MAPPING AUGUSTAN ROME - WordPress.com · MAPS (one sheet in front pocket, one sheet in back pocket) Mark Davison, Andrew B. Gallia, David Gilman Romano, and Nicholas L. Stapp, based

MAPPING AUGUSTAN ROMEdirected by

Lothar Haselbergerin collaboration with

David Gilman Romano

edited byElisha Ann Duroser

with contributions by

D. Borbonus, E. A. Dumser, A. B. Gallia,O. Harman~ah,L. Haselberger, E.J. Kondratieff, C. F. Norefla, G. Petruccioli,

D. G. Romano, N. L. Stapp, A. G. Thein, G. Varinlioglu, and others

Computer map creation: A. B. Gallia, D. G. Romano, and N. L. StappArtistic map design: M. Davison

Portsmouth, Rhode Island2002

JOURNAL OFROMAN

ARCHAEOLOGY

AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL

MAPS (one sheet in front pocket, one sheet in back pocket)

Mark Davison, Andrew B. Gallia, David Gilman Romano, and Nicholas L. Stapp,based on the work of all contributing authors

Preface and Acknowledgements 7

Lothar Haselberger

Mapping Augustan Rome: introduction to an experiment 9

Lothar Haselberger

Urbs Roma:bibliography, models, and projects 27

Making the map

David Gilman Romano, Nicholas L. Stapp, and AndrewB. Gallia

Appendix A: Computer and software resources

Appendix B:Map resources

Dorian Borbonus, Elisha Ann Dumser, AndrewB. Gallia, Omiir Harman§ah,

Lothar Haselberger, EricJ. Kondratieff, Thomas J. Morton, Carlos F. Norefia, ToddW. Parment, Guido Petruccioli, A.G. Thein, Kevin Tracy, & Gunder Varinlioglu

Bibliographic abbreviations

Elisha Ann Dumser

Catalogue of entriesEntries are arranged in alphabetical order, and each entry's index number is indicated at the end of the title line, ifapplicable. Items without an index number are either labeled on the map itself, such as area entries or regionalroads, or cannot be visualized due to the item's overarching nature or its unknown location. Clearly post-antiqueLatin titles have been highlighted by quotation marks.

AEMILIANA(1)

A vague toponym of Republican origin, associatedwith gens Aemilia, probably used to indicate twodifferent districts. One is frequently located in the SE*Campus Martius (s.v. *Aemiliana [2])while the otherAemiliana is associated with a sand ship serving inthe Aemiliana (NAVISHARENARIAQVAESERVITINAEMILIANIS:CIL XV 7150;Palmer 149-50).

For the latterAemiliana, Palmer suggested that itsquay should be located between the *Porta Flumen-tana and *Porta Trigemina, close to the E foot of the*Pons Sublicius, and that it must have been extensivelyused for the unloading of sand from ships for use as aconstruction material in Rome. Coarelli (147-54, fig.28) suggested that the more northern site of theTrajanic warehouses at the *Portus Tiberinus was thesite for earlier storehouses ofAemiliana, based uponthe reconstruction of the Marble Plan (frags. 621 a-d,623, 627), on which the surviving label for the area~an be reconstructed as AEMILI[ANA](Rodriguez Al-meida 1971, 112, fig. 4). Excavations at *Portus Tibe-rinus did not reveal any pre- or early-Imperial archi-tecture since the Trajanic rebUilding completely obli-terated the earlier levels (Colini; Colini and Buzzetti).The urban layout of the complex, the late-Republicanand early-Imperial building activities in the area(known from the epigraphic evidence,d.Colini 191-92) as well as the textual references (palmer 148-50)suggest that earlier structures must have preceded

AEMILIANA(2)

A district outside the city walls (Varro,Rust. 3.2.6;s.v. *Muri; ct. *Continentia) in the SE *CampusMartius. A report that Claudius installed himself inthe *Diribitorium to direct those fighting a fire in theAemiliana seems to confirm this location (Suet.,Claud.18.1). The area may have taken its name from thepresence of Aemilian-built structures, including the*Porticus Aemilia (Campus Martius), which ran fromthe *Porta Fontinalis to the *Ara Martis, and theTemple to the *Lares Permarini (Castagnoli). Varro(Rust. 3.2.6) alludes to the urban character of theAemiIiana in 55-54 B.C., and the frequency of firesthere during the Julio-Claudian period also suggestsadense accumulation of buildings. It is reasonable toconclude that there was considerable urban bUild-up

A

these Trajanic warehouses even if they were not asarchitecturally coherent as the Trajanic reconstruc-tion (Colini and Buzzetti 160, fig. 6). The Republicanand early-Imperial toponyms of the area seemed tohave survived at least through the Severan period.

Rodriguez Almeida has recently challenged Coarel-li's argument by associating the district with the*Porticus Aemilia (Emporium) (RodrIguez Almeida,LTUR 20), which is now placed right outside the*Porta Trigemina, on theNW slopes of the Aventineand by the Tiber. The long extra-mural zone along theTiber from the *Pons Aemilius to the Porticus Aemiliaoutside the Porta Trigemina could be tentativelyaccepted as the Aemiliana until some unambiguousevidence against this assumption shows up in thearchaeological record.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v." Aemiliana,"LTUR I, 19-20.

Coarelli, Foro Boario (1988) 147-54. ')

A.M. Colini and C. Buzzetli, "Portus Tiberinus:' in S. Quilici Gigli

(ed.), II Tevere e Ie altre vie d'aqua del Lazio antieo(Rome 1986)

157-97.

A.M. CoHni, "II porto fluviale del Foro Boario a Roma:'MAAR 36

(1980) 43-53.

R.E.A. Palmer, "The Viei Lueeei in the Forllm Boarillm and some

Lucceii in Rome," Bill/Com 85 (1976-77) 135-61.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, "Forma Urbis Marmorea, nuove

integrazioni," Bul/Com 82 (1971) 105-13.

in this region during the Augustan period. TheAemiliana in the S Campus Martius should not beconfused with the commercial districts along the*Tiber near the *Pons Aemilius, also described as'Aemiliana' (s.v. *Aemiliana [1)).Palmer's theory of atleast two 'AemiIiana' seems appropriate, since theAemilii were extremely active in monumentalizingseveral areas of the city during the 2nd and 1st c.B.c.

A.B.G., E. J.K.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v. "Aerniliana:'LTUR I, 19-20.

R.E.A. Palmer, 'The Viei Llleeei in the Forllm Boarillm and some

Lueceii in Rome," Bill/Com 85 (1976-77) 135-61, esp. 148-50.

Richardson 3.

F. Castagnoli, II Campo Marzio nell'antiehita (Rome 1947) 93-193,

esp. 138-39 n.2.

Catalogue of entries

AEQUIMELIUM

Open space on the SE slopes of the *Capitol,whichfunctioned as a memorial against tyranny. It was anarea kept free from construction and its name commem-orated the levelling of the house of a would-be tyrantof the 5th c.B.C., Spurius Maelius (e.g., Varro,Ling.5.157: a<e>quata Meli domus,'the levelled house ofMelius'). It was a place to buy sacrificial animals(Cic., Div. 2.39), and it still existed in the Augustanperiod (Dion. Hal.,Ant. Rom. 12.4.6). It stood on thelower slopes of the Capitol by the *Vicus Iugarius

AESCULAPIUS, AEDES

The Temple to Aesculapius (Epidauran Asclepius),built on the Tiber island in 293 B.C. after a seriousplague occasioned the introduction of the cult to Rome(Livy 10.47.6-7).From this time on, the *Insula Tibe-rina acted as a place of refuge and of healing in the Re-publican city (Guarducci; Brucia 63 f.). Both literary(Varro, Ling. 7.57) and epigraphic(CIL VI 7) evidencesuggests that the temple, along with the entire island,underwent a major reconstruction and monumenta-lization around the mid-1st c.B.C (Degrassi 1987).

The Temple of Aesculapius is believed to havestood on the SE end of the island, probably under theChurch of S. Bartolomeo (Richardson; Degrassi,LTUR21).Although the temple is archaeologically unknown,the mid-1st c.B.C travertine and tufa revetment at theS tip of the island imitating a trireme prow and itsreliefs (head of Aesculapius and a staff entwined witha serpent, see Claridge 227, fig. 105), as well as theterra cotta votive offerings from the head of the *PonsFabricius (Richardson), strongly support this loca-tion. It seems likely that a small-scale temple stood atthe very S end, directly above the prow. A hexastyle

AGER: L. PETILIUS

Plot of land in *Trans Tiberim, which belonged toL. Petilius and was situated immediately at the foot ofthe *Ianiculum (Solin. 1.21).The supposed 'discovery'of the stone sarcophagus and books of Numa Pompi-Iius in 181B.C left the historical-collective memory ofthe spot in ancient literature (Liverani; Livy 40.29;Val. Max. 1.1.12). According to Cicero, the spot wasnot far from theara Fontis, lm/famous altar to sacredsprings on the Ianiculum (Cle.,Leg. Man. 2.56;OCD1436-37). The location of this altar is also controver-sial. A shrine dedicated toFans in A.D. 70 was foundin 1914 under the current Ministry of PublicEducation building on Via del Re (Mancini). Whilesome scholars suggest that this must be a later monu-mentalization of the cult at the same spot (Aronen,Rodriguez Almeida), others are more critical of thediscovery (Savage 30-31; Richardson 152-53).

Richardson (4 and 152) suggests an alternative

map index 163

(Livy 24.47.15), below the retaining walls of the*Area Capitolina (Livy 38.28.3). Thus Pisani Sartorioputs it N of the *ForumBovarium, Coarelli more speci-fically between the Area Sacra di S. Omobono andPiazza delIa Consolazione. It only occupied the for-mer site of a single house, so it cannot have been large.

A.GT.

G. Pisani Sartorio, s.v. "Aequimelium,"LTUR I, 20-2l.

F. Coarelli, "La Porta Trionfale e la Via dei Trionfi,"DialArch 2

(1968) 77.

temple within a precinct is often reconstructed, butthis is completely hypothetical (Richardson fig. 37;Besnier 317 f. for Renaissance artists' reconstruc-tions). The Severan Marble Plan suggests that thesmall precinct was composed of a courtyard enclosedwith a series of rooms (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI.42, frag. 32).

Claridge, Rome (1998) 227, fig. 105.

D. Degrassi, s.v. "Aesculapius, aedes, templum (Insula Tiberina),"

LTUR 1,21-22.

Richardson 4.

M.A. Brucia, Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome(New York

1990).

D. Degrassi, "Interventi edilizi sull'isola Tiberina nel I see. a.c.: nota

sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche ed archeologiche,"

Athenaeum 75 (1987) 521-27.

M. Guarducci, "L'isola TibID'ina e la sua tradizione ospitaliera,"

RendLinc 125 (1971) 267-81.

M. Besnier,L'Ue Tiberine dans l'antiquitt' (Paris 1902).

map index 177

location for the am and the nearbyager along the *ViaAurelia, especially where the street reached the lowerstretches of the Ianiculum. Both hypotheses mustremain conjectural in the current state of archaeolo-gical evidence; our map tentatively follows Richard-son's suggestion, which fits well with the'sublanicolo' expression in the cited ancient sources aswell as with the location of the springs in the region.

a.H.P. Uverani, s.v. "Sepulcrum: Numa Pompilius:'LTUR IV, 292.

J. Aronen, s.v. "Fons/Fontus, ara, aedes:'LTUR II,256.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v. "Ager L. Petilli:'LTUR I, 26.

Richardson 4, 152-53.

S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere:'MAAR 17 (1940) 26-

56.

G. Mancini, "Roma: nuove scoperte nella citta e nel suburbio,"NSc

1914, 362-63.


argument in favor of this location is its slight rise;however, one would expect little building rubble leftafter a largely wooden theater burnt, thus theamphitheater need not be associated with any of theCampus hillocks. Further, Monte Giordano is too farremoved from the three theaters in the SW Campus tobe the site of Strabo's amphitheater.

Richardson takes a different approach and analy-zes evidence related to the fire of A.D. 64(11). Sincethe three stone theaters mentioned by Strabo allsurvived the blaze unscathed while the amphitheaterburned, Richardson posits that it must have stood inthe SE Campus Martius, specifically in the *Aemiliana(2), an area destroyed during the second outbreak ofthe fire (Tac.,Ann. 15.40). More specifically, Richard-son suggests a location E of the Via Flaminia andNofthe *Pallacinae: Street (near the S end of the modernPiazza dei SS. Apostoli). Two factors complicate thisproposal; first, Richardson's suggested location lieswell outside the Circus Flaminius. Second, the Tacituspassage is ambiguous and could refer to either of twoAemiliana neighborhoods, one in the Campus Martiusor the other along the Tiber S of the Forum Bovarium(*Aemiliana [1]).

ANIOVETUS

The second aqued uct of Rome was begun in272B.C.during the censorship of M.' Curius Dentatus andL.(?) Papirius Praetextatus (Frontin.,Aq. 6.1). It wasrepaired byQ. Marcius Rex in144 B.C.(Frontin., Aq.7.1; Pliny, NH 36.121), by Agrippa in33 B.C.(Frontin.,Aq. 9.9), and by Augustus between 11 and 4 B.C.(Frontin., Aq. 125; CIL VI 1243, 31558; ct. RG 20.2).The entire course of the Anio Vetus within the city ranunderground, but from the description of Frontinus,inscriptions recording Augustus' restoration andremains of the canal itself, we can trace its course(Evans). It approached the city from the E near the*Spes Vetus (Lanciani,FUR pI. 32) and ran along theridge of the *Esquiliae toward the *Porta Viminalis(Lanciani, FUR pI. 24), turning sharply underneath themodern Stazione Termini (Lanciani,FUR pI. 17) to runSE toward the *Porta Esquilina (Frontin.,Aq. 21.3; ct.

ApOLLOMEDICUS/SOSIANUS,AEDES

The Temple of Apollo, specifically of ApolloMedicus (Livy 40.51.6: aedem Apollinis Medici, for179 B.C.; though often simply calledaedes Apollinis,e.g., Livy 4.29.7), was situated outside the *ServianWall 'between the *Forum Holitorium and the *CircusFlaminius' (Asc., Tog. cando70 Stangl: inter forum<H>olitorium et circum Flaminium). It was 'by the*Theater of Marcellus' (ADTHEATRVMMARCELLI:Fast.Arval. and Urb., Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 35, 63;ct.

RG 21:theatrum ad aedem Apollinis). Lavishly rebuiltin the Augustan period by C. Sosius (cos. 32B.C), thus

At present the evidence for the location of theamphitheater of Statilius Taurus is far from conclus-ive; the location near the Monte dei Cenci offers thebest fit for the available data. This spot is near thethree theaters of the SW Campus and offers sufficentspace for an amphitheater, which, however modest,still required a sizeable site (for an impression, see theBerlin Model, where the amphitheater is placed atabout this point). Since this proposal is tentative, themonument is only denoted with an index number onourrnap.

A.Viscogliosi,s.v."AmphitheatrumStaliliiTauri,"LTUR 1,36-37.

Richardson3, II.

Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 546.

r-c.Golvin,L'amphithecitre ramainI (1988) 52-53.

M.Conticellode'Spagnolis,II tempia dei Diascuri ne! Circa Flaminia

(Rome1985).

V.Jolivet,"Lesjardinsde Pompee:nouvelleshypotheses,"MEFRA

95 (1983) 115-38,esp. 124-26, 13I.

T.P.Wiseman,"TheCircusF1aminius,"PBSR 42 (1974) 3-26,esp.IO-1I.

G. MarchettiLonghi,"Nuoviaspetti delia topografiadell'anticoCampoMarziodi Roma:CircaF1aminio0 teatrodi Balbo?"MEFRA 82 (1970) 117-58:

Mari 1991, 168ft.). The terminal distribution tank ofthe Anio Vetus was discovered in1972 underneaththe church of S. Vito (Santa Maria Scrinari).

Frontinus mentions a subsidiary line to the AnioVetus (Aq. 21.2), the specus Octavianus,but the precisedate, course, and function of this line are all uncertain(ct. Evans 78-79; contra, Lanciani).

Evans,Water distribution (1994) 75-82.

Z. Mari,s.v."AnioVetus,"LTUR 1,44-45.

Z. Mari,"Nuovicippidegli acquedottianiensi,"PBSR 59 (1991)

151-75.

V.SantaMariaScrinari,"Brevinolisugliscavisottola chiesadi S.Vito,"ArchLaz 2 (1979) 61-62.

R.Lanciani,I commentarii di Frontino intomo Ie acque e gli acquedotti

(Rome1881;repro1975) 264-67.

map index 33,-

also known as Apollo Sosianus (Plirly,NH 13.53,36.28: in templo Apollinis Sosiani),the temple was oneof the most richly-decorated in Rome.

The cult of Apollo Medicus had long been anarchitectural presence on the site, since in433-431B.C. it was vowed and dedicated by the consul C.Iulius following a plague (Livy4.25.3; 7.20.9; Visco-gliosi, LrUR 49). It has been proposed that in the early2nd c. B.C. the temple was substantially rebuilt inrelation to the construction of a new theater in thearea in 179 B.C. (Livy 40.51.3; Viscogliosi 1996, 15-


33). This tetrastyle-diastyle Temple of Apollo(probably the one mentioned in Vitr.,De Arch. 3.3.4)was excavated in part below the Augustan phase ofthe temple (Viscogliosi 1996,15-33,pI. 1-3).

Well-preserved remains document, undisputedly,the complete rebuilding of the temple by C. Sosiusfollowing a new design, probably after his victory inJudea in 34 B.C.; this dating is primarily based onstylistic analysis of the building's splendid architec-tural decoration (Viscogliosi, LTUR 50-51). Thepictorial narratives of the internal frieze suggest thatAugustus may have been responsible for the comple-tion of the project, presumably after his triumphs in 29B.C.;otherwise C. Sosius must have re-oriented hisideology for this narrative program (La Rocca 1985,83-102; id. 1988, 122-23).

The Augustan temple was a pseudo-peripteral tem-ple with a deep hexastyle pronaos, built on top of ahigh, opus quadratum tufa masonry podium with anopus caementicium tufa core (Viscogliosi 1996, 35-43,esp. fig. 40 and pi. 5; excavated in 1937-38,see Colini).No staircase was designed in front of the temple,probably due to the limited space between the fa<;ade

ApOLLO, TEMPLUM (PALATIUM)

Temple of Apollo built on the SW *Palatine byAugustus (RG 19:templumque Apollinis in Palatio cumporticibus ... feci) and considered one of his mostmagnificient buildings (Vell.Pat. 2.81.3).In antiquity,the sanctuary was known as atemplum (RG 19; Yell.Pat.,loc. cit.; Suet.,Aug. 29.3),and, occasionally, as anaedes (Prop. 4.6.11:Palatini ... Apollinis aedem;thisrare poetic form, Apollo Palatinus, has been awardedundeserved prominence by its use in scholarship) or adelubrum (Pliny, NH 36.32:in Palatino Apollinisdelubro). Construction probably began in 36 B.C.fol-lowing Octavian's victory at Naulochos over SextusPompey and was soon mirrored by C. Sosianus, whorebuilt the Temple of *Apollo Medicus around 34 B.C.After the battle at Actium in 31B.C.,Augustus' templebecame anex voto of the victory of Octavian overMarc Antony (Gros 54) and was dedicated on 9October 28 B.C.(Dio Casso53.1.3;Degrassi,Inser. Ital.13.2,209).

Tradition holds that the temple was built on landAugustus had intended for his residence (*Domus:Augustus), but consecrated to Apollo following theinterpretation of theharuspices (soothsayers) after thespot had been struck by a thunderbolt (Suet.,Aug.29.3; Dio. Casso 49.15.5). The remains of the templehave long been connected with Jupiter (e.g., Lanciani,FUR pi. 29: 'Aedes Iovis Propugnator. in Palatio: onthis Richardson) but were only correctly identified inthe 1960s after the investigations of Lugli and theexcavations conducted by Carettoni 1967; id. 1978;Gros 56).

The temple is hexastyle, pseudo-peripteral, and hasan almost squarecella (20.5 x 19 m). Though mostaccept that the temple faced the *Circus Maximus,

and the *Theatrum Marcelli, so the access to thepronaos was through two flights of small stairs oneither side of the podium.

The excavations in 1997 at the Augustan streetlevel between the Temple of Apollo and the Theater ofMarcellus identified the circular foundations of theso-calledPerirrhanterion resting upon the Augustanpavement, suggesting that this Julio-Claudian/Flavianmonument might have had a predecessor on the veryspot at the time of Augustus, but for the moment thearchaeological evidence still seems to be rather flimsy(La Rocca,LTUR 79-80).

E. La Rocca, s.v. "Perirrhanterion," LTUR IV, 79-80.

A. Viscogliosi, II Tempio di Apollo in Circa e la jormaziol1e del

lil1guaggio archilettol1ico augusteo(Rome 1996).

A. Viscogliosi, S.v. "Apollo, aedes in Circo,"LTUR I, 49-54.

E. La Rocca, "Der Apollo-Sosianus-Tempel," inKaiser Augustus

(1988) 121-29.

E. La Rocca (ed.),Amazzol1omachia. Le scuIture jrol1tol1ali del tempio di

Apollo Sasial1a(Rome 1985).

A.M. Coliill, II tempia di Apollo (Rome 1941).

map index 208

Claridge argues that its monumental fa<;:adewasoriented to the NE, that is, toward the street leading tothe house of Augustus (1998, 131; LTUR 225).Elevated on a high podium ofopus caementicium andopus quadratumof tufa and travertine, the temple wasreached by a lengthy staircase. Theopus quadratumsuperstructure was constructed entirely of Carrara(Luna) marble (Gros 56). The early-Augustan datesuggested by the literary evidence is supported by thearchaeological finds; for instance, a Corinthiancolumn fragment dates stylistically to the beginning ofthe Augustan era (Bauer 183-204).Further, either thetemple or the Portico of the Danaids (*Porticus:Apollo) was adorned with polychrome terracottarelief plaques dating to 36-28 B.C. (Gros 56). Thepediment was decorated with Archaic Greek statuesmade of Parian marble attributed to the 6th-c. B.C.Chian SCUlptorsBupalos and Athenis (Gros 54; Pliny,NH 36.4.13). Additional decoration is attested inPropertius (2.31.11-14),who reports that the centralacroteria represented the chariot of Helios, and thatthe double doors of thecella were decorated withivory reliefs depicting the Celtic attack on Delphi andthe myth of the Niobids. The altar of the temple mayhave been located to the S in the *Area Apollinis,where the Severan Marble Plan preserves an image ofa cruciformmonument (RodriguezAlmeida)

The temple formed an integral part of a group ofAugustan buildings on the SW Palatine, which includ-ed ~ own residence, an open terraced area framed byporticoes (s.v. Area Apollinis; Porticus: Apollo), andthe Greek and Latin Library (*Bibliotheca LatinaGraecaque). Excavations revealed that the temple wassituated just E of Augustus' residence which physi-


BALNEUM (COLLIS HORTULORUM)

Remains of a private Republican bath-house, con-sisting of a circular room with two semicircularniches, are preserved in the cellar of no. 111 ViaSistina, on the S slope of the *Collis Hortulorum. Themosaic decoration, wall-paintings andopus incertumconstruction date the bUilding toc.70 B.C (Fiorini 56);

BASILICA IULIA

The monumental basilica along the S side of the*Forum, between the *Yicus lugarius and *YicusTuscus, begun by Caesarc.54 B.C (d. Cic.,Att. 4.16.8)to replace the Basilica Sempronia of 169B.C (Giulianiand Yerduchi) was dedicated unfinished in 46B.C

Ger.,Ab Abr. 1971) and later completed by Augustus(RG 20.3). This basilica burned (12B.C?) and wasrebuilt by Augustus and dedicated in the names of hisadopted sons Gaius and Lucius in A.D. 12(RG 20.3;Suet.,Aug. 29.4); later references show that the namebasilica Gai et Lucidid not achieve currency(d. Mart.6.38.6; Stat.,Silv. 1.1.129). This rebuilding probablyengulfed thelacus Servilius (La Regina), a monumentalfountain which Festus located (in the past tense) 'atthe beginning of the Yicus lugarius, adjacent to theBasilica lulia' (370:in principio vici Iugari, continens

BASILICA PAULLI

The basilica along the N side of the *Forum,opposite the *Basilica lulia was rebuiltc.54 B.C by L.Aemilius Paull us (Cic.,Att. 4.16.8; App., BCiv. 2.26;Plut., Caes. 29.3) to replace the Basilica Fulvia of 179B.C (Livy 40.51.5), and referred to after 54B.C asBasilica Paulli (with only two exceptions: Yarro,Ling. 6.4:Basilica Aemilia et Fulvia; Pliny, NH 35.13:Basilica Aemilia). The rebuilt basilica of 54B.C,

which maintained the axis of the Basilica Fulvia andits dimensions to the S toward the Forum and to the Ntoward the *Macellum, while shortening its extensionalong its E-W axis (Bauer), was dedicated in 34B.C

by Paullus' son, L. Aemilius Paull us Lepidus (DioCasso 49.42.2). This basilica burned in 14B.C andwas restored by Augustus and the friends of Paullus(Dio Casso54.24.2-3); it was restored again in A.D.22by M. Aemilius Lepidus (Tac.,Ann. 3.72).

BELLONA, AEDES

A large Temple of Bellona, the archaic Romangoddess of war, stood immediately E of the Temple of*Apollo Medicus. The temple was vowed in 296B.C

by Appius Claudius Caecus during a battle with theEtruscans and Samnites and dedicated after his vic-tory (Livy 10.19.17; Ov.,Fast. 6.199-208; De Nuccio71). Archaeological evidence suggests that the templewas rebuilt at the time of Augustus, probably alongwith the aedes Apollinis (La Rocca 1987, 366). Loca-

map index 61

its shape, size, fixtures and decorative motifs suggest itserved as part of a privatebalneum, possiblyassociated with a residential villa (Fiorini 56-57).

E.A.D.

C. Fiorini, "Edificio <Iieta repubblicana in Via Sistina," inTopografia

romana (QuadTop 10, 1988) 45-57.

basilicae Iuliae).

Only the pavement and the foundations of thebasilica's pillars have survived, but the broad dimen-sions of the structure are clear (LTU R I, fig. 93).Restorations to the Basilica lulia by Diocletian(Chron. 148) and by the urban prefect GabiniusYettius Probianus in either A.D. 377 or 416(CIL YI1156b, 1658, 31884-86)do not appear to have alteredthe dimensions of the Augustan Basilica lulia, part ofwhich is represented on the Severan Marble Plan(Carettoni et al., Pianta pI. 21; Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 13, frags. 18b,c,d).

A. La Regina, s.v. "Lacus Servilius,"LTUR ill, 172-73.

C.F. Giuliani and P. Verduchi, s.v. "Basilica Iulia,"LTUR I, 177-79.

map index 143

In front of the basilica ran the *Porticus Gai etLuci (Mattern; Richardson), a series of 15 shops(tabernae) and a two-storey arcaded portico whicheffectively shielded the BasilicaPaulli from the Forum.Excavations have revealed most of the ground-plan ofthe two structures (LTUR I, fig. 102), segments ofwhich are represented on the Severan Marble Plan(Carettoni et al., Pianta pI. 21; Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 13, frag. 16e).

T. Mattern, "Die Bauphasen der friihkaiserzeitlichen Basilica

Aemilia," Boreas 20 (1997) 33-41.

H. Bauer, s.v. "Basilica PauI(I)i,"LTUR 1,183-87.

Richardson 54-56.

H. Bauer, "Basilica Aemilia," inKaiser Augustus (1988) 200-12.

E.M. Steinby, "II lato orientale del Foro Romano,"Aretos 21 (1987)

167-84

map index 34

ted just outside thepomerium, it was a favorable placefor the senate to meet, especially to receive generals ontheir return from military campaigns (Yiscogliosi,LTUR 191). In 79B.C, the consuls Appius ClaudiusPulcher and P. Servilius Yatia Isauricus placed theimagines clipeataeof their ancestors in the temple(Pliny, NH 35.12:in Bellonae aede).The special con-nection between the temple and the Claudian family isperhaps further supported by the proximity of their


tombs on the W slope of the *Capitolium (Viscogliosi,LTUR 191), but the location of thisseplllcrllm is notcertain (*Sepulcrum: Gens Claudia).

The remains of the temple were discovered in Piaz-za Montanara in the course of demolition work in1932-33, and were excavated in 1938-39 (Colini, esp.fig. 1). They were convincingly identified with theTemple of Bellona by Coarelli through an associationwith fragments of the Severan Marble Plan depictingthe temple (Coarelli; Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 23,frags. 31d,e;d. Ziolkowski). The peripteral, hexastyletemple had a deeppronaos and was raised on a highplatform (De Nuccio fig. 4; Viscogliosi 1995, fig. 1).The podium had a concrete core with a mixedaggregate of tufa, which dates to the Augustan period;its encasing opus quadratum masonry has been com-pletely robbed, and very little survives of the marblearchitectural decoration of the superstructure (DeNuccio). An L-shaped peperino portico enveloped theNW edge of the precinct, both defining the compound ofthe Temples of Apollo and Bellona, and screening therising slopes of the Capitoline hill. Based on the datingof the sporadic pieces of architectural decoration, it issuggested that the temple was reconstructed roughly inthe same years with the renovations of the Temple ofApollo Medicus, and was probably dedicated byAppius Claudius Pulcher (also known as AppiusMaior), consul of 38 B.C., in the year 33 or 32 B.C.after his triumph over Spain (La Rocca 366).

On the Augustan travertine pavement directly infront of the platform of the Temple of Bellona, andadjacent to the porticoes of the *Theatrum Marcelli,the footprint of a "roughly circular" monument was

BELLONAPutVINENSIS,AEDES

Sanctuary of the Cappadocian goddess Ma, whowas assimilated to Bellona in Rome, located inside the*Porta Collina and known only from epigraphic andliterary.evidence. The goddess Bellona of this templewas known by two epithets: PVLVINENSIS(CIL VI 490)and PEDISEQVA(CIL VI 3674=30851). Palmer (657)plausibly argues that the temple was dedicated by L.Cornelius Sulla to commemorate his victory over theSamnites at the Colline Gate in 82 B.C. Martial(12.57.9-11) complains that the noisy racket of aninspired throng of Bellona's worshippers on the*Quirinal deprived him of sleep.

More detailed information on the temple's date, siteand architectural form can be derived from the epi-graphic evidence. Inscriptions uncovered during the1872 excavations for the Ministero delle Finanzelocate the *Vicus Bellonae near the Porta Collina, andit is likely that the temple stood near the eponymousneighbourhood (Palmer 658-59;CIL VI 3674=30851).The shrine was located within a grove and placed onapu[vinus, "a terraced embankment with building andplantings" (Palmer 660), near the Porta Collina and

traced by La Rocca(LTUR 300-1; id. 1993, fig. 2 and23-24), who identifies this spot with theColumnaBellica. Literary sources associate this column withmiddle- and late-Republicanjetiales, a ritual declara-tion of war, which took place before the Temple ofBellona, since that area was considered foreign terri-tory after the collective memory of the 3rd-c. B.C.waragainst Pyrrhus (Serv.,ad Aen. 9.52; Wiedemann 480-82). The ritual was revived at the time of Augustus(Ov., Fast. 6.205) and involved throwing a spear,presumably over the column, which marked Rome'sborder with the symbolic foreign territory.

M.DeNuccio,"Tempiodi Bellona:studi preliminarV'ArchLaz 12

(1995) 71-77.

A. Viscogliosi,"AdaedemApollonis,"ArchLaz 12 (1995) 79-92.

A.Viscogliosi,s.v."Bellona,aedesin circo,"LTUR I, 190-92.

E.LaRocca,s.v."ColumnaBellica,"LrUR I, 300-1.

E. LaRocca,"Duemonumentia piantacircolareincircoFlaminio:iIperirrhanterion e lacolumna Bel/ica," in R.T.Scott and A.ReynoldsScott(edd.),Eius virtutis studiosi: Classical and post-

Classical studies in memory of Frank Edward Brown(Washington1993) 17-29.

Ziolowski,Temples (1992) 18-19.

E. La Rocca,"L'adesionesenatorialeal 'consensus';i modi deliapropagandaaugustea e tiberiana nei monumenti 'in circoFlaminio',"inCUrbs (1987) 347-72.

