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This article was downloaded by: [The University of Manchester Library]On: 20 November 2014, At: 07:31Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH,UK
Review of Social EconomyPublication details, including instructions for authorsand subscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rrse20
Male and Female Recoveries inMedical Malpractice CasesWalter Simmons a & Rosemarie Emanuele ba John Carroll University , University Heights, Ohio,USAb Ursuline College , Pepper Pike, Ohio, USAPublished online: 18 Feb 2007.
To cite this article: Walter Simmons & Rosemarie Emanuele (2004) Male and FemaleRecoveries in Medical Malpractice Cases, Review of Social Economy, 62:1, 83-99, DOI:10.1080/0034676042000183844
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0034676042000183844
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Male and Female Recoveries in Medical
Malpractice Cases
Walter Simmons1 and Rosemarie Emanuele21John Carroll University, University Heights, Ohio 2Ursuline
College, Pepper Pike, Ohio
Abstract This study analyzes male and female recovery resulting from medical
malpractice injuries to discern the importance to the recovery differential ofgender differences in recoveries for medical malpractice injuries. We find thatthe pattern of recoveries follows one similar to that found in studying wagedifferentials between males and females. Differences in the relative
magnitudes of foregone earnings and nonmarket loses are reflected in thecomposition of recoveries. In addition, we find a recovery gap in whichfemales receive substantially less in recoveries when they receive male’s
average compensation for medical malpractice injuries. However, only asmall portion of the male and female recovery differential is explained by thecharacteristics of the claims, leaving a substantial portion of the differential
unexplained.
Keywords: malpractice, litigation, recoveries, decomposition
INTRODUCTION
The growth in the number and size of medical malpractice claims has been a
major public policy issue for almost thirty years. Concern over the issue led to
two national malpractice insurance crises in the mid 1970s and 1980s, and a
variety of tort reforms. The legislative reforms, which were enacted in all 50
states and the District of Columbia, addressed a variety of problems such as,
alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, certificates of merit, limits on
attorney fees, public access to National Practitioner Data Bank information
on repeat offenders, collateral source offsets, periodic payment of awards,
limits on damage awards, use of clinical practice guidelines, and enterprise
liability. Medical malpractice litigation has become one of the largest
REVIEW OF SOCIAL ECONOMY, VOL. LXII, NO. 1, MARCH 2004
Review of Social Economy
ISSN 0034 6764 print/ISSN 1470–1162 online# 2004 The Association for Social Economics
http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals
DOI: 10.1080/0034676042000183844
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components of the tort system and is widely held responsible in part for the
high cost of health care both because its expense is passed along directly in
insurance rates and because it compels physicians to practice costly defensive
medicine (Harvard Medical Practice Study 1991).
There is now a substantial body of work that evaluates the effects of tort
reform legislation and other variables on medical malpractice legislation.
Danzon (1984, 1986) analyzed the contributions of various factors, including
tort reform laws, to changes in the frequency and severity of malpractice
claims over time and across states. Sloan et al. (1989) used malpractice cases
throughout the United States to analyze the effects of various tort reform laws
on the probability that there will be a recovery, the amount of the recovery,
and the time required for a claim to be resolved. Coyte et al. (1991) studied the
determinants of the frequency and severity of Canadian malpractice claims.
Barker (1992) used statewide data to analyze the effect of tort reforms on the
relative price of malpractice insurance. Farber and White (1991), analyzing
malpractice claims against a single hospital, found that the quality of medical
care was important in determining malpractice liability, whether there is a
recovery and, if so, the amount paid. Bovbjerg (1989) provides a useful survey
of all types of legislation that have affected medical malpractice; laws
concerning insurance regulation, the quality of medical care, and tort reform.
Despite the enormous public and legislative interest about medical
malpractice claims, developments in legal doctrines and legal procedures
have not been able to comprehensively address the variety of medical
malpractice problems. Research on the connection between negligent medical
care and legal liability is essential in improving equitable fault determination
and standards. There are several commonly held beliefs about the current
legal processes relating to medical liability and malpractice. One theory
proposes that lay juries are not capable of fact-finding in complicated medical
cases. Another speculates that procedural rules and requirements for
establishing legal causation are overly complex and do not include the
scientific methodology necessary for accurate determination of medical
causation, while yet another says that the legal process does not effectively
reject merit less claims, while significant numbers of individuals injured by
negligent medical care do not file claims. Other theories claim that
compensation awards to persons injured by negligent medical care are not
equitable, consistent, efficient, or predictable.
