Marketing in culturally diverse environments: The case of Western Europe

30 Business Horizons / July-August 2002

O ur subject matter is a difficult and complex oneto address. Specialists who attempt to come toterms with the specifics of a European ap-

proach to marketing are generally required to bear inmind certain crucial points.

As cross-cultural and political experts have pointed out,the complexity of a continent is defined by a combina-tion of its diversity and density. Accordingly, it is clearthat Europe stands apart from other regions of the worldthat are characterized by either high densities and homo-geneous populations (Japan, Oriental China) or low den-sities and heterogeneous populations (North America). Infact, in terms of physical geography, Europe covers only10 million square kilometers, representing one-fifth of theEurasian continent. Within that geographical area, variousethnic groups speak more than 20 different languages,five main religions are widely represented, and major dif-ferences in economic development, social organization,and legal and political systems serve more to fragment thecontinent than to unite it.

These variations in political, social, and cultural contextsare likely to influence the nature of any marketing re-search undertaken in different parts of Europe. As a result,the diversity and complexity of the continent leads us tospeak of different approaches as opposed to a single Eu-ropean marketing approach.

Without detailing the specific organization of cross-bordereconomic relationships or the competing policies withinthe EU, and despite German economic power or France’spolitical role, the British management model today repre-sents one of the most frequently used styles of thoughton the continent. The Scandinavian and Dutch schoolsare thought to be quite close to the British one; Americanmanagement models, derived from British economic the-ories of the eighteenth century and the country’s mercan-tile and liberal tradition, are favorably accepted in thenorthern and northwest regions of the continent. In fact,it has even been observed that, from a marketing point ofview, the differences between the United Kingdom and

Despite the apparent ongoing convergence resulting from developments in macroeconomies and the EU, it is still too early to talk about a unified set of European marketing theories. A consideration of the subject still requires the researcher to take a “tour” of Europe. While cultural variablesshould not be overestimated in attempts toexplain marketing phenomena, the areas ofresearch chosen and the orientations taken bymarketing researchers within a specific countrycontext provide insight into that country’scharacter, history, and values. Here, an analysisof the European specifics that influence certainaspects of marketing is followed by a descriptionof some areas of research that clearly illustratethe European marketing diversity.

Frédéric JallatProfessor of Marketing and Academic Director, International Busi-ness and Project Management Program, ESCP-EAP, European Schoolof Management, Paris; Visiting Faculty, New York University

Allan J. KimmelAssociate Professor of Marketing and Academic Director, MarketingMajor, ESCP-EAP, European School of Management, Paris; VisitingProfessor at Université Paris-Dauphine and the Solvay BusinessSchool, Université libre de Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium

Marketing in culturallydiverse environments: The case of Western Europe

the United States often seem to be less significant thanthose distinguished among different European countries.Nevertheless, although similarities to the British approachsuggest that one can indeed identify common elementsamong marketing practices in Europe, our intent here isto focus on the considerable diversity that we argue stillexists.

In reality, it is less the technical analysis of newly emergentconcepts that has enabled European marketing to differen-tiate itself than it is the different ways of appreciatingevents in companies. This European approach often di-verges from the American vision of business life, whichplaces great emphasis on the role of the economic envi-ronment in the life of the state and its citizens and work-ers. What we find relative to European marketing is that itis more the case that the vocabulary, the informationsources, the nature of large consulting firms, and the litera-ture of the field have been imported rather than the en-tirety of the social practices and meanings they represent.

In lieu of background:European environment vis-à-vis American marketing

I t would be a long and fastidious undertaking to ana-lyze all the unique elements that could adequatelycharacterize Europe’s marketing management. Such an

analysis would stray outside the specific area of study wehave chosen to tackle. Moreover, the European approachesremain so diverse that any generalizations are both diffi-cult and perilous. Thus, we have limited our focus to threeessential aspects: (1) the company’s vocation in the con-text of society; (2) the organization of the competition;and (3) the market structures.