T.Wiedemann,"Thefetiales: a reconsideration,"CQ 36 (1986) 478-

90.

F.Coarelli,"IITempiodi Bellona,"BuliCom 80 (1965-67) 37-72.

A.M.Colini,"Scopertepresso PiazzaCampitelli,"Capitol him 16

(1941) 385-93.

map index 82

*Campus Sceleratus (LVCVS:CIL VI 2232; PVLVINVS:CILVI 490). Palmer (659) postulates that the shrine stoodatop the area of the Campus Sceleratus, based upon aplace-name 'Centumcellae' which he suggests derivedfrom an exaggeration of the number of subterraneanrooms used for the burial of unchaste Vestal Virgins.Since the toponym could also refer to the extensivesystem of chambers created during the mining ofpozzolana in this area of the Quirinal (Canevari 433-35), Palmer's placement of the shrine on the CampusSceleratus is almost certainly over-restrictive.Viscogliosi (LTUR I) was not aware of Palmer'sresearch, and erroneously located the temple on themons Vaticanus (s.v. *Trans Tiberim); his addendumacknowledges theagger near the Porta Collina as apossible location for theaedes (LTUR V).

A.Viscogliosi,s.v."BellonaPulvinensis,aedes,"LrUR V,231-

A.Viscogliosi,s.v."BellonaPulvinensis,aedes,"LrUR I, 193-94.

Richardson 58.

RE.A. Palmer,"Theneighborhoodof SullanBellonaat the CollineGate," MEFRA 87 (1975) 653-65.


Immediately S of the *Basilica Paulli, near thesacellllm of *Cloacina, the Cloaca Maxima is joined bydrainage from the *Sacra Via; from this point thecourse traverses the Forum in an oblique line, flowingunderneath the *Basilica Iulia parallel to the *VicusTuscus (Bauer,LTUR).

Just S of the *Forum Romanum is a section of theCloaca built inOpllS caementicium; this appears to be apost-Augustan insertion, probably occasioned by theconstruction of the Julio-Claudian Temple to theDivine Augustus (Bauer,LTUR 289). In the absence ofa better source, the course of the Augustancloaca isreconstructed as a straight line between the knownend-points of the older structure. The path of the drain

Discharge point of a drain partially preserved inthe 19th-c. Tiber embankments (*Tiberis: GrandEmbankment) between those of the *Cloaca Maximaand the *"Cloaca Circi Maximi" (Cressedi 262-65,figs. 6-8), hence the modern name "Cloaca Mediana"(Middle Drain). This drain probably served to collectrainwater from the open space of the *Forum Bova-rium (Cressedi 265). Late 19th-c. investigations foundthe drain obstructed just within its mouth, and today

CLOACINA,SACRUM

A small, circular shrine in the *Forum dedicated toCloacina, the divinity of the *Cloaca Maxima, lateridentified with Venus (d. Pliny, NH 15.119). It is firstmentioned near the beginning of the 2nd c. B.C. byPlautus (Cllrc. 471: aplld Cloacinae sacrllm). Theshrine, depicted on coins ofc.42 B.C.(RRC 494/42b),was located in front of the Republicantabernae novae

A swampy terrain in *Trans Tiberim, mentioned byPaulus (in Festus 34, 50:Codeta appellatllr agertranstiberim quod in eo virgulta nascuntllr ad caudarllmequinarum similitlldine). The Regionary Catalogueslist it as campus Codetanlls in Regio XIV: Transtiberim.Lanciani locates it under present-day Via Morosini,W of ViaIe di Trastevere and extends it to the NE(FUR pI. 33), which places it within the marshland ofthe *Naumachia. A late-Republican boundary stonewith the inscription FINEIS[clAvDETAwas found in the

COHORTESVIGILUM:STATlONES

Barracks (stationes) and watchstations (excubi-toria) serving the 7 cohorts of urban watchmen, a forceorganized by Augustus in A.D. 6 (earlier attempts toorganize the city's fire brigades: 22 B.C., Dio Casso54.2.4; 7 B.C., 55.8.6-7). Thevigiles (watchmen) wereoriginally comprised solely of freedmen (probablyc.500 men, Robinson 106-7, 185) and were organizedwithin the framework of the *Regiones Quattuordecim;this system proved to be a lasting success (Dio Casso

in the lower *Velabrum and across the *Forum Bova-rium is well known (d. Cressedi), and was firstmapped in the 19th c. Recently, Bauer has made correc-tions to the early plan; these have been integrated onour map (d. LTUR I, fig. 120).

H. Bauer,s.v."Cloaca,CloacaMaxima,"LTUR I, 288-90.C. MorselliandE.Tortorici,Curia, Forum [uhum, Forum Transitorium

(Rome1989)49.G. Cressedi,"IIForoBoarioe il Velabro,"BullCom 89 (1984)257,

265,285-87.H. Bauer,"PorticusAbsidiata,"Rom Mitt 90(1983)116-19,pI.61-2.P. Narducci,Sulla fognatura della citta di Roma(Roma1889)39-49,

59-70.

map index 189

only the upper portion of the opening survives, so itsfull extent and course are unknown (no remains havebeen unearthed within the *Forum Bovarium). Thepreserved portions are of Grotta Oscura tufa(Cressedi 265), so thecloaca appears to be ofRepublican date.

G. Cressedi,"IIForoBoarioeil Velabro,"BullCom 89 (1984)249-96,esp.264-65,no. 16.

map index 147

(Livy 3.48.5), probably at the spot where the Cloacaentered the Forum (Coarelli), and can be securelyidentified with the circular marble base(LTUR I, fig.168) discovered in front of the *Porticus Gai et Luci(d. LTUR I, fig. 102).

*Tiber near the modern Ponte Principe Amedeo(CIL VI30422.3; Coarelli;d. Richardson, who points out thatthis may also refer to theCodeta minor of the *CampusMartius). Scagnetti uses this evidence to locate theCodeta NW of the *"Villa Farnesina", just S of thenarrow area between the *Ianiculum and the Tiber;however, our map follows Lanciani's location of theager with its connection to the Naumachia.

F.Coarelli,s.v."Codeta,"LTUR I,29l.

Richardson92.

55.26.4-5), surviving into the 4th c. A.D. The 7 cohortswere systematically distributed across the city, eachresponsible for two regions; according to the late-antique Regionary Catalogues, they were stationed inRegiones VII, V, VI, XII, II, VIII, and XIV, respectively.The more precise areas of responsibility remain, how-

ever, "uncertain and controversial" (Ramieri 292), asdoes the existence of purpose-built barracks in theAugustan era (Robinson 107, Rainbird 153-56, Baillie


K.L.Gleason,"Porticus Pompeiana:a new perspectiveon thefirst public park of ancient Rome,"Journal of GardenHistory 14(1994)15-16,with fig.3.

A.M.Reggiani,"Ipotesidi recuperodel theatrodi Pompeo:'in Roma, archeologia nel centroII (1985)375fig.6.

EMPORIUM

The late-Republican and early-Imperial urbantrading port and industrial warehouse area, waslocated SW of the *Aventine hill and bordered by thebending course of the *Tiber to the W, the line of theServian Wall to the SE, and the *Via Ostiensis to theNE. The area witnessed a significant urban transfor-mation from the 2nd c. B.C.through the 1st c. A.D. inorder to serve as the developingemporium of the city(Rodriguez Almeida, Etienne, Castagnoli). Recentdebate on the so-called *"Porticus Aemilia" enables usto put forward a gradual topographical shift ofRome's urban commercial port from the *Forum Bova-rium area towards the Emporium during this time per-iod (for further discussion, see below and PorticusAemilia [Emporium]).

Livy provides evidence for the construction of aseries of porticoes and embankments 'outside the*Porta Trigemina' in the first quarter of the 2nd c. B.C.(Livy 35.10.12:porticum ... extra portam Trigeminam,emporio ad Tiberim adiecto,40.51.6, 41.27.8:extra por-tam Trigeminam emporium). In contrast, archaeolo-gical and epigraphic evidence shows that the large-scale warehouse structures surviving into the time ofAugustus were extensively built through the first halfof the 1st c. B.C. (see fig. 12; s.v. *Horrea Galbana,*Horrea Lolliana, *Horrea Seiana, Porticus Aemilia[Emporium]). Thus the formulaic expression'extraportam Trigeminam' used by ancient sources musthave indicated the earlier porticoes built on the Wslopes of the Aventine along the Tiber and the modem-day Lungotevere Aventino (often referred to as "VialVicus Portae Trigeminae", both unattested street-names coined by modem topographers, e.g.,LTUR III,fig. 190 and Scagnetti 7E; also Richardson 1976, 59;Richardson 1992,310-11). The embankments excava-ted along this street demonstrated that the movement ofthe major commercial port from the *Forum Bovariumarea to the Emporium was gradual (Nash).

The lower levels of the recently excavated multi-terraced embankments to the NW of the PorticusAemilia date to the mid-1st c. AD. and were construc-ted directly over the Republican embankments. Thesetufa opus quadratum quays stretched from the *PortaTrigemina to the bend of the Via Ostiensis, and wereprobably work of the 2nd c. B.C. (Meneghini 436;Mocchegiani Carpano 1981, 146 f.; id. 1985, 86-88).Not much is known about the dates and nature of thesmaller-scale warehouse structures that lay betweenthe Porticus Aemilia and the Tiber embankments,

R.Etienne,"Lacuriede Pompeeet la mort de Cesar:' in M.Barbier(ed.),Hommage ii la memoire de Jerome Carcopino

(Paris1977)77.

E

despite excavations in the N end of the area between1915and 1925(Gatti 1934,pI. II). For the S half of thearea, some warehouse structures are preserved on theSeveran Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI.16, frag. 24 c,d; Scagnetti). Of these, a rather signifi-cant building was excavated in 1920-25: a perforatedbrick structure, built on the same level as the streetthat separated it from the Porticus Aemilia (Gatti1934, 142; id. 1960,82). Even though its date is uncer-tain, its topographical relationship with the otherwarehouses may suggest it was constructed concur-rently. Republican walls inopus incertum were foundin the Piazza dell'Emporio in 1934 and thus allude tothe dense urban fabric in the area (Gatti 1934, 142).

In addition to the street that paralleled the PorticusAemilia on its Tiber side and the Via Ostiensis whichran along the foot of the Aventine, excavated remainsallow the reconstruction of a major artery in theEmporium area that united the warehouse structuresalong the Tiber (Lanciani,FUR pI. 40). Following thebending course of the river, this street ran toward theS between the Porticus Aemilia and Horrea Galbana,passed by the Horrea Seiana and continued all theway to the *Horrea Lolliana and the complex ofstructures laid out in a rectangular plan parallel tothis street.

At the time of Augustus the entire area must al-ready have already been developed into a vast indus-trial and commercial zone, balanced by the line ofwarehouse structures across the Tiber (s.v. *TransTiberim). The Berlin model not only misplaces thelarge warehouse structure, the Porticus Aemilia, butalso disregards the street system and the architecturalform of the courtyard-type warehouse structures (s.v.Horrea Galbana, Honea Lolliana). The *MonteTestaccio is likewise erroneously represented as if itwere a natural hill and according to its state ofdeposition in very late antiquity, or perhaps eventoday. This artificial hill must have been a minorfeature in the Emporium cityscape, and was probablypyramidal in overall form. Yet, a monumental late-Republican tomb of the Rusticelii family (*Sepulcrum:Rusticelii) on the S side of the amphora mound indica-tes the importance of the area.

F.Castagnoli,Topografia antica(Roma1993)593-607.

C.MocchegianiCarpano,s.v. "Emporium,"LTUR 1,221-23.Richardson143-44,310-11.


R. Etienne,"Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique etespace economiquea I'Emporium de Rome," inL'Urbs(1987) 235-49.

R. Meneghini, "Scavo di Lungotevere Testaccio," inRoma,archeologia nel centroIT (1985) 433-4l.

C. Mocchegiani Carpano, "Lungotevere Testaccio:resti delporto fluviale,"Bul/Com 90 (1985) 86-88.

E.Rodriguez Almeida,II Monte Testaccio(Rome1984) 28-33.

ESQUILIAE

The Esquiline hill (Esquiliae: Varro, Ling. 5.50;Livy 1.44.3; only gradually known asEsquilinusmons: Erkell), lay between the *Viminal and *Caelianand consisted of two large spurs which extended intothe city: the *Cispian and *Oppian, the W tip of whichwas called *Carinae. The area within the *ServianWall was mostly covered with dense urban develop-ment; Panella suggests shops andinsulae inhabited bythe lower classes along the main streets in the valleys,with aristocratic houses on the slopes and highground, such as the house of Vedius Pollio, inheritedby Augustus in 15 B.C. and converted into the *Porti-cus Liviae. Juvenal also mentions aristocratic housingon the Esquiline Ouv.3.71-72). Dionysius of Halicar-nassus (Ant. Rom. 4.13.3) implies that the Esquilinewas heaVily built up within the walls, though it is notclear how best to interpret his testimony that therewas also dense housing in the area beyond the walls(4.13.4-5; s.V. *Muri; *Continentia). This area wascertainly different. Cicero, in 66 B.C.,speaks of sand-

C. MocchegianiCarpano, "Indagini archeologiche nel Teve-re," ArchLaz 4 (1981) 143-55.

1. Richardson, "The evolution of the Porticus Octaviae,"A/A 80 (1976) 57-64.

Nash I,380-86.

G. Gatti, "Porticus Aemilia-Horrea Galbana," in CarettonietaI., Pianta (1960) 81-82.

G. Gatti, "Saepta Iulia e Porticus Aemilia nella FormaSeveriana,"Bul/Com 62 (1934) 123-49.

pits and hortuli outside the *Porta Esquilina(Clu. 37).We also hear of 'hollows, garden walls, tombs andsunken lanes' (Livy,26.10.6; trans I. Wiseman). Thisarea has thus been characterized by Wiseman as aplace of work and leisure. The aristocratichorti,which covered most of this area, included villa archi-tecture on a lavish scale, but only within the largercontext of a landscaped park setting (s.v. *EsquilineHorti). The *Campus Viminalis was an open space, butthere was limited urban development in the *CampusEsquilinus. Commercial activity is attested epigraphi-cally in the grove of *Libitina, and there was anAugustan structure inopus reticulatum under the laterNymphaeum Alexandri (Tedeschi Grisanti). Its func-tion is unknown, but has been interpreted as anymphaeum (Hauber 99). This area of low-densityhousing did not extend far, since extra-urban tombsalong the roads leading out of the city are attestedquite close to the walls, notably the tomb of L. Consi-dius Gallus on the *Via Tiburtina (Lanciani,FUR pI.


should instead be located in the SW Campus Martius,N of the Pons Agrippae where it would have been fedentirely by the Aqua Virgo. There is no evidence thatthe Euripus was the boundary of thepomerium in theW Campus Martius as early as the Augustan period(Boatwright 489 n.16; contra, Coarelli 1977, 819-22,830-37).

F.Coarelli,s.v. "Euripus,"LTUR II,237-39.M. Boatwright, "The' Ara Ditis-Ustrinum of Hadrian' in the

western Campus Marhus,"AJA 89 (1984)485-97.S. Quilici-Gigli, "Estremo Campo Marzio. Alcune osserva-

zioni sulla topografia,"AnalRom supp!' 10(1983)47-57.

FAGUTAL

The Fagutal was a small sacred area on the*Oppian; it is placed between the *Velia and *Suburaby Festus (476:Fagu<t>ali), and on the Oppian byVarro (Ling. 5.50; for the name, 5.152:Fagutal a fago).The Fagutal is thus generally placed in the vicinity ofS. Pietro in Vincoli (Buzzetti 1995; Richardson; Erkell133; Fridh 1990, 145). It overlapped slightly with*Carinae in this area, but the two terms were notentirely synonymous (as proposed by Platner-Ashby).The location of the Fagutal around S. Pietro in Vincoliis consistent with Solinus (1.26), who states that theFagutal stood at the top of a hill (s.v. *Clivus Pullius).Excavations have revealed continuous habitationfrom the 3rd c. B.C. (Buzzetti 1995;d. *Domus: Cari-nae). In the Augustan period, this was an area of densehousing, in which all traces of the archaic topography(iucus [grove], sacellum [shrine], or lacus [pond], for

FAUNUS,AEDES

A temple was dedicated to Faunus, an ancientLatin god of the forest and its prophetic voices (OCD590), in 196 B.C. at theN end of the Tiber island(*Insula Tiberina; Ov.,Fast. 2.193-94; Livy 33.42.10:aedem ... Fauni,34.53.4; Degrassi; Richardson). It wasvowed by the tribuni plebis, Cn. Domitius Aheno-barbus and C. Scribonius Curio, and dedicated by thepraetor urbanus of the time (Brucia). Vitruvius (Dearch. 3.2.3) mentions the building as an example of thetetrastyle, prostyle temple:huius exemplar est in insulaTiberina in aede Iovis et Fauni.There is disagreement

FAVOR

A cult site dedicated to the little-known deityFavor, recorded only in thefasti Praenestini, had itsdies natalis on October 24th (Degrassi,Inser. Ital. 13.2,135: F[A]VORI;d. 35 for the Fast. Arv.). It was listed incombination with *Venus Erycinaextra portam Colli-

RB. Lloyd, "TheAqua Virgo, Euripus and Pons Agrippae,"AJA 83 (1979)193-204.

F. Coarelli, "II Campo Marzio occidentale. Storia e topogra-fia,"MEFRA 89 (1977)807-46.

G. Lugli,ltinerario di Roma antica(Rome1970)446.Blake,Roman constructionII (1959)36.G. Lugli,Monumenti antichi di Roma e suburbioIII (Rome1938)

159-60.F.W.Shipley,Agrippa's building activitiesin Rome (St. Louis

1933)54n.99.P. Romanelli,"Roma,ViaPaola,"NSc 1931,314-45.G. Gatti, "Ritrovamenti riguardanti la topografia e la

epigrafiaurbana,"BullCom15(1887)275-85.

which see Erkell and Fridh) must have been lost.Palombi locates the Fagutal further E at the findspot ofan inscription of A.D. 109(ClL VI 452) whichmentions a VIcvsIoVISFAGVTAllS.

A.GT.

Palombi,Tra Palatinoed Esquilino(1997)54-55,figs.50,55.e. Buzzetti,s.v. "Fagutal,"LTUR II,241.

Richardson148.A. Fridh, "Esquiliae,Fagutal,and Subura once again,"Eranos

88(1990)139-61.H. Erkell, "From theEsquiliae to the Esquiline,"Eranos 88

(1990)125-37,esp. 133.A. Fridh, "Three notes on Roman toponymy and topo-

graphy,"Eranos85(1987)115-33.e. Buzzetti and A.M.Colini, "II Fagutale e Ie sue adiacenze

nell'epoca antica,"RendPontAcc36 (1963-64)75-9l.Platner-Ashby 100.

map index 173

among scholars whether this expression should beinterpreted as a temple to Jupiter and Faunus (Rich-ardson) or as separate temples for the two gods (Bru-cia 44). In any case, no archaeological remains can beassociated with these structures (*Iuppiter Iurarius).

a.H.D.Degrassi,s.v."Faunus,aedes,"LTUR II,242.Richardson148.M.A. Brucia,Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome(New

York1990)44-48.

map index 72

nam, thus may also have stood outside the *ServianWall on the *Via Salaria, perhaps near the presentVia Belisario (papi).


FORNIX FABIANUS

An arch at the E end of the "Forum erected by Q.Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus in 121 B.C.to commem-orate a triumph over the Allobroges (Degrassi,Inser.Ital. 13.1, 560), then restored by Fabius' grandson in57 B.C. (CIL VI 1303, 1304, 31593). The arch waslocated at the entrance to the Forum on the "Sacra Via(cf. Cic., De or. 2.267: ad fornieem Fabianum; Plane.17.7; Sen.,Constant. 1.3), but the precise location ismuch debated. Sources describe the Fornix Fabianusas 'next to the Regia'(iuxta Regiam: schoI. Cic. 211Stangl), 'next to the stone wellhead of Scribonius Libowhich is in the Porticus lulia' (ad puteal ScriboniiLibonis quod est in porticu Iulia:schol. ad Pers. 4.49),

FORSFoRTUNA,FANUM

A Republican temple, or temples, dedicated to ForsFortuna in "Trans Tiberim, presumably somewherealong the "Via Campana (latervia Portuensis), whichpresents severe topographical problems. Two archaictemples of Fors Fortuna are known to have been builton the Via Campana, one founded by Servius Tulliusat the first milestone (Savage 31-35 esp. n.52, n.61;Varro, Ling. 6.17: fanum Fortis Fortunae), and theother by an unknown dedicator at the sixth milestone.The latter is not to be considered here, since it fallswell outside the city. Two later temples to Fors For-tuna followed the early foundations mentioned above.The first one is known from a contract dating to 293B.C.by Spurius Carvilius which specifically mentionsa temple near that of Servius Tullius (Livy 10.46.14).The second was a new temple, or restoration, dedica-ted in A.D. 16 by Tiberius within the confines of"Horti Caesaris (Tac.,Ann. 2.41.1).

Since the first milestone on Via Campana (as meas-ured from the "Pons Aemilius; cf. Scheid 642; Palmer370) would fall within the limits of the "Horti Caesa-ris, it is reasonable to think that all three temples tothe cult (i.e., those of Servius Tullius, Sp. Carviliusand Tiberius) may have been built within the sameneighborhood in S "Trans Tiberim; the later ones mayeven represent the rebuilding(s) of the samefanum(Richardson; contra, Savage 33, Champeaux 201, whoplaces Carvilius' temple at the sixth milestone). Tiber-ius' rebuilding also shows that the cult was activeupon the same site into the early 1st c. A.D.

The archaeological evidence for these sanctuariesis heavily debated (Champeaux 200 n.8). In 1860, theconcrete podium (20.5 x 12.75 m) of a distylein antistemple and three architrave fragments were excavatednear the first milestone of the Via Campana, close byVigna Bonelli or Costa (Monteverde), and about ahalf mile away from Porta Portese (Visconti). Lanci-ani, following the excavator, identified the temple asthat of Fors Fortuna, though without much decisiveevidence (Lanciani and Visconti 27-28, pI. I; contra,Palmer 381, who thinks that this structure is too farfrom the river to be associated with Fors Fortuna).However, a set of 6th-c. B.C. bronze male figurines,

map index 137

and 'before the Sacra Via between the Temple ofFaustina and the Temple of Vesta'(ante Sacram viam,inter templum Faustinae <ac Vestam>:SHA, Gall. 19.4).Scholars have located the arch both to the S and to theN of the "Regia, but an emerging consensus(d. Chioffi)favors a location to the N, mainly on the basis ofrecent excavations (Steinby) and Coarelli's persua-sive analysis of the literary evidence.

1. Chioffi, s.v. "Fornix Fabianus,"LTUR II, 264-66.

E.M. Steinby, "Illato orientale del Foro Romano,"Arctos 21

(1987) 156-67.

Coarelli, Foro Romano II (1985) 172-73.

map index 181

which were discovered in 1888 near modern Via F.Chiappini at the end of Viale Trastevere, are associa-ted with the cult of Fortuna, and thus may support thislocation (Fiorelli). An excavation in 1939-40 exploredthe area called 'Pietra Papa' on the bank of the Tiberand revealed a podium, possibly built at the time ofTiberius, which was identified as one of the temples toFors Fortuna (Iacopi 105-6; <.:ontraLe Gall).

Recently Coarelli (43-46) has identified the square-shaped and possibly domed structure shown on theNW corner of the well-located frag. 28 of the SeveranMarble Plan as theaedes Fortis Fortunae(RodriguezAlmeida, Forma pI. 20). It was traditionally thought torepresent a tomb (Gatti). The structure appears tohave been built along a major street, usually identifiedas the Via Campana, right across from the industrialhorrea structures. Since Coarelli's over-imaginativesuggestion lacks conclusive evidence and fails toresolve the topographic dilemma presented here, thelocation ofthe sanctuary to Fors Fortuna proposed byLanciani and Visconti is followed on our map, thoughwith reservations. Until disproven by further arch-aeological evidence, there is no reason to believe theexistence of more than one temple to Fors Fortunaaround the first milestone.

b.B.

F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti,Castra Ravennatium: la Via Campana Portuensis ealcuni edifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana,"Ostraka1 (1992) 39-54.

Richardson 154-55.

J. Champeaux, Fortuna: Ie cuIte de Ia fortuneii Rome et dans Iemonde romain(Rome1982).

R.E. Palmer, "The topography and social history of Rome's

Trastevere (southern sector),"ProcPhiiSoc 125 (1981)

368-97.

J. Scheid, "Note sur la Via Campana,"MEFRA 88 (1976)

639-67.

G. Gatti, "Trastevere," in Carettoniet al., Pianta (1960) 94-95.

J. Le Gall, Le Tibre, fleuve de Rome dans l'antiquite(Paris 1953)

271.

G. lacopi, "Scavi e scoperte presso il porto f1uviale di S.

Paolo," BuliCom 68 (1940) 97-107.


S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere,"MAAR 17(1940) 26-56, pI. 1-4.

G. Fiorelli, "Notizie degli scavi: Aprile,"NSc 1888, 203-68,

esp. 229-32.

"FORTUNA" (QUIRINALIS) ,Shrine of Fortuna, specifically of TUXTIEueA1ttl;,

on the *Vicus Longus, believed to be founded byServius Tullius. Plutarch describes the cult site bothas an altar (~(j)~6c;;:De fort. Rom. 10) and as a shrine(iepov: Quaest. Rom. 74); it probably comprised analtar surrounded by an enclosure wall (Aronen). Theexact site of the shrine along the Vicus Longus isunknown (here, Coarelli's location near the Palazzo

FORTUNA EQUESTRIS, AEDES

Temple vowed and dedicated in the 2nd c. B.c. nearthe *Theater of Pompey in the *Campus Martius; noarchaeological remains are extant and its exact loca-tion is a matter of debate.Q. Fulvius Flaccus vowedthe temple in 180 B.C., when his Roman cavalrybravely turned the tide in a battle against the Celti-berians (Livy 40.40.10, 44.9), and dedicated it at theend of his term ascensor on 13 August 173 B.C. (Livy42.10.5; Degrassi,Inscr. Ital. 13.2,494-95). Vitruviuslocates it near the stone theater (3.3.2:FortunaeEquestris [sc. aedis] ad theatrum lapideum);since hewrote before 26 B.C., this could only have been the*Theatrurn Pompeium.

Pietila-Castren, following Coarelli (1981),theorizes that this temple stood N of Pompey's theaterand was destroyed when Agrippa built the *StagnumAgrippae. Richardson offers a different theory: inAD.

22 the Equestrian Order importuned Tiberius to helpthem locate a Temple of Equestrian Fortune wherethey could make votive offerings on behalf of Livia'sfailing health (Tac.,Ann. 3.71.1); Richardson suggeststhat, since the lack of an appropriate shrine in Rome

FORTUNA ET MATER MATUTA, AEDES

Twin temples dedicated to Fortuna and MaterMatuta located at the N border of the *Forum Bova-rium, just inside the *Porta Carmentalis (Livy24.47.15-16, 25.7.6). Tradition held that both werefounded by Servius Tullius (Dion. Hal.,Ant. Rom.4.27.7, 4.40.7; Livy 5.19.6; Ov.,Fast. 6.569-72, 6.613-26), and the temples are often mentioned together (e.g.,Livy 33.27.3-4: inforo Bavaria ante Fortunae aedem etMatris Matutae), even sharing a dedication day(Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 468-69). Since both templesburned in the fire of 213 B.C.,which also damaged the*Forum Holitorium and *Porta Carmentalis, a locationin that vicinity seems likely (Livy 24.47.15;d. *Spes,

Aedes). These factors led scholars to identify the twintemples discovered in 1937 near the Church of S.

R. Lanciani and C.L. Visconti"I1 busto di Anacreontescopertonegli Orti di Cesare,"BullCom 12 (1884) 25-38.

c.L. Visconti, "Escavazioni della Vigna Bonelli fuori dellaPorta Portese negli anni1859 e60," AdI 32 (1860) 415-50.

map index 98

delIa Esposizione is followed), as is the Latintranslation of the Greek epithet 'EU£A1ttC;;'(bonae spei,bene sperans, bona,felix,and tutela have all been pro-posed: see Aronen, who favors Spes).

F.Coarelli,s.v."Quirinaliscollis,"LTUR II, 183.

J. Aronen, s.v. "Fortuna(TuX!] EUEAlttC;),"LTUR II, 269.

Richardson156.

map index 28

appears to be a new problem, the temple had beendestroyed only very recently, perhaps in the fire ofA.D.21 that severely damaged the Theatrum Pompeium(Tac., Ann. 3.72.4, 6.45.2). Finally, a notice fromObsequens (16) indicates this temple was at one end ofa portico connected to the Temple of *Iuno Regina,which lies SEof the Theatrum Pompeium; assuming theportico followed the line of the river and/or theCircus Flaminius, we might comfortably locate theTemple of Fortuna Equestris to the S of the theater aswell. On this evidence, then, the temple is assumed notto have been located N of the theater, where theStagnum would have replaced it in the last quarter ofthe 1st c. B.c., but S of it, where it was destroyed inA.D. 21; it is cautiously indicated in that area on ourmap.

E.].K.

F.Coarelli,s.v. "Fortuna Equestris,aedes,"LTUR IT, 268-69.

Richardson155.

L. Pietila-Castren,Magnificentia publica (CommHumLitt 84,Helsinki1987) 113-16.

F. Coarelli, "Topografia e storia," inL'area sacra di LargoArgentina (Rome1981) 31.

map index 197

Omobono as those of Fortuna and Mater Matuta(Colini et al.; Pisani Sartorio,LTUR); further, archaeo-logical evidence dates this site back to the Archaicperiod (Gjerstad), which corresponds well with thetradition of the temples' foundation. The temples sharea single, large platform and each has an altar in frontof it. Under the nave of S. Omobono is theaedes ofMater Matuta, while the temple of Fortuna lay furtherS. The visible temple remains seem to belong to thereconstruction by Camillus in 212 B.C. (Livy 24.47.15,25.7.5-6;Sommella).

D.B.G. Pisani Sartorio, s.v. "Fortuna et Mater Matuta, aedes,"

LTUR II, 281-85.

Richardson155.


cally joined to the Porticus Pompeianae, given theexedrae facing both Nand S along the dividing linebetween the two, as shown on plans by Lanciani(FUR pI. 21), Gleason, and Coarelli (1997). The E endof the Hecatostylum has been excavated by Marchetti-Longhi; plans of this excavated portion form the basisfor our map.

S.Orlandi, s.v. "PorticusLentulorum,"LTUR IV,125-26.Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997)552fig. 140.K.L.Gleason,"Porticus Pompeiana;a new perspective on the

first public park of ancient Rome,"Tournai of Garden

History 14(1994)16fig.3.G. Marchetti-Longhi, "Gli scavi dell'area sacra del Largo

Argentina. Evoluzione e trasformazione dell'area deitempli dall'eta imperiale all'inizio del medio evo,"Bul/Com 82(1970-71)7-9,with general plan.