One of the issues that have not been at the forefront of the medical
malpractice debate is the gender difference in recoveries resulting from
medical malpractice claims. In fact, relatively little empirical analysis and
public debate have addressed the issue of gender differences in medical
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malpractice recoveries. Indeed, malpractice litigation and the recoveries
resulting from them continues to be controversial. One of the main functions
of the litigation system in resolving medical malpractice claims is to deter
injuries and to compensate victims. Calculations of damages resulting from
medical negligence are expected to follow general rules (Brookshire 1987,
Blumstein et al. 1991). In determining individual loss factors such as market
loss, non-market loss, and pain and suffering are considered. However, the
tort system expects the litigation process to avoid the over and under
estimates of loss. Although calculations of damages are expected to follow
general rules, the lack of detailed information to guide the calculation of
damages, coupled with the fact that many assumptions underlie almost any
calculations of loss can result in extremely varied outcomes across
comparable cases. Such variability introduces inequities in recoveries and
may also encourage nuisance suits (Cooter and Rubinfeld 1989).
The issue of whether there is a difference between recoveries in similar cases
involving men and women should provide some insights and implications
about the efficiency and fairness of the medical malpractice system. If such a
difference exists, it may arise from different opportunity costs for time by men
and women or a difference in life expectancies. It may, however, indicate a
difference in the value society puts on the lives and livelihood of women. A
difference in life expectancies would tend to give women greater recoveries,
while differences in opportunity costs would tend to give women smaller
recoveries. Whether there is a differential, and if so, in what direction, is
therefore an empirical question. We examine the data to determine if the
litigation system may perceive the opportunity cost of women and men
differently, and award substantially different amounts for similar medical
malpractice injuries. We also evaluate the merits of the litigation system in
terms of its fairness in disposing of medical malpractice claims.
OVERVIEW OF THE MEDICAL MALPRACTICE SYSTEM
The story of the medical malpractice insurance crisis has been at the forefront
of health care debates and tort legislation over the past three decades. The
American Medical Association (AMA) estimated that as recently as the late
1950s only one doctor in seven had ever faced a malpractice claim in their
entire professional career. In general, large recoveries were uncommon, and
malpractice insurance premiums were affordably priced. Policymakers started
to take notice of medical malpractice insurance problems in the late 1960s, as
insurance and medical professionals became concerned about the rising
frequency of claims and costs of insurance. Congressional hearing resulted,
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and an executive commission was convened, but found no crisis (Bovbjerb
1989). The first major malpractice crisis was declared in 1974 – 75. Many sets
of interrelated events initiated the problems and compelled public attention.
For reasons that are still poorly understood, the frequency and severity of
malpractice claims, which had risen only modestly through the 1960s,
increased sharply in the mid 1970s.1 During that period many medical
malpractice insurance companies withdrew from the market or announced
very large price increases. Some physicians in states such as California and
New York could not find coverage at virtually any price. The lack of
availability forced many physicians to seek regulatory relief from rate hikes as
well as reform of tort law and the liability insurance system. The mid to late
1970s saw an abundance of tort legislation across the country. However, in
the mid 1980s another component of medical malpractice problems emerged.
Some believe that the problems in the 1980s were more one of ‘‘affordability’’
than of availability. In the 1980s the problems of non-medical insured’s were
at center stage. Day care centers, liquor stores, city council members, and,
most ordinary seekers after liability insurance were finding coverage
expensive and difficult to obtain (Bovbjerb 1989). In the 1990s the problems
of increased frequency and severity persisted but emphasis shifted to problems
such as the quality of care, and issues such as defensive medicine, caps on
recoveries, alternative disposition methods, and physicians’ fees and incomes
became the dominant theme.
In general, the medical malpractice problems over the past three decades
resulted in all 50 states passing some form of legislations to address problems
such as, insurance availability, medical quality, and legal rules and process.