A political and social approach to thecompany and business life: Toward otherforms of European capitalism

Business life in Europe is influenced by a variety of politi-cal and social preoccupations. Since the mid-1980s, eco-nomic crises and the European integration policy have hadmajor repercussions on the lives of citizens and have con-tributed to reinforcing the role of the state in business. Theyears have seen the development of stronger bonds be-tween political and business circles, the orientation of in-dustry at a national level, major national projects, diversetariffs, and the like. Although employment rates have beensomewhat variable during the past two decades, the levelof unemployment in many EU nations remains high andhas led to the appearance of the nouveaux pauvres, previoussegments of the middle class now experiencing the effectsof financial crisis.

This economic environment has been exacerbated by acorresponding growth in the proportion of immigrants(from Northern Africa, the Balkans, and former Europeancolonies), who now represent a considerable part of theEuropean population, particularly in the large cities. Thesetrends have damaged public opinion and have begun toshift many countries away from their “social ideal.” At thesame time, these economic changes have created opportu-nities at the company, consumer, and citizen levels. Forexample, governments must consider novel approaches inorder to create opportunities for employment; immigrantsadd to Europe’s cultural diversity and represent new targetgroups for marketers; and so on.

Contrary to the widely envied but closely watched Ameri-can economic model, continental Europe often prefers apolitical vision, more collective and less liberal in nature.Despite objections often voiced by taxpayers, Europeancitizens likely would be satisfied by industrial policies oftotal employment and equitable payments by their gov-ernments. In this context, the company’s vocation is notcompletely financial and oriented by profit, nor is themission of its management solely linked to performance.A form of capitalism that involves employees enhancestheir negotiating power in the company and helps inte-grate the organization within its environment.

One needs to admit, nonetheless, that debates pertainingto the social role of organizations and the responsibilitiesof companies currently represents part of the Americanbusiness landscape. A recent stand taken by social activistBenjamin R. Barber, who directs the Walt Whitman Centerfor the Culture and Politics of Democracy, correspondsclosely with the current concerns reflected in the “con-sumerist” capitalism of Europe, such as the globalizationof the economy and performance as an end rather than ameans. According to Barber (1995), the globalization ofexchanges is bringing about a degeneration of Americanculture, drained of its values and rapidly becoming a sim-ple customer manufacturing machine. Barber’s pessimisticvision of an American future is of a post-modern, brandedculture—affectionately dubbed “McWorld”—dominatedby a corporate monolith. Multinational capitalism threat-ens to eliminate altogether the democratic notion of thenation-state, especially in light of the fact that multina-tional corporations seem to be acting more and more likesovereign powers. A similar argument has been expressedrecently by Canadian journalist Naomi Klein (2000). It isnot surprising that such views have begun to receive a fa-vorable hearing from numerous European intellectuals.

The European legal orientations: Freetrade or consumer protection?

A nation’s legal system enables society to organize itsrules for competition and exchange. These legal principlesobviously bear direct consequences for day-to-day market-

31Marketing in culturally diverse environments: The case of Western Europe

ing, as is reflected by cross-cultural variations in such mar-keting activities as comparative advertising, promotionaltools, direct marketing, and retailing. In Germany, for ex-ample, national safety standards for consumer productsare especially tough, and much higher than what onefinds in the UK. Retail sales with certain promotionalbonuses (free mail-ins, cash off purchase, free drawings,free gifts with purchase) are forbidden or strictly regulatedin Germany, Belgium, and the Scandinavian countries; bycontrast, such practices are largely unrestricted in GreatBritain, Poland, Spain, and the United States. Althoughsteps are currently under way to develop a common frame-work for governing sales promotions and other marketingpractices throughout Europe, the reality is that, at least for

the foreseeable future, differences in these and other mar-keting practices will represent the norm. To a great extent,these kinds of legal differences reflect varying national po-sitions on the subject of government intervention and freetrade among competitors.