HERCULES, ARA MAxIMA

A monumental altar to Hercules at the *ForumBovarium, the oldest and most revered center ofHercules' cult in Rome (e.g.,av., Fast.1.579-82: ..,quaeMaxima dicitur, aram;Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.40.6,d.1.39.4; Strabo 5.3.3) and also the alleged starting pointfor Romulus' delimitation of thepomerium (Tac.,Ann.12.24; magnam Herculis aram).The altar's approxi-mate location and grand size can be deduced fromServius, who mentions it as 'behind the gates of theCircus Maximus' (ad Aen. 8.271;post ianuas circiMaximi) and explains the epithetMaxima by citing'the magnitude of the structure'(ad Aen. 8.179:ara ...quam Maximam dicit ex magnitudine jabricae).Diony-sius of Halicarnassus describes it as 'near' (1tATJcriov)the Forum Bovarium and, while judging the construc-tion inferior, stresses the altar's extremly highreputation; it was the place where 'oaths are takenand agreements made for sealing business transac-tions' (Ant. Rom. 1.40.6;d. Ov., Fast. 1.581-82). Theremains of a large, solidly built podium, exceeding 20 x30 m, of Anio tufa blocks with travertine facing underthe E part of S. Maria in Cosmedin (Cressedi; Kraut-heimer) have convincingly been attributed to the altar(Coarelli 1988, 73: "malta probabile"; Tolotti 440-41,with a purely speculative superstructure; Coarelli,LTUR 17; contra, Ziolkowski, with reference to the'inferior construction' mentioned by Dionysius ofHalicarnassus). The objection by Richardson (187)that this place is "poorly located to be a turning pointin the pomerium of Romulus" hardly forms a validargument, but his conclusion that the platform "is

HERCULES CUBANS

A small aedicular sanctuary dedicated to HerculesCubans in *Trans Tiberim, listed in theNotitia and theCuriosum for Regio XIV: Transtiberim (Reg. Cats.;Herculem cubantem; Nista 13; Richardson; Savage 42n.149). In 1889, along Viale Trastevere some 600 m Nof the Trastevere train station, a rock-carved aedicu-lar shrine of Hercules was excavated along with twoinscribed altars and numerous sculptures (Marchetti).The inscriptions on the altars and on the epistyle ofthe rock-cut niche mention the dedication by L.Domitius Permissus to Hercules(CIL VI 30891-92). Aseries of small tufa sculptures further secures theidentification of the cult with Hercules Cubans; the

map index 194

clearly not temple foundations but a solid mass"(Richardson 187) strikes a most important point (sincetemples, among other buildings, typically do not showsolid platforms but individual foundation walls). Ourmap therefore accepts, with some caution, the identifi-cation of this platform with the Ara Maxima. Thealtar must have formed the focal point of an agglom-eration of sanctuaries to Hercules in this area(*Round Temple; Forum Bovarium; *Round Temple:Tiberis). Its connection with theInvictus epithet ofHercules is not explicitly attested and rests on theattested cult ofHercules Invictus ad circum Maximum(Fast. Alif. and Amit.: Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 181,191) as well as a postulated temple of Hercules E ofthe altar (*Hercules Pompeianus, Aedes), combinedwith a series of mid- to late-Imperial Hercules Invictusinscriptions some 50 m N of it (s.v. Round Temple:Forum Bovarium).

D.B., L.H.

F. Coarelli,s.v. "Hercules Invictus, ara Maxima,"LTUR Ill,15-17.

A. Ziolkowski,"1limiti del Foro Boarioalia luce degli studirecenti,"Athenaeum 82 (1994)195-96.

Richardson186-87.Coarelli,Foro Boario(1988)61-77.E. Tolotti,"Sulli edifici antichi di S. Maria in Cosmedin," in

Coarelli,Foro Boario(1988)439-42.G.Cressedi,"II foro Boarioed il Velabro,"Bul/Com 89 (1984)

257fig.3,262-63no. 14a.R. Krautheimer,Corpus basilicarum christianarum RomaeII

(VaticanCity 1959)286-87with fig. 221.

map index 180

wider sculptural assemblage from the area suggeststhat the sanctuary existed from the 1st c. B.C.throughthe end of the 3rd c. A.D. (Nash, Nista 13). This area isthought to have been situated within the limits of the*Horti Caesaris (Papi 56).

E.Papi, s.v. "Hortl Caesaris,"LTUR Ill, 55-56.1. Nista, s.v. "HerculesCubans, sacellum,"LTUR Ill, 12-13.Richardson185.Nash 1,figs.569-70.

S.M.Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere,"MAAR 17(1940)26-56.

D.Marchetti,"ViaPortuense,"NSc 1889,243-47.


HORREAAGRIPPIANA

A massive warehouse built by Agrippa on the NWslope of the "Palatine. Carandini has recently arguedthat this complex is in fact the laterhorrea Germani-ciana et Agrippiniana, but the inscription to theGeniushorreorum Agrippianorum found in the center of thecourtyard secures the traditional identification(d.Graziosi). The excavated portion of the HorreaAgrippiana indicates that its shape was rectangular,not trapezoidal, and that it was multi-storeyed(Bauer). There is now broad consensus that fragment42 of the Severan Marble Plan (Carettoniet al., PiantapI. 33; renumbered as 5a in Rodriguez Almeida,FormapI. 33) does not, as was long believed, represent theHorrea Agrippiana.

Excavations in 1983-85 in the area to the N of theHorrea Agrippiana, underneath the Church of S.Maria Antiqua, uncovered a late-Republican struc-ture, either a house or a commercial building of some

HORREAGALBANA

Extensive late-Republican warehouses that definethe urban topography of the SE "Emporium area (seefig. 12 above). The identification of the monumentalcomplex is well established, and the late 2nd-c. B.C.date for its construction is not debated. The broaddistrict SW of the "Aventine, bordered by the "ViaOstiensis to the NE, the so-called ""Porticus Aemilia"to the NW, and the "Monte Testaccio to the 5, wasknown as the praedia Galbana in the RepublicanperiQd, and the name may be preserved in the MarblePlan (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 17, frags. 24 A,Bwith the restored inscription: [PRAED]IAETHORREA[G]ALB[ANA]).The land in this area belonged to theSulpicii Galbae (Etienne 241). The spacious ware-houses were organized around three rectangularcourtyards immediately 5E of the Porticus Aemilia, asshown on the Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma102-5, pI. 16, frags. 24 a, c; the former is now lost, andknown only from 16th-c. drawings). Lanciani's mapillustrates the randomly and scantily excavatedportions of the complex(FUR pI. 40).

The small-scale (and largely unpublished) excava-tions in 1955 revealed concrete walls "faced withslightly irregular opus reticulatum" that were dated tomid-1st c. B.C. (Rickman 104). Coarelli has recentlysuggested a late 2nd-c. B.C.date for the same evidence(Coarelli 42;d.Richardson). Confirmation of the ear-lier construction date for the warehouses comes from

HORREALOLLIANA

Courtyard-type late-Republican warehouse com-plex in the S "Emporium area, known.primarily from alarge fragment of the Severan Marble Plan (RodriguezAlmeida, Forma 106, pI. 18, frag. 25; for the name, e.g.,elL VI 4226: VILICVSEXHORRE1SLOLLIANIS)since arch-

map index 214

sort, and a later pavement inopus spicatum. Becausethe Horrea Agrippiana also had a pavement inopusspicatum, it has been suggested that this correspon-dence implies a thorough reworking of the whole areain the Augustan period (Hurst 475), but only furtherexcavation will be able to confirm this hypothesis.

C.F.N.

F.Astolfi,s.v. "Horrea Agrippiana,"LTUR Ill, 37-38.A. Carandini,Schiavi in Italia(Rome1988)386n.94.H. Hurst, "Area di S. Maria Antiqua,"BullCom 91.2 (1986)

470-78.H. Bauer, "Un tentativo di ricostruzione degliHorrea

Agrippiana," ArchCl30 (1978)132-46.G. Rickman,Roman granaries and store buildings(Cambridge

1971)89-97.G. SchneiderGraziosi, "Genius horreorum agrippianorum,"

BullCom42(1914)25-33.

map index 269

the nearby "Sepulcrum of Ser. Sulpicius Galba, consulof 144 or 108 B.C., who is often associated with theconstruction of thehorrea (Rickman 166-67; Etienne239-40).

Careful examination of the architecture of the threeunits shows that they are not identical, while thestructures that occupied the E courtyard remain un-known (Coarelli 42; Rickman 102). Rodriguez Almei-da (1977, 14-18) convincingly argued for a triple-cohors social organization of the warehouse workers,evident from numerous inscriptions and reflected inthe structure of the monument (e.g., the inscription,dated to the time of Galba, from an altar toBona DeaGalbilla mentioning a dedication by the VILICVSHORREORVMGALBIANORVMCOHORTIVMTRIVM:ClL VI30855; Rodriguez Almeida 1984, 55 fig. 18).

F.Coarelli,s.v. "Horrea Galbana,"LTUR Ill, 40-42.Richardson193.R. Etienne,"Extra Portam Trigeminam:espace politique et

espace economiquea l'Emporium de Rome," inCUrbs(1987)235-49.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, IIMonte Testaccio: ambiente, storia,materiali(Rome1984)35-65.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, "Cohortes III Horreorum Galbia-norum,"RendPontAcc50 (1977)9-25.

G. Rickman,Roman granaries and store buildings(Cambridge1971)97-104,166-67.

map index 273

aeological evidence for thehorrea is scanty (Coarelli44). The completely preserved label on the MarblePlan makes the identification of the structure certain.This fragment is firmly located S of, and downstreamfrom, the Emporium area, where the Tiber bends to the


SE (Gatti, esp. fig. on p. 94).

On the lower part of the fragment, the HorreaLolliana are represented as organized around twocourtyards with porticoes. The two units are dissimi-lar in the overall size of the courtyards and thearrangement of the rooms around them. Thehorrea arelinked to the "Tiber by means of a wide quay andstairs. On the upper half of the fragment, a narrow setof courtyard structures and a small bath-house"similar to the Stabian baths at Pompei" are shownwith the same rectilinear orientation as thehorrea(Rickman 112).

The construction of thehorrea was associated withthe gens Lollia, whose commercial relations withDelos are known from epigraphic evidence (Etienne242 n.45). As for the specific individual from the Lolliifamily responsible for the construction, Coarelli (43)

HORREA:SACRAVIA

Warehouse which extended along the W foot of the"Velia, facing the "Sacra Via opposite the "Domus: M.Aemilius Scaurus (Schingo; Papi,LTUR III). Preservedremains inopus reticu/atum and pavements ofopusspicatum allow the structure to be dated to the early1st c. B.C. (Palombi 67-69, figs. 11-12). The identifi-cation as ahorreum (warehouse) is based upon itsarchitectural form, a sequence of 4 open courtyardsenclosed by smalltabernae (shops and stalls) (Palombiesp. 69-70;d. "Horrea Galbana; "Porticus Aemilia[Emporium]). These warehouses may have belonged tothe Ahenobarbi, and together with a residence

HORREASEIANA

A prominent Republican warehouse complex in the"Emporium area, not far from the "Tiber, known onlyfrom epigraphic evidence (e.g.,CIL VI 9471: CON-DVCTORHORREORVMSEIANORVM;Palombi). Based onthe findspots of a number of inscriptions which wereexcavated in situ, Lanciani located thehorrea just SEof the so-called "Porticus Aemilia (Lanciani,FUR pi.40; Rodriguez Almeida; CIL VI 238, 9471, 36778,36786,36819). Based on the name of the monument, thefoundation of the horrea is associated with the Seiifamily-clan, and specifically with M. Seius, who wasan aedile in 74B.c. (Etienne; Rickman; Palombi 47).During building construction in 1911 between Via G.Branca, Via G. Battista Bodoni and Via BeniaminoFranklin, remains of possible warehouse structures

HORTl:AGRIPPA

The estate of M. Agrippa in the W "Campus Mar-tius was donated to the people of Rome at his death in12 B.C. According to an inscription of the Augustanperiod (CIL VI 39087), which may describe the boun-daries of Agrippa's property, thesehorti should beplaced between the "Tiber and the "Euripus (Grimal123-26; d. Ov., Pont. 1.8.37-38). The SE boundaryseems to have been the road that issued from the "Pons

suggests M. Lollius Palicanus, a follower of Pompey,based upon the slim archaeological evidence sugges-ting a date of the mid-1st c. B.C. for the structures.Epigraphic evidence demonstrates that thehorreabecame imperial property at the time of Claudius(Rodriguez Almeida; Coarelli 43).

F. Coarelli, s.v. "Horrea Lolliana,"LTUR III, 43-44.

R. Etienne, "Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique etespace economiquea I'Emporium de Rome," inCUrbs

(1987) 235-49.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, IIMonte Testaccio: ambiente, storia,

materiali (Rome 1984) 48-52.

G. Rickman, Roman granaries and store buildings(Cambridge1971) 109-12, 164-65.

G. Gatti, "Horrea Lolliana - Subura," in Carettoniet al.,

Pianta 83-84.

map index 231

("Domus: Velia [3]) and a bath, formed part of anearly-Imperial complex on the Velia (papi,LTUR II).

E.A.D.

G. Schingo, "Indice topografico delle strutture anterioreall'incendio del 64 d.C. rinvenute nella valle del Colosseo

e nelle sue adiacenze," in Panella (ed.),Meta Sudans(1996) 154.

E. Papi, s.v. "Horrea circa domum Auream,"LTUR III, 40.

E. Papi, s.v. "Domus: Domitiana,"LTUR II, 92.

D. Palombi, "Gli horrea delia Via Sacra,"DialArch 8 (1990)53-72.

map index 272

showing extensive use ofopus reticu/atum wereuncovered (Blake; Palombi, for complete references).Even if the Horrea Seiana can be associated withthese scanty remains, no coherent plan can be deducedwithout further systematic excavations in the area.

a.H.D. Palombi, s.v. "Horrea Seiana,"LTUR III, 46-47.

R. Etienne, "Extra Portam Trigeminam: espace politique etespace economiquea l'Emporium de Rome," inCUrbs(1987) 235-49, esp. 242.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, IIMonte Testaccio: ambiente, storia,materiali (Rome 1984) 45-48.

G. Rickman, Roman granaries and store buildings(Cambridge

1971) 168-69.

Blake,Roman constructionII (1959) 15.

Agrippae; a boundary stone was found in this areainscribed M. AGRIPPA(E)PRIVAT(VM)ITER(CIL VI29781; Coarelli 52). On the other hand, De Caprariis(165-68) places thehorti N of the Euripus. It is uncer-tain whether the term 'grove'(&"-0'0<;) used by Strabo(13.1.19) to describe Agrippa's property correspondsto the nemus (grove) by the Stagnum Agrippae describ-ed by Tacitus(Ann. 15.37; s.v. "Nemus: Agrippa) or


rather should be interpreted as theharti proper, whichwere most probably located by the Tiber (Richardson),

This area seems to coincide with part of Pompey'sproperty (s.v. *Dona Pompei, *Horti Pompei), whichwould have included his house by the theater (Asc.,Mil. 36 C Clarke; Cie.,Mil. 67; Plut., Pamp. 40.5; S.v.*Domus: Cn. Pompei us Magnus [2]). The very sameharti passed to Antony at the death of Pompey andeventually through Agrippa to Augustus, who donatedthem to the people (Dio Casso 54.29.4). If the locationof the Horti of Agrippa is correct, then the identifi-cation of the remains in Vallicella as the *Cenotaph:Agrippa (La Rocca 1984, 87-100) seems more plau-sible, since it would have been located on his private

HORTI ASINIANI

The estate of the Asiniani, assumed to have beeninherited by C. Asinius Gallus from his father, C.Asinius Pollio (who died in A.D.4), the famed .collectorof art and donor of Rome's first public library (Grimal157, Avetta 256, Chioffi, d. Zecchini 1279). Afterlongstanding 'confusion' over their location (Richard-son, Platner-Ashby), theharti can now plausibly belocated along the *Via Appia's first mile, based on the1985 publication of a boundarycippus from that area(Avetta, d. ChioHi, La Rocca 236-37). Once criticalevidence for the location of the property, the giant"Farnese Bull", listed among themanumenta ofAsinius Pollio by Pliny (NH 36.33-34) and found atthe Baths of Caracalla (S. Balbina), is now less con-clusive, as most have come to consider the sculpture acopy (contra, La Rocca 239-74, with extensiveconclusions). Furthermore, while Frontinus(Aq. 21.2)testifies that thespecus Octavianus,a subsidiary lineof the *Anio Vetus, 'extends to the region of Via Novaat the harti Asiniani', his account is unconfirmed byarchaeological findings; however, it does not precludean identification with the Severan Via Nova, amonumental avenue parallel to the Via Appiaalongside the Baths of Caracalla (Avetta, La Rocca236, ct. Grimal 157). The boundarycippus has broughtgreater clarity to the discussion (though hardly"confirmation": Chioffi) since this stone, found some-where along the former Via Imperiale (the present-day

HORTI CAESARIS

The topography of Julius Caesar's estate in *TransTiberim is known only from fragmentary literary andarchaeological evidence(trans Tiberim ... prape Caesa-ris hartas: Hor., Sat. 1.9.18), and their exact limits arestill unknown (papi). As part of the S Transtiberinesuburbs of Rome (s.v. *Continentia), it is hard toreconstruct the transformation this territory witnes-sed, following Caesar's bequest of the gardens andtheir contents to the Roman people in 45 B.C.(Suet.,Iul.

83.2), through the end of Augustus' reign (Coarelli 43;D'Arms 43; Palmer, esp. n.50 for refs.).

property (contra, Wiseman). At present, we can becertain that part of Agrippa's property-holdings wereon the NW Campus Martius; the extent and boun-daries depicted here are based solely upon epigraphicevidence.

F.Coarelli,"Hom Agrippae,"LTUR III,51-52.F. De Caprariis, "Due note di topografia urbana,"RivIstArch

14-15(1991-92)153-92.Richardson196.T.P. Wiseman, review of La Rocca 1984,Gnomon 59 (1987)

471-74.E.La Rocca,La riva a mezzaluna (Rome 1984).P. Grimal,Les jardins romains(Paris1969).

Via delle Terme di Caracalla and its continuation asVia Cristoforo Colombo), indicates the property of anAsinia Quarta and of Drusus Caesar (most likelyTiberius' son: Avetta 256; La Rocca 237).

With the connection to the Asinians established bythe boundary stone (and with thecippus accepted asfound in, or close to, its original position), the HortiAsiniani may indeed have been situated "not too far"from the Baths of Caracalla (La Rocca 236-37), thoughit appears premature to locate them with confidence"at the site" (Chioffi) of the baths. With some lingeringhesitation, we represent the estate in that area. Nodoubt featuring water displays and importantartworks (including perhaps the famousmanumenta),the garden estate must have characterized the ViaAppia's appearance close to the city.

L.H., G.V.

E.La Rocca,"Artisti radii neglihorti romani," inHorti romani(1998)203-74.

1. Chioffi,s.v. "Horti Asiniani,"LTUR III,54.Richardson197.1. Avetta,Roma-Via Imperiale (Rome 1985)255-56n.304.G. Zecchini,"AsinioPollione," inANRW II.30.2(1982)1265-

96.

P. Grimal,Les jardins romains(Paris 1969).Platner-Ashby 265.

In A.D. 16 Tiberius dedicated a Temple to *ForsFortuna within the property (Tac.,Ann. 2.41) that isoften topographically associated with earlier templesto this cult at the first milestone of the *Via Campana-Portuensis (Savage 31-35, esp. 32 n.64). Although thelocation of these temples is still debated, it is likelythat at least one cult place can be located in the mod-ern Monteverde region, about half a mile S of the PortaPortese along the Via Campana. The small sanctuaryof *Hercules Cubans along the Via Campana, some 600m N of Trastevere train station, is also considered


within the borders of thehorti (Nash). Lanciani liststhe long history of the recovery of artifacts that wereassociated with thehorti.

This limited evidence suggests that thehorti stretch-ed in a long band along the middle and lower W slopesof the *Ianiculum, and were probably bordered by theVia Campana (D' Arms 40-41 esp. n.44; Papi). Theterraced and porticoed architecture of the gardensmust have covered at least some of these Ianiculumslopes (Val. Max. 9.15.1; Blake points out three porti-coes in the area, including one of Augustan date).

In sum, the estate originally included at least thefirst milestone on the Via Campana to the Wand argu-ably extended as far E as Piazza Mastai, but by theAugustan era land in the east may have been subsumedby the *Naumachia or urban development. Note thatthe linear industrial area of warehouses and their em-bankments between the Via Campana and the Tiber al-ready would have been under development by the timeof Augustus (Palmer 368-69). Palmer (369) argues

Thesehorti are known from two boundary inscrip-tions, found in situ near the church of S. Eusebiobetween Via Cappellini and Via Mamiani (Lanciani,FUR pI. 24), which separated the *Horti Tauriani andthe Horti Calyclani (CIL VI 29771=IL5 5998: HORTOSCALYCLAN(OS)ETTAVRIANOS).Since the Horti Tauri-ani extended SE from the apex of the *Via Tiburtinaand *"Via Labicana-Praenestina" toward the Aure-lian Porta Maggiore, it is logical to assume that theHorti Calydani lay on the opposite side, N of the ViaTiburtina; this location has been confirmed by thediscovery of a new boundary marker of the HortiCalyclani in Via Giolitti, which runs along the S sideof the Termini rail station (Gregori). There is noobvious explanation for the name, nor is the date of

HORTILAMIANI

The horti of the Aelii Lamiae (inhortos Lamianos:Suet., Calig. 59), a prominent family in the lateRepublic, were probably laid out by L. Aelius Lamia(cos. A.D. 3), perhaps in the last decades of the 1st c.B.C.(Gma di Puolo, Grimal). Thesehorti were adjacentto the *Horti Maecenatis (Philo,Leg. 351.2), so theyare placed just to the E, in the area later occupied bythe Villa Palombara and Villa Altieri (Cima 39-41).The primary residential quarters have been placedbetween Piazza Vittorio Emanuele and Piazza Dante(Gma di Puolo), an area rich in sculptural finds andarchitectural remains appropriate for a propertywhich later passed into imperial hands (d. *HortiLamiani: Cryptoporticus), but none of these findsaroues for a specific attribution either to the HortiLamiani or the Horti Maecenatis. Since the borderbetween the two cannot be determined with precision,

that the Seven Caesars, a Republican honorific monu-ment to the Julian clan frequented by wine-merchants,could possibly be associated with the same area.

OR.J.H. D'Arms, "Betweenpublic and private: theepulum publi-

cum and Caesar'sharti Trans Tiberim," in Horti romani

(1998) 33-44.

E.Papi, s.v. "Horti Caesaris,"LTUR ill, 55-56.

F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti,Castra Ravennatium: la Via Campana Portuensis ealcuni edificinella Pianta Marmorea Severiana,"Ostraka

1 (1992) 39-54.

R.E.Palmer, "The topography and social history of Rome'sTrastevere (southern sector),"ProcPhilSoc 125 (1981)

368-97.

Nash I,462.

Blake,Roman constructionII (1959) 261-62.

S.M.Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere,"MAAR 17

(1940) 26-56.

R. Lanciani,The ruins and excavations of ancient Rome(Boston1897) 546-48.

these horti known (Mancioli, Richardson). But theHorti Calyclani were clearly contemporary with theHorti Tauriani, for they are mentioned on the sameboundary marker; and since the Horti Tauriani wereperhaps Augustan and certainly passed into imperialhands by the mid-1st c. A.D., it is quite probable thatthe Horti Calyclani also existed by the end of theAugustan period. Despite the problems of dating, therelative position and general extent of thesehorti areshown on the map (s.v. *Esquiline Horti).

G.L.Gregori,s.v. "Horti Calydani,"LTUR V,264.

Richardson197.

D. Mancioli,"Horti Calydani," inArcheologia in Roma capitale

(1983) 203.

our map leaves the question open (structures that mayhave belonged to either are the *Diaeta Apollinis,*Esquiline Horti: Colonnade, *Esquiline Horti: Apsi-dal Building). The E border is not known, although atleast by the Imperial period the *Horti Maiani arethought to have stood to the E(eIL VI 8668: AMOSCHOPROC(VRATORE)HORTORVMMAIANORVMETLAMIANOR(VM)iGma 39). The N border was the *"ViaLabicana-Praenestina". On the S, it extended at leastas far as the crest of the Esquiline overlooking theCaelian (Gma 41) but perhaps further (s.v. *EsquilineHorti).

A.G.T.

M. Cimadi Puolo,s.v. "Horti Lamiani,"LTUR III, 61-64.

M. Cima, "Dagli scavi dell'Esquilino all'interpretazione deimonumenti," in M. Cima and E. La Rocca (edd.),Le

tranquille dimare degli dei(Venice1986) 39-41.


grove (Cic., Att. 13.29.1-2); once situated in a back-water, the growth of the city had made the spot afrequented one suitable for a shrine commemoratingCicero's daughter Tullia (celebritatem nullam turnhabebat, nunc audio maximam:Cic., Att. 13.29.1;maxi-ma est in Scapula celebritas:Cic., Att. 12.37.2). Whilethe exact site and full extent of the estate remains un-known, it was in close proximity to the city(propinquitas ... urbis:Cic., AU. 12.37.2) and may have

HORTI SCIPIONIS

Estate on the W slope of the "Quirinal, most likelycreated in the 2nd c. B.C. by P. Cornelius ScipioAfricanus (RE IV Cornelius 336). Cicero records thatin 163 B.C.Ti. Gr~cchus located his augurial tent onthe grounds of thesehorti to take consular auspices(Nat. D. 2.11:hartas Scipianis); thus the property musthave had an elevated site outside thepomerium.Richardson proposes a location in the "Campus Mar-tius near the "Saepta, butauguracula tend to be on theheights (s.v. "Auguraculum [Arx], [Quirinalis]). Forthis reason, Coarelli's thesis, which places Scipio'sharti on the collis Mucialis, is followed here. It is

HORTITAURIANI

Theseharti are known from two boundary inscrip-tions, found in situ near the Church of S. Eusebiobetween Via Cappellini and Via Mamiani (Lanciani,FUR pI. 24), which separated the Horti Tauriani andthe "Horti Calyclani (CIL VI 29771=ILs 5998: HORTOSCALYCLAN(OS)ETTAVRIANOS).A water pipe inscribedwith the name of T. Statilius Taurus(CIL XV 7542)was perhaps found on the Esquiline, and may derivefrom theseharti (Papi), or from the familydamus (Eck).Grimal argues that the property of the Statilii exten-ded beyond the family necropolis (s.v. "Sepulcrum:Statilii) and the Porta Maggiore (Grimal 1936, 275;accepted by Papi), but he places the core of thehartiwithin .the apex of the "Via Tiburtina and ""ViaLabicana-Praenestina" (Grimal 1969, 149). Theywere perhaps established under Augustus by T. Stati-lius Taurus, consul in 37 and 26 B.C.(Wiseman, Hiiu-

HORTUU: TERENTIUS

Modest estate near the Temple of "Mars on the"Via Appia belonging to the comic playwrite Terence(d. 159 B.c.; Suet.,Ter. 5; Richardson). Suetonius, whocalls them hartuli, relates that the poet's small estatecomprised 20iugera (c.12acres). Since we cannot be

The highest and most conspicious hill of Rome,which forms a continuous ridge with a N-S axis on the

been quite expansive (perhaps comprising 1000iugera,c.660 acres; inferred by Shackleton Bailey from Cic.,AU. 13.31.4); unfortunately, the position of thesehartion the Vaticanus Ager is not known with enoughassurance to plot them on our map.

W. Eck,s.v. "Horti Scapulani,"LTUR III,83.D.R. Shackleton Bailey, "Appendix III: Tullia's fane," in

Cicero'sletters to AtticusV (Cambridge 1966)404-13.

map index 103

unclear whether the estate survived into the Augustanperiod as an entity or a toponym; Cicero notes that in44 B.C. Mark Antony removed sculptures from the"Horti Caesaris, which had been bestowed upon theRoman people, to the villa of Scipio(Phil. 2.109: invillam scipianis). This mayor may not refer to thehar-ti under consideration here (in favor of this identifi-cation is Richardson, while Coarelli thinks that thereference is to the Tivoli villa of ScipiO Metellus).

EAD.F.Coarelli,s.v. "Horti Scipionis,"LTUR III,83-84.Richardson203-4.

ber). M. Statilius Taurus(cas.A.D.44) certainly ownedthis property; after his suicide in A.D. 53 (Tac.,Ann.12.59), they passed into Imperial hands. Despite theuncertainties of dating and extent, our map shows thegeneral position of thesehorti (s.v. "Esquiline Horti).

A.G.T.

E. Papi, s.v. "Horti Tauriani,"LTUR III, 85.W. Eck,s.v. "Domus:T.StatiliusTaurus,"LTUR II, 182.T.P. Wiseman,Talking to Virgil: a miscellany(Exeter1992)74

with n.8.R.c. Hauber, "Zur Topographie der Horti Maecenatis und

der Horti Lamiani auf dem Esquilin in Rom,"KolnJb 23(1990)15,65.

Richardson197,204.

P. Grimal,Lesjardins romains(Paris1969)14849.P. Grimal, "Les Horti Tauriani. Etude topographique sur la

regionde la Porte Majeure,"MEFRA 53 (1936)256,275.

map index 278

certain where the boundaries were, or even if theproperty was preserved as such in the Augustanperiod, it is marked only by an index number.

Wedge of "Trans Tiberim; it defines the W limits of theancient urban topography of Rome(d. Liverani 1996;


Coarelli). Geologically, it is identified as "an accumu-lation of marine deposits in regular layers" (Goodhue16).

The late-antique Regionary Catalogues list the hillas mons Ianiculensis, along with theViCllS Ianiclllensisand "Pagus 1anicol(ensis) (Liver ani 1997, 89). Whilealmost nothing is known about this urban area, amajor thoroughfare, namely the "Via Aurelia, connec-ted the "Pons Aemilius to the site of the later PortaAurelia on the 1aniculum and probably also formedthe N limit of the "Naumachia (Taylor 481). A Repub-lican viaduct crossed this thoroughfare near Via dellaLungaretta, immediately NE of S. Crisogono (Gatti).The" Ager of L. Petilius and the so-called tomb ofNuma Pompilius, which were located at the foot of thelaniculum by ancient sources (Livy 40.29.3), haveconvincingly been associated with the area where theVia Aurelia climbed the NW slopes of the hill (Rich-ardson 152). The existence of a "Pagus lanicol(ensis),the limits of which are unknown, is the only evidencethat "Trans Tiberim was divided intopagi, i.e., theneighborhood divisions of Rome's suburbs (Coarelli18; Richardson 329; s.v. "Continentia). Defensivewalls may have ringed the summit of the hill, thoughtheir presence in the Augustan era and their extent aredebated (""Arx laniculensis").

IANUS, AEDES

The northernmost of the three preserved temples inthe "Forum Holitorium (d. "Iuno Sospita, Aedes; "Spes,Aedes), dedicated to lanus and located outside the"Porta Carmentalis (Festus 358:in aede Iani, qllae estextra earn). The identification is based on thedescription of the temple as'iuxta' or 'ad' the "Theaterof Marcellus (CIL 12 p. 217, 245; Serv.,ad Aen. 7.607;Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 149, 181, 195; Crozzoli Aite113; Ziolkowski). Built by C. Duilius soon after 260B.C.,Augustus began to reconstruct the temple, but theproject was only completed by Tiberius whorededicated the temple in A.D.17 (Tac.,Ann. 2.49:Ianotemplllm ... apud forum Holitorium). The S side of thetemple is partly incorporated into the Church of S.

IANUS QUIRINUS, SACELLUM

The shrine of 1anus Quirinus(RG 13: Ianllm Quiri-num; Hor., Carm. 4.15.9; Suet.,Aug. 22), also called1anus Gerninus (Pliny, NH 34.33), was one of the old-est monuments in the "Forum(d. Tortorici; sacellum:Ov., Fast. 1.275; sacrarium: Servius, ad Aen. 7.607);perhaps it served originally as a bridge(ianus) carry-ing the "Sacra Via over the "Cloaca Maxima (Hol-land). Its precise location in the Forum in the Augustanperiod is unclear. Ancient sources locate the lanussanctuary 'at/near the bottom of the "Argiletum'(adinfimum' Argiletum: Livy 1.19.2; circa imum Argile-turn: Servius, ad Aen. 7.607) and 'in front of the doors'of the "Curia 1ulia(1tpO trov 8uprov: Dio Casso 84.13.3;d. Procop., Goth. 1.25.18-23). It is probably to be

The middle and lower slopes of the SW laniculum,bounded by the Via Campana in the area of the Tiberplain, were mostly occupied by the "Horti Caesaris.To the N and adjacent to this late-Republican gardenestate, an extensive Republican sacred grove andsanctuary, the "Lucus Furrinae, occupied the higherand middle slopes within the area of the Villa Sciarra-Wurts and along a natural ravine that extended on anE-W axis through Viale Dandolo (Goodhue). ThelllCllSbecame a favorite spot of foreign cult places likethat of "Iuppiter Optimus Maximus H(eliopolitanus).

b.H.

P. Liverani,s.v. "laniculum,"LTUR III, 89-90.

R. Taylor, "Torrent or trickle? The Aqua Alsietina, theNaumachia Augusti, and the Transtiberim,"AJA 101(1997) 465-92.

P. Liverani,"Ianiculum: daAntipolis al Mons Ianiculensis," inIaniculum-Gianicolo (1996) 3-12.

F. Coarelli, "II Gianicolo nell'anticita tra mito e storia," inIaniculum-Gianicolo (1996) 13-27.

Richardson192 and329.

