This Month in Asia

Made In AsiaAll the news you’re missing

October 11Mo Yan, a Chinese novelist and short story author, wins the Nobel Prize in litera-ture. Yan is renowned for the complex and detailed portraits he paints of Chinese country life in his sto-ries, often in the form of fairy-tales and fan-tastically charged nar-ratives. The prestigious honor sparked debate after Liu Xiabo, a dis-sident who won the Nobel Peace prize in 2010, was jailed under claims of “subversion”.

In the midst of the Senkaku and Daioyu Islands conflict be-tween China and Japan, the leader of the Chinese Foreign Ministry’s Asian Af-fairs Department Luo Zhaohui, meets pri-vately with Director General of the Asian and Oceanic Affairs Bureau Shinsuke Sugi-yama. The talks sym-bolize willingness to begin negotiating the territorial control over the islands.

October 12

October 15Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia’s ruler since 1941, dies at age 89. Sihanouk adopted a friendly foreign policy throughout his reign and became allies with countries he saw as useful in the interna-tional scene but was often known to ne-glect internal domestic problems including mass poverty and gov-ernment corruption.

October 22 In the third presiden-tial debate addressing foreign policy, Pres-ident Barack Obama and Republican candi-date Mitt Romney face off over the question of Israel, the relation-ship with China and the sanctions on Iran to stop nuclear weap-ons, amongst other issues. Poll results have indicated a tight race between Obama and Romney with the Presidency still very much up for grabs.

October 25

October 26China successfully launches the 16th sat-ellite for the Beidou, or Compass system from the Xichang Sat-ellite Launch Center in the Sichuan province. The Beidou system is China’s global naviga-tion and positioning services network that provides informa-tion in sectors such as transportation, weather, communica-tions and ecological monitoring. The sys-tem hopes to launch a total of 35 satellites.

October 27Japan’s number of mergers and acquisi-tions of overseas busi-nesses had a record increase of 7.4 percent. The high represents the strength of the Japa-nese yen against major currencies, including the U.S. dollar. Recent controversy over the Senkaku and Daioyu islands could pose potential economic slowdown for Japan.

Cambodian King Norodam Siha-nouk died on October 15 in Bei-jing. Pictured to the right, Sihanouk overlooks a crowd with Mao Ze-dong in 1956. Read more on News, page 2. Photo courtesy of commons.wikimedia.org.

Tea has a important place in Chinese daily life. Read more on Oddities page 7 Photo courtesy of Juli Gettel-man.

Psy is popular now, but will “Gangnam Style” become a classic, or is it just another fad? Read more on Oddities, page 7.

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Founded in 1949, the People’s Re-public of China operates the largest government bureaucracy in the his-tory of the world.  In order to govern such a sizeable number of people in a region as vast as China, the Chinese rely on a strict structural framework to maintain control.  Politically, the government operates as a systemat-ic bureaucratic hierarchy with power concentrated in Beijing, and branching out with provincial, county, and local governments underneath.  This year, on

Editors Note

Lauren BovardEditor in Chief

REGIME CHANGEChina prepares for leadership transition at 18th CongressAaron NicholsonStaff writer

single party system of government allows the Chinese Communist par-ty to effectively hold the vast majori-ty of real Chinese power using small party committees at every level with-in the system to exert complete gov-ernment control.

Theoretically, the highest governing body within Chinese Communist Party itself is the National Party Congress.  Not to be confused with the National People’s Congress, China’s largest governmental legislature, the National Party Congress is strictly an assembly of Party members that

continued on page 4

November 8th, just days after the Amer-ican presidential election, the interna-tional world will turn toward China where the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China will gather in Beijing to select the next generation of Chinese leadership.

The Chinese political system, modeled after the Soviet Union, is com-prised of parallel national party and government administrative apparatus-es, dividing power between the Com-munist Party and the Central People’s Government.  At each level of the sys-tem (center, province, prefecture, city, county, and village) there exists a full array of party and state organs.  The

The U.S. presidential election is fast approach-ing, and in an election centred on domestic and economic issues, for-eign policy has seemed sidelined. Nonetheless, despite this prevailing tide of introspection, it is important not to for-get America’s global role. The 2012 U.S. Strategic Defence Policy high-lighted the necessity of an Asia-centric posture both militarily and eco-nomically. Consequent-ly, the next president’s attitudes towards Asia, specifically China, may come to define his ad-ministration.

Incumbent Barack Obama’s administration notes the importance of Asia to US defence, and has sought a rule-based order of alliances and organisations. The 2012 Defence Strategy states the US will work with “other regional states to deter and defend against provocation from North Korea.” Moreover, it

seeks “a cooperative bi-lateral relationship,” with China while insisting on “greater clarity of its stra-tegic intentions in order to avoid causing fric-tion in the region.” Mr. Obama’s Asian defence policy is grounded in “maintain[ing] regional access...working closely with our network of al-lies...and encourag[ing] the peaceful rise of new powers.”

Governor Romney agrees upon Asia’s im-portance, but is more suspicious of Chinese and North Korean inten-tions. His official cam-paign platform argues that Chinese regional hegemony is a threat to US interests, and that “strengthen[ing] coop-eration among countries with which we share a concern about China’s growing power...is yet another means of clos-ing off China’s option of expanding its influence through coercion.” Mr. Romney intends to offer military aid to nations such as Taiwan, whilst bolstering US naval

continued on page 4

photo courtesy of commons.wikimedia.org.

Election has effects on China- US policyAlexandre Mason- SharmaStaff writer

The New York Times writes an expose that reveals China premier Wen Jiabao’s fami-ly fortune, a sum of at least $2.7 billion. During his time as prime minister, Wen’s family members, in-cluding his mother, wife and son have controlled billions of dollars accumulated in shares in banks, jewelry, telecommuni-cations and infrastruc-ture, all in offshore and hidden investments. The online expose was censored in China and has raised questions about the Wen family.

What’s Inside

Dear Reader,My name is Lauren Bovard, I am

currently a sophomore at Johns Hop-kins and am majoring in Interna-tional Studies, Political Science, and East Asian Studies. Born and raised in France, I didn’t get a real exposure to Asia until I took a gap year before college in Beijing, China. Later on, as a student here, I had an opportunity to further my knowledge of China and East Asia.

  One night, over coffee with a friend, I realized that there were very

little  resources  available on campus for students interested in East Asia. From one lazy student to another, who really has the time to go over all the publications and articles in that field? We are all extremely busy, between our mountains of homework and our attempts at having a social life despite the workload. So we wanted to create a newspaper that would gather all the breaking news in the area: Made in Asia (MIA)!

  Many nights were spent creating the overall shape of the newspaper, and all of us on the MIA team have probably chugged more coffee since September than we ever thought was humanely possible. But we made it! This newspaper is an op-portunity for students to learn more about East Asia in general. We are adding to every edition a special section for all students, regardless of their majors and interests, to publish their papers and research articles about East Asia.

 We are a group of passionate and quirky students studying a very broad range of subjects, from Biomedical Engineering, to Gender Studies, to IS. I would also like to take this opportunity to thank our entire team for their extremely hard work in creat-ing this first edition and shaping MIA.

So please, take a few minutes and have a look! Don’t hesi-tate to email us at mia.jhu@gmail.com if you are interested in subscribing or getting involved in MIA—this has been a hugely collaborative effort and we hope you will join us in our future editions. Enjoy reading!