In some countries, such as France or Germany, the legalprinciples of competition and consumption are distinctand separate elements. This is because the customer is notrecognized automatically as an independent, responsible,and autonomous arbitrator, as he is in the United States.For example, on a European scale, the Court of Justice, inCase 286/81 (1982), has adopted a firm position by con-sidering that “it is possible not to recognize the bonusoffer as a sane method of sales promotion.” The promo-tion, it is believed, can lead the consumer to err, under-mining the very nature of competitiveness. According tothe case, “the conditions for a competition founded oncompetitiveness would thus disappear. A legislation thatwould, for this reason, limit or even forbid such commer-cial practices would thus protect customers’ interests andthe integrity of commercial transactions.”

Even if these arguments can be discussed, European legis-lation has legalized this decision by evoking the protec-

tion of both the customer and equitable competition.From this point of view, sales that include a promotionalbonus may not be possible for small distributors, whothus would be at a disadvantage relative to larger distribu-tors. Moreover, the “satellite” object (the bonus) cansometimes be offered to the detriment of shops special-ized in the sale of that particular product.

From an American and strictly competitive point of view,the severe nature of such laws imposed on marketingpractices can appear as a disproportionate measure forregulating a seemingly common practice. But the otherconsideration evoked here pertains to the protection ofthe customer. To paraphrase Toporkoff (1993), the salewith bonus constitutes an attempt at seduction, which forhistorical reasons (such as postwar shortage economies)has evolved into the most strictly regulated promotionmethod in some European countries. In France, beginningin the early 1950s, the aim was to protect buyers fromthemselves. As such, a law passed in March 1951 consid-ered that it was abnormal to “push” consumers to buy aproduct by offering them something “for free” that hadno real link to the product they were planning to pur-chase. From a more social (as opposed to liberal) point ofview, the legislators also declared that the “free” goodcould not be considered as truly free because it cost thecompany something, and indirectly, the customer’s walletas well. Interestingly, in the United States the protectionof the consumer is evoked in some cases to quite differenteffect. For example, the practice of comparative advertis-ing is informally encouraged by the Federal Trade Com-mission (FTC), the national agency charged with oversee-ing commercial practices, on the grounds that it leads tobetter informed consumers when it comes to product andbrand decision making.

From market organization to marketing research

Despite the industrialization and evolution of the EU, eachEuropean country is still a unique market, with its ownlanguage and distinct cultural, technical, and economiccharacteristics. The number of manufacturers and cus-tomers is often limited and the market is smaller than thatof the United States. For these reasons, European manufac-turers, by collaborating closely with their customers, fre-quently employ differentiating strategies for which serviceis often the predominant variable. Conversely, in the US avariety of forces have contributed greatly to giving price adominant role, even despite growing customer demandsfor quality and the enhancement of manufacturer-customerrelations. These forces include the large number of com-peting manufacturers using price war tactics, the prolifera-tion of retail discounters and their private label brands, thefrequent use of retailer partnerships leading to more dis-count retail outlets, and the systematic implementation ofmulti-source buying policies.


From an American and strictlycompetitive point of view, thesevere nature of anti-bonus lawsimposed on marketing practicescan appear as a disproportionatemeasure for regulating aseemingly common practice.


In a simplistic way, one can compare the European andAmerican marketing approaches by focusing on the con-trasting structures of the “business to business” marketingenvironment. Because of the heterogeneity of marketswithin Europe, companies tend to prefer cooperative andcomplementary relations with their organizational cus-tomers. For the American school, however, markets aremore homogeneous and companies prefer substitutionand competition. This is no doubt why research in thefield of industrial services has been given greater emphasisin such European countries as France, England, and Swe-den, prior to having been adopted and developed in theUnited States. Such is the case despite the fact that thestructure of employment and the day-to-day organizationof American life make it, more than Europe, a truly con-sumer service-oriented society. This apparent irony under-scores the need to diagnose the organization of the mar-ketplace within its cultural environment prior to develop-ing and selecting appropriate research orientations.