N. Goodhue,The Lucus Furrinae and the sanctuary on theJaniculum (Amsterdam1975).

G. Gatti, "II viadotto delia Via Aurelia nel Trastevere,"BullCom 68 (1940) 129-41.

map index 168

Nicola in Carcere and the ground-plan can easily berestored, as remains of the temple have also beenexcavated outside the church (Crozzoli Aite pI. 1; thetemple is also represented on the Severan Marble Plan:Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 23, frags. 31 h,i). Theseremains have been dated to the Augustan period on thebasis of their architectural decoration (Crozzoli Aite106,111; contra, Coarelli 91).

F.Coarelli,s.v. "lanus, aedes,"LTUR III, 90-91.

Ziolkowski,Temples(1992) 61-62.

1. Crozzoli Aite, Itre templi del Foro Olitorio (MemPontAcc13,1981).

map index 146

identified with the small structure in brick and traver-tine still visible at the corner of the "Basilica Paullifacing the Curia (Coarelli), an identification reinfor-ced by Cozza's location of fragment 212c of the Sever-an Marble Plan. Although this suggestion implies thatthe location of the lanus Quirinus remained unchangedfrom the archaic period through the 4thC. A.D. (d.Richardson for the suggestion that Dornitian moved itto the Forum Transitorium), it is at least consistentwith all the literary references (contra, Staccioli).

According to tradition, the doors of the Ianus Qui-rinus shrine were closed when Rome was at peace.Augustus boasts in hisRes Gestae (13) that these


doors had been closed only twice before his time, butthree times while he wasprinceps (d. Livy 1.19.2-3;Suet.,Aug. 22). The shrine is depicted on coins of Neroas a small rectangular building in ashlar masonrywith double doors and no visible roof(RIC 12 pI. 20,nn. 270, 283, 291, 307, 323).

CF.N.

R.A.Staccioli,"1anum ad infimum Argiletum," inEtrusca etItalica: scritti in ricordo di Massimo PallottinoII (Rome

INSULATIBERINA

One of the ancient names for the Tiber island (e.g.,Vitr., De arch. 3.2.3: in insula Tiberina; Degrassi,LTUR). A ridge of alluvial formation (but not on a tufabedrock, 270 x 70 m), the island had a strong culticcharacter in antiquity with its prominent Aesclepianprecinct (Brucia 10). Its sacred topography was sel-dom frequented by traffic between the city center and*Trans Tiberim until the mid-1st c. B.C. when theisland witnessed major building activity and wassubsequently incorporated into AugustanRegia XIV,later known asTranstiberim (Degrassi 1987). Notonly was the Temple of Aesculapius extensively reno-vated at this time (*Aesculapius, Aedes), butconstruction of two bridges, the *Pons Fabricius in 62B.C.and *Pons Cestius in 49-43 B.C.,provided a majorthoroughfare across the island from the 5 *CampusMartius and *Forum Holitorium area to theTranstiberine region (Degrassi 1987, 524-25).

Fragment 32 of the 5everan Marble Plan, labeledINTER DVOS PONTES, illustrates a central plazabordered by a portico to the NW and the precinct ofAesculapius to the 5E (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI.24). The travertine and tufa walled embankment at the5E end of the island in the shape of a ship's prow(Degrassi, LTUR fig. 65) and the travertine pavementexcavated under the modem hospital also date fromthe mid-1st c. B.C. (Conticello de' 5pagnolis). Also

1997)567-73.E.Tortorici,s.v. "Ianus Geminus, aedes,"LTUR III,92-93.1. Cozza, "Sul frammento 212delia Pianta marmorea,"JRA

2 (1989)117-19.Coarelli,Foro RomanoI (1983)89-97.1. Richardson,jr., "The Curia Julia and the Janus Geminus,"

RomMitt 85(1978)359-69.1. Holland,Janus and the bridge(Rome1961)108-37.

excavated was a 2nd-c. B.C.pavement with dedicatoryinscription to *Iupiter Iurarius (Conticello de' 5pag-no lis 374; Degrassi, LTUR 100). Literary and epi-graphiC evidence suggests that the island includedcultic monuments to various other divinities, including*Faunus (Aedes), *Vediovis (Aedes), and Tiberinus;these shrines are otherwise archaeologically un-known (Brucia 44-60 for refs.). Inscriptions of a com-pital altar were found on the island in the 17th c.(CILVI 446-47=ILS 3612 a-b; Hano; name ofvicus notpreserved) and attest to the formal establishment of anew neighborhood in about the year 7 B.C., whenRome was re-organized into *Regiones Quattuordecim.

O.H.

D. Degrassi,s.v. "1nsulaTiberina,"LTUR III,99-101.M.A. Brucia,Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome(New

York 1990).

M. Conticellode' Spagnolis, "Isola Tiberina,"BullCom 92.2

(1987-88)372-76.D. Degrassi,"1nterventiedilizi sull'Isola Tiberina nel I see.a.

c.: nota sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche edarcheologiche,"Athenaeum 75 (1987)521-27.

M. Hano, "A l'origine du culte imperial: les autels des LaresAugusti," inANRW II, 16.3(1986)2342.

M. Guarducci, "L'1solaTiberina e la sua tradizione ospitalie-ra,"RendLinc 125(1971)267-81.

ISEUMMETELLINUM

Large, terraced sanctuary of Isis, N of the modernVia Labicana on the 5 slopes of the *Oppian. It isattested on the basis of architectural, epigraphical andsculptural finds, and may be identified both with thesanctuary of Isiset Serapisof Augustan Regia III, andwith the Republican Iseum Metellinum. In 1653 theremains of an Egyptian temple were seen near theChurch of 5S. Pietro e Marcellino, hence the tradition-al placement of this temple near the church (Richard-son; Hauber 1990, 50-51; Coarelli 57; Malaise 171-72), but in the 17th c. SS. Pietro e Marcellino was theonly landmark in this area. There is strong evidencethat this temple, which was later destroyed (Lanciani1897), stood on a large terrace on the S slopes of theOppian. It has been shown that a long substructurewith buttresses and vaults of Republican date,

map index 305

discovered N of Via Pasquale Villari, was part of anIseum (d. *Iseum Metellinum: Substructure). Epigra-phic and sculptural finds over a wide area suggestthat this Iseum also included the triportico whichstood on a large terrace to the W (s.v. *Iseum Metelli-num: Porticus-Piscina). The architecture here isconsistent with an Iseum, and this was perhaps wherethe main temple of Isis originally stood (de Vos 1997,113). It is very likely that the Porticus-Piscina and thesubstructure in Via Pasquale Villari formed one largecomplex, c.260 m in length (de Vas 1993, 87).

Sometime after the Augustan era, this extensive Ise-urn gave its nameto the region,Regia III: Isis et Serapis(de Vos 1997,99; ead. 1994, 130-31;d. CIL VI 2234,32462), and to the local inhabitants, who were known


recently advocated identifying the podium recoverednear the upper reaches of the *"Clivus Palatinus" asthat of Iuppiter Invictus/Victor (followed by Papi, 23,who notes that the podium is of Imperial, perhapsHadrianic, date). Given the questions surrounding thelocation of the Palatine cult site of Iuppiter Invictus, itis not represented on our map.

IUPPITERIURARIUS

Cult site of Iuppiter Iurarius on the Tiber island(*Insula Tiberina), only known from epigraphic evi-dence (Degrassi). In 1854, under the cloister of S.Giovanni Calabita in the N sector of the Insula Tibe-rina, anopus signinum pavement revealed a fragmen-tary dedicatory inscription: DESTIPEIOVIIVRARIO(CILVI 379=XIl 990). This was interpreted as evidence forthe presence of a temple to Iuppiter Iurarius on theisland (Richardson 221; Brucia; Besnier). Vitruvius(De arch. 3.2.3) refers to a prostyle temple of Jupiterand *Faunus on the Tiber island; whether the templededicated in 194 B.C. by C. Serviliusdeo Iovi (Livy

IUPPITERLIBERTAS,AEDES

Unlocated Temple of Iuppiter Libertas on the*Aventine, which was rebuilt by Augustus(feci: RG19); it has been tentatively equated with the Temple ofIuppiter Liber mentioned in theFast. Arval. (Degrassi,Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 33; Richardson; Andreussi; ponderedby Coarelli). Though Ziolkowski raises thepossibility of an identification with the colonnadedremains under S. Sabina (*Aventinus: Colonnades), re-examination of Krautheimer's evidence requires thatthe question remain open. Given the absence of defini-

IUPPITERQPTIMUSMAXIMUSCAPITOUNUS,AEDES

The Temple of Iuppiter Optimus Maximus has beenidentified, since 1683, with the foundations underPalazzo Caffarelli in the *Area Capitolina. Originallydating from the Archaic period, this huge temple wasarguably the most important and revered sacred build-ing in Rome. It was dedicated to the Capitoline Triad:Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, Iuno Regina, and Minerva,and incorporated pre-existing shrines to Terminus,Iuventas, and Mars (August., De civ. D. 4.23).Excavations undertaken since 1865 (see Riemann 110-12) have revealed enough to reconstruct a rectangularpodium c.62 x 53 m in area and3.6 m high (Taglia-monte). North of the rear side of the podium is a paral-lel foundation which was part of thetemenos wall ofthe Area Capitolina (Riemann 112-13), not part of thetemple (as Reusser). Several construction phases arevisible: a layer of capellaccio tufa blocks (H.c.30-32cm) set into the bedrock, Slayers of the same tufa (H.cAO cm) set back slightly from the course below and,

on top, a layer of concrete. However, there are fewerdistinct construction phases than known restorations,

E.Papi, s.v. "Palatium (eta repubblicana-64 AD.),"LTUR IV,22.

F. Coarelli,s.v. "Iuppiter Invictus, aedes (in Palatio),"LTUR

III, 143.Ziolkowski,Temple~(1992)80-85.Richardson227.

31.21.12) can be equated with this temple, or with aseparate temple to Ve(d)iovis (*Vediovis, Aedes[Insula Tiberina]), is uncertain (Richardson 406).Given the questions surrounding this cult site, it is notrepresented on our map.

D. Degrassi,s.v. "Iuppiter Iurarius,"LTUR III, 143-44.Richardson221,406.M.A. Brucia,Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome(New

York1990)52-55.M. Besnier,L'fle Tiberine dans l'antiquiU (Paris 1902)249-72.

tive testimony for its location, our map omits even anindex number for the Temple of Iuppiter Libertas.

D.B.,L.H.

Coarelli,Roma (1997)396.M. Andreussi, s.v. "Iuppiter Libertas, aedes,"LTUR III, 144.Richardson221.Ziolkowski,Temples(1992)85-87.R. Krautheimeret al., Corpus basilicarum christianarum Romae

IV (VaticanCity 1970)82 with pI. V.

map index 158

and the dating of these levels is disputed (Wardle). TheArchaic temple burned in 83 B.c. The new temple wasstarted by L. Cornelius Sulla and dedicated byQ.Lutatiu$ Catulus in69 B.C. It was subsequently dam-aged by lightning on a number of occasions andrestored by Augustus at great expense(RG 20.1),perhaps after a fire in 9 B.C. (De Angeli). It is fairlycertain from the existing podium remains that theAugustan temple as well as its antecedents and succes-sors all s~ood on the same foundations (De Angeli).Above the level of the podium, the Temple of IuppiterOptimus Maximus is generally restored in the Tuscanorder, with three narrow cellae set behind a deepporch supported by three rows of 6 columns in aperipteros sine posticoarrangement (Ulrich 58 fig. 10,59-60,67). In addition, there must have been a flight ofsteps in front of the fa<;ade, yet nothing survives ofthese steps in the archaeological record. Ourreconstruction of the steps is hypothetical, but basedon Coarelli and on Ulrich (58 fig. 10, 64-65).


S. De Angeli, s.v. "Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capitolinus,aedes (fasitardo-repubblicane e di eta imperiale),"LTURIll, 148-53.

G. Tagliamonte, s.v. "Iuppiter Optimus Maximus Capito-linus, aedes (finoall' a.83 a.c.),"LTUR Ill, 144-48.

D. Wardle, "Vespasian, Helvidius Priscus and the restora-tion of the Capitol,"Historia 45 (1996) 220.

IUPPITER OPTIMUS MAXiMUS H(ELIOPOLITANUS)

A sanctuary dedicated to Iuppiter Optimus Maxi-mus Heliopolitanus (abbreviated onCIL VI 422:LO.M.H., with VI 30765=lLS 4292;d. CIL VI 420=lLS398; VI 421; XIV 24), the chief god of the Syrian solartriad of Heliopolis-Baalbek (Hajjar 213-14), withinthe limits of the *Lucus Furrinae on the SE slopes ofthe *Ianiculum (Calzini Gysens,LTUR 138; sometimesreferred to assaeellum Deae Suriae,d. Savage 44-50).

The precinct wall was discovered in 1906 andexcavated in 1908-9 on the fringes of the present-dayVilla Sciarra-Wurts, along the edge of a ravine, rightbelow the curve of Via Dandolo (earlier called VialeGlorioso; Gauckler; Goodhue pI. 1 for a site plan).While the major phase of the temple (with its peculiareclectic architecture) was dated to the 4th c. A.D., theexcavators identified two earlier phases, which wereprobably not more than open-air precincts withsimilar layouts (Goodhue 47). The earliest phase wasassociated only with the remains of a perimeter wall,and was assigned an insecure mid 1st-c. A.D. datebased on construction techniques (Gauckler 253). Thesecond phase, a rebuilding by M. Antonius Gaionas, iswell dated to A.D. 176-181 by inscriptions (Gauckler227 ff.).

A partial excavation was conducted in 1981-82 tosolve these problems of dating and stratigraphy(Calzini Gysens 1982). Below two separate parts ofthe later temple, much earlier walls ofopus retieulatumor mixtum were excavated, and dated from thebeginning of the 1st c. A.D. to the mid-2nd c. A.D.(Meneghini 50; Meleet aI. pI. 2, sreas A and M). Waterconduits, built in opus retiedlatum and associatedwith these earlier levels, are dated from the end of the

Coarelli,Roma (1995) 37.

R.B.Ulrich,The Roman orator and the sacred stage: the Roman

templum rostratum (Brussels1994) 58 fig. 10, 59-60, 64-

65,67.

Reusser,Fidestempel (1993) 34fig.4, d. 33 fig. 3.

H. Riemann, "Beitrage zur romischen Topographie,"RomMitt 76 (1969) 110-13.

map index 179

1st c. B.C. to the first half of the 1st c. A.D. (CalziniGysens 1982, 62; id.,LTUR 141). Although the datingand architecture of the first phase of the temple remainunclear, there seems to be good reason to assume thepresence of the sacred spot and associated cultic acti-vity in the time of Augustus, since both the location ofthe temple in the *Lucus Furrinae and the cult itselfwere popular in the late-Republican period (Hajjar;Calzini Gysens 1996).

a.H.J. Calzini Gysens, s.v. "Iuppiter Heliopolitanus (Reg.XIV),"

LTUR Ill, 138-43.

J. Calzini Gysens, "Illucus Furrinae e i culti del cosiddetto'santuario siriaco'," inIaniculum--Gianicolo (1996) 53-60.

J. Calzini Gysens and F. Duthoy, "Nuovi elementi per unacronologiadel SantuarioSiriacodel Gianicolo,"Ostraka 1

(1992) 133-35.

R.Meneghini,"II 'santuario siriaco' del Gianicolo:l'impiantoarchitettonico," in M. Mele etaI., L'area del 'santuario

siriaco del Gianicolo'(Rome1982) 47-57.

J. CalziniGysens,"Osservazionisulle fasi I e II del santuariocon riferimento aile ultime campagne di scavo," in M.Meleetal., L'area del 'santuario siriaco del Gianicolo'(Rome1982) 61-73.

Y. Hajjar, "Jupiter Heliopolitanus," in M. J. Vermaseren(ed.),Die orientalischen Religionen im Romerreich (Leiden1981) 213-40.

N. Goodhue,The Lucus Furrinae and the sanctuary on theJaniculum (Amsterdam1975).

S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere,"MAAR 17(1940) 26-56, pI. 1-4.

P. Gauckler,Lesanctuaire syrien du Janicule(Paris1912) 221-60,

esp. pis.5, 35, 50.

IUPPITER STATOR, AEDES (PALATIUM)

Temple to Iuppiter Stator ('Stayer') said to bevowed by Romulus during a battle with the Sabines(Livy 1.12.3-7: templuin Statori lovi; Florus 1.1.13;Plut., Rom. 18.7) near the *Porta Mugonia (Dion. HaL,Ant. Rom. 2.50.3; Ov.,Trist. 3.1.31). According to Livy,the Romulean temple was never built, and the siteremained afanum (consecrated location) until 294 B.C.when the consul M. Atilius Regulus vowed a temple toIuppiter Stator in the heat of battle (Livy 10.36.11,10.37.15). The Roman Senate, having twice been obli-gated to erect a temple,now ordered theaedes built(Livy 10.37.15: aedem lovis Statoris). In the late-Republican period Ciceco convened the Senate there

map index 226

(63 B.C.: Plut., Cie. 16.3-4; Cie.,Catil. 1.11, 1.33), andOvid records its dedication day as June 27(Fast.6.793-94).

The location of this temple has been subject toheated debate. Literary sources frequently connect itwith the Porta Mugonia (see above), a Palatine gatewhich can be placed with some confidence along the*"Clivus Palatinus" S of the *Sacra Via. The templewas also near the *Nova Via and the house ofTarquinius Priscus (Livy 1.41.4). Ovid placesit 'in

front of the Palatine' (Fast. 6.794:ante Palatini), andPlutarch at 'the beginning of the Sacra Via as you


(Fast. Vall.: VORTVMNOIN LORETOMAIORE,in Degras-si,1nscr. Ital. 13.2, 149), which is attested as a neigh-borhood inRegia XIII on the Capitoline base(CIL VI975=1L5 6073, A.D. 136: VICVSLORET(I)MAIORIS,alongwith a separately-listed VICVSLORET(I)MINORIS;d.Richardson). The specific location of the Lauretumdepends upon that of the Temple of Diana Aventina(based upon Dionysius,lac. cit., though not previouslyexploited in this respect:d. Platner-Ashby; Crous;Richardson; Andreussi); here we cautiously accept thetraditional placement of the temple in the center of thehill's plateau (for the debate over this site, s.v. DianaAventina, Aedes) and locate the Lauretum in itsproximity without marking it separately on our

LIBITlNA,Lucus

The *Esquiline grove of Libitina, a goddessassociated with funerals and with Venus; the name isderived from libido, 'desire' (Coarelli, L TUR V;Wiseman 15). It included atemplum to Venus-Libitina(Festus 322:templa ... alterum in luco Libitinensi).Thisgrove was probably the headquarters of thelibitinarii,professional undertakers (Bodel). An inscriptionfound outside the *Porta Esquilina, which mentions aguild of flute-players, who also took part in funerals(eIL VI 32448), puts this grove in the *CampusEsquilinus just S of the *Macellum Liviae (Wiseman13-15; Bodel; Coarelli); archaic architectural terracot-tas have been discovered in this area (Coarelli,LTURIII). The temple seems to have been an early Republican

Lucus FURRINAE

A sacred grove and sanctuary to the ancient god-dess Furrina dating to the Republican period, locatedon the middle slopes of the SE *Ianiculum, known asthe place where C. Gracchus died in 121 B.C. (Plut.,Vir. ill. 65.5: in lucum Furrinae; C. Gracch. 17.2;Calzini Gysens,LTUR 193; id. 1996,56-57). Archaeo-logical discoveries in 1906-10 located the site withinthe limits of the modern Villa Sciarra-Wurts, along anatural ravine that extends along an E-W axisthrough present-day Viale Dandolo (Gauckler 69-92,esp. pI. 5 for site plan; Goodhue pI. 1-3; MocchegianiCarpano fig. 1). Among the finds was a marble altar oflate 1st-c. A.D. date, dedicated to Zeus Keraunios andthe Nymphae Furrinae (CILVI 36802; Gauckler 15-18;Savage 35-36). This dedication to the nymphs accordswith the topographical features of the sacred springsand grottos in the area, as well as with the elaboratehydraulic installations which were incorporated intothe natural landscape of thelucus (Gauckler; for the

Lucus STIMULAE

A sacred grove to Stimula, at. theN foot of the*Aventinus, known solely throughancientsources(DeCazanove). The site was known as the place wherenocturnal rites of theBacchanalia were performed in

map; also nearby would be the *Armilustrium (basedupon the combined statements of Varro and Plutarch,lac. cit., regarding Tatius' tomb). Thus, for theAugustan period, the Lauretum must have been a park-or garden-like stand of laurels around both the Templeof Diana Aventina and the tomb-memorial of Tatiusassociated with a residentialviClls-quarter on thecentral Aventine.

L.H.

M. Andreussi, s.v. "Loretum, Lauretum,"LTUR III, 190-91.Richardson234-35.J.W.Cmus, "Florentiner Waffenpfeiler und Armilustrium,"

RomMitt 48 (1933)64-65.Platner-Ashby317.

map index 334

foundation (Ziolkowski) and its survival into theImperial period is attested(CIL VI 33870,9974). In theAugustan period this was also a commercial area.Late-Republican tombstones attest that two freedmen,a butcher and a clothes-dealer, had businesses here(CIL 12 1268, 1411; Wiseman 15 with n.13).

J.Bodel,s.v. "Libitina,lucus,"LTUR V,272-73.F.Coarelli,s.v. "VenusLibitina,lucus,"LTUR V, 117.F.Coarelli,s.v."Libitina,lucus,"LTUR III, 189-90.T.P. Wiseman, "A stroll on the rampart," inHorti romani

(1998)13-16.Ziolkowski,Temples(1992)167.

latest but limited archaeological work, see Mocche-giani Carpano). Within the confines of thelucus, atemenoswas dedicated to *Iuppiter Optimus MaximusH(eliopolitanus) with a series of later temples. Thelucus probably continued to be an important histori-cal and cultictapasin the Transtiberine landscape.

b.H.

J.CalziniGysens,s.v. "LucusFurrinae (Reg.XIV)," LTUR III,

193-94.J. Calzini Gysens, "II lucus Furrinae e i culti del cosiddetto

'santuario siriaco'," inIaniculum-Gianicolo (1996)53-60.C. Mocchegiani Carpano, "II sorgenti," in M. Meleet al.,

L'area del 'santuario siriaco del Gianicolo'(Rome1982)39-43.N. Goodhue,The Lucus Furrinae and the sanctuary on the

Janiculum (Amsterdam1975).S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere,"MAAR 17

(1940)26-56,pI. 1-4.

P. Gauckler,Le sanctuaire syrien du Janicule(Paris1912)1-137.

the early 2nd c. B.C. (Livy 39.12.4:in luco 5timulae)

and it was dedicated to Stimula, who was associatedwith Semele, mother of Dionysus (Ov.,Fast. 6.503).These Bacchic rites are reported by Livy (39.8-18) to


have been suppressed by the Roman senate in 186 B.C.Accounts of this event locate thelucus near the *Tiber(Livy 39.13.12) at the foot of the Aventine (Ov.,Fast.6.518), perhaps to the NW of the hill (De Cazanove56-57, esp. fig. 2; Coarelli; contra, Richardson, whofavors the SW Aventine). Although the cult survivedwell into the Imperial period (Richardson), the con-

LUNA, AEDES

Temple of Luna on the *Aventine(d. Ov., Fast.884), without identified remains. Its site depends onthat of the Temple of *Ceres, whose location, thoughnot known with certainty, can reasonably be narrow-ed to the lower slope of the Aventine's N tip, justabove the head of the *Circus Maximus. Luna's templestood in the immediate vicinity of ~eres' (Richardson;Ziolkowski; Coarelli; Andreussi), since its doors arereported to have been dislodged by a storm in 182 B.Cand hurled into the rear wall of the Temple of Ceres(Livy 40.2.2); further, both temples were hit bylightning - presumably the same bolt - on the sameday in 84 B.C (App., B Civ. 1.78). Assuming thetemple's existence during the Augustan period (Tac.,Ann. 15.41; yet with Lucina, instead ofLuna, as af\

LUPERCAL

A grotto at the base of the SW *Palatine, near the*Circus Maximus, believed to be the site where Faus-tulus discovered Romulus and Remus with the she-wolf (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.79.8, Livy 1.5.1-2, Ovid,Fast. 2.381-424). The site featured a spring, and wasonce surrounded by a grove; the originalficus Rumina-lis grew here, but by the Augustan period, onlyvestigia of the fig-tree remained near the Lupercal(Ov., Fast. 2.411; d. *Forum; Richardson; Coarelli;Pliny, NH 15.77-78; Tac.,Ann. 13.58).

Following literary sources, the Lupercal can belocated on the lower SW Palatine. Dionysius of Hali-carnassus places it at the foot of theGermalus (s.v.Palatine) between the *Velabrum and *Circus Maxi-mus (Ant. Rom. 1.79.8), and also associates the grottowith the Temple of *Victory, which stood atop the SWPalatine (Ant. Rom. 1.32.5). Further, the Lupercal isdescribed as inCirca, 'at the Circus [Maximus]'(Servius, ad Aen. 8.90), and used as a landmark for aPalatine theater proposed but never realized by C.Cassius Longinus (c.154 B.C, a Lupercali in Palatio:VeIl. Pat. 1.15.3; Richardson 239).

Augustus takes credit for building the Lupercal(RG 19:feci); although what this meant architecturallyis unclear, an imperial intervention would haveentailed significant alterations (Coarelli,LTUR; Wise-man 15). Concurrently, the festival of theLupercaliawas re-organized by Augustus (Suet.,Aug. 31.4; on theLupercalia, Wiseman; d. *Magna Mater, Aedes).Within the Lupercal were several statues, including a

tinued presence of thelucus under Augustus remains amatter of conjecture. The site cannot be sufficientlyspecified to receive an index number.

F.Coarelli,s.v."Stimula,lucus,"LTUR IV, 378.

Richardson236.O. De Cazanove,"LucusStimulae: les aiguillons des Baccha-

nales,"MEFRA 95 (1983) 55-113.

map index 255

alternative: Ziolkowski, 99), our map groups its indexnumber together with those for the Temple of Ceresand the adjacent Temple of *Flora. The importance of acult to Luna and the proximity of her temple to those ofCeres and Flora may appear less "obscure" (Ziolkow-ski, 99) when one takes into account the potentiallydestructive effect on crops and vegetation that the fullmoon was considered to have (Pliny,NH 18.286-92).

D.B., L.H.

M. Andreussi, s.v. "Luna, aedes,"LTUR III, 198.

F. Coarelli,S.v."Ceres, Liber, Liberaque, aedes; aedes Cere-ris,"LTUR I,261.

Ziolkowski,Temples (1992) 99-100.

Richardson238.

map index 200

bronze depiction of the she-wolf suckling the twins(Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 1.79.8; Livy 10.23) and anequestrian statue of Drusus(CIL VI 912=31200). Thepresence of an equestrian monument suggests thechange in atmosphere the Augustan rebuilding mayhave brought to a once idyllic, watery grove.

Returning to an early theory advanced by Lan-ciani, Coarelli suggests that a grotto near the Churchof S. Anastasia may be the Augustan Lupercal(LTUR;contra, Richardson). First excavated in 1534, this cavewas decorated as anympheum with its walls "encrus-ted in marine shells" (Lanciani); Coarelli argues, asdoes Shipley, that this decoration would be appropri-ate for the Lupercal. Complicating matters is a seriesof Augustan tufa walls which stand just E of the apseof S. Anastasia (Whitehead pI. 11, A and B; Lanciani,FUR pI. 29); despite their partial preservation, thewalls seem to have belonged to a warehouse similar tothe *Horrea Agrippae (Whitehead). This suggestsfurther study is needed before Coarelli's proposal canbe accepted, and thus the Lupercal has been repre-sented by an index number on our map.

F.Coarelli,s.v. "Lupercal,"LTUR III, 198-99.

Richardson238-39.

T.P. Wiseman, "The god of the Lupercal,"JRS 85 (1995) 1-

22.

P.B.Whitehead, "The church of S. Anastasia in Rome,"AJA31 (1927) 405-20.


thought it lay near the modern Piazza del Gesu, whileRichardson identifies it with an unlabeled squarestructure depicted on the Severan Marble Plan (Rodri-guez Almeida, Forma frag. 35a), as part of avillaPublica reconstituted by Domitian as theDivorum.

The most attractive hypothesis to date is that ofCoarelli, who focuses on a series of walls discoveredunder Yia del Plebiscita in 1925. These he associateswith a Hadrianic rebuilding of the altar, and fromthem reconstructs a grand peribolos enclosure,c.65 x65 m, inside which stood the altar on a massive raisedplatform. The excavation also revealed some traces ofan earlier structure on this site (Mancini). These re-mains, if Coarelli's identification holds, might give us

some indication of the location and general magnitudeof the Republican and Augustan Ara Martis.

Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 182-97.

Richardson245.

E. Welin, "Ara Martis in Campo: zur Frage der Bedeutungund des Umfanges des Campus Martius,"OpRom 1(1954) 166-90.

F. CastagnoIi,II Campo Marzio nell'antichitii (Rome1947) 93-

193, esp.133-40.

G. Mancini,"Roma,RegioneIX," NSc 1925, 225-43, esp.239-

43.

S.B.Platner, "The Ara Martis," CP3 (1908) 65-73.

H. Jmuan and C. Hiilsen,Topographie der Stadt RomimAlterthum 1.3 (Berlin1907) 475-77.

One of the few surviving Augustan monuments isthe monumental tomb built by Octavian early in hisreign for both his own burial as well as the intermentof other members ofgens Iulia and his notable friends(for a discussion of the burials, Macciocca). In 1934,the environs of the ancient structure was cleared ofresidential urban fabric as part of the creation of aFascist architectural ensemble at Piazzale AugustoImperatore. The archaeological excavations andprimary architectural restorations were completed in1938 (Gatti 1934, id. 1938).

In antiquity, the location of the Mausoleum, immed-iately W of the *Yia Flaminia, fell within the N limitsof the *Campus Martius. Its colossal architecturalform marked the N entrance to the marshland of theCampus, having been built at the mouth of the isthmuscreated between *Collis Hortulorum and the *Tiber.Strabo (5.3.8) describes the monument, 'the so-calledMausoleum' (to MUllcrroAEtOVKUAOUJ.lEVOV),as agreat mound by the river on a lofty platform, topped bypoplar trees (E1t1.KPT\1tlOO~U"'T\A~~AE1lKOAi8oll1tpO~lq> 1totUJ.lq>XOOJ.lUJ.lEyU)and with 'a large sacredgrove' (J.lEyUaAcro~)and promenades behind it. Sue-tonius (Aug. 100.4) approves such an urban setting,and mentions the public groves and walks(silvas etambulationes) around the Mausoleum, which wereopened to the public by Augustus in 28 B.C. Thisformal public landscape probably encompassed thearea from the modern Piazza del Popolo up to thepavements of the *"Horologium Augusti", and spannedthe widestretch between the *Yia Flaminia and theriver (Rakob 687-88; von Hesberg 1994, 35-36; id.,LTUR 234). These gardens held numerous altars(including the *Ara Pacis),aediculae and statues, aswell as the *"Ustrinum Domus Augustae".

map index 57

The precise construction dates for the Mausoleumare a matter of debate (Kraft, for a critical discussionof the historical controversy). According to Suetonius(loc. cit.), the building was already completed by 28B.c., but apparently only to a certain extent, since atthe time of the first burial at the Mausoleum (that ofMarcellus in 23 B.C.), the construction was still notyet complete (Dio Casso 53.30.5). Based on the stylisticcriteria of the architectural details, especially thedesign of the Doric entablature, von Hesberg (1994,47-48,54-55; id.,LTUR 235) argued that the construc-tion must have started before 31 B.C.,which concordswith the earlier suggestion of Kraft.