Issue 1: November 7, 2012

News BriefsMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

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China’s political elite have long been touchy about allegations of power-abuse and corruption. Following a New York Times investigation piece on Wen Jiabao, the current Chinese prime minister, and his family’s wealth, published on October 25, 2012, lawyers Bai Tao and Wang Weidong released an official statement denying many of the facts reported in the NY Times piece. This marks the first time that a top Chinese leader has rebutted a foreign media report. Among other corrections, the statement clarifies that “the so-called ‘hidden riches’ of Wen Jiabao’s family do not exist…family members have not engaged in…illegal business activity. They do not hold shares of any companies.” Chinese political observers have noted this abnormal official behavior with interest in the days leading up to the leadership transition, particularly in light of the political effects of Bo Xilai’s highly reported dismissal. “What Wen Jiabao’s image is domestically in China is much more important…,” noted Steven Tsang, a China specialist at the University of Nottingham. Like some of his predecessors, including Jiang Zemin, it has been predicted that although Wen will step down this year, he will still be highly influential in party politics. ‘Grandpa Wen,’ as he is sometimes colloquially known, will likely continue to expend particular effort to promote his image as a paternalistic founding figure in China’s still evolving government.

story by Liz Chen

Japan refused to join the United Nations initiative strengthening efforts to prohibit nuclear weapons. The initiative was drafted and submitted to the UN General Assembly by sixteen countries including Austria, Chile, Costa Rica, Denmark, Holy Sea, Egypt, Indonesia, Ireland, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, the Philippines, South Africa and Switzerland. Although Ja-pan is the only country that has experienced the catastro-phe of atomic bombs, its dismissal of participation is not surprising.

The Japanese government is hesitant about cooperating with the nuclear disarmament movement for fear that its security under the United States nuclear deterrence will be threatened. Japan believes that East Asian politics remain unstable and sees the need to be under the US nuclear um-brella. A fervent anti-nuclear armament movement among Japanese civil society expresses its dissatisfaction with its government’s passive measures toward nonnuclear prolif-eration.

According to the sources, the sixteen countries that is-sued the initiatives expressed their deep concerns about the possible consequences nuclear weapons might pose to humanity and the belief that the only way to eliminate the threat is “the total, irreversible and verifiable elimination of nuclear weapons.”

story by Hye Yeon Park

A Chinese diplomat, Luo Zhaohui, paid a private vis-it to Tokyo when he held diplomatic talks over disputed islands in the South China Seas, known as the Diaoyu in China and Senkaku in Japan. During the meeting, Luo and Osamu Fujimura, the director of Japan’s Foreign Ministry, are reported to have exchanged diplomatic opinions on the issue and arranged future higher-level vice-ministerial talks.

China claims that the island group holds cultural sig-nificance; Japanese annexation of the island in the 1930s is symbolic of the era of Japanese empire-building which still creates tensions today. In response, Japan argues that China’s real intention is its greed over rich-resources sur-rounding the islands.

The meeting is viewed as a positive sign of easing ten-sions between the two countries. In the past two months, nationalism spurred by the dispute incurred the attacks on Japanese companies and boycotts of Japanese prod-ucts by Chinese public. This led to regional economic slowdowns, as well as foreshadowing the potential of more violent confrontation.

The US Deputy Secretary also flew to East Asia in an effort to drive the dispute to peaceful resolution. Offi-cially, the US, Japan’s security partner, has maintained its neutral position regarding the issue.

story by Hye Yeon Park

Gary F. Locke, the United States ambas-sador to China, made a trip to western Chi-na to visit two Tibetan monasteries in the Aba Prefecture of Sichuan Province on Sep-tember 26th. This is the area where rough-ly two-thirds of the over 50 Tibetans who have protested Chinese activities through self-immolation are from. Locke said, “I went to the Aba Prefecture to see it for my-self,” and that he was “struck by the unique Tibetan culture and met many ethnic Ti-betans…” The Tibetan issue is a particularly delicate conflict between the United States and China; the Chinese Foreign Ministry had no immediate comment on the trip, but media talk has sometimes interpreted Locke’s visit as foreign interference in a do-mestic Chinese issue. A State Department spokesperson recently acknowledged that Mr. Locke’s trip to Aba was not made in secret and was known by Chinese officials. Robert J. Barnett, a scholar of Tibetan is-sues at Columbia University, said the visit, “suggests the (American) embassy is find-ing creative ways to communicate messages within China that are effective without be-ing aggressive.” story by Libba King

Since its reintroduction to the inter-national scene, China has craved Nobel recognition, most particularly the literary field. This year, Mo Yan was able to bring that dream to fruition.

Although the Nobel Literature Prize has been awarded to two ethnically Chinese writers in the past, neither was living in nor endorsed by China at the time. Mo Yan is the first prize winner that China has sup-ported.

While his pseudonym Mo Yan trans-lates to “don’t speak” in Mandarin, Mo, or Guan Moye, has been praised for his style of hallucinatory realism and his portrayals of the hardships in post-Cultural Revo-lution China. At the same time, artist Ai WeiWei, who was imprisoned last year for refusing to censor his works, has accused Mo of being a communist and called the award decision “an insult to humanity and to literature.” Mo himself, previously quiet on political issues, has stated that, “A writer should express criticism and indignation at the dark side of society and the ugliness of human nature, but we should not use one uniform expression. Some may want to shout on the street, but we should tolerate those who hide in their rooms and use lit-erature to voice their opinions.” Regardless of Mo’s political stance, his achievement remains an extraordinary accomplishment.

story by Diana MacGuire

Liu Yandong is fiercely disciplined, educated, and experienced, but the thing that makes her stand out from the other cadres competing for power in China’s upcoming leadership transition is what may also keep her from the position she seeks: her gender. Liu is the only female member of the 25-member Politburo. Her further advancement would mark her as the standing committee’s first female member in history. Many regard her chances as a long shot, but Cheng Li, an expert on Chinese politics at the Brookings Institution, argues, “The door is not closed.” While China ranks 35th on the UN’s gender empowerment index, women still remain largely absent in Chinese politics. Chinese feminists, such as Xie Lihua, argue that better representation is crucial to addressing problems of enduring inequality. Russell Leigh Moses, dean of the Beijing Centre for Chi-nese Studies, adds that while Liu Yandong is qualified and proficient at both politics and other areas, “it won’t come down to just talent.” Another feminist, Feng Yuan, believes “it is a historical problem. The dominance of politics by men can’t be changed by one or two female officers in a short period of time.” Xie appeals to women “to be brave and courageous enough to compete.”

story by Libba King

The Sangdo International Business District in Incheon was chosen to be home of the United Nations’ Green Cli-mate Fund (UNGCF). The UNGCF was founded last year to transfer money from developed to developing coun-tries, helping them mitigate and counter global climate change. Korea, as permanent station of the organization’s secretariat office, will be responsible for managing the cir-culation of finances for the program. Korea is ex-pecting to see an economic boost from this decision as much as or greater than that generated by its hosting of the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup, and G20 Summit. The Korea Development Bank estimated that Korea will gain 344 billion dollars in revenue from international seminars and events as well as 1,900 newly created jobs.

The presence of the UNGCF could raise Korea’s rep-utation in the global arena. The country’s experience in managing a main international organization will also likely be a key factor contributing to Korea’s international credibility.

story by Hye Yeon Park

China's Liu Yandong carries the hopes and fears of modern feminismIncheon becomes home of UNGCF

Japan and China discuss island dispute

Japan refuses to join UN initiative to ban nuclear weapons

On October 15, the former King of Cambodia died of a heart attack while undergoing treatment in Beijing. Norodom Sihanouk was born on October 31, 1922. He was an unlikely heir when he ascended the throne in 1941, musically talented but politically inexperienced, backed by French colonial powers. Sihanouk spent the next 60 years acting in the capacity of sovereign prince, king, prime minister, president, and leader-in-exile. He was a key player in Cambodia’s independence movement in 1953, afterwards stepping down as king but winning the rigged presidential elections. His reign was char-acterized by some social reforms, notably in education, but also widespread oppression and political violence. During the Cold War, Sihanouk was one of the found-ers of the Nonaligned Movement, and played a skillful diplomatic balancing act between China and the United States throughout the Vietnam War. After his overthrow in 1970, Sihanouk backed the radical Khmer Rouge Communist Party; his support was integral in their rise to power and the resulting civil war. Sihanouk went into exile in 1979 and continued working to promote Cam-bodian issues abroad. After the U.N. negotiated peace settlement of 1991, Sihanouk returned to Cambodia and was instrumental in negotiating the leadership transition, assuming the titular role of king-father.