However, there are some persistent issues that remain prominent. Empirical
analysis has shown strong effects from some of the changes, such as
limitations on recoveries, but the issue of fairness to claimants and others with
medical malpractice injuries is still unresolved. The analysis in this study
provides some evidence and implications about gender differences in medical
malpractice recoveries.
DATA DESCRIPTION
The data analyzed in this study consist of closed medical malpractice claims
from the Michigan’s Bureau of Health Services (MBHS). Since 1987, the
Michigan Legislature has required all medical malpractice insurers, self-
1 During the early 1970s insurers’ investment earnings unexpectedly fell because of the first oil crisis and the
decline in the stock and bonds market. (Bovbjerb 1989).
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insurers, and both plaintiffs’ and defendants’ attorneys to file closed claims
with the MBRS Malpractice Unit. Michigan’s experience is important
because it is somewhat average. Its experience is a microcosm that closely
reflects the changes in medical malpractice litigation that occurred through-
out the United States during the period covered by the data. As was noted in
the previous section, nearly all states went through the same phases of an
initial malpractice crisis from 1974 – 75, when commercial insurers withdrew
from the market, and during a subsequent crisis in the 1980s resulting from
substantial increases in the frequency and severity of claims. In effect, our
study of gender differences in medical malpractice recoveries in Michigan
provides an economic analysis of gender differences in medical malpractice
claims in the United States as it evolved during the period of the data.
Moreover, the issue that we consider here, gender differences in medical
malpractice recoveries, transcends state borders.
The data set which contains information on cases that were closed between
1986 and 1991, provides detailed description about the characteristics of the
dispute and disputants, such as the name and license number of the
defendants, the severity of the injury, the type of insurance the claimant
had, the amount of recovery, and the manner in which the claims were
resolved. A description of the variables and their respective means are
presented in Table 1.
Severity of injury is measured on a 9-point scale. Level 1 (emotional
distress only) is the least severe type of injury and level 9 (death) the most
severe. In general, the amount of recovery is likely to be higher for more severe
injuries from which medical expenses and loss of income are greater than in
less severe cases. For cases resulting in death, the future medical expenses are
zero, so damages are expected to be lower than in cases involving more serious
types of injuries such as those labeled as permanent grave. Table 1 shows that
awards for both female and male increased with the higher levels of severity.
Plaintiffs who suffered permanent major and grave injuries were awarded
larger damages than death cases, because of the higher opportunity cost of
lost wages and future medical costs. The findings here are consistent with
those of other studies. For example, a Harvard Medical study (Taragin et al.
1992) found that the amount of recovery for malpractice claims correlated
closely with the severity of injury, even when the 9 levels of severity were
grouped as low severity, medium severity, and high severity levels.
We coded three dichotomous indicators to represent Medicaid, Medicare,
and Private insurance, with other or no insurance as the reference group. We
belief that these variables should be related to the plaintiff’s level of income.
Payment by Medicaid may indicate a low income, and payment by health
MALE AND FEMALE RECOVERIES IN MEDICAL MALPRACTICE CASES
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Table 1: Variables, Definitions and Descriptive Statistics
Mean Recovery Mean Recovery
Males Females
Variable Variable Description (XM) (XF)
Emotional only Fright, no physical
damage.
10.5882 9.2204
Temporary
insignificant
Lacerations,
concussions, minor
scars, rash. No delay.
8.5115 8.6678
Temporary
minor
Infections, misset
fracture, fall in hospital.
Recovery delayed.
9.6460 9.7517
Temporary
major
Burns, surgical material
left, drug side effect,
brain damage.
10.2846 10.2499
Permanent minor Loss of fingers, loss of
damage to organs, non-
disabling injuries.
10.3699 10.5580
Permanent
significant
Deafness, loss of limb,
loss of eye, loss of
kidney or lung.
11.1700 11.2790
Permanent major Paraplegia, blindness,
loss of two limbs, brain
damage.
12.1790 11.7836
Permanent grave Quadriplegia, severe
brain damage, lifelong
care or fatal prognosis.
12.6463 12.4892
Death Injury resulted in death. 11.2101 11.6159
Age Plaintiff’s age. 11.0660 11.0150
Mediation Case was resolved
through mandatory
mediation.