The recent study by von Hesberg (1994, figs. 1-3,46-48) improved our understanding of the building'soverall design, which was known from Gatti's earlierwork (1938, figs. 1, 13 for reconstructed plan and ele-vation). A lofty travertine socle (diam. 89 m) formed amonumental base(krepis) for its tumulus, while theconcentric wall around the burial chamber rose higherto form a cylindrical tower which held a second earth-en mound and the statue of the emperor on the summit.Yon Hesberg reconstructs a marble Doric entablaturefor the upper drum, punctuated by shield plates and amarble revetment for the lower socle, extendingc.20 mon each side of its main doorway(LTUR 235). TheResGestae was posthumously inscribed on two bronzetablets and either 'installed at the entrance of theMausoleum' (Suet.,Aug. 101.4) or 'engraved on twobronze pillars' (RG, praef). Yon Hesberg reconstructsa 120 x 120 m travertine pavement around the Mauso-leum (1994, 31-33, fig. 48). The basalt andcaementi-cium foundations for the two red granite obelisks(Amm. Marc. 17.4.16) have been located by the recentcoring and excavations adjacent to the drum on eitherside of the doorway, bothc.22 m from the center(Buchner). Based on the archaeological remains of a


short-lived canal that ran from the base of the Wobelisk to the Tiber, and which must have been usedfor the transport of the obelisks, it is now believedthat they were raised during the lifetime of Augustus.

b.B.

H. von Hesberg, s.v. "Mausoleum Augusti: das Monument,"LTUR III, 234-37.

M. Macciocca, s.v. "Mausoleum Augusti: Ie sepolture,"LTUR III, 237-39.

E. Buchner, "Ein Kanal fur Obelisken: Neues vomMausoleum des Augustus in Rom,"Antike Welt 27 (1996)

161-68.

MEFITlS, AEDES

Temple on the *Cispian overlooking the *YicusPatricius (Festus 476:aedis Mefitis; Yarro, Ling. 5.49:lacus Mefitis). It is best located on the high ground atthe S end of the Yicus Patricius where the valley isdeepest (Richardson), rather than further N on themore level ground near Piazzale Esquilino (RodriguezAlmeida). Coarelli suggests that adam uSbelonging tothe Papirii also stood in this area, on the site of VignaSantarelli (for location, see Lanciani,FUR pI. 23), andthat this may have belonged to a Republican branch ofthe family, either the Papirii Cursores or Papirii Car-

MERCURIUS, AEDES

Unlocated Temple to Mercury(aedes:Livy 2.21.7),

which overlooked the *Circus Maximus (Ov.,Fast.5.669: templa ... spectantia Circum).The only knowntemple to Mercury in Rome, it is mentioned in the late-antique Regionaries forRegia XI: Circus Maximus.Since Mercury's Roman cult site is described as'behind the turning posts of Murcia' (Apul.,Met. 6.8:retro metas Murtias; s.v. *Murcia, Sacellum), one candeduce a location near her shrine on the *Aventine

MILIARIUM AUREUM

The so-called 'golden milestone' in the *Forumerected by Augustus in connection with his super-vision of the road system(cura viarum), undertaken in20 B.C. (Dio Casso 54.8.4: XPuQ"ouvJliA.tov KI::KA.11-JlEVOV).The milestone, probably sheathed in gildedbronze (but d.Dig. 50.16.154, where it is referred tosimply as 'the milestone of the city',miliarium urbis),was 'at the end of the Forum'(in capite Romani fori:Pliny, NH 3.66), 'at the foot of the Temple of Saturn'(sub aede(m) Saturni:Tac., Hist. 1.27; Suet., Otho 6.2).The circular concrete foundation discovered byKahler at the SE corner of the semi-circular stair tothe *Rostra of Augustus may be the remains of the

H. von Hesberg and S. Panciera,Das Mausoleum des Augus-

tus: der Bau und seine Inschriften(Munchen1994).

F. Rakob, "Die Urbanisierung des niirdlichen Marsfeldes.Neue Forschungen im Areal des Horologium Augusti,"in CUrbs (1987) 687-711.

K.Kraft, "Der Sinndes Mausoleums des Augustus,"Historia

16 (1967) 189-206.

G. Gatti, "Nuove osservazione sui Mausoleo di Augusto,"L'Urbe 3-8 (1938) 1-17.

G. Gatti, "IIMausoleodi Augusto,"Capitolium 10 (1934) 457-

64.

map index 348

bones; he also argues that an early member of this fam-ily established the cult of Mefitis. Coarelli's theory isplausible but hypothetical, so only the likely positionof the temple (not thedomus) is marked on the map.

A.G.T.

F.Coarelli,s.v. "Mefitis,aedes, lucus,"LTUR III, 239-40.

F.Coarelli,s.v."Domus:Papirii,"LTUR II, 152.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, s.v. "Cespeus, Cespius, Cispius,Mons,"LTUR I, 264.

Richardson251.

side of the Circus Maximus (Richardson, Andreussi).As our map shows, this makes the E slope of theAventine's main hill somewhat the more likely site,while the N slope of the SE hill (the "Lesser Aven-tine") is not excluded either. Therefore, conservative-ly, our map does not show the temple.

L.B.

M. Andreussi, s.v. "Mercurius,aedes,"LTUR III, 245-47.

Richardson252.

map index 125

Miliarium Aureum, but this is not certain. The Milia-rium Aureum represented the notional point of conver-gence for the roads of the Italian peninsular network(Plut., Galb. 24.4), and distances from Rome could becalculated not only from the *Servian Wall but alsofrom the Forum (Mari), but there is no evidence thatthe Miliarium Aureum was inscribed with the namesof major cities and their distances from Rome.

Z. Mari,s.v. "MiliariumAureum,"LTUR III, 250-51.

Richardson254.

H. Kahler,Das Funfsiiulendenkmal fur die Tetrarchen auf dem

Forum Romanum (Cologne 1964) 23, 58-59.


MINERVA,AEDES

Temple of Minerva on the "Aventine, apparently ina prominent place (in arce: Ov., Fast. 6.728), butwithout identified remains. It is mentioned in referenceto events of the late 3rd-c. B.C.(Festus 446/48) and de-picted on the Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almei-da, Forma pl. 15, frag. 22: MINERBAE;d. TemplumDianae et Minervae in the Regionary Catalogues,RegiaXIII). The temple was rebuilt by Augustus(feci: RG19), together with (on the Aventine) the temples of"Iuppiter Libertas and "Iuno Regina (Vendittelli; d.Richardson; Ziolkowski). Its precise location dependson the position of the Marble Plan's fragment, which

MINERVACAPTA,DELUBRAIMINERVIUM

A 'Minervium', or shrine of Minerva, is mentionedby Varro, who places it on a road leading up to the"Caelian (Ling. 5.47), and a shrine or sanctuary ofMinerva Capta is mentioned by Ovid, who puts it onthe crest of the same hill(Fast. 3.835-38:Captae delubraMinervae). It seems likely that both authors refer tothe same place. Following the discovery of a statue ofMinerva and an inscription recording a dedication to

MINERVAMEDICA

This temple (we do not know if it was anaedesortemplum) is listed in theNotitia and Curiosum withinRegia V: Esquiliae (Reg. Cats.: Minerbam Medicam).Itis possible that Cicero puns on the name of this temple:sine medico medicinam dabit Minerva('Minerva willgive medicine without the aid of a medic': Cic., Div.2.123). If so, it dearly existed in the late Republic. Itslocation has been determined on the basis of votivedeposits found in Via Carlo Botta ("Via Curva) bet-ween Via Buonarotti and Via Machiavelli, but thereare no surviving architectural remains (de Vos 108).The votive offerings, foundin situ in the storage cham-bers (favisae) of the temple, included a dedication toMinerva, representations of the goddess, and dedica-tions to a healing deity, all dated from the 4th to 1st c.B.C. An Imperial-period statue of Minerva wasdiscovered nearby, along with statues of other deities.Hauber sees only a circumstantial connection betweenthese finds and Minerva Medica. But in general, theexistence of a temple of Minerva Medica on this site is

MONTETESTACCIO

The artificial hill of modern-day Monte Testacciolies 5 of the ancient site of the "Horrea Galbana in the"Emporium area, bordered by Via Galvani, Via Zaba-glia, Ex-Mattatoio Comunale and the 3rd-c. A.D.Aure-lian Wall, occupying an c.22,000 m2 triangular area(on average: 180 mN-5 x 250 m E-W), with a maxi-mum height of 49 m asl and 36 m above the surroundingstreet level (Rodriguez Almeida 109, fig. 40, and two

supp!. maps; Maischberger). The elevation of this areawas 5 to 6 m lower in antiquity. The ancient name of

map index 258

has recently been disputed, but the most plausiblesolution still speaks for the traditional placement inthe N center of the hill (for details, s.v. Diana Aven-tina, Aedes). With due caution, our map shows thetemple at that place and assumes that the size of itsplatform (c.25 x 50 m) had not changed since theAugustan period.

D.B.L. Vendittelli, s.v. "Minerva, aedes (Aventinus),"LTUR III,

254.

Richardson254-55.Ziolkowski,Temples (1992)109-12.

map index 294

Minerva (CIL VI 524) on theN slopes of the Caelian,this shrine has generally been placed on the ""ViaTusculana" in the area of 55. Quattro Coronati(Colini, Coarelli).

F. Coarelli, s.v. "Minerva Capta, delubra; Minervium,"LTUR III,255.

CoHni,Celio (1944)40.

map index 308

accepted as probable if not absolutely certain(Carlucci, Ziolkowski, Richardson, Gatti10 Guzzo).De Vos suggests a close link between Minerva Medicaand the nearby sanctuary of Isis ("Iseum Metellinum),both of which were dedicated to healing goddesses (deVos 113). Ziolkowski identifies Minerva Medica as amid-Republican temple foundation. Our map marks theposition at which the dedications were found.

A.G.T.

C. Carlucci,s.v. '''Minerva Medica, tempio',"LTUR III, 255-56.

De Vos,Dionysus, Hylas e Isis(1997)108,113.Ziolkowski,Temples (1992)115-17.R.c. Hauber, "Zur Topographie der Horti Maecenatis und

der Horti Lamiani auf dem Esquilin in Rom,"KolnJb 23(1990)54-57.

Richardson256.L. Gatti 10 Guzzo, IIdeposito votivo daII'EsquiIino detto di

Minerva Medica (Florence1978)13-16.

map index 274

this artificial hill, if it had one, is unknown.

The hilI was created by the systematic depositionof amphora sherds to form a terraced pyramidal struc-ture, beginning early in the Augustan era and contin-uing until its abandonment in A.D. 257 (BlazquezMartinez 1992, 43; Rodriguez Almeida 138-39;Maischberger 30). Rodriguez Almeida was able to

produce a schematic diagram that hypothesized thedevelopment of amphora deposition on the hill invarious periods, based mainly on Dressel's 19th-c.


survey and analysis of the ceramic chronology (Rodri-guez Almeida 135-45, esp. figs. 54-56 and, for Dresselreferences, 14). According to his model, the firstpyramidal terrace within the main core of the moundto the E was formed between the Augustan era and theend of the 1st c. A.D.

Though recent archaeological investigations at theMonte Testaccio have not yet found sherds pre-datingA.D. 144, it is assumed that the deposition must havestarted when the Roman province of Baetica was inte-grated into the Roman economy early during the reignof Augustus, since a large proportion of amphorasuncovered on the site are Baetican olive-oil types(Bhizquez Martinez 1991;Spanish excavations atMonte Testaccio). Further, by the late-Republicanperiod the Emporium was already well developedwith massive warehouses as well as a monumentaltomb structure of Rusticelii family ("Sepulcrum: Rusti-celii, mid-2nd to mid-1st c. B.C) immediately to the S ofthe hill, that demarcated its limits.

MURCIA, SACELLUM

The shrine of the archaic diVinity Murcia(sacel-lum: Varra, Ling. 5.154) stood within the track of the"Circus Maximus near the first turning post (the SEmeta)on the "Aventine side (Tert.,De spect.5, 8;submonte Aventino: Festus 135; see fig. 9). Varro relatesthat the small shrine was once surrounded by a grove,but this had been reduced to a single myrtle tree, avestigium,by the Augustan era (Varro,loc.cit.). In lateantiquity the valley was called thevallis Murcia afterthe goddess, but perhaps only after her shrine had

MURI

The Republican city wall of Rome is generallyknown-as the Servian Wall. This remains a convenientlabel, for it is well-entrenched in modern scholarship,and distinguishes the Republican from the laterAurelian Wall. The Latinized term 'Murus ServiiTullii' is a modern coinage. In the Augustan periodand the late Republic, the 'Servian Wall' was knownsimply as 'the walls'(muri), or some variation on thatphrase. In the Latin literary sources, we findmums(Livy 1.36.1, 1.38.6, 1.44.4, 6.32.1; Oros. 4.4.1),muri(Livy 2.10.1, 2.39.9, 3.68.2, 4.31.9, 5.39.2, 26.51.9,26.9.9; Varra, Ling. 5.164; Ov.,Met. 15.616; Festus315; Pliny, NH 3.67; Gell.,NA 13.14.1),muri et portae(Cic., Div. 1.101), muri htrresque (urbis)(Livy 7.20.9,22.8.7, 25.7.5),agger murique(Livy 4.21.9), agger etfossae et mums(Livy 1.44.3), murus ac turris(Varroap. Censorinus, DN 17.8), ormoenia (Livy 1.44.4,2.51.2, 3.66.5, 26.10.3; Pliny,NH 3.66). The ancient

historiographical tradition viewed the urbanizationand fortification of Archaic Rome as a gradual pro-cess, completed only with the construction of the

However, the topography of the artificial hill inA.D. 14 remains conjectural, and will not be knownuntil the Spanish team provides further evidence forthe lower levels of the mound, the results of whichwill provide the best test of Rodriguez Almeida'shypothesis. Our map follows Rodriguez Almeida'sschematic diagram of the hypothetical early deposi-tional state of the mound. Unfortunately, the Berlinmodel of Augustan Rome simply reproduces the moderntopography of the mound and represents it as if it werea natural hill.

Spanish excavations at Monte Testaccio: http://www.

ub.es/CEIP AC/test _u.html

M. Maischberger,s.v. "TestaceusMons,"LTUR V, 28-30.J.M.BI<izquezMartinez, "EITestaccio.Un programa espanol

de investigaciones,"RArq 135(1992)42-49.J.M. Bliizquez Martinez, "Excavaciones espanolas en el

Monte Testaccio.Nuevas datos,"RArq 120(1991)42-49.E. Rodriguez Almeida, IIMonte Testaccio: ambiente, storia,

materiali (Rome1984).

map index 248

been substantially enlarged (Humphrey 96-97;Coarelli; s.v. "Vallis: Circus Maximus). Since nothingis known of the shrine's Augustan architecture, andits location can only be approximated, it is repre-sented by an index number on our map.

F.CoareIli,s.v. "Murcia,"LTUR III,289-90.J. Humphrey, Roman circuses, arenas for chariot racing

(Berkeley1986).

"Agger on the vulnerable "Esquiline plateau towardthe end of the Regal period. One tradition held thatServius Tullius (conventionally 578-35 B.C.) addedthe "Esquiline and "Viminal and built the Agger (Livy1.44.3; Strabo 5.3.7; Dion. Hal.,Ant. Rom.4.13.1-3). Healso 'surrounded the seven hills with one wall' (Dion.Hal., Ant. Rom. 4.14.1). But a competing traditionattributed the Agger to Tarquinius Superbus (Pliny,NH3.67;d. Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom.4.54.2), and Tarqui-nius Priscus was said to have constructed or plannedthe first stone wall (Dion. Hal.,Ant. Rom. 3.67.4; Livy1.36.1).The ancient sources may not agree unanimous-ly as to which of the last three kings of Rome com-pleted the wall (Thomsen 218-22), yet it does seem thatthe dominant tradition gave most credit to ServiusTullius.

Scholars have traditionally emphasized the Livianstatement that the censors in 377 B.C. contracted forthe construction of a 'wall of dressed stone'(mumssaxo quadrato:Livy 6.32.1). This date is consistent


G. Cifani, "La documentazione archeologica delle muraarcaiche aRoma,"RiimMitt 105(1998)370-7l.

S. Aurigemma, "Le mura 'serviane', I'aggere e il fossato all'

Extensive water basin built by Augustus in *TransTiberim in 2 B.C.to stage mock naval battles and aqua-tic displays for the Roman people. In theRes Gestae(23), Augustus gives the dimensions of this large basinas 1800 by 1200 Roman feet (533 x 355 m, andassuming a rectangular form, as has been done withoutexception), with a possible average depth of 1.5 m(Taylor 471). There was 'an island in the middle' ofthe the basin, probably for distinguished spectators,and the island was connected to the bank by a bridgeof notable height (Pliny, NH 16.200). The useful life ofthe basin must have been short; literary sources(including Augustus himself) imply that it was subse-quently surrounded and perhaps partly replaced bythe nemus Caesarum,the Grove of the Caesars (Suet.,Aug. 43.1; later called the Grove of Gaius and Lucius,Dio Casso 66.25.3).

According to Frontinus (Aq. 11.1-2:opus naumach-iae), the main reason for the construction of the *AquaAlsietina was to supply water for the Naumachia andthe adjacent gardens in Trans Tiberim; its conduitended behind the Naumachia (Frontin.,Aq. 22.4:postnaumachiam). A large conduit discovered on the slopesof Janiculum just above the monastery of S. Cosimato isconsidered the primary archaeological evidence forthe location of the Naumachia, the Aqua Alsietina andthe nemus Caesarum(Taylor 482-83; van Buren andSteve~; Lanciani,FUR pI. 33).

Recently three scholars have commented in detailon the problems of the topographic location and shapeof the Augustan Naumachia. Coarelli argued that theNaumachia was partly preserved on the SeveranMarble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 20, frag.28) as a large, blank, rectangular area, which waslocated by G. Gatti in the S Trans Tiberim (Coarelli46-47, fig. 3; Gatti 94-95). This hypothesis locates theNaumachia between modern Viale del Trastevere andthe ancient *Via Campana-Portuensis. Coleman sup-ports Coarelli's argument but suggests an ellipticalplan for the basin for structural reasons and bycomparison with similar structures (Coleman 52-53,fig. 1). However, in the most recent and comprehensiveanalysis of an impressive variety of evidence, Taylorreturns to an earlier scholarly tradition and proposes

esterno delle mura, presso la nuova stazione ferroviariadi termini in Roma,"BullCom 78(1961-62)19fig. l.

G. Saflund,Le mura di Roma repubblicana(Uppsala 1932)67-75,general plan.

Nmap index 182

an entirely different location for the Naumachia(Taylor). Highlighting the capacity of the AquaAlsietina and its functional relationship with theNaumachia, as well as emphasizing the limited archae-ological evidence, he not only proposes an hydraulicsystem for the basin, but also locates it in a rectan-gular form on the marshy lowlands of the TransTiberim, delimited to the N by the *Via Aurelia and atits SE corner by the Church of S. Francesco a Ripa, thefindspot of impressive quantities of black and whitemosaics at a depth of 8 m (Taylor 475-77, fig. 4). Thesuggested orientation of the Naumachia not onlyworks well with the topographical contours of thearea, but also coincides with the ancient street pattern(Rodriguez Almeida, Forma 140-43, pI. 44; frag. 37a),which was preserved through the mediaeval period(Taylor 479). If such a placement is correct, the Repub-lican viaduct excavated in the Via Aurelia near S.Crisogono might well have acted as a discharge canalfor the basin (Gatti; Taylor 481). Our map followsthis convincing suggestion by Taylor.

Surprisingly, numerous literary accounts witnessthe survival of the Naumachia, at least in part, downthrough the late 1st c. A.D., probably due in part toAugustus' dedication of the surrounding honorificgroves (Suet.,Tit. 7.3; Dio Casso 66.25.3). However, thevast area that it occupied must have been taken overby urban encroachment at the end of 1st c. A.D. (Taylor482).

bH.R. Taylor, "Torrent or trickle? The Aqua Alsietina, the Nau-

machia Augusti, and the Transtiberim,"AJA 101 (1997)465-92.

A.M.Liberati,s.v "Naumachia Augusti,"LTUR III,337.K.M.Coleman, "Launching into history: aquatic displays in

the EarlyEmpire,"JRS 83 (1993)48-74.F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti,

Castra Ravennatium: la Via Campana Portuensis e alcu-ni edifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana,"Ostraka 1(1992)39-54.

G. Gatti, "Trastevere," in Carettoniet al., Pianta (1960)94-95.

A.W.van Buren and G.P. Stevens, "The Aqua Alsietina onthe Janiculum,"MAAR 6 (1927)137-46.


probable course is visible in the network of streetsshown on the Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almei-da,Forma pI. 10;Hauber map 1). Its S course is attestedleading down to the Colosseum Valley (Lanciani,FURpIs. 23, 30). ""Vicus Curvus/Corvi" may have beenthe name of this curved street across the E Oppianpassing through the area most likely inhabited by the

OPS,AEDES

A mid-Republican temple of Ops, the goddess ofwealth, stoodin Capitolio and was struck by lightningin 186 B.C. (Livy 39.22.4:aedes Opis in Capitolio). Itwas probably dedicated by L. Caecilius Metellus in250B.C (Aronen, with Pliny, NH 11.174:in dedicandaaede Opi topifere; d. Ziolkowski); it existed in theAugustan period, for it was here that women andchildren assembled for the celebration of theludiSaeculares of 17 B.C (CIL VI 32323).-The Temple ofOps is believed to have stood next to the Temple of"Fides: military diplomas of the 1st c.AD. were attach-ed to both temples; a storm in 44B.C damaged bothtemples (Obsequens 68), and the concepts offides andops (faith and wealth) were closely related (Aronen).Aronen identifies the Temples of Fides and Ops withthe twin temples shown on a fragment of the SeveranMarble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 23, frag.31 a,b,c; s.v. "Capitolium: Marble Plan Temples); butthis is unlikely, for the Temple of Fides almostcertainly stood in the SW corner of the "Area

PAGUSIANICOL(ENSIS)

An administrative division (pagus) of the Trans-tiberine region, possibly religious in character, knownfrom two inscriptions. Found in 1861between PiazzaMastai and S. Maria dell'Orto, and ascribed to theearly 1st c. A.D. (Liverani; to the Republican period:Richardson), they mention the building activity of themagistri of the pagus in that area(CIL VI 2219=ILS6079: MAG. [PA]G. IANICOL.;CIL VI 2220). Theseinscriptions offer valuable testimony for a built-upzone of Trans Tiberim not far from the city center(Coarelli 18; Liverani), as well as for the division of

PALATIUM

Prominent hill in the heart of Rome, a place ofprivileged housing and numinous character, settledfirst by Romulus, whose connection with the hill wascelebrated throughout antiquity. Under Augustus, theregion saw intense building activity, especially on theSW Palatine, which was transformed into a magnifi-cent religious-residential center embodying Augustus'deep personal connections to the hill.

The Palatium rose S of the "Forum Romanum and

C Lega, s.v. "Vicus Corvi,"LTUR V, 160-61.

Richardson422.

RC. Hauber, "Zur Topographie der Horti Maecenatis und

der Horti Lamiani auf dem Esquilin in Rom,"KOlnJb 23

(1990) 22,map 1.

map index 162

Capitolina, best identified with a temple shown on anadjoining fragment of the Severan Marble Plan(Carretoni et al., Pianta frag. 499; s.v. "Fides). TheTemple of Ops stood close by, perhaps set back fromthe temenos wall of the Area Capitolina, given that analtar of Isis Deserta stood 'behind the Temple of Ops'(Schol. Veron., in Verg.Aen. 2.714; noted by Rodri-guez Almeida). Its approximate position is marked onthe map following Coarelli and von Sydow.

A.CT.

J. Aronen, s.v. "Ops Opifera, aedes,"LTUR III, 362-64.

Coarelli, Roma (1995) 37.

Ziolkowski, Temples (1992) 122-25.

E. Rodriguez Almeida, "Nuovi dati dalla Forma Urbis

Marmorea per Ie mura perimetrali, gli accessi e i templidel Colle Capitolino," BA 8 (1991) 39-40.

W. yon Sydow, "Archaologische Funde und Forschungen ill

Bereich der Soprintendenz Rom1957-1973," AA 88

(1973) fig. 34 (ill: by G. Ioppolo).

pmap index 183

the Trans Tiberim intopagi (Richardson).

The index number on our map marks the findspot ofthe inscriptions, and denotes the approximate vicinityof the building activities they mention; further, theirposition excludes the possibility of placing the"Naumachia on this site.

P. Liverani, s.v. "Pagus Ianic(ulensis),"LTUR IV, 10.

P. Coarelli, "II Gianicolo nell'antichitii. Tra mito e storia," inlaniculum-Gianicolo (1996) 13-28.

Richardson279.

"Velia, E of the "Forum Bovarium, N of the "CircusMaximus, and W of the "Caelian. Steep, defensibleslopes, espeCially on the SW and NW faces of the hill,and a spacious plateau(c.25 acres, Richardson 280),made the Palatine an ideal location for Romulus' city.A low saddle connected the NE Palatine with theVelia, and offered the only gradual ascent to the hill'ssummit (s.v. ""Clivus Palatinus"); the gentle slope inthis area, and the proximity to the political heart ofthe city, the Forum Romanum, made the N foot of the


.F.Coarelli,s.v. "Piscina Publica,"LTUR IV, 93-94.

Richardson292.

PONSAEMILIUS

The first stone bridge of Republican Rome whichconnected the busy *Forum Bovarium area with the*Trans Tiberim (ADPONTEMAEMILIVM:Fast. Allif. andAmit., in Degrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 181, 191), it wassubstantially restored under Augustus (Coarelli,LTUR). The identification of a single standing arch ofa bridge immediately downstream from the Tiberisland, the Ponte Rotto, with the Augustan rebuildingof the Pons Aemilius is undisputed (Richardson). Aninscription from a bridgehead arch(CIL VI 878)records the Augustan restoration after 12B.C

The bridge was first built by P. Cornelius ScipioAfricanus and L. Mummius in 142B.C (Livy 40.51.4)on foundations laid out by M. Aemilius Lepidus andM. Fulvius Nobilior in 179B.C This earlier construc-tion is archaeologically associated with the remainsof an abutment just N of the Ponte Rotto, on a slightlydifferent axis than the Augustan rebuilding (Blake;Coarelli 1988, 139 f.). At the time of Augustus, and

PONSAGRIPPAE

Northernmost bridge across the *Tiber in AugustanRome, which connected the *Campus Martius to the N*Trans Tiberim plain and its suburban villas. All butunknown from ancient texts, thepons may havecarried Agrippa's *Aqua Virgo across the Tiber tosupply water to Trans Tiberim, and perhaps especi-ally to the vast Augustan villa known as the *"VillaFarnesina" (Taylor 80-85; Evans 107; Nash).

Following the discovery of a Claudianeippus thatmarked the limits of public property from the Triga-rium to Pons Agrippae about 160 m upstream (Le., N)of the Ponte Sisto(CIL VI 31545=IL5 5926: ADPONTEMAGRIPPA[E]), four concrete foundation piers for abridge across the Tiber were found near the samelocation and were subsequently identified as the PonsAgrippae (Borsari). The selce concrete used in thesefoundations has parallels in the foundations of the*Thermae of Agrippa and in an Augustan vault of the*Cloaca Maxima (Blake). Further, an Augustan tomb(*Sepulcrum: C. Sulpicius Platorinus) at the Trans-tiberine bridgehead was apparently erected "as animmediate consequence" of the construction of thebridge (Lloyd 202). Tracing the possible route of theAqua Virgo's extension, Lloyd follows thisidentification (193-94, fig. 1).

An inscription from Ostia records the restorationof a bridge in A.D. 147 by Antoninus Pius (Degrassi,Inser. Ital. 13.1, 207, 673). Based on the hypothesis

map index 184

especially after its restoration, the Pons Aemilius musthave carried the heaviest traffic between the twobanks on its six-pier structure (Coarelli 1988, 104, fig.20). The importance of the bridge for the shaping of theearly Transtiberine urban topography and streetpattem is evident in the fact that the two major arter-ies, the *Via Aurelia and the *Via Campana, forked atthe W foot of the bridge. Taylor (80) argued that thebridge carried the *Aqua Appia across the Tiber,especially after Augustus restored and supplementedthis aqueduct with an additional line.

F.Coarelli,s.v. "PonsAemilius,"LTUR IV, 106-7.

R. Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae:aqueduct river crossings inthe ancient city of Rome,"PBSR 63 (1995) 75-103.

Richardson296-97.

Coarelli,Foro Boario (1988) 139-47.

Blake, Roman construction I (1947) 178.

map index 8

that the astian inscription referred to thepons Aure-lius, which was also known aspons Antonini in anti-quity, and that this evidence provided a link betweenthe Agrippan and Aurelian bridges, a competing argu-ment was set forth, identifying thepons Aurelius (mod-ern Ponte Sisto) as the rebuilding of the Pons Agrippae(Le Gall). Coarelli (1977, 824-26, map; id.,LTUR)suggested a street scheme for the E *Campus Martiusthat supported this argument. However, Taylor (id.,fig. 3) convincingly refuted the hypothesis with thehelp of additional evidence from the Aqua Virgo.

The excavator's suggestion that thepons Aureliuswas actually built withspolia from the Pons Agrippaeis tempting, since the 3rd-c. A.D. bridge functionallyreplaced the earlier Augustan one (Borsari 96; Lloyd201). Given the current state of evidence, it seemspossible that the bridge was dismantled from itsoriginal location, between Via delIa Catena on the leftbank and the "Villa Farnesina" on the Transtiberineside, some time before the construction of the AurelianWalls and rebuilt as thepons Aurelius (Taylor 87-88)in order to make space for the fortifications, protectthe bridge, and also transform the river crossing into amore urban and public, rather than a privqte, route.Our map follows the widely-accepted, traditionalidentification of the Pons Agrippae with the four Nconcrete piers, but with some reservations.


F. Coarelli, s.v. "Pons Agrippae; Pons Aurelius;Pons Valen-tiniani," LTUR N, 107-8.

R. Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae:aqueduct river crossings inthe ancient city of Rome,"PBSR 63 (1995)75-103.

Evans,Water distribution (1994)107.R.B.Lloyd, "TheAqua Virgo, Euripus, and Pons Agrippae,"

AJA 83 (1979)193-204.

PONSCESTIUS

The stone bridge that connected the Tiber island to*Trans Tiberim (Reg. Cats., Cur.: pontes VIII ... Cestius,Not.: Gestius; Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.1,207: - - - IMP.ANTONINVSjAVG(VSTVS)PONTEMCESTI[- - - RjESIDVIT,of A.D. 152, with Degrassi 238, favoring PONTEMCESTI[- - - over the traditional PONTEMCESTI[VM-- -).General scholarly opinion attributes its constructionto members of the late-Republican Cestius clan, mostpossibly C. Cestius, builder of the Pyramid of Cestius(s.v. *Sepulcrum: C. Cestius), praetor in 44 B.C.,or L.Cestius, praetor of the following year (Degrassi,LTUR 109), suggesting a construction date between 49and 43 B.C.(Degrassi 1987, 525). Even though it is notknown whether Cestius' construction was an originalbuilding or a restoration (Richardson), the stonebridge should be considered within the historical con-text of the wide-scale building activity on the island atthat period (s.v. *Insula Tiberina; Degrassi 1987). Themodern bridge, Ponte S. Bartolomeo (L. 80 m), thatstands at its site today is a late 19th-c. rebuilding

PONSFABRICIUS

The bridge that connected the S *Circus Flaminiusand *Forum Holitorium area to the *Insula Tiberina(L. 62 m, W. 5.50 m), built by and named after L.Fabricius, curator viarum in 62 B.C. (Dio Casso 37.45.3;Hor., Sat. 2.3.36:a Fabricio ... ponte;Salamito) in con-nection with the revitalization of the Aesculapian culton the island (Degrassi 524; *Aesculapius, Aedes).After the flood of 23 B.C., building inscriptionsindicate that the bridge was at least partly restored bythe consulsQ. Lepidus and M. Lollius in 21 B.C.(CIL12751, VI 1305; Blake; Richardson). Taylor (80-82)recently suggested that the Pons Fabricius and the*Pons Cestius might also have served as aqueduct-

PONSSUBLICIUS

The most ancient and fragile bridge of Rome, the'bridge of piles' (Livy 1.33.6:ponte Sub/icio, speakingof the 7th C. B.C.;Festus 374), presents a difficult topo-graphic problem, since it was never substantiallybuilt. It stayed mainly as a timber construction onstone pile foundations (Lanciani; Coarelli,LTUR) andso did not survive after the 5th c. A.D. (Richardson; LeGall 80-82, esp. for ancient literary sources andnumismatic evidence). Its exact location is still un-

known. It joined the *Forum Bovarium to *TransTiberim, possibly proViding an important connection

F. Coarelli, "II Campo Marzio occidentale, storia e topogra-fia," MEFRA 89(1977)807-46.

Nash II, 184.J.Le Gall,Le Tibre,jleuve de Rome dans l'antiquite(Paris 1953)

210-11.Blake,Roman constructionI (1947)40,335.1. Borsari, "DelPons AgrippaesuI Tevere tra Ie regioni IX e

XlIII," BullCom 16(1888)92-98.

map index 176

of the Pons Cestius. The ancient structure, which waspartly incorporated in the central arch of the modernbridge, must belong to the 4th-c. A.D. rebuilding of thepons, which then was dedicated as the PONSGRATIANI(preserved in an inscription on the bridge, CIL VI1175-76; Degrassi, LTUR 109). The ancient bridgewas much shorter than the modern one (L. 48.50 m, W.8 m) and rested on a single arch (Richardson; Degrassi,LTUR). Taylor (80-82) recently suggested that the*Pons Fabricius and the Pons Cestius might also haveserved as aqueduct-crossings, but there seems to be noconclusive evidence for that.