Although Sihanouk has been criticized for facilitating the reign of terror of Pol Pot and providing the Khmer Rouge with legitimacy as puppet-king from 1975-1979, he is also remembered as a master politician who did much to help Cambodia’s position globally. U.N. Secre-tary-General Ban Ki-Moon noted his, “long dedication to his country and his legacy as a unifying national leader.” Although other leaders recall Sihanouk’s cruel politics, flamboyant dinners, penchant for singing love songs at state occasions, and ‘mercurial’ nature, his sincere life-long efforts to serve his country should be noted as well. His remains were repatriated on October 17th, and a cre-mation ceremony will be held in 3 months in accordance with Buddhist tradition.

by Liz Chen

Cambodian King Sihanouk Dies at 89

Bou kry sits in a royal truck lead-ing the procession that carries the coffin and body of former King Norodom Sihanouk. Photo courtesy of www.voachinese.org

Mo Yan Wins Literary Prize, Faces Criticism

Wen Family strikes back against NY Times allegations of wealth

U.S. Ambassador Confirms Meeting With Tibetans in Western China

Chinese premier Wen Jiabao. Photos courtesy of commons.wikimedia.org.Tibetan monks in Sakya. Photo courtesy of Luca Galu-zzi www.galuzzi.it

PoliticsMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

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The South Korean presidential election will take place on December 19th. With the date closing up ahead, the country is closely watching its potential candidates. The three candidates are Ahn Cheol-soo, Park Geun-hye and Moon Jae-in, and some contested issues include reforming and ed-ucation and its costs, restructuring a large conglomerate-dominated economy, and managing inter-Korean relations.

Ahn Cheol-soo, a 50 year old former medical doctor and a successful software entrepreneur, is making his first steps into politics despite running as a presidential candidate. Ahn used to be a medical doctor until he quit medicine in 1995 and found-ed his software company, AhnLab, which developed the first antivirus software pro-grams in the country and became a major domestic business success. The company still stands as the country’s leading antivi-rus software company, its annual sales in 2011 being close to 90 million USD. Ahn retired as chief executive in 2005, donated most of his tremendous shares from the company to social service organizations, and later in 2011 became the dean of the Graduate School of Convergence Science and Technology at Seoul National Univer-sity. Ahn therefore has no previous political experience or a party affiliation, which has served as an initial appeal to the voters. He looks to radically reform the government. “Old politics should be overhauled,” Ahn

gender card’ as Park has never particular-ly endorsed women’s rights that could win her female voters. In fact, one of the most talked about issues sur-rounding Park is the fact that she is the daughter of Park Chung-hee, the former pres-ident of post-liberation Ko-rea who established a dic-tatorship in 1961, ruling for almost two decades until his assassination in 1979. Former president Park Chung-hee is still a popular political figure who managed to reform and jump-start the econ-omy after liberation, but exercised absolute author-ity and force to impose his ideals. Park Geun-hye has re-ceivedmixed support due to her relationship to the former presi-dent and criticism stemming from his reign. In a recent statement, Park declared that she wanted to put her father’s legacy in the past and take full responsi-bility for his reign. In terms of policy, Park doesn’t look to reform, but rather to pre-serve the current state of the country. She looks to fund tuition and other education costs, but does not advocate close cooper-ation with the North or changes in the po-litical system.

The outcome of the December elections remains unpredictable, with a very high number of swing voters. According to the research conducted by Media Research,

37% of voters are solid supporters of Park, 38% are solid supports of Moon or Ahn, while the remaining 25% are undecided voters, many of whom are moderate, young voters. Such statistics pressure Ahn and Moon to merge their candidacy soon to secure the presidency for their party, and urge all three candidates to appeal to the moderate undecided mass.

South Korean voters examine presidential candidates as election approachesTae Kyoung LeeStaff Writer

Diagram of seats won in the 2012 South Korean legislative election. Photo courtesy of Wikimedia

United States refocuses on East Asia amid growing regional tensions

said at a conference in Seoul, and later released statements in which explained that privileges of politicians should be reduced—he wants to reduce the parlia-mentary seats and the national assembly and to abolish the central party system.

Moon Jae-In, the candidate from the Democratic United Party on the other hand has ample years of political experi-ence. Moon has worked previously as a human rights lawyer and as the former chief of staff to the late president Roh Mu-hun. He therefore believes in the Sun-shine policy, an inter-Korean policy that promotes cooperation with the North and providing North support such as provi-sions if necessary. Moon’s views, while progressive, are moderate in comparison to Ahn’s. Moon suggests the division of presidential power with the prime min-ister, and emphasizes the importance of job creation for the Korean economy; he sees Ahn’s daring plans to cut parliamen-tary seats and fundamentally change the political system as “unrealistice.” Though Moon and Ahn clash in such aspects of re-form, there is much talk of the possibility of a merger between the two candidates because the DUP fears that without a merger, the democratic voters will be too split for either to win against Park Geun-Hye, the third candidate. The candidates will release further details before the final candidate registration in November

The third candidate is Park Geun-Hye from the conservative Saenuri par-ty. Though a female candidate, Park’s campaign has refrained from using ‘the

Liaoning poses little military significance Henry ChenStaff Writer

Ships and aircraft assigned to Carrier Strike Group (CSG) 11 operate in formation in the South China Sea. Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.is

When China unveiled its first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, on September 25th some saw it as a direct challenge to Amer-ican sea power in the Pacific, especially within the context of the Obama admin-istration’s renewed “Pivot to Asia” after a decade of conflict in the Middle East. Al-though the Liaoning has the potential to bolster China’s regional influence, in tac-tical terms the immediate value of China’s new carrier is dubious. While the Liaoning is physically capable of carrying aircraft, Chinese pilots have yet to attain proficiency in landings at sea and are limited to “touch and go” contact with the vessel. Though the limited training of personnel renders the carrier operationally dubious, the Liaoning will have a much more significant impact on China’s strategic and political future.

Former head of US Pacific Command and Retired US Admiral and Robert Wil-lard, stated last year that he was “not con-cerned” about China’s carrier project and indicated that there must be “a long period of training and development and eventual exercising preceding any operational capa-bility”. Based in Yokosuka, Japan, the Sev-enth Fleet has been the predominant na-val force in the region since the end of the Second World War. Centered on the USS George Washington, one of eleven Nimitz class supercarriers that dwarf the Liaoning 100,000 tons to 60,000 tons, the Seventh Fleet would be more than capable of con-taining any threat from the Liaoning. The Liaoning is based off a Russian equivalent which would only be capable of carrying 12 strike fighters, along with various light-er aircraft, a mere fraction of Nimitz class Carrier Air Wings of approximately 65 air-craft.

Nevertheless, the building of a carrier does signal long-term intent by China in developing a navy capable of projecting power throughout the Pacific and beyond. The construction of the Liaoning is intend-ed as a stepping-stone to a more potent force of three carriers. As a training vessel, the Liaoning would serve a valuable pur-pose in allowing the Chinese to develop proficiency in carrier operations prior to building a carrier fleet; something that has proven elusive for other would be carrier operators such as India.

In November 2011, President Barack Obama formally announced plans to station 2,500 Marines in Australia to cement alliances with Asian nations. Addressing the Australian Parliament shortly after the announcement, President Obama stated that the US had “made a deliberate and strategic decision - as a Pacific nation, the United States will play a larger and long-term role in shaping this region and its future.” As the official wars in Iraq and Afghanistan continue to draw down, the United States is shifting focus to the rapidly growing East Asian nations. The World Bank has estimated that developing East Asian nations are expected to see GDP growth at a robust 7.2 percent rate in 2012 and 7.6 percent in 2013. As East Asia continues to be an economic powerhouse, Washington has begun to prepare for any national security threats that could arise from conflicts between regional powers. As this happens, it is important to understand where the United States stands in relation to these East Asian countries and what could potentially draw the US into a wider conflict in the region.

Since the early 20th Century, the US Navy and Air Force have had massive military installations in the Philippines.