10.2358 10.2665
Negotiated
Settlement
Case was resolved
through negotiated
settlement.
11.1763 11.1454
(continued overleaf )
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insurance will generally indicate a high income. Using the type of insurance as
a proxy for income introduces the possibility of measurement error, thus
interpretation of this variable should consider this limitation. For example,
the insurance types can also proxy age (although this is included as a direct
measure), disability, and being in certain industries or having certain pre-
existing conditions that make it difficult to obtain private health insurance.
More specifically, the insurance coverage of a plaintiff may be associated with
the employment of the spouse. Hence, a worker in a low paying job may have
excellent health coverage (private insurance) as a result of a high paying job
for the spouse. The results in Table 1 show that men with Medicaid and
private health insurance received larger awards than women. However,
women with Medicare and other types of insurance received larger mean
awards.
The size of the award should be positively related to the life expectancy of
the plaintiff. Ceteris paribus, we can expect younger plaintiffs to receive larger
recoveries than older plaintiffs. Three variables capturing the manner in which
a malpractice claim is resolved are included as independent variables. A claim
Table 1: (continued )
Mean Recovery Mean Recovery
Males Females
Variable Variable Description (XM) (XF)
Trial Verdict Case was resolved
through trial.
11.2432 11.9202
Medicare Plaintiff’s health
insurance in Medicare.
10.4185 10.6483
Medicaid Plaintiff’s health
insurance is Medicaid.
11.4420 11.1002
Private Health
Insurance
Plaintiff’s health
insurance is Private
Health Insurance.
11.1649 11.0172
Other Insurance Plaintiff’s health
insurance is other.
10.3609 11.4289
Number of observations 436 508
Amounts are in 1982 – 1984 dollars
MALE AND FEMALE RECOVERIES IN MEDICAL MALPRACTICE CASES
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can be resolved through mandatory mediation, through voluntary negotiated
settlement, and through trial verdict. In general most claims are disposed
through some form of settlement with approximately 10 percent going to trial
(Payne et al. 1985, Danzon and Lillard 1985, Priest and Klein 1985, Taragin et
al. 1992).
THEORETICAL AND EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS
Standard litigation analysis has produced theoretical and empirical studies on
how and why legal disputes are settled and litigated (Landes 1971, Gould
1973, Posner 1973, Shavell 1982, Priest and Klein 1984, Cooter and Rubinfeld
1989). The models regard the litigation process as a choice between a certain
settlement and an uncertain resolution of the dispute at trial. They also
described the process whereby the parties in a dispute formed their
expectations about trial in deciding whether to accept or reject a settlement
offer. In these models a party’s decision to settle or to litigate is guided by the
objective of maximizing a plaintiff’s net return or minimizing a defendant’s
total loss.
In the litigation of medical malpractice claims standards exist for resolving
disputes and courts apply specific standards in deciding disputes. These
standards, which are based on legal rules and precedent, are not necessarily
uniform across courts, but the substantive issues of the process are assumed to
be applied consistently by the courts. In medical malpractice cases the
decision standard in determining the outcome of a medical malpractice claim
is based on the negligence rule. The negligence rule requires health care
providers to provide a minimum quality level of care (Danzon 1985, Shavell
1987, Farber and White 1991). In medical malpractice breach of accepted
medical practices by a health care provider is considered professional
negligence. Medical malpractice results when it can be determined that the
particular standard of care provided does not comply with any of the accepted
standards of care and consequently resulted in injury.
To determine the effects of various factors on the recovery amount we
estimate a single equation model for both male and female. The estimation is
done by ordinary least square on the log of total recovery. The distributions of
log recoveries are a better approximation to the normal distribution than the
distribution of recoveries (Farber and White 1991). The model expresses the
natural log of recovery (Ln R) as a linear function of a vector of k independent
variables (Xk):
Ln R ¼ SBkXk þ e1 ð1Þ
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where Bk represent k coefficients to be estimated, and e is a normally
distributed error term. The independent variables include severity of injury
measured on a nine point scale, age, two dummy variables to capture the stage
of resolution, and three dummy variables to capture type of medical
insurance.