Research into marketing as a cultural product

D ifferences in marketing approaches are inevitablylinked to the varying methods used to analyzemarketing problems and collect data for assessing

marketing strategies. Although research cannot be con-ducted by decree, we believe researchers are nonethelessinfluenced in their choice of problems and methods bytheir social, political, and economic environments, as wellas their personal backgrounds and the professional mi-lieus they are immersed in. With this in mind, then, it isnot surprising that we find Italian researchers having fa-vored a more aesthetic approach in their consideration ofmarketing problems (including post-modern interpreta-tions of consumption behaviors), the French characterizedby more of a sociological approach to marketing prob-lems, the Dutch having emerged as the specialists in inter-cultural marketing and management, and the Scandina-vians holding the lead in the European version of rela-tionship marketing.

In short, it is clear that the research approach and selec-tion of topical areas vary according to the specific Euro-pean marketing management context in which the re-search is undertaken. To illustrate this point more fully,we shall describe the research orientation within four rep-resentative areas of Europe. To organize this presentationwe have retained Galland and Lemel’s (1995) typology ofEuropean models based on the examination of their valuesystems. This approach advances two main Europeangroups: (1) a “Nordic” group, consisting of Great Britain,Holland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden; and (2) a “Ger-

mano-Mediterranean” group, comprised of Germany, Bel-gium, Spain, France, and Italy. It should be noted that de-spite the fact that Great Britain and Germany may appearto be grouped in somewhat surprising ways in terms oflinguistic or ethnographic analysis, the definition of theeconomic policy of a nation, the study of business cul-tures, the organizational methods of companies, and theanalysis of national legal systems (such as German andFrench written laws versus English common law) supportsuch a classification. Along these lines, France, Germany,and Italy have been classed as the three most rationalcountries of Europe—as Gatley, Lessem, and Altman(1996) put it, “the critics, the legislators, the creators andkeepers of rules, the born classics of the European spirit.”

The Anglo-Scandinavian approach

Sweden and the Netherlands are two countries where re-search has been particularly innovative, with the resultsgreatly appreciated in the United States. The approachesessentially have been selected to study how marketing isdefined in Northern Europe. The nature of the Anglo-Scandinavian research activity reflects the considerablyfavorable working environment in this group of countriesfor carrying out major, innovative investigations. To alarge extent, this can be attributed to significant researchand development expenditures and the democratizationof the research effort, allowing for companies to stayabreast of new developments.

● Merchant trading and traditions in the Netherlands: How to exploit a strong intercultural tradition to betterunderstand world markets and use the knowledge foreconomic expansion

As a small trading country of 15.5 million inhabitants res-olutely committed to sea trade, Holland claims several ofthe world’s most powerful multinational companies, in-cluding Royal Dutch Shell, Unilever, and Philips. Sincethe seventeenth century, arts, commerce, and innovativethinking have served to enhance the cultural wealth ofHolland, where republican philosophy and the morals ofwealthy bourgeois society first saw the light of day.

Three historical factors strongly favored the country’s eco-nomic growth and its cosmopolitan culture. First, the na-tion triumphed over its precarious geographical situationby building a system of “polders” or causeways to protectit from the sea, thousands of windmills to pump dry themarshes, and roads and canals to provide the countrywith one of Europe’s earliest and finest communicationnetworks. Rapidly growing industrial towns began to pro-duce goods to meet the expanding requirements of asteadily evolving Europe, leading to the phenomenal suc-cess of commerce and manufacturing industries with ahigh added value. Holland thus was to become the firstnation composed of traders and shopkeepers, relying on


the power of commercial exchanges, so highly praised byeconomic philosophers such as Montesquieu and AdamSmith. In this context, wealth and individual liberty couldcoexist, uniting the country’s citizens and generating newideas for the further promotion of cultural exchanges.