US Naval Base Subic Bay in Olongapo and Clark Air Base in Angeles City served as the largest overseas military installations of the US Armed Forces and were the primary launching point for any US military operations in the Pacific Theater. Though they were shut down in 1992 due to disagreements between the host nation and the US, negotiations began in June 2012 between Washington and Manila to reopen the bases at Subic Bay and Clark Air Base. The time of this decision suggests a trend that has been seen throughout the region, that nations are orchestrating protectionist strategies to defend against expanding Chinese maritime aggression. In the summer of 2012 a series of encounters occurred between China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy and the Philippine Navy. These interactions all took place around the disputed Spratly Islands. Though no live fire was exchanged nor any real damage done to either party, it did bring indicate the ease with which a real conflict could break out between the two East Asian nations.

The Philippines is not the only country in the region to experience Chinese expansionism over disputed island territory. Since 1949 the People’s Republic of China has been involved in 23 territorial

disputes with other nations. China has most recently sparked fury over their claim of the Diaoyu Islands or as the Japanese refer to them, the Senkaku Islands. Entering the third month of the dispute, China views the islands as a lucrative fishing and natural resource region that will bring them many economic benefits. As China continues to carry on naval exercises in the region, the opportunity for miscalculation and misunderstanding between China and Japan has steadily increased, causing American observers to worry that Japan may invoke Article V of the Japan-US security treaty. This section of the treaty requires the US to aid Japan “whenever the security of Japan or international peace and security in the Far East is threatened.” To date, both Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta have indicated their intentions to stand by this treaty.

Though the United States is certainly not actively seeking war in East Asia, for any reason to go to war, it is prudent to prepare for any possible military engagements. As China pushes international boundaries more and more in their maritime disputes, it is incumbent upon the United States to moderate these conflicts and ensure that they do not erupt into a wider war.

Sean WhiteStaff Writer

continued from page 3For China’s neighbors on the

other hand, the military impact of the Liaoning is a genuine cause for concern. Two weeks ago, the Philippines welcomed the US Navy back to the Subic Bay naval base, from which it was unceremoniously ejected in 1992, amidst conflict with China over the disputed Spratly islands.

Likewise, on October 12th Vietnamese officials visited the USS George Washington as it sailed through waters disput-ed with China in a clear effort to hedge against Chinese en-croachment.

It is within this greater geo-political context, not the high

seas, that the impact of China’s new carrier will be most heavily felt. By demonstrating a com-mitment to the development of a carrier force, the Chinese government has made clear its future intentions of acquiring a blue water navy to project pow-er throughout the Pacific and beyond. This in itself would be no more concerning than the contemporary American mil-itary deployments throughout the Asia-Pacific region. How-ever, coupled with China’s nu-merous territorial disputes with its neighbors, this signaling will likely result in increased ten-sions throughout the eastern Pacific.

Art by Jordan Scharf

PoliticsMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

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Chinese carrier indicates geopolitical trend in region

Okinawa rape case renews controversy over US military bases

Another rape case on October 16, 2012 involving an Okinawa woman and US military serviceman has renewed the con-troversies of the past decade surrounding the large presence of US bases in Okinawa. Though US ambassador to Japan John Roos and several US military leaders in Okinawa have expressed their sincere apologies over the incident, protests are demanding fun-damental change in the stationing of US soldiers.

Servicemen Christopher Browning and Skyler Dozierwalker were apprehended a few hours after sexually assaulting a young woman early that morning, and despite ini-tial denials of involvement, both have now confessed guilt in the matter.

Rape of Okinawa women by US military personnel has been an intensified point of concern since 1995, when three US ser-vicemen gang-raped a young twelve-year old Japanese school girl. Okinawa citizens have long since been angered that Japanese authorities were refused jurisdictional au-thority in the matter. The people of Oki-nawa were enraged at the light prison sen-

tences imposed, and further angered when one of these assaulters was later convicted once again for rape.

US reaction to this matter has improved somewhat, as US authorities have ex-pressed intention for cooperation, and are not interfering in Japanese prosecution of the two men. However, more than arrests and apologies will be necessary to calm the outrage of Okinawa citizens—this crime comes with a heavy history, and the cur-rent political climate is too unstable to risk ignoring the matter.

Though Okinawa represents less than one per cent of the entirety of Japan’s land area, the islands are responsible for hous-ing seventy-five per cent of US military bases in Japan: an entire fifth of Okinawa is claimed by US military. Since the reversion of Okinawa to Japan in 1972, the local gov-ernment has recorded 5,747 crimes involv-ing US soldiers.

Public opinion in Okinawa towards US-Japan relations has already been unfa-vorable since the US deployment of Osprey hybrid aircrafts on the island, despite con-tinuing questions concerning basic safety.

The Futenma Air Base, where the aircrafts will be deployed, is located in the middle of Ginowan city, which already has a long history of aircraft accidents affecting resi-dents—including a fatal crash earlier this year.

In response to the rape, the US has stat-ed it will tighten curfews; however, inves-tigations have shown that this incident oc-curred only two days after the curfews had been raised for the resident servicemen. More substantial actions on the part of the US will have to be made to alleviate the concerns of the Okinawa people; apologies and curfews have thus far been inadequate. However, it is unlikely that Japan will do its own part to push for any real changes in the alliance, as this incident also comes at a time when deterioration in Japan-China relations means that it is strategically vital for Tokyo to realign itself more than ever with the US. The implications for Okinawa may be that the island chain will be once again ignored in favor of continued rela-tions between the US and Japan, even if Okinawa is unfairly treated in the alliance deal.

Hana RudolphStaff Writer

US-China Foreign Policy platforms

continued from page 1work or to face isolation. Sanctions against North Korea would be

increased, and food aid incentives replaced with punishments for transgressions.

On Trade, both candidates recognize Asia as key to American economic health, and that free and fair trade is vital. Mr. Romney criticises the current administra-tion’s handling of intellectual property theft and currency devaluation, and pledges to create a Pacific free-trade zone, label Chi-na a “currency manipulator,” and hold it strictly to its trade agreements. Mr. Obama points to his record of trade cases against China, and insists education is the key to competitiveness.

Human rights have proved a thorny point in US-China relations, and China is frequently angered by perceived American interference. Consequently, America’s lead-ership is forced to balance its concerns with political tact. The President argues that “disagreements should not prevent cooper-ation on issues of mutual interest, because a pragmatic and effective relationship...is essential.” It is better not to criticise Chi-na’s human rights abuses when doing so impedes higher political ends. In contrast, Governor Romney argues that “a nation that represses its own people cannot be a trusted partner in an international system based on... freedom.” He believes the US has a responsibility to promote civil rights and reform in China, by “vigorously sup-port[ing]” domestic reform movements.

Ultimately, America’s future is tied to its Asian policies. US voters must therefore carefully consider each candidates’ views on regional developments, before making their decision come November 6th.

continued from page 1is held about once every five

years in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Congress fulfills its most important role in the process of electing its own leaders. It is widely known that all the leadership deci-sions concerning China’s top offi-cials have been made long before-hand.  Nevertheless, the Congress serves as a symbolic platform for China’s leadership transitions, and is used as an opportunity to share the Party’s final decisions with the rest of China and the world.

In reality, Chinese power in concentrated in the Politburo; an elite executive body typically composed of 14 to 24 members, who effectively set the Chinese po-litical agenda.  Within this group, the nine members of the Politburo Standing Committee rank among the top leaders in the country, and, as such, place among the most powerful men in the world.  During his lifetime, Mao Zedong presided over the Politburo as Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party.  To-day the position of “Chairman” no longer exists, as a symbolic check on individual power.  Nevertheless, the politburo is presided over by Hu Jintao, who as Party Secretary is considered first among equals among the nine Standing Commit-tee members, in a role that is much

the same.This year, it is widely believed

that Party Congress will select Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang to succeed Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao as the top Politburo Standing Committee members on November 8th.  The promotion would set both leaders up to similarly take over the Presidency and Premiership, respectively, in March 2013 at the Nation-al People’s Congress as well.  As is prece-dent within China, all nine members of the Politburo also maintain significant positions of power in other areas of the gov-ernment.  As China’s paramount leader, Xi Jinping would come of out the transition holding the three titles of Chairman of the Chinese Commu-nist Party, President of the People’s Republic of China and Chairman of the Chinese Military Commission, giving him complete, authoritative control of all three branches of the Chinese system: Party, Government, and Military.