Table 2 displays the estimated results for total recoveries. The
coefficients for the severity dummy variables are to be interpreted in
relation to the missing level, death. The signs of the coefficient adhere to
the theoretical predictions, with negative coefficients for lower severity
levels, such as emotional injury, and positive coefficients on the more
severe levels of injury, such as permanent grave. The results are consistent
with the findings that medical malpractice recoveries tend to increase with
the level of severity (Sloan and Wert 1991). An interesting outcome is
observed when one compares the significant levels for lower levels of
injuries for male and female. The severity for lower levels of injury such as
‘‘emotional only’’ are highly significant for women but not for men.
However, men with permanent major injuries have a significant advantage
over women with similar injuries. This outcome may imply that judges and
juries award compensation according to traditional perceptions of the
division of labor between men and women. They may place a larger value
on the domestic duties of women, and are more likely to award
compensation to women who experience minor injuries and are diverted
from domestic duties but not necessarily from earning income. They may
also place a larger value on the earning power of men, discounting the
earning potential of women and are therefore more likely to award
recoveries for major injuries for men. In general, the standard analysis
used in computing estimates of the costs of a medical malpractice claim
does not only reflect assumptions made about future market and
household productivity losses during an individual working life. Other
relevant measures such as, future medical care, life expectancy (life tables),
whether losses were discounted to present value, and, if so, which discount
rate was used, are utilized (Sloan et al. 1991). Thus, the size of award can
be related to life expectancy and the working life of the plaintiff. Medical
injuries can extend beyond working life and are often based on life
expectancy. For example, plaintiffs whose injuries result in permanent
injuries such as paraplegia, quadriplegia, and even emotional damage, are
compensated for loss of potential future income and also the ability to
sustain themselves for the rest of their lives. In addition, assuming that the
length of working lives between the two groups is the same may not alter
gender compensation differences. In general, males have higher earnings
MALE AND FEMALE RECOVERIES IN MEDICAL MALPRACTICE CASES
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Table 2: Log of Total Recoveries in Male and Female Medical Malpractice Claims
Male Recovery Female Recovery
Coefficient Standard Coefficient Standard
Variable (bM) Error T-ratio (bF) Error T-ratio
Constant 10.8317 0.2290 47.29 11.1090 0.1948 57.02
Emotional only 7 0.5948 0.6172 7 0.96 7 2.5812 0.3637 7 7.10*
Temporary insignificant 7 2.5405 0.4434 7 5.73* 7 2.8568 0.4136 7 6.91*
Temporary minor 7 1.5260 0.2088 7 7.31* 7 1.8667 0.1816 7 10.27*
Temporary major 7 1.07322 0.2974 7 3.61* 7 1.3629 0.2128 7 6.40*
Permanent minor 7 0.7746 0.2086 7 3.71* 7 1.2056 0.1754 7 6.87*
Permanent significant 7 0.0980 0.1797 7 0.55 7 0.4254 0.1635 7 2.60*
Permanent major 0.8781 0.2017 4.35* 0.1089 0.1906 0.57
Permanent grave 1.3286 0.2585 5.14* 0.7463 0.3214 2.32**
Age 7 0.0061 0.0026 1 7 2.38** 7 0.0047 0.0027 7 1.75***
Negotiated Settlement 0.5990 0.1822 3.29* 0.8315 0.1407 5.91*
Trial Verdict 0.7290 0.2981 2.44** 1.5368 0.2408 4.69*
Medicare 7 0.1499 0.2978 7 0.50 7 0.3502 0.2408 7 1.45
Medicaid 0.3639 0.2288 1.59 0.2911 0.1744 1.67***
Private Health Insurance 0.2523 0.1339 1.88*** 0.0445 0.1372 0.32
(continued overleaf )
REVIE
WOFSOCIA
LECONOMY
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Table 2: (continued )
Male Recovery Female Recovery
Coefficient Standard Coefficient Standard
Variable (bM) Error T-ratio (bF) Error T-ratio
R-Squared 0.35 0.37
F Statistic 16.43* 21.40*
Number of observations 435 507
Stars indicate significant at the 0.01 (*), 0.05 (**) and 0.10 (***) critical levels
MALEAND
FEMALERECOVERIE
SIN
MEDIC
ALMALPRACTIC
ECASES
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losses over their working lives than females because of high rates of
participation in the labor force and higher wage rates.
