Maintaining Ethnic diversity without threatening the Status Quo John Studley London 12th Feb 2004 One of the least discussed consequences of "modernization" is the erosion of ethnic diversity. There should be concern because it is strongly linked to social coherence and to value systems that facilitate effective management of natural resources. Moreover there is a strong correlation between ethnic diversity and the conservation of biodiversity. Development agencies, historically have given low priority to the preservation of ethnic cultures compared to the conservation of biological resources (Blench 2001).The United Nations is the exception, perhaps because of the internal diversity it represents. It provided protection for them (ILO Convention 169), it raised their profile at the Earth summit in 1992, it launched the decade of indigenous people in 1995, and it created a forum to champion ethnic issues. Many governments and development agencies, however remain uncomfortable with ethnic diversity because it challenges the homogenisation of "national culture" and economics. This remains the greatest challenge in the context of environmental development in Yunnan Ethnicity is not the same as race or nationality and is usually characterised by (1) an ethnonym; a collective self-name of the group; (2) a belief in common descent (either real or putative) and historical destiny; (3) a set of physical and/or cultural features, so called ethnic markers (such as language & worldviews) by which group members differentiate themselves from the other groups of such kind; (4) shared historical memories; (5) a sense of collective solidarity; and (6) and an association with a territory or homeland (Smith 1986) For the maintenance of ethnic diversity to be more than the latest development mantra, it is necessary to identify paradigms (and discourses) which optimise it. Ethnodevelopment1 discourse draws mostly from the disparate trajectories of postmodernism, and is premised on racial & knowledge equity, synergy between knowledge systems and the deconstruction of outmoded views of ethnic mountain peoples only as the problem (Salas 2003) This appears to be the antithesis of Chinese development & Social Forestry discourse which seems to draw on modernity, and be characterised by linear progress, social engineering and hierarchies of race, cognition, & knowledge. The raison d’etre of Social Forestry (Li & He nd) in Yunnan is apparently to "update overall subsistence and spiritual condition by applying modern science and social evolution, and by changing peoples forest values & attitudes" while the State "assumes the role of a civilizing centre with a mission to upgrade ethnic peripheral people" (Harrell 1995). Both these approaches appear to ignore Yunnan’s very rich ethno-ecological history and the unique process of human adaption. It would appear that if ethnicity mainstreaming is to become a hallmark of development practice in Yunnan, it could be more readily prosecuted with the adoption (and epistemic understanding) of a paradigm that optimises ethnodevelopment. Yunnan is the most diverse province in China in terms of cultural diversity. Ethnic minorities account for one-third of the total population of Yunnan. About four million

1 Ethnodevelopment as a concept refers to the participation of indigenous groups in the formation and implementation of development projects in accordance with their own needs and aspirations. Ethnodevelopment projects are designed by rather than for the people concerned, which implies the revaluation of their own culture as the basis upon which future development is to be constructed. Ethnodevelopment is thus opposed to ethnocidal development projects imposed upon local communities by dominant national elites (see Seymour-Smith 1986).

minorities live in the peripheral areas bordering Vietnam, Laos and Myanmar. There are 14 minority nationality groups with a combined population of 8 million people living in the Yunnan uplands. Population density in the province has doubled since the 1950s. Most of the indigenous people have lived in Yunnan uplands for thousands of years, and some (Pumi, Mosuo & Naxi) arrived from the Tibetan Plateau more than 1000 years ago. Yunnan’s ethno-linguistic people groups have not been categorised on the basis of self or “vernacular" identification (See ILO Convention 169 Clause 1 (2) 1999) but “official" identification. In the early 1950s when China became “a unitary, multi-national socialist state,”(CASS 1989) leaders from Yunnans minority groups were invited to come forward, register their groups with the government, and be considered for official recognition. Although more than 260 people groups (with 138 ethnonyms & 157 exonyms) applied only 21 "nationalities" and later 6,172 "unclassified" people were officially recognized (Fei Xiaotong 1980 Li Youyi 1980, Lin Yuehua 1984). This has led to an ethnic identity crisis and the development of psychological coping strategies. In recent years, a profound nativization of culture has begun to take place in China with a growing revival since the 1990’s in indigenous cosmology, medicine, kinship ties, place attachment and popular religions (Bruun 2002 Rack 2000) Although some of this interest stems from a national assuredness stemming from economic success among the elite, much of it is a psychological reaction to ethnic erosion & stigmatization , modernization, social exclusion, and the expropriation of natural resources, common land and customary rights (Levi-Strauss 1977 Weller 1999) It is worth mentioning these revival processes because they are cultural responses to exogenous development and are transcendental forms of ethnic identity empowerment We find evidence of cultural revival in Yunnan among the Yao, Dai, Miao, Tibetans, Naxi, Mosuo, Pumi & Yi, expressed in Daoism (Litzinger 2000), Buddhism (Halskov Hansen 1999, Goldstein & Kapstein 1998) Visionary movements (Germano 1998) Millenarianism (Tsering Shakya 2002) Animism/Shamanism (Mac Khann, in Harrel 1995) Territorial Cults (Karmay 1994 Stuart K et al 1995) and Epic Literature (Samuel 2002). Parallel to the revival of popular religion there is a process of local reinforcement of key knowledge-holders of Indigenous Institutions. They often have a role in nature conservation, and often act as intermediaries between humankind, the spirit world and natural resources. These include (in NW Yunnan/SW Sichuan) :- the Naxi Dongba, Yi Bimo, Mosuo Daba and Pumi hangui ( Wellens 2002 Salas 2003 Yang Fuquan 2002 Cai Hua 1999 2001 Bamo Ayi 2001) Although these Shaman were heavily persecuted they are undergoing a renaissance (albeit with a tourist spin-off) and subsequently