  About 70% of the members of the Central Military Commission and the executive committee of the

State Council will also turnover in 2012, resulting in the most significant leadership transition in decades. The impending transition has consumed the attention of the Chinese political elite as well as domestic and foreign journalists

throughout the s u m m e r

and fall.

Ultimately, next month’s transition will set the tone of the next generation of Chinese leadership.  With much of the world looking again to China, the pressure is on the party for the Congress to pass without incident.

World watches as Chinese Communist Party executes transitional protocol

An MV-22 Osprey aircraft with Marine Medium Helicopter Squadron 265 is unloaded from the cargo ship Green Ridge at the Marine Corps Air Station Iwakuni harbor on July 23, 2012. Photo Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons.

Mao shakes Nixon’s hand during Nixon’s visit to Chi-na, a historic moment in US China relations. photo courtesy of commons.wikimedia.org

Art courtesy of Wikimedia Commons

EconomicsMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

5

The entire world has anxiously watched the recent eco-nomic recovery slowdowns in China (whose growth rate has fallen for the seventh consecutive quarter) and Europe, fearing global repercussions. Coupled with the political in-

stability between Japan and China over the Senkaku Island territorial debates, this has led to a decline in confidence across East Asian markets in particular. Since July, the out-put of Japan has fallen 1.3% and Korea has fallen 0.7%.

By antagonizing China, Japan has lost its largest trad-ing partner. 19.7% of Japanese exports go to China and the trade between the two nations amounts to $US340 billion a year. This has resulted in a decrease in Japanese business confidence. Long-term foreign investors have been selling their shares, perhaps out of a fear of trade restrictions, the contraction this quarter, and a weakening yen. The Nikkei 225 Stock Average is down 3.8% since September 10, when the Japanese government claimed the Senkaku islands. The potential economic impact has been compared to the dev-astation in Japan after the earthquake in 2011.

In the short term, the island debate has been good for Korean businesses. Due to protests in China, major Japa-nese auto companies such as Nissan, Toyota, and Honda have been forced to shut down several factories, having an estimated impact of 250 million U.S. dollars worth. The auto market in China, which is the biggest in the world, could be down 50% month on month, which may raise car prices in the rest of the world. There have also been wide-spread boycotts by Chinese citizens over Japanese goods. To replace Japanese exports to China, an estimated $US5.6

billion worth of extra Korean products have flooded into China since the conflict began. The benefits are especially evident in the following Korean industries: auto (Hyund-ai and Kia’s output has increased 9.5%), cosmetics, elec-tronics, and appliances. Even the Japanese plane industry is suffering as 35% more Chinese tourists have chosen to go to Korea this year compared to the same time last year.

Despite all these benefits, Korea’s Minister for Trade Park Taeho fears a long term dispute will end up doing more harm than good to the Korean economy. In part, this is due to the free trade talks scheduled between Korea, Chi-na, and Japan being put in jeopardy. In January of 2012, the three main East Asian economies came together and set a deadline for the free trade agreement talks by the end of the year. The discussions that were planned for November have been delayed, and there have been many doubts sur-rounding the possibility of a free trade agreement because of the political conflict. Another part of Park’s concern over a longer dispute could be the expiration of the $57 bil-lion expansion of the Japan-South Korea currency swap on October 31. The original deal of $13 billion will persist, but both nations will be more vulnerable to external shocks. According to Park, it is in South Korea’s best interests to encourage peace. A quick end to the island dispute would be stabilize the balance of trade in East Asia.

Until the mid-80s, Chinese policymakers pursued a policy of self-reliance regarding energy sources due to the influences of Maoist ideology. However, after Mao’s death and the country’s entrance into a period of market re-forms, it became obvious that economic growth could not be maintained without pursuing foreign sources of energy. Chinese policy-makers officially abandoned self-sufficien-cy as a policy in 1986, and thus began China’s struggle for secure sources of energy to power its booming economy. By the mid-nineties, Russia and China had formed a ‘stra-tegic partnership’, and one of the first items the Chinese pushed for was an oil pipeline from Russia. Chinese pol-iticians feared over-reliance on American controlled sea-lanes and Middle Eastern Crude, a fear which Russia was eager to assuage with oil from its Far-Eastern reserves.

Despite this, development of the Trans-Siberian pipe-line was plagued with many hurdles including environ-mental concerns, funding issues, and diplomatic wran-gling, the trans-Siberian oil pipeline though proposed in 2001 was only signed in 2009. By January 1st, 2011 it had begun regular shipments of oil to China with expectations

of 300,000 barrels a day to be supplied to China.While this is only a small portion of the oil China consumes per day (more than 8 million in 2010 alone), it represents the chal-lenges and opportunities for the growing Russian energy markets in East Asia. Russian officials have estimated that by 2020 the economies of North-East Asia will represent more than half of the world’s energy de-mand - a market in which the Russian energy sector hopes to play an increasing role.

If Russia is to expand its role in Asia’s energy market it needs to expand its pipe-line networks, as sea routes are slow and costly. Developing pipeline networks into the region is key to Russia’s ability to meet the energy demands in East Asia. There have been several successes, such as the signing of a deal for a parallel gas pipeline to the Trans-Siberian oil pipe-line, which could provide up to a third of China’s natural gas demand starting in 2015. Further, in late 2011, Russia signed a deal with North Korea to discuss the construction of a pipeline to supply the Korean Peninsula from Sibe-ria which was to open in 2017. From Korea, Russian oil and liquid natural gas would be able to reach the Japanese and Asian-Pacific markets much more easily. However, as

of mid-2012, political conflicts between North and South Korea continue to delay the project. Despite policymakers in Japan being eager to find different sources of Energy af-ter the Fukushima disaster, political disputes continue to prevent any agreement on the creation of a gas pipeline through the pacific. Instead, Russia continues to supply the

Japanese market with liquid natural gas through the slower and more ex-pensive sea routes.

It is the recognition of these politi-cal difficulties to its energy policy that explains some of Russia’s motives be-hind hosting the 2012 APEC summit. There, President Putin announced in July of 2012: “I believe that our par-ticipation in the integration processes

underway in this region will boost socioeconomic growth in Siberia and the Far East.” By expanding its role political-ly and economically in the region, Russia hopes that it will be better able to smooth out the political difficulties that have limited the expansion of her pipelines in the region. The question remains: how successful can Russia be at en-couraging integration in the region? And can she convince Asian policymakers that Russian energy offers more op-portunities than risk?

China’s economic slowdown is due to declining real estate

Short Term Trend: Loss of Confidence Throughout East Asian Economies

China’s days of double-digit growth seem to be coming to an end. The World Bank forecasts that without any changes to the economy’s direction, annual growth could slow to 5% by 2015. Private analysts have given projections that are even lower than those of the public sector. One of the main reasons behind China’s slowing growth is its real estate sector. After the initial financial crisis in 2007, China approved an extensive stimulus package in order to increase aggregate demand and counteract the effects of a recession. However, this increase in aggregate demand artificially inflated real estate demand, as the Chinese government embarked on public construction projects. Real estate construction, as a percentage of GDP, grew from 5% to 9% over the course of 2007-2012, overtaking exports as a bigger driver of growth Provincial and municipal governments borrowed extensive amounts of money in order to finance these projects, but by doing so, have stretched themselves financially and therefore have cut back on fixed-asset investment recently, down to its second lowest pace since December 2002. In the private sector, home prices rose by 50% from 2007 to 2010, making investments in real estate an attractive option. In 2010, the federal government decided to rein in prices and enacted measures such as higher down payments, tougher qualifications for mortgages and limits on investment purchases in order to limit speculation, which resulted in prices dropping. Falling prices have left real estate agents with too many unsold apartments. This has led to steep discounts being offered in order to unload the excess inventory. While official figures have shown only a drop of a few percentage points in major cities, unofficial accounts have discounts at up to 40%. This has led to protests in major cities such as Shanghai and Beijing, as some homebuyers have had their real estate investments drop by around 20% overnight. This is the conundrum that China’s government faces: if government policies aren’t able to rein in speculation, an even bigger real estate bubble could form; if it regulates the market too much, the entire economy cools off, prices drop and homebuyers become angry as the value of their investments drop. This issue of growth versus a potential bubble is further compounded by China’s upcoming political transition. Observers have