Fishing and maritime trading were to supply the goodstraditionally required by Dutch city dwellers, who consis-tently consumed more than they produced. Throughoutthe seventeenth century, Dutch sailors progressively devel-oped and honed a mastery of the art of trading unequaledthroughout the rest of Europe. Amsterdam replaced Veniceas the capital of the business world. Expertise in the art ofwarehousing, control of the north-south flow of goods,and the conquest of a vast colonial empire in Asia and theAmericas guaranteed the destiny of this tiny nation of citi-zen traders.

These are the people who built up such trading compa-nies as the powerful East India Company of the UnitedProvinces, and whose trading posts lined the sea routes tothe East. The same people founded other institutions nec-essary to ensure the success of their commerce, includingthe Bank of Amsterdam, the Amsterdam Stock Exchange,and insurance companies. On the other side of the world,the Dutch West India Company, created in 1621 to mo-nopolize trading along the American and African coasts,was as powerful as it was enterprising—the colony itfounded and named New Amsterdam was to becomeNew York City.

Given these developments, and bearing in mind that geo-graphically Holland was stuck in a small corner of Eu-rope, menaced without respite by the seas, it was perhapsinevitable that the Dutch would turn to internationaltrade and traverse beyond their borders for inspiration.Few in number, they have been obliged to master foreignlanguages, and in this arena, like their Scandinavian coun-terparts for similar reasons, they have excelled. The typicalDutch citizen can speak three languages fluently, which isan important consideration given that the ability to com-municate verbally molds our vision of the world and oursocial actions. The Dutch mastery of languages, combinedwith their geographical location, their history, and theiraptitude to seek success abroad, have all contributed tomaking the nation better prepared for and better able tocope effectively with the world of international manage-ment. In fact, the Dutch School of International Market-ing was founded in this favorable environment and hasproduced such marketing luminaries as Hofstede andTrompenaars. In short, the Dutch model stands out as aspecial case, having been shaped by multiple forces, in-cluding a dynamic interplay between individualistic val-ues, an openness to diversity, and a unique geographicalposition.

● Social/political traditions in Scandinavia: Relationshipmanagement as predominant approach to marketing

Although it is difficult to shake off a stereotype, certaincultures have managed to change their image significantlythroughout the course of history. Having conquered andpillaged a good part of Europe (Viking invasions of theninth century, the victory of the Normans of Hastings in1066, battles over Livonia in the 1500s, the Thirty YearsWar during the 17th century), Scandinavian countries ingeneral and Sweden in particular have progressively man-aged to shed their reputation of being no more than sav-age hordes of brutal conquerors. In modern times, Swe-den is recognized as a major economic success story. Therate of economic growth in the country from 1870 to1970 was higher than that of any other country in theworld, except Japan. By 1950, Sweden was one of theworld’s richest nations, with a per capita GDP twice theEuropean average.

For many, contemporary Sweden represents Europe’sbrightest example of social democracy at work. Its societyis one of the world’s most egalitarian, characterized as it isby highly democratic institutions, consensual decisionmaking, and an aura of social harmony. The Swedish

model is widely recognized as unique; in Europe, it repre-sents the ultimate example of three of the four fundamen-tal management values described by Hofstede (1980): arelatively horizontal class structure, informal social behav-ior, and management more interested in the quality of lifeand the well-being of its employees than in individualsuccess. In spite of the deep psychological shock followingthe 1986 assassination of the country’s premier, OlafPalme, the image of Sweden’s 8.8 million citizens appar-ently has been little affected. They continue to be viewedby foreigners as level-headed and thoughtful, a peoplewho resort to cooperation and teamwork rather than con-frontation and interpersonal competition. The country’s

The Dutch model stands out asa special case, having beenshaped by multiple forces,including a dynamic interplaybetween individualistic values,an openness to diversity, and aunique geographical position.


foreign policy of strict neutrality, though strongly criti-cized during World War II, has no doubt served to rein-force this positive image.