D.Degrassi,S.V. "PonsCestius,"LTUR N, 108-9.

R.Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae:aqueduct river crossings inthe ancientcity of Rome,"PBSR 63 (1995)75-103.

Richardson297-98.D. Degrassi, "Interventi edilizi sull'Isola Tiberina nel I see.a.

c.: nota sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche edarcheologiche,"Athenaeum 75 (1987)521-27.

map index 172

crossings, but there seems to be no conclusive evidencefor that. The ancient bridge, with its two arches rest-ing on a single pier, is still in use, and recentlyunderwent an extensive restoration.

J.-M.Salamito,S.V. "Pons Fabricius:'LTUR N, 109-1I.R.Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae:aqueduct river crossings in

the ancient city of Rome:'PBSR 63 (1995)75-103.Richardson298.D. Degrassi, "Interventi edilizi sull'Isola Tiberina nel I see. a.

c.: nota sulle testimonianze letterarie, epigrafiche edarcheologiche:'Athenaeum 75 (1987)521-27.

Blake,Roman constructionI (1947)172n.125.

.with the *Aventine through the *Porta Trigemina, andon the right bank to the slopes of the *Ianiculum aswell as directly to the *Via Campana (Le Gall 83 n. 4).Le Gall (82-86) has proposed a well-reasoned loca-tion for the bridge, downstream from Pons Aemilius;locating its left-bank head immediately S of the *RoundTemple by the Tiber, between the *Cloaca Maxima andthe *"Cloaca Circi Maximi". Coarelli's topographicalstudies of the Forum Bovarium follow this placement

at least for the left-bank head of the bridge (Coarelli,LTUR 113; id. 1988, 33-34). The location of the Trans-


tiberine bridgehead is more obscure; fragment 27 of theSeveran Marble Plan, which depicts the right bankacross from Forum Bovarium area, neither representsthe bridge nor offers a convenient street for it to join(Rodriguez Almeida,Forma 141).

PORTA CAPENA

Gate in the "Servian Wall from which the "ViaAppia departed (Frontin., Aq. 5.1), situated by anatural depression between the "Caelian and the"Aventine ("Vallis: Via Appia, "Vallis: CircusMaximus; Richardson 301; Lanciani,FUR pI. 35). Thegate is mentioned in connection with events as early asthe years 484B.C. (Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 8.4.1: l((Xtu

JltlXV ... 1tUAl1V titv lClXAOUJlEVl1V KlXltUtVl1V) and 459B.C. (Livy 3.22.4:extra portam Capenam).Parker andGori's excavations in 1867 identified the gate, whichprobably consisted of a Single arch. Architecturalfragments in tufa and travertine indicate the lastcentury of the Republic as theirterminus post quem(Saflund 146-47; Colini 32).

The name of the gate may have derived from eitherthe city of Capena (Servius,ad Aen. 7.697) or Capua(Schol. Juv. 3.11.1-2), or from the sanctuary of the

PORTA CARMENTALIS

Double gate in the Servian Wall (s.v. "Muri) namedfor a nearby shrine of Carmenta (Servius,ad Aen.8.337) at the foot of the "Capitoline where the "VicusIugarius departed the city (Livy 27.37.11-14,35.21.6;Pisani Sartorio 241). Its ominous right gate,dexterianus, was connected with the disaster of the Fabii(when leaving the citydextro iano: Livy 2.49.8; Ov.,Fast. 2.201-4); this portal was also called theportaScelerata,the' Accursed Gate', and special restrictionsguided entrance or egress through it(in]trare egredive:Festus 450). The Porta Carmentalis is identified withthe remains of a city gate dating to the 4th c. B.c. foundjust NW of the "Fortuna et Mater Matuta temples (s.v."Muri: Forum Bovarium-Tiberis, point 5; suggested byIoppolo in Coarelli 1988,395 fig. 96;d. Colini 10-11,18; and also by Virgili 1978,5-6; ead. 1974-75, planafter 150); unfortunately, this hypothesis rests on aproblematic interpretation of the archaeological evi-dence, which ascribestwo passages to the gate. Cur-rent thought holds that the gate unearthed on the sitehad only one portal (Coarelli 1988, 394 with insis-tence; Ruggiero 25 fig. 4). Nevertheless, Coarelli andRuggiero both accept the identification, noting that thegate was "certainly" within the area bounded by the Sangle of the Capitoline, the temples of Fortuna etMater Matuta, and the three temples at the "ForumHolitorium (Coarelli, 1997,52,240; more assertively,id., LTUR III, 325; without discussion, Ruggiero fig. 4).Richardson cautiously concludes that the exact loca-

F.CoarelIi,s.v."PonsSublicius,"LTUR IV, 112-13.

Richardson299.

CoarelIi,Foro Boario(1988) 33-34.

J. LeGall,Le TibreJleuve de Rome dans l'antiquite(Paris1953).

R.Lanciani,The ruins and excavations of ancient Rome(Boston1897) 16.

map index 284

"Camenae (Servius,loc. cit.) which was located inclose proximity to the gate. Coarelli refutes all threealternatives to propose the city of Cabum on themonsAlbanus, the original destination of the "Via Latina,as the etymological origin ofCapena (325).

The gate is identified with thearcus StiIlans (Coa-relli 325), the last arch of therivus Herculaneus, abranch of the "Aqua Marcia crossing the Caelianabove the Porta Capena (Frontin.,Aq. 19.8-9). Further,the "Aqua Appia ran above the ground near the gate,which was hence described as moist or dripping (Juv.3.11: madida).

F.CoarelIi,S.V. "Porta Capena,"LTUR IV, 325.

Richardson301.

Colini,Celio (1944) 32.

G. Saflund,Le mura di Roma repubblicana(Uppsala1932) 146-

48, 199-201, 222-24.

map index 198

tion of the gate is "elusive". Given the unstable basisfor the association of the Porta Carmentalis with theextant remains, our map assigns an index number tothe broader area, not to the exact location where the4th-c. gate was found.

Our cautious approach cannot follow Coarelli'sspeculative conflation of the Porta Carmentalis' rightgate (when leaving) with the 'right' and correct one toenter the city (1988, 399; id.,LTUR 324); together withhis interpretation of the late-Republican portico justoutside the preserved gate ("Porticus: Forum Holi-torium) as part of an extendedporticus triumphi, thisleads Coarelli to understand the gate remains as thoseof the "Porta Triumphalis. Yet, regrettably, such layer-ing of hypotheses lacks the particular, and necessary,supporting evidence of a double gate.

D.B., L.H.

F.CoarelIi,S.V. "Pl'lrtaCarmentalis,"LTUR ill, 324-25.

G.PisaniSartorio,s.v. "Carmentis,Carmenta,"LTUR 1,240-41.

Richardson301.

1.Ruggiero, "La cinta muraria presso il Foro Boario in etaarcaicae medio repubblicana,"ArchLaz 10 (1990) 24-25.

CoarelIi,Foro Boario(1988) 19-20,52-59,234-44,363-414.

P. Virgili,"VicusIugarius,"ArchLaz 1 (1978) 5·7.

A.M. Colini, "Ambiente e storia dei tempi piit antichi," PP

32 (1977) 9- 19.

P. Virgili, "VicusJugarius: reperti archeologici,"Bul/Com 84(1974-75) 149-71.


consuls of 18 B.C.), which he argues is the officialname of the *Hecatostylum, a hundred-columned struc-ture near the *Theatrum Pompei urn, which extendedalong the N side of the *Porticus Pompeianae to the NEcorner of the *"Area Sacra" of Largo Argentina.Inscription fragments found S of the easternmostsection of the Hecatostylum provide evidence of anAugustan inscribed statue base, which may havesupported a group of Julio-Claudian portrait-statuesincluding Augustus and Gaius Caesar, perhaps placed

PORTICUS AEMILIA (CAMPUS MARTIUS)

A portico stretching from the *Porta Fontinalis tothe Altar of *Mars was built by the aediles M. Aemi-Iius Lepidus and L. Aemilius Paullus in 193 B.C.(Livy35.10.12). It probably stretched alongSide the *ViaFlaminia in the level, SE portion of the *Campus Mar-tius, and it may have given the name *Aemiliana to thisarea (Richardson). There is no other mention of this

The vast, monumental warehouse in *Emporiumthat lay parallel to the Tiber and SW of the *Aventinehill is traditionally identified as the "Porticus Aemi-lia" following Gatti (135 f.; see fig. 12 above). Themulti-piered structure was built on four levels descen-ding toward the Tiber and roofed by a series of 50barrel vaults. It was entirely built of concrete, facedwith small, irregular blocks of tufa inopus incertum,and measures some 487 x 60 m. Its 50 naves, each per-pendicular to its main NE-SW axis, covered a usablearea of c.500 m2 apiece, c.25,000 m2 in all (Etienne236).

The traditional identification of the building wasbased on evidence from ancient literary sources andfragments of the Severan Marble Plan. A series ofpassages in Livy concern building in the Emporiumarea during the early 2nd c. B.C. (Livy 35.10.13-14,35.51.13-14, 40.51.6). In one crucial passage Livymentions, among the several accomplishments of thecensors Q. Fulvius Flaccus and A. Postumius Albinusin 174 B.C.,the paving, fencing, and rebuilding in stoneof 'emporium' outside the *Porta Trigemina, theprovision of embankments with stairs to the *Tiber,and finally the repairing of the Porticus Aemilia(et

extra portam Trigeminam emporium lapide straveruntstipitibusque saepserunt et porticum Aemiliam refici-endam wrarunt gradibusque ascensum ab Tiberi inemporium fecerunt: 41.27.8).

Further, Gatti relocated two important MarblePlan fragments (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI. 16,frags. 23, 24) to bring them into concordance with theextant remains and archaeological evidence illustra-ted by Lanciani after the extensive excavations of1886 in the area (Lanciani,FUR pI. 40). On fragment23, Gatti restored the remaining three letters'LIA' as'Porticus Aemilia', which was then associated withthe much earlier work of the aediles Marcus Aemilius

just N of *Temple A in an area that Alf6ldy, followingCoarelli (1981), identifies as the Porticus ad Nationes.

E.J.K., with addenda, p. 275F. Coarelli,s.v. "Porticusad Nationes,"LTUR IV, 138-39.Richardson316-17.G. Alf6ldy, "Zwei augusteische Monumente in der area

sacrades LargoArgentinain Rom,"Epigrafia(CollEFR43,1991)667-90.

F. Coarelli, "Topografia e storia," inL'area sacra di LargoArgentina (Rome1981)25f.,pI. 27.

portico in the literary record. No remains have beendiscovered and its architectural form is uncertain. Inthe absence of further evidence, it cannot be known ifthis portico was still standing at the time of Augustus,and if so precisely where. It is not shown on our map.

A.B.G.

map index 271

Lepidus and Lucius Aemilius Paulus in 193 B.C.(Gatti138; Rodriguez Almeida,Forma 102; Livy 35.10.13).

Richardson (1976) criticized this identification onthe basis of a number of important issues. First of all,the architectural planning of the building does not .correspond to the broad definition ofporticus as anarchitectural type in early Roman building practice,but should rather be associated with warehouses ofthe time period (Richardson 1976, 58-59; Niinnerich-Asmus). Second, restoring the letters of the full nameacross the plan of the structure on the Severan MarblePlan is very problematic (Richardson 1976, 58). Third,the building technique, Le., skillful and structural useof opus caementicium of good quality, faced withopusincertum, is likely to be dated to the 1st c. B.C., mostprobably to the time of Sulla (Blake I, 9; Boethius;contra Coarelli 1977, 9; id. 1999; Adam). Carter (38)pointed out the absence of any extant structure with"the same degree of size and technical mastery from thenext fifty years". The approximate Sullan date for theconstruction technique of the warehouse is furthersupported by Blake (I, 251) who compared it to acellar on the Via Sacra opposite the Basilica ofMaxentius (s.v. *Domus: M. Aemilius Scaurus).

Gatti's identification of the warehouse structureas the "Porticus Aemilia" is highly debated andshould be left aside, yet his architectural reconstruc-tion has been well established with the acceptance ofthe location of fragments 23 and 24 of the MarblePlan. Recently, following Richardson's argument,Tuck proposed an alternative identification of thebuilding as thehorrea Cornelia, the horrea privata ofthe Sullan family, based on an inscription in theKelsey Museum of Archaeology (KM 1428; Baldwinand Torelli 119).

The early 2nd-c. B.C. porticoes mentioned by Livy(loc. cit.), earliest of their type in Rome, were probably


constructed in rather impermanent materials (wood, assuggested by Richardson) right outside the *PortaTrigemina on the NW slopes of the Aventine and alongthe Tiber and roughly on either side of the modern-dayLungotevere Aventino (Richardson 1976, 59; s.v.*Forum Bovarium). Parenthetically we may mentionthat the Berlin Model locates the large multi-columnarwarehouse structure erroneously, and this seems tohave confused their reconstruction of the urbantopography of the entire Emporium area.

s.L. Tuck, "A new identification for the 'Porticus Aemilia',"JRA 13(2000)175-82.

F.Coarelli,s.v. "Porticus Aemilia,"LTUR IV,116-17.A. Niinnerich-Asmus,Basilika und Portikus:Die Architektur

der Saulenhallen als Ausdruck gewandeIter Urbanitiitin spaterRepublik und fruher Kaiserzeit(K6ln1994)26.

J.-P.Adam,Roman building: materials and techniques(Bloom-

ington 1994)80.A. Boethius,Etruscan and early Roman architecture(London

1994)128-29,esp. 231n.7.Richardson311.J. Carter, "Civic and other buildings," in I.M. Barton (ed.),

Roman public buildings(Exeter1189)31-66.M.W. Baldwinand M. Torelli (edd.),Latin inscriptions in the

KelseyMuseum: the Dennison collection(AnnArbor 1979).F. Coarelli, "Public building in Rome between the Second

Punic War and sulla,"PBSR45 (1977)1-19,pis. 1-3.R. Etienne,"Extra Portam Trigeminam:espace politique et

espace economique11 l'Emporium de Rome," inL'Urbs(1987)235-49.

L. Richardson, "The evolution of the Porticus Octaviae,"AJA 80 (1976)57-64.

Blake,Roman constructionI (1947)9, 25l.G. Gatti, "saepta Iulia e Porticus Aemilianella Forma severi-

ana,"BullCom62 (1934)123-49.

PORTICUS: ApOLLO (PALATIUM)

Portico, or porticoes, on the *Palatine built byAugustus in close connection with his Temple of*Apollo (RG 19: templumque Apollinis in Palatio cumporticibus ... feci). Erected, perhaps, by 23 B.C.(Carettoni 1983, 9), these colonnades are knownprimarily through literary evidence (e.g., Prop. 2.31.1-2; Ov., Trist. 3.1.59-62). Propertius refers to 'the gol-den portico of Phoebus [Apollo]',aurea Phoebi porti-cus (Ioc. cit.) due to the overall effect created by itsgiallo antico columns. The portico was adorned withstatues of the 50 daughters of Danaus (Prop.,loc. cit.;Ov., lococit.), which were probably rendered as femaleherms in a variety of colored marbles (Balensiefen189-98); three of these sculptures, datable to theAugustan period and rendered in black'nero antico'marble, were discovered in 1869 by Rosa directly N ofthe Temple of Apollo (Tomei 37-38).Fragments of simi-lar female herrns in red'rosso antico' marble have alsobeen reported (though not preserved, Tomei 39). Theremay also have been statues of the sons of Aegyptus(Schol. Pers. 2.56), but this is debated (Balensiefen189-98). With or without the additional figures, theuse of polychrome marble imported from remote reg-ions of the empire must have created a powerful visualeffect. The accounts of Propertius and Ovid are gener-ally thought to suggest that the statues of the Danaidswere placed in the intercolumniations of the portico(loc. cit.; Gros 55, Tomei 48). However study of theherms leads Balensiefen to propose a two-storeyedporticus with the Danaids placed along the upper stor-ey, though such use of free-standing herms as caryatidswould be unique in contemporary architecture (194).

Modern scholarship (e.g., Gras 55) often equatesthe porticus of the Danaids described by Propertiusand Ovid with theporticus connected to the Temple ofApollo and the Greek and Latin Library (*BibliothecaLatina Graecaque). However, literary sources addres-

map index 207

sing the Augustan Palatine use the noun'porticus'mostly in the plural (esp. RG 19; also, e.g., VeIl. Pat.2.81.3; Suet., Aug. 29.3), thus theporticus of theDanaids may be just one of the several porticoes in thearea (Balensiefen 198, 204). The close physical rela-tion between the Portico of the Danaids and theTemple of Apollo has been placed within the lateRepublican tradition of building temples on terracesenclosed by porticoes (e.g, Terracina: Zanker 27).

A number of locations have been proposed for theportico of the Danaids. Velleius Paterculus writes of'the Temple of Apollo and porticoes around it'(tem-plumque Apollinis et circa porticus facturum promisit:2.81.3), which led to the theory that they encircled thetemple. However, excavations around the temple donot attest to remains of a portico (Balensiefen 198-200). Perhaps the porticus had a closer physicalconnection with the library, given Suetonius' accountthat Augustus 'added porticoes together with theLatin and Greek library' to the temple(addiditporticus cum bibliotheca Latina Graecaque: Aug. 29.3).

Excavations on the Palatine revealed two colon-naded peristyles below the terrace of the Temple ofApollo (Carettoni 1978); one belongs to the House ofAugustus (*Domus: Augustus, fig. 10, B), the otherstood W of the Greek and Latin Library (id. 1978).Coarelli (99) and Castagnoli (122) associated thesewith the Portico of the Danaids (both authors cau-tiously refrain from specifically naming one, or both,porticoes that of the Danaids). Whereas Balensiefenconceives of a longitudinal portico of c.100 m span-ning the entire length of the Domus of Augustus abovethe *Circus Maximus, supported by thick walls(which appear on Lanciani,FUR pI. 29) and havingtwo fa~ades, one facing the Circus and the other orien-ted toward the Temple of Apollo (201-3), Pensabenerejects Balensiefen's placement as too distant, given


SEPULCRUM: C. PUBLICIUS BIBULUS

The fa<;ade of this tomb still stands insitu at thefoot of the *Arx next to the Victor Emanuel Monument;originally, it faced onto the *Via Flaminia. The struc-ture is dated to the early 1st c. B.C., but prosopo-graphical considerations suggest that Bibulus himselflived in the 2nd c. B.C. and that this is a rebuilding ofan earlier tomb (Richardson). The fa<;aderemains, butthe rear of the tomb is not known. Boni and Delbrueck

SEPULCRUM: RUSTICELII

Monumental tomb on the S side of *MonteTestaccio which belonged to a member of the Rusticeliifamily (CIL VI 11534) and was built sometime betweenthe mid-2nd and mid-1st c. B.C.Excavated in the 1690sduring the construction of a wine cellar (Fontana296), the monument's precise topographical locationseems not to have been properly surveyed (RodriguezAlmeida, esp. fig. 9 for a reconstruction). Our mapfollows the approximate location suggested byLanciani (FUR pI. 44).

The size of the monument was roughly 10 x 10 m inplan and constructed extensively in tufa stone; thusboth in design and execution it must have been quitesimilar to the nearby *Sepulcrum: Ser. Sulpicius Gal-

Expansive Republican and early-Imperialnecropolis on the *Collis Hortulorum N of the *HortiSallustiani and clustered around the *"Via SepulcraSalaria" (Messineo; Lissi Caronna 73), the cemeteryextended as far N as the *Sepulcrum: M. Lucilius Pae-tus, which was easily the largest and most luxurioustomb in the area. Manycolumbaria (freestanding orunderground chambers with niches for funerary urns)in opus reticulatum are known to have stood in thearea (von Hesberg 72, 187; Lissi Caronna). Buried inthese modest tombs were soldiers, merchants, freedmen,and the like (attested by ample epigraphic evidence, seeCAR II, C for references). While most of the remainscan be dated by their building material to the late-Republican or early-Imperial periods, sporadic de-positions continued through the 4th c. A.D. (e.g., aChristian catacomb, CAR II, C no. 126). Despiteexcavations in the 1960s (Lissi Caronna), evidence forthe cemetery is scant, since the ancient remains werelargely destroyed by late 19th-c. development (Messi-neo 257); as a consequence, most of the tombs can onlybe represented by index numbers on our map. To avoida fractured discussion of the necropolis, while stillretaining the distinctions between burials that thelimited evidence permits, all of the material remains(represented on our map by letters a-gg) have beengrouped in this single, monolithic entry. Index numbersare referenced throughout the following discussion to

pinpoint the locations of each sepulchre or group oftombs.

map index 45

provide architectural elevations but no ground-plan.It is shown as a Simple square.

A.GT

A. Gallitto,s.v. "Sepulcrum:C. Publicius Bibulus,"LTUR IV,295.

Richardson353.R. Delbrueck,Hellenistische Bauten in Latium II (StraiSburg

1912) 37-41.

G. Boni,"Roma.Anno1907," NSc 1907,410-14.

map index 275

ba. Rodriguez Almeida (40 n.3) suggests an early Ist-c.B.C.date for the monument, while Blake lists it amongthe structures of 78 to 48 B.C.Recently a much earliermid-2nd c. B.c.date for the monument has been propos-ed, based on the "external aspects" of its constructionand the inscription (Verzar-Bass n.72; Fontana).

O.H.

F.Fontana,s.v. "Sepulcrum:Rusticelii,"LTUR IV, 296-97.

M. Verzar-Bass,"A proposito dei mausolei neglihorti e nellevillae," in Horti romani (1998) 401-24.

Richardson359.E. Rodriguez Almeida,Ii Monte Testaccio: ambiente, storia,

materiaIi (Rome1984) 40.

Blake,Roman constructionI (1947) 147.

map indices 63a-gg

Dense funerary architecture is attested in the areaof the Church of S. Teresa (Messineo;CAR II, C nos.90, 94, 96, 97, 103, 104, 105, 119, 120; index no. 63 e,our representation adapted fromCAR II, fig. 1); whilethe majority of thecolumba riaand tombs representedhere are inopus reticula turn and of Republican orAugustan date, a few post-Augustan additions to thenecropolis inopus latericiurn are known (CAR II, p.56). Two tombs near S. Teresa are worthy of specialnotice: one is anopus quadraturntomb (c.6 x 5.5 m) be-longing to two freedmen of Pompey the Great(CAR II,C no. 104.I.a; index no. 63 f). The second is a 3rd-c. B.C.tomb located a few meters NE of the church's apse(c.8x 8 m: Lissi Caronna 77-102; von Hesberg 122; indexno. 63 k). Additional late-Republican! early-Imperialcolurnbaria and tombs inopus reticulaturn are attestedS of the church, in Corso d'Italia(CAR II, C nos. 106-10.a, g); also found in this area were funeraryinscriptions of the freedmen of Sallust, Octavia andAntonia minor, as well as a marble slab inscribedwith the name of a funerary college in A.D.9(CAR II, Cnos. 106-110.k, m, s). To the E of this necropolis stooda rectangular Republican sepulchre inopus quadratumof peperino (CAR II, C no.108; index no. 63 j).

Also well preserved is a group ofcolumbaria inopus reticulaturn excavated near no. 25 Via Pincianain 1918-20 (Messineo 259-60, figs. Id, 3;CAR II, C no.38; index no.63 u); while only five tombs are render-ed on our map, fragmentary remains attest to addition-al burials in this area.


SEPULCRUM:C. SULPICIUSPLATORINUS

The monumental clan tomb of the Sulpicii Platoriniat the Transtiberine head of the *Pons Agrippae,immediately inside the Aurelian Wall, probably oflate-Augustan date. Discovered and excavated duringthe construction of the modern Tiber embankments in1880 (Lanciani, FUR pI. 4), it was reconstructed in theMuseo Nazionale Romano in 1911 (Paribeni and Ber-retti). It was a squarish structure, 7.44 x 7.12 m inplan, raised on a travertine podium (Silvestrini 1987,13 f., figs. 6-14c.; Richardson).

Surviving are several inscriptions associated withthe burials accommodated within the tomb, which datefrom the Augustan to Flavian periods(ClL VI 31761-68a). The building inscription over the entrance men-tions C. Sulpicius Platorinus, who is widely acceptedas the triumvir monetalis of 18 B.C.(ClL VI 31761),although the construction of the tomb could also beattributed to a grandson (Richardson). Blake assignedan Augustan date to the monument on the basis of itssquared stone masonry, tile-brick facing, and the typeof the concrete employed (see also, Lloyd 202).

On the other hand, Silvestrini's "complex analy-sis" of the inscriptions and his subsequent correctionof Lanciani's (127-30) hypotheticalstemmata for theclan suggests a slightly post-Augustan date for theerection of the monument; he points to M. Artorius

SEPULCRUM:Q. TERENTILIUSRUFUS

A Republican tomb inopus quadratumof tufa (co4x5 m), located along the N border of the*HortiSallustiani on the *"Via Sepulcra Salaria"(CAR II, Cno. 138; Lanciani, FUR p1.3). Inscribed across the

map index 9

Geminus (praef. aer. mil. around A.D. 10) as the foun-der of the tomb and, using this epigraphic evidence,dates it to c.A.D. 20 (Silvestrini 1987, 35-54; id., LTUR

276).

Reflecting upon the urban context of the monument,Lloyd (202) has convincingly demonstrated that thistomb was constructed as an immediate consequence ofthe building of *Pons Agrippae under Augustus. Theburials of the Caepio family deposited in the sametomb confirm the importance of this urban zone and ofthe Augustan-period building activity in the area forthe brickmaking industry of Rome. The tomb thustentatively is dated to the last decade of Augustus'reign.

F.Silvestrini,s.v. "Sepu!crum:M. Artorius Geminus,"LTUR

IV,275-76.Richardson361.F.Silvestrini,Sepulcrum Marci Artori Gemini: la tomba detta dei

Platorini nel Museo Nazionale Romano(Rome1987).R. B.Lloyd, "TheAqua Virg~, Euripus, and Pons Agrippae,"

AlA 83 (1979)193-204.Blake,Roman construction I (1947)182,294,339.R. Paribeni and A. Berreth, "Riconstruzione del Sepolcro di

C.SulpicioPlatorino,"BdA 5 (1911)365-72.R.Lanciani,"Notizie degli scavi,"NSc 1880,127-38.

map index 71

fa~ade in large letters was the tomb owner's name,Q.TERENTILIVSRVFVS(CIL VI 36411), making this one ofthe few tombs within the *"Sepulcra Salaria" whoseproprietor is known.

SEPULCRUM:M. VERGILIUSEURYSACES

Sepulchral monument erected by M. VergiliusEurysaces, a wholesale baker, inside the fork of the*Via Praenestina and *Via Labicana just outside theline of aqueducts. It is dated to the decade 30-20 B.C.(Ciancio Rossetto 1973, 67), but there is some fluctua-tion (Brandt). In the 3rd c. A.D. it was enclosed withinone of the semicircular towers of theporta Praenestinaof the Aurelian Wall, hence its exceptional state ofpreservation. In 1838 it was again exposed. Excava-tions have established its ground-plan as trapezoidalin shape, with a sharp apex (destroyed with the con-

A well-preserved reticulatecolumbarium of squareplan (c.6 x 5 m, 7 m deep) with over 300loculi wasexcavated near the *Via Appia in 1847 (Coarelli). Aninscription dated to A.D.10 (CIL VI 4418) provides aterminus ante quemfor the tomb. Inscribed cineraryurns recovered from the site confirm that it was open-

map index 321

struction of the semicircular tower). There were manyother tombs which lined Via Labicana E of the PortaMaggiore, some of which have been excavated but notidentified or dated (Ciancio Rossetto 1973, pI. 39).

A.G.T.

P. Ciancio Rossetto, s.v. "Sepulcrum: M. Vergilius Eury-saces,"LTUR IV,301-2.

O. Brandt, "Recent research on the tomb of Eurysaces,"OpRom 19(1993)13.

P. Ciancio Rossetto,II sepolcro del jornaio Marco Virgilio

Eurisace a Porta Maggiore(Rome1973)67,pI. 39.

map index 279

ed under Augustus, and indicate that the tomb contin-ued to receive burials through the Julio-Claudianperiod (ClL VI 4414-80). Many of the deceased freed-men and slaves interred here served the imperialhousehold, so it is sometimes called the "MonumentumMarcellae" (ClL VI p.908-1O;d. Richardson).


L. Cordischi, "Basilica Neptuni in Campo Marzio,"BA 5-6

(1990) 11-33.

G. Chini, "Osservazioni in margine alla basilica Neptuni:'BA 5-6 (1990) 173-80.

F. CastagnoIi, "Influenze alessandrine neIl'urbanistica deliaRome augustea," inAlessandria e il mondo ellenistico-

SUBURA

Populous and busy district located along the*Clivus Sub uranus in the valley between the *Cispianand *Oppian (Richardson), perhaps extending from the*Argiletum to the Servian Wall (*Muri; Welch,Platner-Ashby). The entrance to the Subura from theW, the primae fauces Sllburae (Mart. 2.17.1), lay nearLa Madonna dei Monti (Welch); W of the Subura wasthe district of the Argiletum, which extended to the*Forum Romanum. Mediaeval descriptions of theChurch of S. Agatha Gothorum suggest that the Suburamay have also extended N into the valley between the*Viminal and *Quirinal (Welch 379). The region waspossibly divided into two sectors:Subura maior,corresponding to the upper regions, andSubllra minor,equated with the lower, perhaps more commercialsector, nearest the Forum (Welch 380, based uponCILVI 9526; Platner-Ashby).

Martial and Juvenal vividly describe the ImperialSubura as a loud, filthy, wet and, above all, a livelycity-sector (Mart. 5.22, 12.18; Juv. 11.51; Prop. 4.7.15-16), home to numerous tradesmen, artisans, producevendors, and brothels (Mart. 6.66, 7.31, 10.94, 11.61,11.78; CIL VI 1953, 9284, 9399, 9491, 9526, 33862).Livy associates the Subura with violence (3.13.2),

SYNAGOGAE

The places of religious congregation for the Jewishcommunity of Rome in the Augustan period, are mostlythought to have been located in *Trans Tiberim area,though their precise topography remains unknown (DeSpirito). Although several synagogues are known fromancient Rome(LTUR lists 12, Leon lists 11), only fourcan be Singled out as possible early Augustan foun-dations: those of theAgrippesians, Augustesians,Volumnesians and Hebrews (De Spirito 389-91; Leon135-59; Williams 136-37 n.72). The locations of theseare highly speculative; literary evidence from Philo(Leg. 152-56) locates the Jewish community of Augus-tan Rome in the most urbanized zone of *TransTiberim, while the only relevant Augustan-era archae-ological evidence comes from epitaphs found in Jewishcemeteries, especially the one located in theMonteverde catacomb. This cemetery is located 1.5kmoutside the city on the modern Via Portuensis(ct. Col-Ion fig. 2 for a sketch map; on the inscriptions, Miiller;

romano(Rome1984) 520-26.

F. Coarelli,"IIPantheon, l'apoteosi di Augusto e l'apoteosi diRomolo,"in K.de Fine Licht (ed.)Cittii e architettura nellaRoma Imperiale(ARIDsupp!' 10, 1983) 44.

C. Gatti, "IIporticodegli Argonauti e la basilicadi Nettuno,"in Atti del III convegno nazionale di storia del'architettura(Rome1940) 61-73.