commented that China seems to be distracted by its political leadership transition, which has prevented the government from taking action to address such issues. Professor Ho-Fung Hung of Johns Hopkins University commented that it appeared as if the government was so paralyzed that they were just sitting on their hands. Because of this political distraction, future economic policy is so uncertain that few are willing to make a prediction. However, signs have shown that Beijing may not be willing to pass another massive stimulus package. Last month, People’s Daily, the newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party that usually represents the official government view, stated that the government should resist the temptation to spend its way out of the recession. This policy makes sense as the worst-case scenario would be if government spending increased

aggregate demand artificially too much and the real estate bubble burst. This would send ripples throughout the Chinese economy and potentially throughout the rest of the world. While real estate directly accounts for around 12% of the GDP, it also contributes indirectly to steel, concrete, and dozens of other industries, making a real estate bubble devastating for Chinese producers as well as Chinese households. With urban housing making up 41% of Chinese household wealth in 2011 compared to 26% for the United States, a real estate downturn in China could potentially be more devastating than in the United States. Because of this, China’s government may be wise to not pass a massive stimulus package that would only exacerbate a real estate bubble that may be on the verge of bursting, which could lead to disastrous results.

Trans-Siberian Pipeline May Expand Russia’s Role in Asian Energy Market

art by Alessandra Felloni

“If Russia is to expand its role in Asia’s en-ergy market it needs to expand its pipeline networks.

art by Alessandra Felloni

Ethan WooStaff writer

Angela PyoAsst. Layout Editor

Christopher ConnellyStaff writer

Ralls Corporation, a small Chinese-owned company, is su-ing the U.S. government and Pres-ident Barack Obama for blocking their Oregon wind-farm project on the basis of national security.

Earlier this year, Ralls Corpo-ration purchased the land and ac-companying rights for four wind-farms in Oregon within or near the restricted airspace at the Naval Weapons Systems Training Facili-ty Boardman. At the training site, the U.S. government trains fighter jets, works on bombing and elec-trical combat maneuvers, and tests drones, which are closely guarded technology secrets. Sev-eral months ago, the U.S. Navy ex-pressed its concern with Ralls’ de-velopment plans. The government responded with an investigation by the Committee on Foreign In-vestment in the U.S. (CFIUS).

The CFIUS gave Ralls an in-terim order to halt production. On September 12, 2012, Ralls responded by filing a suit against the CFIUS for “failing to provide Ralls with sufficient notice and opportunity to be heard prior to prohibiting its acquisition of the wind farms and imposing ex-traordinary restrictions on the use and enjoyment of its property interests” according to the com-pany’s amended complaint. Ralls claims to have directly lost $20 million. President Obama was added to the suit on October 1

when he enforced the CFIUS rec-ommendation with an official or-der for Ralls to sell its investments near the navy base. Ralls asserts that by determining its transac-tions, Obama has overstepped his constitutional rights.

Ralls Corporation is owned by two Chinese nationals, execu-tives of Sany Group, which is the parent company of China’s larg-est construction-machinery firm. The group is owned by China’s fifth richest man, according to the Hurun report. Ralls had planned to install Sany windmills on their wind-farm, and did not request CFIUS review before investing. Ralls insists that it will continue to fight against discrimination against Chinese people and depri-vation of private property rights.

On October 19, the Chinese Ministry of Commerce public-ly supported Ralls in its suit and issued a warning that Chinese investment in the United States could hang in the balance of this case. The Rodhium Group re-cently calculated that Chinese investment in the U.S. has grown to $22.6 billion this year. Most Chinese investments go through without issue, but U.S. require-ments do make it a difficult mar-ket to explore.

However, Ralls’ lawyers admit that success in their suit is a long shot. Traditionally, the president has had broad powers when it comes to national security and it is unlikely that a judge will rule against the executive branch. Even CFIUS rulings have rarely

been challenged to the point of presidential intervention.

Since its inception in 1975 as an interagency committee led by the Treasury Department that reviews mergers and acquisitions by foreign companies for nation-al security concerns, concentrat-ing in defense, technology, and natural resources. The last time a CFIUS order was presidentially enforced was in 1990 when Pres-ident George H.W. Bush blocked China National Aero-Technology Import & Export Corp.’s attempt to acquire Mamco Manufacturing for national security purposes.

The CFIUS has derailed two other company investment plans due to location and for not elicit-ing CFIUS review before making purchases. In 2009 the Nonfer-rous International Investment Company had to relinquish its purchase near a Nevada naval air station and in 2011 a telecom company, Huawei, did not fail any CFIUS paperwork and was or-dered to withdraw its investment.

These, and many more prece-dents, support Obama’s actions. However, the upcoming presi-dential elections has substantially increased the significance of this suit. At a time when both Rom-ney and Obama have been trying to appear as if they are taking a harder stance on China, espe-cially in the economic realm of appreciating currency and out-sourcing jobs, Ralls Corporation has given Obama an opportunity to appeal to the millions of unem-ployed working-class Americans.

China reported a GDP growth of 7.4% in the Q3 (July-Septem-ber), a slight decline from 7.6% in Q2. GDP growth of such fig-ures could be seen as a favorable economic expansion in many countries, especially during the current economic crisis. Howev-er, when looking through the lens of China, this may indicate that China’s rapid growth has come to a halt.

Not only is this growth a decline from last quarter, this is the seventh con-secutive quar-ter that China’s economy has been showing steady decline in growth, and is the slowest in 15 years since 2009. Jeremy Stevens, China economist at Standard Bank in Beijing notes, “The risks are stacked on the downside… Most macro figures, like industri-al production, investment, retail sales and so on, have averaged a lower growth rate in the third quarter than in the second, sug-gesting additional momentum loss over the quarter.”

Both external and internal fac-tors could explain these statistics. Externally, the economic crisis in Europe harmed the exports. Internally, a stagnant real estate investment, lack of consumption,

and the once-a-decade meeting and leadership of the Communist Party may suggest the reason be-hind the numbers.

Some argue however that the slowing growth is not a bad in-dication at all. NBS spokesman Sheng Laiyun noted that despite the growth slide, the economy had been stabilizing. Current premier of the state council Wen Jiabao also noted that China’s economic growth had started to stabilize and witnessed positive changes with the economy run-ning well in the third quarter.

E v i d e n c e backs this as

well. Despite the slowing GDP, retail sales and stocks have been steadily i nc re a s i ng , i n d u s t r i a l pro duc t ion

has advanced since last year. The fixed-asset investment in urban areas (measure of construction activity) has also improved.

To ensure the stabilizing of economy, fiscal and monetary policies have also been enacted. The government quickened the process of export tax rebates for enterprises as one of the measures to stabilize. To shore up growth, it has also approved a raft of invest-ment projects. The central bank has cut the reserve requirement ratio for banks twice, and lowered the benchmark interest rates this year.

EconomicsMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

6

Chinese oil companies are increasingly gaining the upper hand over their Western ri-vals. A major reason that these companies are doing well is that they receive a lot of help from the Chinese government, and thus the Chinese Central Bank. And whereas across the Western world, demand for oil is stagnating or declining, de-mand for oil continues to rise in China. In fact, Chinese demand for oil is expected to increase 50% by 2020.

An increase in China’s oil ca-pacity would spell bad news for already struggling oil refiners around the globe. The Interna-tional Energy Agency predicts that, given China’s current ex-pansion plans for the oil indus-try, the nation could potentially become a worldwide leader in petroleum-product exports. “China will account for more than 40% of global refining ca-pacity growth in the next five years,” according to the Wall Street Journal.

