples of the many

undertaken, are an indication of the wide range of issues tackled. From providing access to public

goods such as healthcare and education, to entrepreneurial activities that fulfill economic needs,

the African Diaspora community can facilitate an exponential economic turnaround that is

sustainable. Looking closer we find that by taking on projects that governments should be

responsible for, the Diaspora has provided much needed relief to both the community which

receives the services and the government that thus far has been unable to provide them. One of the

results is the savings to both sides, in both money and more importantly in lives. And so while we

cannot place a monetary value on lives, or even trace the overall impact of these projects

monetarily, or account for the funds from the Diaspora that make these projects possible, we know

that their contributions matter and change lives.

The hurdles that most African countries have to cross when it comes to fully integrating

their Diasporas are likely the same ones that stand in the way of consolidating their democracies.

These include the willingness to have open debate regarding any and all issues, where all

stakeholders are welcome to contribute and their contributions are taken into account when

policies are formulated and implemented. In the case of the Diaspora, it is not unusual to see these

same countries sideline the opinions of their Diaspora all while praising them for their remittances

and other tangible contributions. I am aware of a few cases where countries have taken steps to

incorporate their opinions and needs resulting in implementable Diaspora policies. The result in

some cases has been the implementation of Diaspora voting, to the tune of greater than 50% of

African countries with great successes. However it is important to note that electoral participation

does not necessarily translate to the creation of an environment that will allow full Diaspora

integration.

In my various conversations with fellow Diasporans, the prevalent concerns I hear

expressed as regards additional investment are the same ones expressed by other investors. Be they

current or potential, foreign or otherwise, investors are more likely to bring their money into places

where risks are low, manageable and/or predictable. While investors can have unique interests,

they share concerns such as the levels of corruption, the regulatory environments they will do

business in, the amount of paperwork that is required and many others. The World Bank Group

has done a tremendous job of tabulating these concerns in data in a report titled “Ease of Doing

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Business” and the rankings are a reflection of investor concerns. In order for African countries to

garner the level of Diaspora investment they are seeking, they have to view their Diasporas in the

same way they view other foreign investors. This makes sense because their investments are also

done in foreign currency, a resource that these countries are always trying to have more of.

However, what we have to remember is that “megacommunities” demand a change in

orientation from the leaders of the various organizations involved”vi

, something that calls for a

letting go of a status quo that has been very beneficial to a select few. People who live away from

their place of birth will adopt some aspects of the cultures of their host locales. In the case of

Africans who live in the West, these acculturations tend to challenge the status quo in their home

countries which can become (and have become) a threat to the elites resulting in an unwillingness

to change or even listen with the intention to implement changes.

Whilst the governments are in agreement with them regarding economic changes that

result in vast improvements, it is in the area of political and social changes that the battles are

waged. It is not unusual to see social media “battles” waged about a political or social issue where

the Diaspora takes a completely different view of the matter, demands change (sometimes in an

intransigent tone), while those living in their home country are in complete disagreement regarding

the same matter. This tension is taken advantage of by the political elites who are only too glad to

receive the remittances but are unwilling to make the changes that would improve the lives of all

citizens. As already noted by the AU and supported by the experiences that led to the idea of the

megacommunities, in order for a community or a country to optimize its assets, everyone has to be

involved. And I add to this, current geographic locations should not be used as a limitation.

It is my hope that this idea of the megacommunities will take root and blossom into the

great tree that it can. It is my hope that the perception that has emerged that Africans who live

outside of Africa are not legitimately African and thus should stay out of issues that are salient to all

will cease. I hope that I have shown that there is so much more that Diasporans can offer their

home countries and as such should be accorded a place at the table with as much regard as a

western NGO or foreign investor, if not more. At the very least, Diasporans have proven that they

are willing and able to help shoulder the responsibility of nation building or rebuilding as is often

the case. It remains to be seen what a fully integrated African Diaspora community can do in any

country when given a greater stake. Indeed African governments are willing to learn from India’s

example, but that has yet to be seen. In the meantime African Diasporans are unbending in their

push for political reforms that they know will create the environment that will foster the growth

they witness in the various countries they live in. After all, east or west, home is best.

i This term comes from the book titled “Megacommunities: How Leaders of Government, Business and Non-Profits

Can Tackle Today’s Global Challenges Together” by Mark Gerencser, Christopher Kelly, Fernando Napolitano and

Reginald Van Lee. ii

Diaspora as used here refers to the populations that migrated following independence of African countries. The

creation of these vast and diverse populations is accredited to poverty and both economic and political repression. iii UNDP, Towards Human Resilience: Sustaining MDG progress in an Age of Economic Uncertainty

Page 5: Megacommunities and The African Diaspora

iv World Bank Group report on India. 2013 data.

v CIA World Factbook, India. Updated June 22

nd

2014. vi Ref “Megacommunities” Kindle Version Loc 278. Unfortunately physical page numbers were not available.