Juvenal with collapsing buildings and fire (3.5-9;d.*Forum Augusti and its firewall), and Horace withnoise (Epist. 5.58). A number of leading Republicanfamilies had residences in the Subura, including Cae-sar (Suet.,Iul. 46), thegens Mamilia (Welch 382), andC. Sestius, whose residence was close to the entranceto the Subura (*Domus: C. Sestius). Welch proposes a1st-c. B.c. Jewish synagogue stood in the Subura, nearthe *Porta Esquilina, but this early date ishypothetical (382;d. *Synagogae).

Previously, Varro's description of a Subura ex-tending between the Oppian and Caelian(Ling. 5.45-48) had generated controversy and confusion; how-ever, Welch has recently offered a well-reasonedsolution, suggesting that Varro's broadly-definedSubura refers to an early quarter of the city populatedby the tribus Subllrana,and that over time the toponymbecame restricted to the valley between the Viminaland Esquiline (380-81).

K.Weich,s.v. "Subura,"LTUR N, 379-83.

Richardson373.

Platner-Ashby 500-1.

Frey, CII); it was discovered in 1602 and excavated in1904-6, but is now considerably eroded (Miiller 21)

Nevertheless, attempts have been made to locate theAgrippesian synagogue on the site of S. Salvatore inCorte (Leon 140), or at the head of Pons Agrippae(Collon 82-84 and fig. 1), the latter based upon the1880 discovery of an epitaph mentioning 'IacroN~lSapXffiv between Ponte Sisto and Ponte Garibaldi(Frey, cn 288-89); neither suggestion is based onconclusive evidence (De Spirito 389).

Outside Trans Tiberim, a synagogue in the *Suburanear the *Porta Esquilina may be attested by epi-graphic material found near the *Via Nomentana(Welch 382, Collon 87-90,CII 531); however, theearly-Imperial date for thisprosellcha cannot beproven. Note that the ancient terminology differs fromcontemporary usage, for in antiquity the word 'syna-gogue' (Greek cr1JVa'Yffi'Y~,Latinsynagoga)was more


widely and properly used for the congregation itself,while the space for the congregation was calledTj1tpocrEuXnorproseucha (Leon 139).

K.Welch,s.v "Subura,"LTUR IV,379-83.G. DeSpirito,s.v. "Synagogae,"LTUR IV,389-93.M.H. Williams, "The structure of Roman Jewry reconsider-

ed: were the synagogues of ancient Romeentirely homo-geneous?"ZPE 104(1994)129-41.

R.J. Leon,The Jews of ancient Rome(Philadelphia 1960).S. CoHon, "Remarques sur les quartiers juifs de la Rome

antique,"MEFR 57 (1940)72-94.J.B.Frey (ed.),Corpus inscriptionum Iudaicarum(Rome 1936;

2nd edn. asCorpus of Jewish Inscriptions [New York1975]).

N. MiiHer,Die jiidische Katakombe am Monteverde zu Rom

(Leipzig1912).

TTABERNAE.S.v. CAELIUSMONS:BUILDING(1), (5); CIRCUSMAXIMUS;CLIVUSVICTORIAE;DOMUS:PALATIUM(5), (9);

DOMUSPUBLICA;FORUMAUGUSTI;FORUMIULIUM;HORREA:SACRAVIA;PALLACINAE:TABERNAE;PORTICUSGAlETLUCI;SACRAVIA; SCALAEANULARIAE;VEllA: BUILDING(2); VIADIS. GREGORIO

TABULARIUM

The large, polygonal structure of the late Republic,located on the saddle between the two summits of the*Capitoline (inter duos lucos),overlooking the Wendof the *Forum Romanum, is conventionally known asthe 'Tabularium' (public records office, depository ofthe tabulae publicae). The imposing remains of thisstructure were incorporated into Michelangelo'sPalazzo Senatorio, and its high colonnaded galleriesstill dominate the Forum. The masonry is dated eitherto the Sullan period or to the 2nd c. B.C.(Purcell 150-51), but excavations under Palazzo Senatorio indicatethat the Tabularium was built, in part, over ruinsdamaged in the Capitoline fire of 83 B.C.(Mura Som-mella 1984, Sanzi di Mino, Colini); its currentfootprint, therefore, was laid down after 83 (for theground-plan see Sommella Mura 1981,fig. 2;ct.Purcell136 fig. 2). This date is confirmed by the epigraphicevidence. In the 15th c., a severely corroded inscrip-tion, now lost, was seen in the salt-warehouses ofPalazzo Senatorio; it recorded the construction of asubstructio (substructure) andtabularium by Q.Lutatius Catulus, consul of 78 B.c.(eIL VI 1314=IL535: ... SVBSTRVCTIONEMETTABVLARIVM... FACIVNDVMCOERAVIT).Another inscription, discovered in 1845,mentions Catulus but not the name of the structure(CILVI 1313). In addition, a funerary inscription of 65-35B.C. names the probable architect, a certain L.Cornelius, praefectus fabrum and architectus of theconsul and censorQ. Catulus (Molisani). The Tabu-larium was probably built between 78 and 65 B.C.,thedates of Catulus' consulship and censorship respec-tively (Mura Sommella, LTUR 17; Coarelli 1995, 44).Yet despite this wealth of information, a seriousproblem remains: no ancient author, not even Cicero,gives us a name for this central and imposing building(Purcell 135), and the physical remains, too, are diffi-cult to interpret.

The substructio attested on the lost inscription(CILVI 1314) was the large platform under Palazzo Sena-torio which served as the foundations for the entirecomplex (Mura Sommella,LTUR 17). There were threelevels. At the lowest level, a high podium, with cement

map index 123

walls faced with tufa blocks on the inside andpeperino (from Gabii) on the outside, forms a largeplatform to overcome the height difference between theForum and the saddle of Piazza del Campidoglio.Inside were two distinct sets of rooms served by a N-Sinternal corridor with small windows facing theForum; also on this lowest level were two entranceson the S side almost at the level of the Forum openingonto a ramp of stairs that led to the Temple of*Veiovis, where a second set of stairs doubled back toreach the lost uppermost level (Mura Sommella,LTUR18; Coarelli 1995, 45). An intermediate level was aporticoed gallery of 11 arches overlooking the Forum,incorporating an internal passageway which connec-ted the two summits of the Capitoline (Mura Sommella1994,45). On the upper level, attested only by archi-tectural fragments and from observations of thesurviving foundations, stood the records office of theTabularium proper (Mura Sommella, LTUR 18;Coarelli 1995, 48). The findspot of the lost inscriptiondiscovered in the salt warehouses(CIL VI 1314)allows us to locate the archives in the part of thebuilding overlooking Piazza del Campidoglio, in the'Galleria di Sisto IV', not the gallery overlooking theForum (Mura Sommella 1994, 48-49, 54 n.23; ead.,LTUR 17, 19). Coarelli suggests that there was amonumental fa<;adeand several large rooms facing inthe direction of Piazza del Campidoglio, and a largecolonnaded portico facing the Forum on this upper-most level (Coarelli 1995, 48;ct. Golvin). Our mapgives the outline of the Tabularium with internaldivisions to mark the gallery overlooking the Forumand a small niche on the S side (discussed below); for aplan of the internal arrangements of the Tabularium,see Sommella Mura 1981, fig. 2.

Purcell has argued that the name 'Tabularium' isproblematic when applied to the entire building. Inparticular, he argues that the findspot and wording ofthe inscriptions do not sufficiently prove that Catulus

dedicated a massive public-records office, and that nocentral archive of this scale was ever required fromwhat is known of Roman administrative practices


D. Manacorda, s.v. "Theatrum Balbi,"LTUR V,30-31.

D. Manacorda, s.v. "Crypta Balbi,"LTUR I, 326-29.

Richardson381-82.

D. Manacorda and E. Zanini, "The first millennium A.D. inRome: from thePorticus Minucia to the Via delle Botte-

THEATRUMMARCELLI

The Augustan successor of thetheatrum ad aedemApollinis (feci: RG 21) and the second stone theaterbuilt in Rome, located at the E end of the *CircusFlaminius in front of the Temple of *Apollo Medicus(AD THEATRVMMARCELLI: Fast. Arv. and Urb., inDegrassi, Inser. Ital. 13.2, 35, 63). Dedicated in either13 (Dio. Casso 54.26.1) or 11 B.C. (Pliny, NH 8.65,d.7.121: Marcelli theatrum) by Augustus, the theaterwas named after his nephew Marcus Marcellus (Dio.Casso 43.49.3). When Julius Caesar initiated the build-ing project in 44 B.C., he had to remove temples andhouses from the area, including the Temple of Pietas onthe NW end of *Forum Holitorium, to prepare the sitefor the theater (Richardson 290, 382). The construc-tion took place under Augustus, who bought more landnear the Temple of Apollo to extend the site(RG 21).Even though the construction was not complete, partof the celebrations of theludi Saeculares in 17 B.C.took place in the theater(CIL VI 32323.157). Possiblya larger theater was intended at the time of Caesar(Suet., IuI. 44.1: theatrum summae magnitudinis Tar-peio monti accubans);while the 4th-c. A.D. RegionaryCatalogues list its capacity at 20,500loca, othersestimate it heldc.13,500 spectators (Not. 176;d. Cian-cio Rossetto,LTUR 34; ead. 1982-83,8).

Space for only a narrow thoroughfare remainedbetween the rear of the theater and the terrace wallsof the Apollo and *Bellona temples. If the widespreadscholarly opinion that this passage served as part ofthe triumphal procession route is correct, Augustus'architects must have had difficulty fitting the largetheater building on the site. However, the triumphalparade, which originated in the *Circus Flaminius,may not have followed this paved street, but ratherhave passed through the orchestra of the theater itself(d. Joseph., Bell! 7.131), with thecaveaconvenientlyopen to seat spectators (Favro 1996, 164). Since twocircular monuments, thePerirrhanterion (s.v. ApolloMedicus, Aedes) and thecolumna Bellica(s.v. Bellona,Aedes), may have obstructed the passage behind thetheater, a route through the orchestra seems likely.While Favro suggests that the theater's NE-SW axis(contrary to the E axes of the *Theatrum Pompeiumand *Theatrum: Balbus) was dictated by the require-ments of triumphal processions through the orchestra(1994, 157), it may also have been a product of itsrestricted building site.

Most of the theater's plan is preserved on the

Pompey's Theater, dedicated in September 55 B.C.,was the first permanent stone theater in Rome, and it

ghe Oscure," in K. Randsborg (ed.),The birth of Europe:archaeology and social development in the first millenium AD.(ARIDsuppl.16, 1989) 25-32.

D. Manacorda,Archeologia urbana aRoma: il progetto dellaCrypta Balbi I (Florence1982) 14-21.

map index 35

Severan Marble Plan (Rodriguez Almeida,Forma pI.23, frags. 29-31). The foundations of thecaveasurviveto our day, having served as the infrastructure forPalazzo Savelli-Orsini (16th-18th c., Claridge, Notaetal.). The lower vaulted arcades of travertine, locatedbeneath thecavea and facing the Temple of ApolloMedicus, were uncovered when more than 4 m ofdebris was removed during the Italian government's'liberation' of the monument between 1926 and 1932(La Rocca 1995; Cianfa et al. 1985, 539). Twosymmetrically-placed halls of basilical plan werelocated on either side of the stage building. Thefunction of the semicircular walled space behind thestage building that appears on the Marble Plan (on anow-lost fragment) with a pair of centrally-placed,small square features is a matter of debate (Fidenzoni42-43 and fig. 22). Given the proximity of the Templeof Apollo and *Porticus Octaviae, Richardson (383)refrains from identifying a theater temple or a porticoin this extensive complex, and considers it as anunroofed terrace overlooking the river. Ciancio Ros-setto (35) interpreted the hemispherical wall as abarrier against *Tiber inundations, while Coarelli(1997, 451, 486) speculated that the two square fea-tures represented two small temples; one dedicated toPietas and the other to Diana (s.v. *Diana, Aedes[Campus Flarninius]).

P. Ciancio Rossetto,S.V. "Theatrum Marcelli,"LTUR V, 31-35.

Claridge,Rome (1998) 243.

Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 451, 486.

D. Favro,The urban image of Augustan Rome(Cambridge1996).

E.LaRocca,"Indagini e restauri nel Campo Marzio meridio-nale: Teatro di Marcello,portico d'Ottavia, Circo Flami-nio, porto Tiberino,"ArchLaz 12.1 (1995) 93-119.

D. Favro, "The street triumphant: the urban impact ofRoman triumphal parades," in Z. <;:eIiket al. (edd.),Streets: critical perspectives on public space(Berkeley1994)

151-64.

Richardson290, 382-83.

M. Notaet al., "Teatrodi Marcello,"BullCom 91 (1986) 389-94.

T. Cianfaet al.,"Area archeologica del teatro di Marcello edel portico d'Ottavia," inRoma, archeologia nel centroII(Rome1985) 533-45.

P. Ciancio Rossetto, "La maschere del teatro di Marcello,"BullCom 88 (1982-83) 7-49.

P. Fidenzoni, IIteatro di Marcello (Rome1970).

map index 25

remained the largest, and arguably the most important,of the three permanent theaters in the *Campus Mar-


Renaissance architects, as well as discrepancies withthe representation on the Marble Plan, suggest cautionis warranted when attempting to reconstruct theinterior arrangement of the baths (note the varyingefforts of Hiilsen, Nielsen, and Yegiil).

The structure was restored on numerous occasions(SHA, Had. 19.10; Pliny, NH 35.26) and substantiallyrebuilt after the fire of A.D. 80 (Dio Casso 66.24.1); as aresult, only a small portion of the original0P"S qllad-ratum and reticulatum masonry survives (Ghini). Pre-served throughout these restorations were asymme-tries of the bath's original layout and its N-S orienta-tion, an axis derived from the pre-existing buildingsand street pattern (rather than adopting the canonicalorientation toward the SW: Vitr.,De arch. 5.10.1;YegiiI130). For these reasons, the 3rd-c. A.D. and laterplans are thought to reflect the Agrippan layout of thebaths, if not their specific details (most hestitant toaccept this is Ghini, boldest is Richardson).

Thus, the bath is depicted conservatively on ourmap with a simple, rectangular shape representing thegreatest known physical extent of the structure; monu-ments bordering the complex on the E, W, and S pro-vide firm boundaries, though the extent and nature of

The Tiber, a perennial river with a strong current,reaches Rome having acquired its full supply of waterand flows through the city in a relatively shallow bed(depth c. 3 m, fluctuating through the year). Especiallyduring the winter, the Tiber can rise very rapidly toflood its vicinity. Flooding from the Tiber was a majorproblem for the urban zone. During the reign of Augus-tus, the river overflowed with remarkable frequency,inundating the city center at least 6 times (Le Gall 29;27 B.C., Dio Casso 53.20; 23 B.C., Dio Casso 53.33; 22B.c., Dio Casso 54.1; 13 B.C., Dio Casso 54.25; A.D. 5,Dio Casso 55.22; A.D. 12, Dio Casso 56.27). For as longas a week, the entire "Campus Martius, the "Empor-ium, the "Forum Bovarium, the valleys between thehills, as well as the lower parts of "Trans Tiberimwould be swept by flood waters. Encroachment ontothe Tiber banks by buildings must have increased thedestructive effects of the inundations, especially alongthe Campus Martius, since the river's strong outsidecurrents made the Tiber banks very unstable.

Numerous measures were taken to protect the cityfrom damage rendered by the Tiber floods. Embank-ment walls of the 2nd c. B.C., and possibly earlier,were erected along the Forum Bovarium to contain therising waters. Multi-terraced embankments, dating tothe mid-1st c. A.D., were recently excavated NW of theEmporium district, where they were built over Repub-lican embankments (Meneghini 436; MocchegianiCarpano 1981, 146-47; id. 1985, 86-88; Le Gall 103).Julius Caesar intended to divert the river bed from a

the northernmost portion of thethermae remains elu-sive (Tortorici proposeslaconica behind the Pantheon,50). In addition, the relationship - both topograph-ical and functional - between the baths and theStagnum is not clear. Coarelli postulates that the latterserved as anatatio (unheated swimming pool) for thebaths, while Lloyd speculates that the baths may havedrained into the basin. The image on the SeveranMarble Plan suggests the two were in close proximity,and perhaps even physically linked, though it is farfrom conclusive.

G.Ghini, s.v."ThermaeAgrippae,"LTUR V,40-42.

Richardson386-87.

F. Yegul,Baths and bathingin classical antiquity (Cambridge1992).

E. Tortorici, "L'attivita edilizia di Agrippa a Roma," in C.Ceresa-Gastaldo (ed.),II bimillenario di Agrippa (Genova1990) 47-52.

I. Nielsen,Thennae et balnea(Arhus1990) 42-45.

R. Lloyd, "TheAqua Virgo, Euripus, and thePons Agrippae,"

AJA 83 (1979) 196.

F. Coarelli, "II Campo Marzio occidentale. Storia e topo-grafia,"MEFRA 89 (1977) 828.

C.HUisen,Die Thennen des Agrippa(Rome1910).

point near the Mulvian bridge along a straight linefollowing the foot of the Vatican hill, across TransTiberim, and then aggrandize the urban land; this planwas never realized (Le Gall 113-17; Cic.,Alt. 13.33a.1). Augustus widened the bed of Tiber and institutedcllmtores riparum et alvei Tiberis,officials responsiblefor the banks and channels of the Tiber, to maintainhis renovations (Ramage 71-74; Le Gall 117-18;OeD1522; Suet.,Aug. 30.1: ad coercendas inundationesalveum Tiberis laxavit ac repurgavit completum olimruderibus et aedificiorum prolationibus coartatum;d.Suet., Aug. 37). P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus and M.Valerius Messalla Niger, censors in 55 B.C., styledthemselves euratores riparum,and erectedcippi mark-ing the boundary between public and private land,and repaired revetted embankments (Richardson 399).

From Dionysius of Halicarnassus we learn that, inhis day, the Tiber was naVigable to Rome for sea-goingmerchant ships up to a tonnage of 3000 units(ampho-rae); larger cargo ships had to be unloaded at Ostiaand their goods transported to Rome on modest-sizedriverboats (Ant. Rom. 3.44). The old commercial har-bor, the "Portus Tiberinus, was positioned close to thecity's center, but from the 2nd c. B.C.onward Rome'sprimary commerical port developed further S in themore spacious Emporium area.

Richardson399.

C. MocchegianiCarpano, "Lungotevere Testaccio:resti delporto fluviale,"Bul/Com 90 (1985) 86-88.

246 Catalogue of entries

~ FORUM BOARJUM3·00

ooto

Fig. 17. Republican embankment wall along the Tiber. Cross-section near the Pons Aemilius, as documented byLanciani 1897(G. Cressedi, BullCom 89 [1984] 273 fig. 18, adapted).

R. Meneghini, "Scavo di Lungotevere Testaccio," inRoma,archeologia nel centroII (Rome1985) 433-4l.

E.5. Ramage, "Urban problems in ancient Rome," in R. T.Marchese (ed.),Aspects of Graeco-Roman urbanism: essays

TIBERIS: GRAND EMBANKMENT

The 200-m-Iong embankment wall retained the Ebank of the *Tiber beside the *Forum Bovarium, bet-ween the *"Cloaca Circi Maximi" in the S and the*Pons Aemilius in the N. Documented by Lancianishortly before its destruction in the course of the late-19th c., the massive wall was built of tufa blocks witha core ofopus caementicium (2-3 m thick, pres. H 6 m)and formed a strong bridgehead at the Pons Aemilius(see fig. 17; Lanciani,FUR pI. 28; Cressedi). Coarelli(37-38) plausibly connects the bUilding of thisembankment wall with the artificial elevation of theterrain in the central Forum Bovarium, an activitydated to the early 2nd c. B.C. based on the ceramicfinds in the homogeneous infill (36; tentatively con-nected with a major building campaign of the 170s B.c.attested by Livy 40.51.4: Colim;d. *Portus Tiberinus).

The solid embankment wall secured the most sensi-tive zone of the city's exposure to the Tiber. Here, atthe river's main curve through Rome, its currents andfloods hit the left bank at a destructively sharp angle,and it was at this point that the city's central publicareas and fortifications most closely approached theriverside. The retaining wall also protected a natur-ally low point in the physical topography of the city,where Rome's two main valleys, the Forum valley andCircus Maximus valley (*Vallis: Forum-Velabrum;*Vallis: Circus Maximus), drained into the Tiber. Inaddition - an aspect not yet considered - the wall

TIGILLUM SORORIUM

One of Rome's most ancient monuments, the Tigil-lum Sororium was a beam supported by two verticalposts that spanned a road (Festus 380:sororiumtigiIlurn; Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 3.22.7-9),probably the*Sacra Via (Richardson; contra, Coarelli). Dionysiusof Halicarnassus relates that the beam served in the

on the classical city(BAR5188, Oxford1983) 61-92.

C. Mocchegiani Carpano, "Indagini archeologiche nelTevere,"ArchLaz 4 (1981) 143-55.

J. LeGall,Le Tibre, fleuve de Rome dans I'antiquite(Paris1953).

map index 185

must have played a formidable, if not decisive, role inRome's much-disputed defense line along the Tiber(*Muri: Forum Bovarium-Tiberis). A broad strip ofland, some 50-80 m wide, separated the embankmentwall from the Forum Bovarium proper; within this"embankment strip" was the precinct of the Temple of*Portunus (at a notably lower elevation than theForum) and also the platform of the *Round Temple:Tiberis (at a level above the Forum's). Together withthe viaduct leading to the Pons Aemilius, and theartificial harbor of the *Portus Tiberinus just N ofthat bridge, the embankment wall and "embankmentstrip" define a zone of entirely man-made topographydating to the early 2nd-early 1st c. B.C.; these worksmust still have determined the Augustan appearance ofRome between the Tiber and Forum Bovarium. For theembankments and quays S of this area, s.v. *Emporium;for the embankment walls in the shape of a ship'sprow, at the down-stream end of the Tiber island, s.v.*Insula Tiberina.

Coarelli,Foro Boario (1988) 36-38.

G. Cressedi,"II foro Boarioed il Velabro,"Bul/Com 89 (1984)

272-73, no. 29.

A.M. Colini, "II porto fluviale del Foro Boario aRoma,"MAAR 36 (1980) 46.

R. Lanciani,The ruins and excavations of ancient Rome(Boston1897, repro1967) 63fig. 27.

map index 238

expiation of Horatius and that located nearby weretwo altars, one to Iuno Sororia and the other to IanusCuriatus (loe. cit.). The Arval calendar reports that theTigillum Sororium was locatedAD COMPITVMACIU(CIL VI 32482, of Augustan date; Degrassi,Inser. Ital.13.2, 37, 515; *Compitum Acili); thus its location is


fairly secure, despite the absence of archaeological re-mains. E.A.D.

TRANS TIBERIM

The developing urban zone on the W (right) bankof the *Tiber, which corresponds toRegio XIV of theAugustan regiones (*Regiones Quattuordecim). The*Ianiculum ridge bordered the Wedge of the area,while the lowlands between these slopes and theTiber were home to burgeoning residential neighbor-hoods. Trans Tiberim was topographically contin-uous with the *Vaticanus Ager, a region to its Nwhich featured garden estates and farmland. Theregion, known by the 1st c. H.C.astrans Tiberim (Cic.,Att. 12.19.1;d. RG 23), was not officially incorpora-ted into the urban zone of ancient Rome until theAugustan administrative reforms of 7 H.C.(Maisch-berger;d. Reg. Cats., Regio XIV: Transtiberim). In thelarger geographical scale, within the urban boundsand beyond the city, the W bank of the Tiber wascalled RIPAVEIENTANA,in contrast to RIPAROMANA;these nomenclatures were used on the boundary stonesof the Imperial curatores riparum (CIL VI 31547,31548b, 31555). The Ianiculum ridge was sometimes(confusingly) referred to asVaticanlls mons(Hor., Crr.1.20.7-8;Richardson 405).

Two major arteries functioned as the backbone ofthe Transtiberine street network: the *Via Campanaand the *Via Aurelia. The Via Campana stretched SWalong the Tiber through the S sector of the Trans Tibe-rim and acted as the borderline between the industrialareas on the river embankment and theharti; cultplaces, and villas on the Ianiculum slopes. The ViaAurelia led NW along the *Naumachiaand climbed theIanicuIum, passing through the *Agerof L.Petilius andnear the *Sepulcrum of Numa Pompilius, which wasconsidered a historical monument even in antiquity.The point where this street ascends the hill is the mostfavorable area to climb over the steep slopes of theIaniculum, and the Aurelian Wall later passed throughthe same ravine. On the Capitoline base, 22vici (neigh-borhoods) fromRegia XIV are listed (CIL VI 975,A.D.136); however, there is no conclusive evidence thatneighborhoods existed under these names in theAugustan period.

Augustan-era building activity in the regionincluded the Naumachia, the *AquaAlsietina that sup-plied its water, the *Pons Agrippae with a monumentaltomb at its Transtiberine end (s.v. *Sepulcrum: C.Sulpicius Platorinus), the villa structures immediatelyupstream from this bridge (s.v. *"VillaFarnesina"), as

- well as the restoration of the *Pons Aemilius, whichshows the heightened interest in the Transtiberineregion. Under Augustus, land values in the region musthave increased enormously (most recently, Taylor1995; id. 1997). The late-Republican and Augustanbridges must have served as aqueduct crossings,bring-

F.CoarelIi,s.v."TigillurnSororiurn,"LTUR V,74-75.

Richardson400.

ing potable water tothe residential neighborhoods ofthe region; while the Aqua Alsietina's non-potablewater served to irrigate the Transtiberine gardens andfields when the Naumachia was out of use (Taylor1995, Evans 111-13).

The densest residential settlement in the area wasnestled into the curve of the Tiber across from the*Insula Tiberina and bordered on the W by theNaumachia. Its proximity to the active market area ofthe *ForumBovarium and *Forum Holitorium, plus theeasy access it offered to the *Circus Flaminius and*Campus Martius, must have made this area verydesirable. In the latter half of Augustus' reign, the areaof the Naumachia was gradually transformed into agrove(nemus Caesarum);encroachment by the residen-tial neighborhood did not take place before the mid-1stc. A.D.(Tac.,Ann. 14.15, who mentions the develop-ment of small brothels and taverns; Taylor 1997,467).Near the Church of S. Cecilia, a neighborhood shrine(sacrum) to Bona Dea was dedicated (Richardson). Inthe very same area, near the Church of S. Mariadell'Orto, a travertine base dedicated to IuppiterDolichenus was found in 1861 (Detlefsen;CIL VI 415);this is often taken as evidence for the existence of aRepublican-period shrine to this Commagenean cult(Chioffi, Bellelli 324-25; on the cult,OCD 802). In 2H.C.barracks calledcastra Ravennatium were openedin the Transtiberine zone (Coarelli). A grove, theCorniscae Divae,known from a boundarycippus (CILVI 96 and 30691), stood between the foot of theIaniculum and the modern Church of S. FrancescoRipa.

In the late-Republican period, the S sector of theregion was already under development, having becomeextremely popular and cosmopolitan with the openingof manufacturing workshops and the shops of manysmall traders (Le Glay 555-56). Several warehousestructures were built along the Tiber to serve the*Emporium area, as evident in the Severan MarblePlan (Rodriguez Almeida, Forma frag. 28). Thisgrowing industrial district must have spawned nearbyresidential areas for their workers, and may be asso-ciated with the small shrines of foreign cults along theVia Campana-Portuensis (documented by substantialepigraphic and architectural evidence, compiled byPalmer, Savage,d. Calzini Gysens). The *LucusFurrinae, a sacred grove on the SE slopes of theIaniculum,held the most prominent of these foreign cultcenters, known as the sanc~ary of the SyrianfadS(*Iuppiter Optimus Maximu H(eliopolitanus)1whichflourished under the eaIy Empire. Epigraphicevidence from the Monteverde catacomb, which servedthe earliest Jews in ancientRome,suggests that during


the Augustan period a substantial number of Jewslived in Trans Tiberim; there were at least foursynagogues built in this area ('Synagogae). The SWslope of the Ianiculum served as the 'Horti Caesarisuntil Julius Caesar bequeathed his land to the Romanpeople in 44 B.C.(D'Arms).

The N sector was mostly covered with private gar-dens and sumptuous villa complexes, which extendedfurther N and beyond the NE slopes of the Ianiculumto join the gardens and farmland in the Vaticanus Ager(s.v. 'Horti Scapulani). The best known of thesesuburban estates is the large and prosperous Augus-tan villa excavated in the gardens of the '''Villa Far-nesina". Somewhere nearby was the land(c.0.5 ha)once belonging to the dictator L. Quinctius Cincin-natus, which was called theprata Quinctia; the namewas still used as a toponym in the early Empire (Rich-ardson 321). Dio Cassius mentions thehorti Antoniani,which were located near the Horti Caesaris (47.40.2),and Cicero informs us of thehorti Clodiaewhich stoodopposite the Campus Martius(Cael. 36,Att. 12.44.2).Wineries were associated with some of thesehorti. C.Mucius Scaevola's meadows, theprata Mucia, werealso in Trans Tiberim (Liverani).

M. Maischberger,s.v. "Transtiberirn,"LTUR V,77-83.J.H. D'Arms, "Between public and private: theepulum

TRES FORTUNAE, AEDES

A trio of Republican temples dedicated to Fortunaand known as the Tres Fortunae was located near the'Port.a Collina on the 'Quirinal (aedes ... ad TresFortunas: Vitr., De arch. 3.2.2). One was dedicated toFortuna Primigenia in 194 B.C. by Q. Marcius RaIla(Livy 34.53.3) to fulfill a vow made 10 years earlierby P. Sempronius Tuditanus (Livy 29.36.8; Degrassi,Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 461; ot perhaps by P. SemproniusSophus: Coarelli). Ovid records a second temple, thisdedicated toFortuna Publica (Fast.4.375-76; Dio Casso42.26.3-4); Fortuna Publica Citeriormay have been thefull name of this temple which theJasti Praenestinilocate on the Quirinal (INCOLLE:Degrassi,Inser. Ital.13.2, 437). Richardson admits the dedication of thethird temple remains unknown, but Coarelli proposesthat it honored Fortuna Publica Populi Romani Quiri-tium, which the calendars also locate IN COLLEQVIRINALI (it too had a dies natalis on May 25;Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2,461; Ov.,Fast. 5.729).

Thus, three temples of Fortuna are known to havebeen located on thecollis Quirinalis near the PortaCollina. Vitruvius describes the temple nearest the

Horseracing track (Philox.,CGL 2.201) located inthe W *Campus Martius. The term'trigarium' is gener-ally interpreted as the racing track for chariots drawnby three horses(trigae), an event held only in Archaic

publicum and Caesar'shorti Trans Tiberim," in Horti romani(1998)33-44

P. Liverani,s.v. "Prata Mucia,"LTUR IV,16l.R Taylor,"Torrentor trickle?TheAqua Alsientina, the Nau-

machia Augusti, and the Transtiberim,"AlA 101 (1997)465-92.

G.M. Bellelli, "Les sanctuaires de Iuppiter Dolichenusit

Rome," in id. and U. Bianchi (edd.),Orientalia sacra urbis

Romae: Dolichena et Heliopolitana(Rome1997)305-28.J. Calzini Gysens, "Il lucus Furrinae e i culti del cosiddetto

'santuario siriaco'," inIaniculum-Gianicolo (1996)53-60.L.Chioffi,s.v. "Iuppiter Dolichenus,"LTUR III, 138-43.R Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae:aqueduct river crossings in

the ancientcity of Rome,"PBSR 63 (1995)75-103.Evans,Water distribution (1994).

Richardson32l.F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti,

Castra Ravennatum: la Via Campana Portuensis e alcuniedifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana,"Ostraka 1(1992)39-54.

M. Le Glay, "Sur l'implantation des sanetuaires orientauxaRome,"inCUrbs (1987)545-57.

RE. Palmer, "The topography and social history of Rome'sTrastevere (southern sector),"ProcPhiiSoc 125 (1981)368-97.

S.M. Savage, "The cults of ancient Trastevere,"MAAR 17(1940)26-56,pI. 1-4.