China’s three major oil companies are China National Petroleum Corporation (Pet-roChina), China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (Sin-opec), and China Nation-al Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC). These companies already dominate the China’s oil industry, but in the past several years have been aggressively expanding outside the nation. Only a few years ago, these com-panies were much smaller players in the international oil industry. As of 2011, however, the total value of the mergers and acquisi-tions of PetroChina, Sinopec, and

CNOOC had reached $20 billion, according to MarketWatch.

In 2012, government-owned PetroChina overtook Exxon Mo-bil as the world’s largest oil pro-ducer when it announced that it had pumped 2.4 million barrels

of oil per day in the previous year. Sinopec and CNOOC are both ranked in the top 10 largest refining companies in China and are likely to continue to remain at the top. Within the past three-and-a-half years, Sinopec has

spent over $32 billion on mergers and acquisitions, focusing its ef-forts in Syria, Argentina, Russia, and Switzerland. Additionally,by 2030, CNOOC expects to be one of the world’s largest oil compa-nies, assuming rankings are bol-

stered by successful joint-ven-ture deep-sea drilling projects in the South China Sea.

The sector domination of these energy powerhouses is threatened by the growth of independent refineries across China. In an attempt to reg-ulate the energy industry, the government is trying to shut down these small, privately owned oil refineries; howev-er, such efforts are backfiring. According to The Wall Street Journal, “some independent refiners–called teapots because of their small size–are respond-ing by raising capacity, and their efforts to resist closure are being backed by regional gov-ernments, reflecting how Chi-na’s top-down policies can run into resistance at a local level.”

Although the Chinese gov-ernment can control the pace of expansion of the state-owned oil companies, large increases in capacity by independent oil refiners could undermine at-tempts to balance the industry. Where teapot refineries already comprise over a quarter of Chi-na’s total oil capacity, the Argus study estimates a 37 percent expansion of these refineries by 2015.

Beijing faces a difficult de-cision in determining how to manage the teapot refineries. On the one hand, the small, independent refineries prevent fuel shortage when demand rises. However, on the other

hand, their rapid increase in size and power simultaneously weak-ens sector domination by state-run oil companies and threatens government control of the oil in-dustry.

China faces challenges in balancing growing oil industry

Chinese Ralls Corporation sues the United States over wind-farm project

Ariel MultakBusiness Editor

Art by Alessandra Felloni

“this is the seventh consecutive quarter that China’s econo-my has been show-ing steady decline in growth.

Angela PyoAssistant Layout Editor

Hitting the bottom: China’s GDP growth begins to slowKenko UeyamaStaff Writer

OdditiesMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

7

I am willing to bet my coveted VIP tickets to an upcoming concert that no matter what country they are from, and as long as they have had internet access sometime within the past three months, most people will let out some embar-rassing noise of excited recognition and start pretending like they are on a gal-loping horse when they hear the phrase “Oppa Gangnam style.” Is this some new internet cult greeting? No, it’s just K-Pop.

On July 15, 2012, a thirty-four year old South Korean artist by the name of PSY (pronounced “sigh”) released a mu-sic video for his newest song, “Gangnam Style,” on his official YouTube channel. The video went viral. Now, with over 530 million views, the music video is the number one most viewed on You-Tube. Gangnam Style has even recently reached number one on America’s Bill-board Top 100 Rap Songs Chart.

With his newfound popularity, PSY has appeared on various popular Amer-ican television programs such as Ellen, SNL, the Today Show, and the MTV Video Music Awards. Even Ban Ki Moon, the UN Secretary General from South Korea admits, “I’m a bit jealous. Until two days ago someone told me I am the most famous Korean in the world. Now I have to relinquish. I have

no regrets.”This kind of widespread popularity

for a Korean artist in America is un-heard of, especially since his song is not even in English. And it’s not like PSY is the first South Korean artist to put his music on YouTube and thus expose Korean music to the American market. Believe it or not, in just this past decade, five of arguably the most popular South Korean artists or groups have specif-ically tried to tap into the U.S. market

by releasing English language songs and embarking on American concert tours. But PSY, who didn’t even intend to gain worldwide fans by posting his music video to YouTube, has attained levels of popularity that these artists have only dreamed of. So, what’s the catch?

Why is this song in particular so popular, even to the non-South Kore-an public? Many people are excited because they believe that Americans have finally realized the “brilliance” of Asian music, to quote an enthusiastic fan of the song. They believe that PSY has paved the way for Asian artists in

America. But, when I ask non-Kore-ans why they like the song, I usually get responses like, “It’s a catchy song,” or, “The dance is just hilarious. The guy is pretending to be on a horse!” So is that it then? Is the popularity of PSY’s Gangnam Style just a case of “Oh, look at that silly Asian man, doing his ridicu-lous dance to a catchy song”?

This writer thinks it’s just that. I have been listening to PSY’s music since 2001 and am ecstatic that PSY has gained the recognition that I believe he has al-ways deserved. However, I’m wary to believe that he has garnered this atten-tion for the right reasons. I would liken “Gangnam Style’s” fame to the craze of Stromae’s “Alors on Danse,” or, for the reader who still remembers the early 90s, Los del Rio’s “Macarena.” The song is not a beacon of hope for Asian musi-cian hopefuls in America. It’s a catchy song, with a catchy dance that will for-ever be known as the song that took the world by storm in 2012, but it’s not the game changer that everyone thinks and wants it to be.

PSY has stated in recent interviews that he feels overwhelming pressure because he doesn’t know if his next title song will live up to “Gangnam Style,” in-dicating he’s already hard at work on his next album. All I can say in response is that I hope the public enjoys his next song as much as “Gangnam Style” and prove me wrong.

“Until two days ago some-one told me I am the most famous Korean in the world. Now I have to relin-quish. Ban Ki Moon

Edible Asia

On a cold winter day in Nanjing I sought refuge in a local tea shop. I started chatting with the hostesses and they asked me all sorts of questions about what type of tea I liked: lighter or darker, bitter or sweet, green or black. That day I settled on a variety of oolong, not too expensive but of a high enough quality so that no matter how long you brewed it, it never developed a bitter flavor. Nanjingers don’t use indoor heating (neither does most of southern China), and drinking large quantities of steam-ing hot tea quickly became my escape from the numbing cold.

As winter turned to spring, I took a trip down to Hangzhou and saw a tea farm, where they were hard at work picking leaves for the famous Longjing (Dragon Well) tea before the Qingming festival passed, bringing an end to the time of year when the best quality leaves are picked. On the wall of the farmhouse the owners had proudly displayed a picture of Chairman Mao, explaining how he had come to drink their tea several times during his life. I was poured Longjing in a clear glass, the tea leaves floating inside. The owner instructed how to properly drink Longjing tea: pick up the glass and take a deep whiff; hold the glass out of front of you, admiring the pure light green of the tea; and, finally, drinking. Only in this way, she explained, can the elegance and subtle-ties of her Longjing tea be properly and wholly enjoyed.

Tea is great

Man roasts Longjing tea leaves to stop the fermenta-tion proccess at a tea shop in Jiangnan, China. Photo courtesy of Juli Gittle-man.

A cup of Longjing tea is simple and elegant for the wholesome enjoyment of the drinker. Photo cour-tesy of Juli Gittleman.

From farm to tea cup: drinking tea in Jiangnan, China

Oppan Gangnam Style

Alex LeeStaff Writer

Juli GittelmanStaff Writer

Farmers work hard to pick the highest quality Longjing (Dragon Well) tea leaves for the Qingming Festival. Photo courtesy of Juli Gittleman.

Ban Ki Moon and PSY dance “Gangnam Style.” Photo courtesy of Reuters.

Imagine going into the doctor’s office for a minor cough or ache, then waking up paralyzed with hundreds of needles in your skin: a living human pin cush-ion. Sounds like a scene from a horror movie, yet many thousands of people

undergo this very procedure everyday as part of a routine medical checkup. This practice, known as acupuncture, is but one of the many basic techniques of Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM).