Experts generally agree that the term most accurately re-flecting Swedish management style is “consensus.” Man-agers representing France’s Renault in its negotiations withVolvo claimed to be surprised to see their Swedish inter-locutors refusing to take any decisions until all membersof their team had given their approval. In fact, Swedesseek to achieve their goals as a team, preferring discussionand compromise until a solution has been determinedthat is acceptable to everyone. These democratic decisionprocesses can be extremely restraining, drawn-out, andfrustrating unless the company’s organization is suitablyadapted. For example, in an international company suchas IKEA, only four managerial levels separate the manag-ing director from the cashiers. In this respect, the Swedes’natural tendency toward dialogue as opposed to outrightcompetition between opposing forces is fully compatiblewith the philosophy of relationship marketing. Still hotlydebated in France and the US, relationship marketing andcustomer satisfaction have long been promoted and ap-plied in Sweden.

The Mediterranean-Germanic Model

The characteristics of the Mediterranean-Germanic mar-keting approach in Europe, as discussed here with a focuson the representative countries of France and Italy, pro-vides a different insight into the problems of marketing,both for researchers and managers.

● Artistic and symbolic traditions in Italy: Importance of design and corporate communication

In Italy, product marketing and the corresponding con-sumer response are considered to be of great importanceto both researchers and practitioners. A country steeped inthe arts and philanthropy, faithful to its humanistic andliterary traditions, Italy is a nation of many facets that hasmanaged to make design management a key element ofits commercial success. To paraphrase Usunier (2000),one can say that a unique style of marketing has emergedin Italy, characterized by the importance (and funding)given to aesthetics and design. Italians tend to concentrateon style, the aesthetic value of an object, and a product’ssuccessful integration into the environment, more so thanthe correspondence between the product itself and con-sumer needs.

In such a context, where the symbolism of an object andthe desires of the consumer are considered to be the twokey considerations in product development, qualitativestudies (in-depth consumer interviews, focus group dis-cussions, projective testing) take on special importance.This is readily apparent when one considers the typicalItalian management style. Managers depend greatly on in-

tuitive rather than rational analysis; that is, there is con-siderable reliance on “gut feelings” as opposed to statisti-cal data. Decisions taken are generally very global in na-ture, based on an analysis of sociological “mega-trends”and personal experience. Priority is given to creative gene-sis and the capacity to obtain an appropriate reactionfrom the consumer. Obtaining validity for decisions thatare reached, though limited, is relatively quick and easy,with confirmation derived from small consumer focusgroups or consultations with professional experts.

Italians are not the only people to have a strong sense ofthe relationship between an object/product and social cul-ture, a complicity between designers and manufacturers,and a close link between retailers and consumers. Somenative French marketing pioneers such as Baudrillard andBarthes first achieved their greatest accolades in Italy. Evenso, the Italians see product marketing not as an intellec-tual exercise, but as a real means of achieving strategic po-sitioning and differentiation from their competitors.

For Italian marketers, product symbolism is given a veryhigh level of importance; as a result, it typically consti-tutes the essential message of marketing communications.Italy is the country of harmony between creators and pro-ducers, providing a fusion between “designers hooked onmanufacturing” and “manufacturers hooked on design”(Vidal 1990). Complementary to product marketing, in-stitutional communication is viewed by certain industryleaders as a means of expressing the company’s philoso-phy as well as a mechanism for providing a link with soci-ety in general in terms of the company’s political and so-cial roles.