D. Detlefsen,"Inscrizionidi Trastevere III,"BdI 1861,177-80.

map index 83

gate as distyle-in-antis(lac. cit.); believing thatciterior('nearer') indicates a location closest to the PortaCollina, Coarelli associates Vitruvius' descriptionwith the Temple ofFortuna Publica Citerior.Lancianiattributed the remains of a large temple discovered in1887 at the intersection of Via Servio Tullio and ViaFlavia to the Tres Fortunae(FUR pI. 10), and thusestablished the now-traditional intramural locationof these temples (Coarelli 286). Coarelli associatesthis platform with either Fortuna Primigenia orFortuna Publica Populi Romani Quiritium, but giventhe absence of confirming data this attribution is notfollowed here(d. Richardson, Ziolkowski, and Lugli,who doubt the association of these remains with theTres Fortunae). Our map conservatively marks theprobable location of these three temples inside thePorta Collina with only an index number.

E.A.D.

F.Coarelli,S.V. "Fortuna Tres,aedes,"LTUR II,285-86.Richardson158.Ziolkowski,Temples(1992)40-45.G. Lugli, I monumenti antichi di Roma e SuburbioIII (Rome

1938)337-38.

map index 6

times (Dion. Hal.,Ant. Rom. 7.73.2). Nonetheless, therecould have been a revival of these races in the Imperialperiod (Coarelli,LTUR 89). The Trigarium served asthe temporary racetrack(circlls temporalis) of the ludi


the name 'Camenae' - listed as a locality in the late-antique Regionary Catalogues - ever comprised theentire valley between Caelian and Aventine, as claim-ed by Richardson (63). At present, it seems best to cointhe term "Via Appia Valley" for this topographicalunit, while not excluding its possible identity with thevallis Egeriae (d. Platner-Ashby). For an overview of

VATICANUSACER

The relatively flat territory on the W bank of theTiber N of *Trans Tiberim and the *Ianiculum (e.g.,Cic., Leg. agr. 2.96: Vaticanum [Sc.agrum]; Pliny, NH3.54; Gel!., NA 19.7.1: in agro Vaticano). The road toVeii, which was known at least by the mid-2nd c. A.D.as the *Via Triumphalis, crossed this plain, and thepyramid-tomb which rose close to the street and theriver bank (*Sepulcrum: "Meta Romuli") formed amonumental landmark in the Augustan period (fore-shadowing Hadrian's later use of adjacent land forhis much grander mausoleum). In its most northernreaches, the Vaticanus Ager was farmland of moderatequality (Cic., lac. cit.) which produced notoriouslypoor wine (Mart., e.g., 6.92). Closer to Rome it featuredhorti, lavish gardens adorned with architecture, theexistence of which is attested from the time of Cicero(Att. 13.33a.1; notable post-Augustan villas are thehorti Agrippinae and horti Domitiae).

From Cicero (Att. 13.33a.1; 45 B.C.) we learn thatthe *Horti Scapulani (Eck) stood in the'campus Vati-canus' (a term probably invented for the occasion,Richardson 68); he wished to acquire this property,which had gained some prominence in recent years, inorder to build a funeral chapel for his daughter Tullia

VEDIOVIS,AEDES(INSULATrBERINA)

A temple dedicated to Vediovis on the Tiber island,known only from literary sources and epigraphicevidence (e.g.,Fast. Praen.:VEDIOVIININSVLA,in De-grassi, Inscr. Ital. 13.2, 111, 388). The shrine wasvowed by the praetor L. Furius Purpurio in 200 B.C.and dedicated by C. Servilius in 194 B.C. (Degrassi).Scholars often confuse it with the shrine to *IuppiterIurarius (Brucia 48-55), and it is not even clear thatthey were two separate buildings (Richardson). Suchambiguity is evident in Ovid(Fast.1.293-94) and Livy

VEIOVIS,AEDES(CAPITOLIUM)

The temple dedicated to the 'young' or 'bad' Jupiterin 192 B.C. (Livy 35.41.8,d. Gel!., NA 5.12.8-10) andrebuilt in the early 1st c. B.C. was locatedinter duoslucas (Vitr., De arch. 4.8.4: inter duos lucas Veiovis[sc.aedes]; Ov., Fast. 3.430: templa .., lucas Veiovis anteduos; Gel!., NA 5.12.2:aedes Vediovis ... inter Arcem etCapitolium), in the same area asthe *Asylurn. It hasbeen identified with the remains of a small templeunder the SW comer of Palazzo Senatorio on the .

L.H.

D. Palombi, s.v. "Regiones Quattuordecim (topographia),"LTUR IV,fig.84facing518.

F.Coarelli,s.v. "Porta Capena,"LTUR III,325.Richardson63-64.Platner-Ashby89,546.

(Att. 12.36.1; 13.29.1; Verzar-Bass 401-4). Cicero alsopreserves the account of Julius Caesar's megalomaniacplan to redirect the Tiber from the Mulvian Bridgealong the montes Vaticani, and thus bring thecampusVaticanus into union with the *Campus Martius, turn-ing the one into the other in order to gain space for adramatic expansion of the city (Cic.,Att. 13.33a.1:campum Vaticanum fieri quasi Martium campum).Favro's schematic map of the intended redirection ofthe Tiber, from some distance SW of the MulvianBridge to the river's bend at the W tip of the CampusMartius, may come close to the historic plans regard-ing the Vaticanus Ager, whereas the depicted S exten-sion across Trans Tiberim is topographically incor-rect and apparently not justified, depending perhapson Richardson's equation (405) of themontes Vaticaniwith the full range of the ridges to the W of Rome (fordiscussion of sources on the Ianiculum: Liverani).

L.H.

M. Verzar-Bass,"A proposito dei mausolei neglihorti e nellevillae," in Horti romani (1998)401-24.

D.Favro,The urban image of Augustan Rome(Cambridge1996)74fig.40.

P. Liverani,s.v. "Ianiculum,"LTUR III, 89-90.Richardson68,405.

map index 174

(31.21.12, withaedemque deo Ioviemended toaedemqueVediovi); in any case, Vediovis was a form of Jupiter(OeD 1583).

b.H.

D.Degrassi,s.v. "Veiovis,aedes (Insula Tiberina),"LTUR V,101.

Richardson406.M.A. Broda, Tiber island in ancient and medieval Rome(New

York1990).

map index 153

*Capitol, nestled into a corner of the later *Tabular-ium. Its ground-plan, unusual on account of itstransverse cella fronted by a tetra stylepronaos (des-cribed by Vitruvius, as noted by La Rocca), is wellestablished through excavations (CoHni).

A.G.T.M. Albertoni,s.v. "Veiovis, aedes (in Capitolio),"LTUR V,

99-100.

E.LaRocca,"Prima del Palazzo Senatorio: i monumentiinter


Avetta 93-94; detailing the remains, Quilici 1987, 715fig. 2, 720-25); from this point, the Ardeatina isthought to have continued in a straight line until itjoined the Via Appia. Recently, however, these extantremains, once associated with the Via Ardeatina(Pietrangeli; favored by Avetta 244-45), have been re-interpreted as a minor "connecting road" to the ViaAppia (Quilici 1987, 743-44). The third proposalholds that the Via Ardeatina had no remains of itsown near the city, with most proponents advocating ashared course with the first 1.5 miles of the Via Appiabefore it branched off, just like the modern ViaArdeatina, at the Church of Domine Quo Vadis; theroad remains here may have led to Ardea (Sommella),though others favor a terminus at Satricum (Quilici1990,47; Patterson).

The range of vastly different suggestions reflectsthe elusive course of the Via Ardeatina in the vicinityof Rome. Given the open state of the question, our map

VIA AURELIA

The major route running NW from Rome to coastalEtruria and Pisa (Patterson), probably built duringthe 3rd-2nd c. B.C. and associated with the Aurelianclan, although the exact construction date is debated(Patterson; Degrassi 309-12). The Via Aurelia crossedthe Tiber on the *Pons Aemilius, skirted the N edge ofthe *Naumachia, and climbed the steep slopes of the*Ianicul urn near the *Agel' of L. Petilius and the altarof Fons, passed below the Aurelian Porta Aurelia, andthen continued NW to the coast. The ancient streetroughly corresponds to Via delia Lungaretta; a por-tion was excavated near S. Crisogono at PiazzaSonnino, where it was seen that the ancient street ranon a 2nd-c. B.C. viaduct across a swampy slough(Gatti). This marshland is located at the NE corner ofthe Naumachia, and has been advocated as a probable

Road along the N ridge of the *Caelian folloWingthe course of Via D. Fontana and Via di S. StefanoRotondo. It led from *Spes Vetus to the *"Arcus Dola-bellae et Silani", where it continued inside the *Ser-vian Wall as the *"Clivus Scauri". The name is a mod-ern cornage, but it is known to have been an ancientstreet, perhaps the most important road on the Caelian(Colini, Pavolini, Claridge, Giannelli). Its course may

One of the most ancient routes that connected Rometo the sea, more particularly to thecampus Salinarumat the mouth of the *Tiber (Richardson; Scheid 639).Within the townscape it was a major and wide streetin the S *Trans Tiberim that ran SW from the *PonsAemilius and *Pons Sublicius along the Tiber and

through theharti of the *Ianiculum foothills (for thename, e.g.,CIL VI 29772=1LS 5999: AD VIAM CAMPANA

[sic]).

does not attempt a solution and marks, only for thesake of clarity, the hypothesized site of the Porta Nae-via. Whether the huge circular tomb on the Aventine'sextramural SE extension (*Sepulcrum: Aventinus) wassituated along a regional road, as is possible, andwhether this was the Via Ardeatina, cannot beresolved (d. Quilici 1987, 741-42 n.44).

J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaArdeatina,"LTUR V, 133.G.PisaniSartorio,s.v. "Porta Ardeatina,"LTUR III,300-1.Richardson300,414.L.Quilici, Le strade. Viabilita tra Roma e Lazio(Rome1990)39

fig.27,44-47.L.Quilici,"Laposterula di Vigna Casali nella pianificazione

urbanisticadell'Aventino," inCUrbs (1987)713-45.L.Avetta (ed.),Roma - Via Imperiale (Rome 1985).P.Sommella,"LaViaArdeatina," in F. CastagnoIi (ed.),Saggi

di Jotointerpretazione archeologica(Rome 1964)17-31.C.Pietrangeli,"ViaArdeatina,"BullCom 72 (1946-48)221-23.

area for the outlet of the Naumachia to the Tiber(Taylor 481). In the 2nd c. A.D. the section closest toRome became known as thevia Aurelia Vetus afterAntoninus Pius laid down a new route further N, thevia Aurelia Nova, which left the city from the W tip ofthe *Campus Martius to join the Via Aurelia severalmiles outside the city (for details, Patterson 134).

a.H.J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaAurelia,"LTUR V,133-34.R.Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae:aqueduct river crossings in

the ancient city of Rome,"PBSR 63 (1995)75-103.N. Degrassi,"Ladatazione e il percorsodelIaViaAurelia e la

ViaAurelia Nova nella zona del Vaticano,"RendPontAcc

61 (1988-89)309-42.G. Gatti, "II viadotto sulla via Aurelia nel Trastevere,"

Bul/Com 68(1940)129-40.

map index 324

be determined from Lanciani,FUR pIs. 31, 36,37.A.G.T.

C. Pavolini,s.v. "'Via Caelemontana'(0 'Caelimontana'),"LTURV, 135.

Claridge,Rome (1998)306.G. Giannelli, s.v. "Caelius mons (in eta classica),"LTUR I,

211.

Colini,Celio (1944)75-76.

Based on securely located and almost completefragments of the Severan Marble Plan (27-28; Rodri-guez Almeida, Forma 140,-47, pis. 19-20) and somescanty archaeological (mostly epigraphic) evidence(Scheid 639 n.2, also 47-48), it was located alongrough-Iy the same line as modern Via Portuense butapproxi-mately 20-25 m to the W (Coarelli figs. 1-3;Palmer 369f., esp. n.50) and, further 5, along the


present-day Via della Magliana (Cianfriglia andCorsini 156; Scheid 640, n.1).

In modern scholarship, the street is often referredto as the Via Campana-Portuensis (e.g., Coarelli; Scag-netti map), a name which never occurs in the ancientsources. In the late 1st c. A.D. the Via Portuensis waslaid out in conjunction with the construction of theClaudian port, and thereafter the Transtiberine por-tion of the ancient route was referred to as the ViaPortuensis as well, replacing the designation ViaCampana (Chiumenti and Bilancia 303-9). However,the two ancient routes forked into two separatecourses upon leaving the urban territory; the ViaCampana followed Via della Magliana, while the ViaPortuensis followed Via Portuense.

Palmer argued that the first part of the Via Cam-pana should be identified as the *Vicus Longus Aqui-lae, 'The Long Street of the Eagle', listed on the Capi-toline base forRegia XIV: Transtiberim, as he sugges-ted that 'the eagle' referred to the foreign cult placesalong the street (Palmer 370;(IL VI 975). The *PonsAemilius has generally been considered the starting

VIA CIRCA FOROS PUBLICOS

Street running behind the grandstands of the*Circus Maximus that led from the *Forum Bovariumto a Temple of Venus (Livy 29.37.2:viam eJoro Bavariaad Veneris circa Jaros publicos).Of the known Venustemples in the city, that of *Venus Obsequens is themost logical reference for this passage (pap i), and thusthe road probably ran on the *Aventine side of theCircus (Ziolkowski 191; Coarelli 31, 34, 104-5 fig.20). While Coarelli extends the street from the startinggates of the Circus to the *Porta Trigemina, neitherliterary nor archaeological evidence supports thiscontinuation (12; for a detailed rebuttal of Coarelli:Ziolkowski 191). The extensive and continual re-

Modern name for an anonymous early-Republicanroad which led from Rome to the village of Collatia(Quilici 1990). Its starting-point was the *Porta Con-latina, a gate in the *Servian Wall, best identified asan early name for the *Porta Viminalis. It led SW fromthis gate, parallel with the *Anio Vetus along a well-attested roadway, called "Via Tiburtina" by Lancia-ni, FUR pI. 24. It was joined by the *Via Tiburtina andtogether they passed under an Augustan arch at theAurelian porta Tiburtina (s.v. *Porta Tiburtina:Augustan Arch). This intersection was long consider-ed the starting-point of the "Via Collatina" (Richard-son; Lanciani,FUR pI. 25). It has also been argued thatthe road leading from the Porta Viminalis was unim-portant (Patterson). However, the monumental Augus-tan arch is oriented on axis with the "Via Collatina",not with the Via Tiburtina, an indication that the

point for the street and is used to determine the loca-tions of monuments at various milestones (Scheid 642);the street ran along the Tiber and acted as a backbonefor a variety of altars and shrines such as that of*Fors Fortuna, while separating the area of ware-houses along the river from the cultic-garden topogra-phy of the Ianiculum slopes (Palmer 369-70; Coarelli).

a.H.J.R.Patterson, s.v. "ViaCampana,"LTUR V, 135.

Richardson415.

F. Coarelli, "Aedes Fortis Fortunae, Naumachia Augusti,Castra Ravennatum: la Via Campana Portuensis e alcuniedifici nella Pianta Marmorea Severiana,"Ostraka 1(1992) 39-54.

1. Cianfriglia andA.1. Corsini, "Via Portuense, loc. PozzoPantaleo.La strada basolata,"NSc 1986-87, 155-74.

R.E.A.Palmer, "The topography and socialhistory of Rome'sTrastevere (southern sector),"ProcPhilSoc 125 (1981)

368-97.

1. Chiumenti and F. Bilancia,"Via Portuense," inLa campag-na romana: antica, medioevale e modernaVI (Firenze1979)

303-63.

J. Scheid, "Note sur la Via Campana,"MEFRA 88 (1976)

639-67.

map index 252

working of the Circus seating in the Imperial era (s.v.Circus Maximus) has obscured any remains of theAugustan street (Lanciani's wide, straight pavedstreet immediately behind the Circuscavea recon-structs a late-Imperial phase:FUR, pI. 35); as itscourse is too imperfectly understood, an index numberis employed on our map to represent the street.

D.B.,EAD.

E.Papi, s.v. "VenusObsequens,"LTUR V, 118.A. Ziolkowski,"I limiti del Foro Boario alla luce degli studi

recenti,"Athenaeum82 (1994) 184-96.

F.Coarelli,ForoBoario(1988) 12,31,34,104-5 fig. 20.

map index 323

"Via Collatina" was especially important in theAugustan period. Beyond this Augustan arch to the Ethere was a minor N-S connecting road which ledfrom the "Via Collatina" to the *Via Praenestina atthe Porta Maggiore, the Aurelianporta Praenestina(Bellini, Corrente and Turchetti; Quilici 1963-64).

A.G.T.J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaTiburtina,"LTUR V, 146-47.

1.Quilici,Le strade. Viabilitii tra Roma e Lazio(Rome1990) 61-

62.

Richardson415.

G. Bellini, M. Corrente, and R. Turchetti, "Via Collatina:tracce della via antica,"BullCom 92 (1987-88) 427-29

with fig. 132.

1. Quilici, "La via Collatina. Analisi topografica dell'anticapercorso,"BullCom79 (1963c64) 99-106 with figs.1-2.


ancient street rejoined the modern Via Nomentana andfollows its course for almost 2 km, to the PonteNomentano, a bridge of the late-2nd/early-lst c. B.c.across the Anio (Quilici Gigli 66, 82).

Tombs lined the street outside the Servian Wall,and though most were post-Augustan in date, like thatof Q. Haterius, some earlier tombs are known (s.v*Sepulcrum: Via Nomentana [1], [2], [3]; *Sepulcrum:Aletii). Later, brickyards and quarries were locatedalong the street further out from the city(CIL XV 677-

VIA NOMENTANA: BUILDING

Walls of an opus reticlllatum building were un-earthed under the modern *Via Nomentana near itsintersection with Viale Regina Margherita(CAR III, Bno. 23); the plan and function of the structure areunknown but it seems not to have been aligned withthe Via Nomentana, which ran to its N. Just N of thisstructure were tombs and possibly a monument of the

Major urban street and intra-urban route connec-ting Rome and Ostia, which ran along the E bank ofthe Tiber (e.g., Pliny,Ep. 2.17.2: Ostiensis [sc. via]).The urban portion of the street seems to have run fromthe *Porta Trigemina along the narrow ledge of landbetween the Tiber and the W slopes of the *Aventineuntil it reached the *Emporium area. This first portionof the street is also referred to as the "Vicus PortaeTrigeminae" (Lanciani, FUR pI. 36; Scagnetti; PisaniSartorio) and several ancient references exist for thedense industrial structures along this street and by theriver (e.g., Livy 41.27.8-9;ct. Porta Trigemina, *Porti-cus Aemilia [Emporium]), which include the recentlyexcavated early-Imperial period embankments (Mene-ghini; s.v. *Tiberis). From the N corner of the Empor-ium area, the street made a sharp turn to the S and ranimmediately below the SW slopes of the Aventine andalong the modern Via Marmorata, passing by the*Sepulcrum: C. Cestius, to join the prominent road

VIA PRAENESTINA

The road to Praeneste led E from *Spes Vetus andthe Aurelian porta Praenestina (Porta Maggiore) at afork with the *Via Labicana, which branched off tothe S. In common with the Via Labicana, this road alsoled into the city to the *Porta Esquilina along the

VIASALARIA

Major road connecting Rome with Fidenae andother towns to theNE (Patterson); it continued for149miles, ending atCastrum Truentinum on the Adriatic(Quilici). The Via Salaria began outside the ·Porta

J.R.Patterson, s.v. "Via Nomentana,"LTUR V, 142.

E.Papi, s.v. "Sepulcrum:Q. Haterius,"LTUR IV, 289-90.

O.J.Gilkes, "Porta Pia: excavation and survey in an area ofsuburban Rome,part2," PBSR 62 (1994) 128-29.

S.QuiliciGigli,"La ViaNomentana da Roma ad Eretum," inL. Quilici and S. Quilici Gigli (edd.),Strade romane,

percorsi e infrastrutture (Rome1994) 45-84.

Richardson417.

map index 78

Aletii (*Sepulcrum: Via Nomentana [2], *Sepulcrum:Aletii).

S.QuiliciGigli,"LaViaNomentana da Roma ad Eretum," inL.Quiliciand S.QuiliciGigli (edd.)Strade romane, percorsie infrastrutture (Rome1994) 61-62.

which ran S from the central *Aventine (s.v. *Aventi-nus: Street). The late 1st-c. B.C. pyramid tomb of C.Cestius marks the approximate SE urban limit of thestreet and its associated neighborhood. This long L-shaped street must have been a backbone of overlandindustrial activity (as was the *Via Campana) since itconnected the *Forum Bovarium and the *Emporiumarea with Ostia. Ancient sources confirm how busythis street was in the mid-to late-Republican period(Patterson; Plaut.,Capt. 90). Lanciani's map(FUR pIs.36, 40, 44) traces the street fairly securely with thehelp of sporadic excavations in the 19th c. or earlier.

b.H.J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaOstiensis,"LTUR V, 143.

G.PisaniSartorio,s.v. "Muri Aureliani,"LTUR ill, fig. 190 (B.Brizzi).

R. Meneghini, "Scavo di Lungotevere Testaccio," inRoma,archea/agia ne/ centroII (1985) 433-41.

*"Via Labicana-Praenestina". Its course may be deter-mined from Lanciani,FUR pI. 32.

J.R.Patterson,s.v. "ViaPraenestina,"LYUR V, 144.

Richardson418.

Collina, where it intersected the *Via Nomentana

(Lanciani, FUR pI. 3, 10).Remains of pavers from theroad indicate that when the Salaria left the city, itscourse was straight and nearly due N(CAR II, C; III,


members of thegens Sulpicia).

The Vieus Sulpicius has been plausibly locatedalong the Via Appia in the area of the Baths ofCaracalla, based on epigraphic and literary sources.The Capitoline Base lists a bipartitevicus of this namein Regio I (VICVSSVLPICIVLTERIORISand VICVSSVLPICICITERIORIS:CIL VI 975, A.D. 136) and the Baths ofCaracalla are situated invico Sulpicio (SHA, Heliogab.17.8), yet the late-antique Regionary Catalogues listthem in Regia XII (Richardson; Gesemann 400; Lega193-94). Keeping in mind, however, the continued un-certainty of the regional borders (*Regiones Quattuor-decim; mapped by Palombi 518-19), along with the factthat the vicus was bipartite (with a variety ofpossible conclusions, see Lega 193-94), the two testi-monie.s need not be incompatible and certainly permit,we thmk, locating thevicus half-way along the Via

VICUS Tuscus

The 'Tuscan Row' was an old, history-laden streetand its eponymous, adjacent quarter (with an earlyresidential function attested: e.g., Varro,Ling. 5.46;Prop. 4.2.49-50; Livy 2.14.9; *Domus: Vicus Tuscus);the street ran through the *Forum Valley at the E footof the *Palatine and formed the main connectionbetween the *Forum Romanum, the lower *ForumBovarium (Livy 27.37.15), and the *Circus Maximus(Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 5.36.4). Called, by Cicero, the'street from the statue of Vertumnus to the CircusMaximus' (Yerr. 2.1.154; Aronen), it was reputed forpageantry and processions (Cic.,lac. cit.: viam tensa-rum atque pampae;Coarelli 365-67, for the suggestedtriumphal route). It was also known by the end of theRepublic as a notoriously expensive shopping street(Hor., Sat. 2.3.228: Tusci turba impia vici; d. Mart.11.27.11).

There is no doubt that the street left the ForumRomanum through the alleyway between the Temple of*Castor and the *Basilica Iulia (e.g., Richardson; Papi197; cf, Poulsen and Gmnne; Aronen), and the remainsof a street pavement found S of this passage along the*Horrea Agrippiana attest to the presence of the roadin.the *.Velabrum (Hurst); however, its course beyondthiS pomt has not been precisely determined. Coarelli(367 fig. 82), Richardson, and Papi (197) advocate aroute through the site of the Severan Arch of the Ar-gentarii (passing over the *Cloaca Maxima), contraryto the earlier suggestions of Palmer (145 fig. 1) andScagnetti, who position the course further N, close to

"VILLAFARNESINA"

A fairly large and prosperous villa on theW bankof the *Tiber, excavated in the gardens of Villa Far-nesina during the construction of the Tiber embank-n:e~ts in 1879 (Fiorelli;d. Lugli 5-6; Beyen n.2 forbIblIography). Remains of a vast complex of wine-cellars, the cellae Vinariae Nova et Arruntiana (ofuncertain datebut most probably post-Augustan) lay

Appia's first mile, where the *Via Latina branches offthe Via Appia (d. *Arcus Drusi). As a pre-Augustanextra-urban settlement, the Vicus Sulpicius makestangible and further illuminates Rome's incipient sub-urban build-up in the *Via Appia Valley(d. *VicusHonoris et Virtutis).

D.B., K.T., L.H.

C.Lega,s.v. "VicusSulpicius,"LTUR V, 192-94.

D. Palombi, s.v. "Regiones Quattuordecim (topografia),"LTUR IV, 199-204, with map on518-19.

B.Gesemann, "Dieviei Lueeei. Ein Beitrag zur Topographieyon Rom,"RomMitt 105 (1998) 391-401.

Richardson428.

E. Samter, "Altare di Mercurio e Maia,"Rom Mitt 8 (1893)

222-25.

T.Mommsen,"Altr6mischelnschriit in Basel,"RhM 9 (1854)

450-55.

the foot of the Palatine. Our map leaves this open.

Palmer has argued strongly for an extension of theVicus Tuscus toward the *Pons Aemilius (followed byCoarelli, 25, 50, 104-5 fig. 20, 151,d. 241 fig. 50),which he identifies with the viciLuccei mentioned byCicero (Att. 7.3.6). This has found only limited accep-tance as the approximate region where thesevici oncestood (Geesemann 393; Lega 176). More importantly,the street issuing from the Pons Aemilius, while carr-ied on a viaduct across the low strip of land behindthe Tiber embankment (s.v. *Tiberis: Grand Embank-ment; *Portunus, Aedes), may not have continued as adistinct street-line crossing the Forum Bovarium; thus,Palmer's connection is not represented on our map.

D.B., L.H.

C. Lega,s.v. "VicusLuccei,"LTUR V, 176-77.

E.Papi, s.v. "VicusTuscus,"LTUR V, 195-97.

J. Aronen,s.v. "SignumVortumni,"LTUR IV, 310-11.

B.Gesemann, "Dievici Lueeei. Ein Beitrag zur Topographievan Rom,"RomMitt 105 (1998) 391-401.

H. Hurst, "Nuovi scavi nell'area di Santa Maria Antiqua,"ArehLaz 9 (1988) 13-15.

P. Poulsen and C. Gmnne, "Ricerchenel VicusTuscus lungoillato ovest del tempio dei Castori,"ArchLaz 9 (1988) 27-31.

Richardson429.

Coarelli,Foro Boario (1988).

R.E.A.Palmer, "TheViei Lueeei in theForum Boarium andsome Lucceiiin Rome,"BuI/Com 85 (1976-77) 135-61,esp.145 fig. 1.

immediately to its SE.

. The monumental villa was symmetrically plannedWith a hemispherical extension and a set of terracesand gardens cascading toward the Tiber. The villa isoften associated with contemporary Augustan monu-ments to its SE along the river: the "Sepulcrum: C.


Sulpicius Platorinus (18 B.C.)and the *Pons Agrippae(19 B.C) (Taylor 85).

The building complex is dated on stylistic groundsby its well-preserved late Second-Style wall-decora-tions which the most recent art-historical scholarshipassigns to the early part of the Augustan period,c.20B.C. (Ling). However, the Farnesina wall-paintingsare also referred to as transitional or early ThirdStyle, in which case their date ranges from 20 to 10B.C. (for a review of the debate, Clarke). Bragantiniand de Vos suggest a particular Augustan-Agrippanworkshop initiated the Egyptianizing Third Style.Based upon its construction techniques, a slightlyhigher date for the building complex is proposed, of35-25 B.C.(Beyen 10). Its architectural design is oftenfound as innovative as its paintings (Favro). Due inpart to its proximity in date and location to the *PonsAgrippae, the villa may have belonged to Agrippa andJulia, thereby dating its construction to 19 B.C.(Beyen

VILLA PUBLICA

One of the oldest and most important Republicanbuildings in the *Campus Martius, established in 435B.C.by the censors C. Furius Paculus and M. GeganiusMacerinus (Livy 4.22.7:villam Publicam in campoMartio). It was not a functioning villa for farming, butinstead a place where Rome's armies were levied andregulated and where the census was administered(Varro, Rust. 3.2.4). The term 'Villa Publica' seems tohave been applied not only to the specific structure butalso to the surrounding open space, in which most ofthe business of the Villa Publica took place (Agache).

The structure of the villa itself has not been loca-ted, but is known to have stood somewhere near theRepublican *Saepta (Varro,Rust. 3.2.1). This alsoserved, from time to time, as the place where embassiesfrom Rome's enemies were housed (Livy 30.21.12,33.24.5). The .building was probably destroyed atsome time after 55 B.C., when it was depicted on adenarius by P. Fonteius Capito (RRC 429/2), butbefore the reign of Tiberius, when Valerius Maximus(9.2.1) refers to the Villa Publica in the past tense (DeCaprariis).

There is general agreement that the open area of the

VIMINALIS, COLLIS

One of the seven traditional hills of Rome, itextended from the plateau E of the city and wasseparated by deep valleys from the *Cispian and*Quirinal (De Caprariis, LTUR). Along the N face ofthe hill, retaining walls ofopus quadratum and opusincertum were needed to support the steep slope (DeCaprariis 1987, 115, n.39; id. 1988, 40-44; Lanciani,FUR pI. 16-17).Little development is attested atop thissmall, narrow tongue of land, which seems to havebeen primarily a residential zone in the Augustan era(Blake 250, 261, 270). Some indications of residencesfrom the Republican period survive (*Domus:Viminal

15-21), but there is no conclusive evidence to provethis hypothesis.

O.H.

D.Favro,Theurban image of Augustan Rome(Cambridge1996)

166.

R.Taylor,"A citeriore ripa aquae:aqueduct river crossingsinthe ancientcityofRome,"PBSR 63 (1995) 75-103.

J.R. Clarke,The houses of Roman Italy 100 B.C.-A.D. 250

(Berkeley1991) 52-56.

R. Ling,Roman painting (Cambridge1991) 41-5l.

1.Bragantiniand M.de Vos,Le decorazioni delia villa romana

delia Farnesina(Rome 1982) 30-31.

H.-G. Beyen,"Lesdomini de la villade la Farnesina,"inStu-

dia varia Carolo Guilielmo Vollgraff (Amsterdam1948) 5-

2l.

G. Lugli, "La pianta dell'antica casa delia Farnesina,"MEFRA 55 (1938) 5-27.

G. Fiorelli,"Notiziedegli scavi:Aprile,"NSc 1880, 115-64,

esp.138,pI.4.

map index 48

Villa Publica originally included the territory immed-iately S of the *Diribitorium and E of the *"AreaSacra" of Largo Argentina. By the time of Augustus,however, this zone was entirely built up with the*Porticus Minucia and the *Theatrum: Balbus. Apassage of Josephus(Bell! 7.123) may suggest thatsome part of this open area was still in existenceduring the Flavian period. It is therefore probable thatthe original open area of the Villa Publica alsostretched further E, into the area SW of the Temple of*IsisCampense (Coarelli). Richardson has argued thatthis E portion of the Villa Publica was ultimatelytransformed into theDivomm under Domitian. Whatopen area of the Villa Publica there was at the time ofAugustus would have been bounded on its S side bythe residential district of the *Pallacinae.

S.Agache,s.v."VillaPublica,"LTUR V,202-5.

Coarelli,Campo Marzio (1997) 161-75.

F.DeCaprariis,"Duenotedi topografiaromana,"RivlstArch24-25 (1991-92) 153-92, 168-74.

1. Richardson,jr., "TheVillaPublica and the Divorurn,"inIn memoriam OttoJ. Brendel (Mainz1976) 159-63.

[1], [2], [3], [4];De Caprariis 1988,44) and Pliny notesthat one of the finest Republicandomus stood on theViminal, that of C. Aquilius Gallus (NH 17.1.2;

Palombi); unfortunately, even an approximate locationof this residence remains unknown, and thus it couldnot be indicated on our map. One neighborhood, the*Vicus Collis Viminalis, lay in the area S of the Sta-zione Termini; thisvicus name is commonly associatedwith the hill's main throughfare which ran from the

*Porta Viminalis down the central ridge of theViminal, perhaps descending into the *Subura (thoughthe distance between the street and neighborhood

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