The age variable is negatively correlated with recovery, indicating that
younger plaintiffs are significantly more likely to receive recoveries.2 The type
of insurance indicates that private health insurance plays a more significant
role in determining men’s recovery while Medicaid is just marginally more
significant in determining female recoveries. Both males and females are
significantly more likely to resolve claims through settlement and trial than
through a mandatory mediation process.3
DECOMPOSING THE RECOVERIES DIFFERENTIAL
This paper offers two empirical analyses of recoveries in medical malpractice
cases. The first test presented above draws comparisons between male and
female recoveries from the impact of identical variables. The second approach
draws adjusted comparisons by asking what the recoveries of females would
be if they faced the structure of recoveries that determine the recoveries of
men. More specifically, we attempt to answer the question, by what
percentage would female compensation change if they received men’s
compensation structure. Using the logarithmic recoveries differential, the
raw compensation differential between men and women can be written as
Ln RM � Ln RF ¼ XMbM �XFbF ð2Þ
where X and b are the vectors of mean levels of the independent variables and
parameter estimates, and Ri is the average logarithm of recoveries to sex
group i. Equation 3 can be decomposed to
Ln RM � Ln RF ¼ ðXM �XFÞbM þ ðbM � bFÞXF ð3Þ
The first term on the right of equation 3 is the difference between the mean
levels of claim characteristics. It is part of the recovery gap that is attributable
to differences between males and females due to observed characteristics such
as age and severity of injury. The second term on the right is the X weighted
2 When we categorize the age variables into groups (not shown in tables) we find that although the
youngest age group, 18 and under females and males, represents approximately .05 and .06 of the plaintiffs in
both groups, they received the highest injury awards.
3 In Michigan, mediation of malpractice claims became mandatory in 1986. The parties accepted the
mediation awards in only 12.5 percent of the cases. Michigan’s Mediation Tribunal noted that a rejected
mediation award can be used an opportunity for subsequent negotiated settlement.
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differences in parameter estimates. It is the portion of the gross recovery gap
that cannot be attributed to differences between male and female in their
observed characteristics, and is considered unexplained.4
We find a recovery differential of approximately 28 percent between male
and female awards. This means that female awards are 72 percent of male
awards and it implies that females would experience an increase in recovery if
they received male’s average compensation for medical malpractice injures.
We then decompose the compensation differential into a portion that is due
to differences in characteristics between males and females, and a portion that
remains unexplained.5 The empirical framework used to address such
question was developed by Oaxaca (1973) and Blinder (1973). Based on this
model the raw compensation differential between males and females from
equations 3 are presented in Table 3.
The recovery gap that would result from this differential treatment of male
and female claims is unobservable and can be attributed to many different
factors. In the literature on labor market earnings many studies attribute the
wage differential between men and women or between black and white either
to discrimination or to unobservable differences in ability and skill level
between the groups (Oaxaca and Ranson 1994, Card and Lemieux 1996).
According to the results of our analysis in Table 3, the male and female
recovery differential is substantially unexplained by differences in mean levels
of characteristics between the two groups. Claim characteristics such as
severity, age, and medical insurance generate only 0.00314 and – 0.073
recovery differential when evaluated at male and female mean levels.
Unexplained factors account for the residual of approximately 0.99686 and
1.073 percent of the recovery gap. These values are similar to those found in
the literature on wage differentials between men and women (Kosters 1991).
The fact that claims characteristics accounts for such small portion of
medical malpractice injury is not a great surprise in light of the nature of the
current litigation system. Many explanations can be given for the large
unexplained portion. In general terms, controversy prevails about the
accuracy and fairness of jury verdicts in medical malpractice cases. The law
4 This process can be alternatively specified and the unexplained log difference can be weigh by men’s
recoveries rather than women’s mean levels of characteristics. The result would be Ln RM7Ln RF=
(XM7XF) bF + (bM7 bF)XM
5 The model attributes the unexplained portion of the wage differential as discrimination. However,
defining discrimination as the compensation differential between observationally equivalent male and female is
suspect. In fact, we seldom observe all the variables that make up an individual’s capital stock. Therefore it
will be incorrect to label recovery differences between males and females with the same injuries as
discrimination. Despite the problems of interpretation the decomposition techniques has received prominent
application in the legal system.