? a Dongba Research Institute has been established ? Meigu County (Liangshan Prefecture) has 5000-8000 Bimo students ? Muli has a hangui school and the surviving Hangui (Dingba) are teaching their

skills to many young students ? there is increasing research interest in Daba

There is evidence of effective natural resource management among Yunnan’s ethnic groups. Of those surveyed along the shores of Lugu Lake (Studley 2003) the Pumi appear to have the strongest traditions of natural resource management, followed by the Mosuo, Han and YI. The Mosuo tradition may be stronger but time only allowed

for 3 Mosuo interviews. The Pumi traditionally appear to have conserved forests, plants, & wild animals. Those guilty of killing trees/animals in sacred areas were forced either:

a) to butcher a ploughing animal for all the village to eat b) go to a Lama - if the crime was big even a Lama can’t forgive them c) go to a hangui [a Pumi Shaman] who will act as an intermediary between man and the territorial numina offended by the killing.

Lake Lugu is named “mother lake” (Shelame in Pumi) and is embodied by a Pumi goddess, Tai An Yang Soo. It was created from the tears of the goddess of Lion Mountain, Gemu. They believe that if they pollute the lake, Tai An Yang Soo will punish them and they traditionally used a system of zoned fishing by family. They have

? several sacred mountains in Luoshui Township including Thuwa, Lhagong, and Zutsay,

? several sacred animals, including Wild Frog [their Uncle], Crane [a Lama], and Magpie. They believe that if the black footed crane [Grus spp] returns to the Lake it will bring prosperity

? several sacred trees, often Large Walnut Trees... The Mosuo believe that animals and trees are innocent and do not kill them without reason. They have sacred mountains (Jura and Lion), trees and a well. It is not known if the Mosuo Daba [Shaman] acts as an intermediary between man and sacred landscapes. There are few Daba left in Luoshi (in Wenquan & XiaoLuoshui) because they were persecuted during the Cultural Revolution and only allowed to practice since 1994 [Cai Hua 2001]. The Mosuo are not happy about the proposed cable car that is planned for the sacred, Lion Mountain (In many animistic societies any such intervention requires negotiation with (appeasement of) the local numina)

The Han Chinese do not appear to have much of a tradition of forest or wildlife conservation. Some respondents said that traditionally they “did not care for the forest” and “killed wildlife for fun”. Others, however mentioned a tradition of only cutting oak [which naturally regenerates] and of several sacred areas, Funpinza (which is a grave yard) and Guanying Mountain. Both these areas appear to be sacred by imposition rather than assumed sacredness due to embodiment by a numina [See Huber 1999]. The Yi have a tradition of hunting and no tradition of forest conservation. They felled trees on demand and practiced slash and burn until it became illegal. They do not have any sacred mountains but consider the eagle to be sacred. Paradoxically the Yi Bimo (Lama/Shaman) is very knowledgeable about forests, plants and animals and conservation. [Harrell 2001] The nearest one to Luoshui is in Hong Qiao, but he does visit Luoshui, often for ceremonies associated with “rites of passage”. The maintenance of ethnic diversity and sound natural resource management are not incompatible. Given the transcendental nature of ethnic identity it would appear possible to maintain ethnic diversity without threatening the status quo. Where ethnic traditions, values and vernacular institutions exist that effectively facilitate natural resource stewardship they should not be ignored and every effort should be made to

? build on, enhance them & learn from them ? incorporate them into co-management ? develop exemplars of sustainability utilizing synergy between scientific and

ethnic nature conservation

? develop ethno-forestry plantations & nurseries according to the felt needs of ethnic groups

? encourage the transfer and mentorship of Shaman where they have become extinct (Fuquan, Y. 2002)

? develop nature reserves that mirror ethnic equivalents of core, buffer & experimental zones

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