● Philosophical traditions and systems of thought inFrance: Emphasis on sociological marketing approaches

According to the French, American marketing research isoverly individualistic in nature, based almost entirely onthe needs of consumers. As the native country of someimportant social theorists who emphasized the role ofcollectivity in human life, such as Comte, Durkheim, andLe Bon, France typically privileges analysis of group be-havior rather than the individual. Contrary to Anglo-Saxon countries, the French view a corporation not as asystem of tasks and functions but as a web of social rela-tions. This emphasis on sociology as opposed to psy-chology has been elaborated by Hampden-Turner andTrompenaars (1993):

[N]ot surprisingly, sociology, the study of man inthe social context, tends to be stronger than psy-chology.…Canvassing individual attitudes doesalter the social determination of such data, or revealwhat employees, freed of mystification and falseconsciousness, might decide for themselves werethey unthwarted by social institutions.… Hence for


the French, sociology is really prior to psychology.They prefer “institutional analysis,” “socio-psycho-analysis,” “sociological intervention.”

Translating these ideas into marketing research practice,French social scientists are less apt to conduct small-scalein-depth interviews than to carry out periodic large-scalesurveys of various segments of the population on a widerange of contemporary issues. The preferred research set-ting for such surveys consists of central locations, such asstreet corners or mall intercepts, rather than controlled in-terview contexts.

With this specific approach in mind, several contempo-rary French researchers believe that recent times haveevinced signs of a return to a more sociological approachto marketing—a trend specifically favorable to the devel-opment of “tribal marketing.” This approach to marketingfocuses on the identification and targeting of consumercollectivities or “tribes” created through mutual affinitiesand shared interests in products, brands, and consump-tion activities. Along these lines, Cova (1995) has pro-moted the French perspective in arguing that “the socialcontext is more important today than the product itself”and that membership (in tribes, for example) is more im-portant than possession.

W ith the emergence of globalization and theprogressive evolution of a single Europeanmarket as undeniable facts of life, mar-

keters have begun to rethink the implications of these de-velopments for their research and applied activities. Itmay be overly pessimistic to presume that a single Euro-pean marketing approach is not possible, but in our view,marketers, at least in the foreseeable future, must continueto approach the European marketplace with full aware-ness of European diversity. Our admittedly limited “tourof Europe” has revealed how marketing approaches are

firmly embedded in the history, values, national character,cognitive styles, and other contextual factors of specificEuropean nations. These influencing factors shape notonly marketing strategies, but the research approachesand selection of topical areas that underlie those strate-gies. Without an appreciation of a country’s marketingphilosophy, cross-national marketing efforts cannot be ex-pected to result in much success. ❍

References and selected bibliographyAlbert, Michel. 1993. Capitalism vs. capitalism. New York: Four

Walls Eight Windows.Barber, Benjamin R. 1995. Jihad vs. McWorld. New York: Times

Books.Court of Justice. 1982. Case 286/81, Oosthoek's Uitgevers-

maatschappij (15 December 1982), ECR 4575.Cova, Bernard. 1995. Au-delà du marché: Quand le lien importe

plus que le bien (Beyond the market: When social links are moreimportant than tangible goods). Paris: L’Harmattan, Dynamiquesd’entreprises.

Galland, O., and Y. Lemel. 1995. La permanence des différences:Une comparaison des systèmes de valeur entre pays Européens(“The permance of differences: A comparison between Euro-pean value systems”). Futuribles (July-August): 113-130.

Gatley, Stephen, Ronnie Lessem, and Yochanan Altman. 1996.Comparative management: A transcultural odyssey. New York,London: McGraw-Hill.

Hampden-Turner, Charles, and Alfons Trompenaars. 1993. Theseven cultures of capitalism. New York: Doubleday.

Hofstede, Geert. 1980. Culture’s consequences: International differ-ences in work-related values. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Klein, Naomi. 2000. No logo: Taking aim at the brand bullies. NewYork: Picador.

Toporkoff, Michel. 1993. Le juridictor (Markets and legislation).Paris: Dalloz.

Usunier, Jean-Claude. 2000. Marketing across cultures. 3rd ed.Harlow, England: Prentice-Hall.

Vidal, Florence. 1990. Le management à l’Italienne (Managing theItalian way). Paris: InterEditions.

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Marketing in culturally diverse environments: The case of Western Europe