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governing medical malpractice leaves considerable room for extraneous
factors to influence jury valuation of cases, for the law of damages is
incredibly vague and governed by ad hoc decisions. Jury instructions are
mainly qualitative rather than quantitative, and the law lacks a specific
mechanism for achieving consistency across cases (Bovbjerg and Metzloff
1991). As a result, unmeasurable factors such as jury sympathy with injured
plaintiff’s, and biased towards defendants with deep pockets may encourage
higher awards for similar injuries. Another plausible reason for the large
unexplained factor may be that variation in the valuation of injury may also
result because plaintiff lawyers disproportionately select cases of uncertain
liability where subjective damages are higher. One noted observation in the
state of Michigan, from which the data was derived is that ‘‘Forum
Shopping’’6 have resulted in legislation to restrict venue and prevent lawyers
from finding cause to move cases to an area solely to obtain a larger recovery.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
This study analyzes medical malpractice compensation for males and females
with similar medical malpractice injuries. We estimate male and female
recoveries equations to discern the importance to the recovery differential of
gender differences in recoveries for medical malpractice injuries. We find that
the pattern of recoveries follows one similar to that found in studying wage
differentials between males and females. Differences in the relative magni-
Table 3: Decomposition of Males’ Recovery Advantage over Females’ Recoveries(percent)
Evaluated at
Recovery Advantage due to Male Means Female Means
Claim Characteristics 0.00314 7 0.073
Unexplained 0.99686 1.073
Note: male and female recoveries differential are largely unexplained by mean levels of
characteristics across the sexes. Outcome is based on the decomposition method (equation 3).
6 Forum Shopping is a practice whereby plaintiff’s lawyers contrived various pretexts to file claims in
counties where damage awards tend to be higher, such as the Wayne County, Detroit metropolitan area
(Spurr and Simmons 1996).
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tudes of foregone earnings and non-market losses are reflected in the
composition of recoveries. Females receive significantly more recoveries for
minor injuries involving more of an emotional nature, reflecting more
anticipated non-market losses because of a greater number of non-market
hours worked. Males recovered significantly more for more catastrophic
injuries, reflecting their higher expected earnings losses because of high rates
of participation in the labor force and higher wages. It also appears that the
longer life expectancy of women has a small and perhaps negligible effect on
the differential between male and female medical malpractice compensation.
We find a recovery gap in which females receive substantially less in
recoveries when they receive males’ average compensation for medical
injuries. However, only a small portion of the male and female recovery
differential is explained by the characteristics of the claims, leaving over 90
percent of the differential as unexplained.
There may be several possible reasons for the compensation differences
between males and females. First, although non-market loss is fully accepted
by economists, other participants in the dispute resolution process probably
have not accepted this mechanism. Second, claimant females in particular,
may elect to settle for less than the potential award at trial because of risk
aversion or the substantial cost and delay incurred in bringing a case to trial.
Third, legal rules, such as those limiting compensation for non-economic
damages may lead to under compensating for females. Fourth, women
plaintiffs may not be well represented by their attorneys. This may be because
women do not have the economic power to hire the best attorneys or they may
be more easily manipulated by their attorney and not push the case to its full
potential. Although some medical malpractice cases take place on a
contingency fee bases there are many factors that influence an attorney’s
decision to accept cases on a contingency basis. Attorneys are more likely to
accept cases with a higher probability of winning large awards. Since, men in
general, have greater potential market earning power than women, attorneys
may consider it more productive to pursue the case of a male than that of a
female. In addition, limitations on contingent fees for plaintiff’s attorneys
were enacted by several states. It is believed that limitations on contingent fees
should lead attorneys to pursue fewer marginal claims (Danzon 1983).
Finally, the ‘‘worthiness of the plaintiff’’ may result in judges and juries
viewing women plaintiffs as less deserving of large compensation. This may
imply that higher compensation will be given if the plaintiff is a male with a
good lawyer.
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