Influenced by the theory of qi, TCM focuses on the concept of holism, which is the integrity of the human body itself and the unit of man, nature, and social

environment. TCM practitioners be-lieve that all living things have vital life energy flowing within them, called qi. Diseases occur when qi flow is low or fails to keep in a normal state. Converse-ly, if qi is abundant, then organisms will remain in a dynamic state of coordina-tion and equilibrium, thereby sustaining health. In acupuncture, the needles are used to stimulate areas with a poor qi flow. TCM practitioners follow meridi-ans - the path trough which the life-en-ergy flows - that map circulation of qi and blood throughout the body, which connects the viscera and extremities, and the exterior with interior. It is qi meridians that guide the various treat-ments found in TCM.

To the western world, TCM seems nonsensical because western medical practitioners tend to address a patient’s problem in a relatively isolated way by treating the infected or injured part di-rectly, while TCM practitioners take a broad, macroscopic view and treat the body as a whole. For instance, if a TCM practitioner sees rashes on the skin close to the large intestine meridian, he will prescribe herbal medicines to treat the large intestine in order to cure the rashes whereas Western doctors would apply ointment directly on the skin. Western medicine is a precise science whereas TCM is much more than a sci-ence; it is a history, an art, a culture, and a belief.

OdditiesMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

8

Gerald Chow, head of the Chow Sang Sang jewelry chain and former advisor to the Hong Kong government, and his wife, Lily, are suing Mark Zimny, an education consultant at a company called IvyAdmit, for fraud and breach of contract after they paid Zimny over $2 million to get their two sons into Harvard. Despite the sum paid, the Chows’ sons did not gain acceptance to Harvard, even though they were admitted to other Ivies. Among other allegations, the suit claims Zimny lied about being a Harvard professor, when he had only been a visiting associate professor.

Zimny first approached the Chows at their elder son’s ninth grade graduation from a Boston area boarding school back in 2007 in an alleged attempt to take advantage of wealthy par-ents unfamiliar with the American college system. According to reports, Zimny claimed that his guidance and connections would help the Chows’ sons be accepted into an elite prepa-ratory high school and then into university. He asserted that due to “embedded racism” in the American college system and suspicion against Asian donors, donations to universities should be made through Zimny, rather than directly to the universities.

The Chows agreed to Zimny’s proposition almost imme-diately and started paying the man $4000 per month for each son in exchange for tutoring and consulting services. The law-suit alleges that in the summer of 2008, Zimny recommended that instead of a monthly fee, the Chows pay him a retainer of $2 million to be added to a larger pool of money for Asian donors, which Zimny would then donate to elite schools to ensure the students’ acceptance. The Chows eventually be-came suspicious of Zimny and, finding that no donations had been made, severed contact with him.

Executive director Mark Sklarow of the Independent Edu-cational Consultants Association (IECA), which has no rela-tionship with IvyAdmit, has called Zimny’s fees “extortionate”. Adding to a list of red flags, the IECA bans consultants from acting as middlemen in making donations on behalf of clients, and additionally, while many people on the IvyAdmit employ-ee list admit to knowing Zimny, some claimed they had never even worked for the company. In an attempt to place blame on the Chows, Zimny’s lawyers filed a motion that “common law counts do not serve as an insurance policy for poor judg-ment, avarice, or any other of many human failings.” The mo-tion failed.

The Boston Globe reports that the lawsuit will be sched-uled for a hearing in November.

Couple sues U.S. college scam

Culture and belief combine in medicineQueenie QiuStaff Writer

Juli GittelmanStaff Writer

With a population of just under 200,000, Dunhuang is a relatively small Chinese city, though its position along the old Silk Road makes it one of the most important sites in Western China. Located in Gansu province’s desert near the border with Xinjiang, Dun-huang has a large Muslim population. The local cuisine consists of more bread, beef, and kebobs; less rice and pork; and a special blend of spices that all reflect the regional Islamic in-fluence.

In the Singing Sand Dunes you can ride camels and look out over the seemingly end-less hills of sand, before renting a wooden sled and sliding back down. Next to the dunes lies the Crescent Lake, a desert oasis that once pro-vided a resting place for travelers on their way west out of China.

As the site of the Mogao Grottoes, Dun-huang has an important place in Buddhist history. Also known as the “Thousand Bud-dha Caves,” the grottoes and their murals and statues were chiseled and painted over several centuries, beginning in 366 CE, by resident monks.

A couple hours drive farther west brings you to the Yadan landforms and the ruins of the Han dynasty great wall, as well as many other significant sites that detail Dunhuang’s history.

Exploring East Asia

In the deserts of Dunhuang, China are many attractions including camel riding, sand sledding, the Crescent Lake Oasis, and the Thousand Buddha Caves athe Mogao Grot-toes. Photographs courtesy of Juli Gittelman.

Juli GittelmanStaff Writer

Herbs are sold to be used for TCM in Xi’an Market. Photograph courtesy of commons.wikimedia.org.

The Central, Hong Kong Chow Sang Sang is one of the many successful jewelry stores owned by the Chow family who paid $2 million to get their two sons accepted to Harvard. Photograph courtesy of Chow Sang Sang.

Buddha on the old Silk Road

나로호 발사가 코 앞으로 다가왔다. 한국과 러시아의 합작인 나로호 우주발사체(KSLV-1)가 오는 26일날 발사 예정을 앞두고 있다. “나로호”라는 이름은 대한민국 우주개발의 요충지인 나로우주센터가 위치한 지역 이름을 따, 대한민국 국민의 꿈과 희망을 담아 우주로 뻗어나가길 바라는 의미를 담고있다. 기술적인 원인과 담당자의 잦은 교체 등의 이유로 두 번의 실패를 거친 나로호는 이번 세 번째 발사를 맞이해 마지막으로 발사에 도전한다. 지난 2010년 6월 10일 2차 실패 이후 2년 4개월만의 마지막 재도전만큼 지금 나로우주센터에서는 모든 심혈을 기울이고 있다. 이번 나로호 3차인 발사는 여러가지 면에서 중요점을 갖고 있다. 여러 한국 우주 기술자들은 성공적인 나로호 발사를 통해 한국은 독자적 발사체를 개발하는 발판을 마련하는 계기가 될 수 있다고 주장한다. 만약 이번 3차 발사마저 실패하여도 한국의 독자적인 우주발사체 기술 발전 가능성은 여전히 열려있을 전망이다. 따라서 IT 과학 선진국들과 어깨를 나란히 할 수 있는 자질을 갖출수 있는 셈이다. 2009년 한국연구재단의 통계자료를 따르면 나로호 개발을 통해 국내 발사체 기술수준이 선진국 대비 46.3%에서 83.4%로 향상했다.(한국형발사체 상세기획연구, 국내 기술수준 향상도 분석 자료 中) 뿐만 아니라 세계로 하여금 한국의 기술을 널리 알릴 수 있는 좋은 기회가 될 수 있고 더불어 한국 첨단기술의 미래비전 경쟁력을 발전시킬 수 있는 원동력이 될 수 있다. 하지만 이러한 나로호의 예정된 희망찬 비상 이면에는 북한과의 외교적인 우려가 자리잡고 있다. 나로호 3차 발사에 대해서 북한은 자신들의 광명성 3호 발사에 대한 계획을 지난 3월부터 내비춰보였다. 계속해서 거론되고 있는 북핵과 탄도미사일 문제에 관해서 이번 나로호 발사는 북한과의 갈등을 증폭시킬 우려를 안고 있다. 또한 북한의 입장에 따르면 광명성 3호가 우주발사체인 사실을 바탕으로 국제사회의 북한 광명성 3호 발사 제재에 대하여 반박하고 있다. 미국을 비롯한 강대국들은 국제 유엔

안보리 결의를 의존해 북한의 광명성 3호 발사에 대해 반대하고 있는 입장이다. 따라서 북한은 위같은 상황에 대해 불평등한 제재라는 의견을 내놓고 있다. 이러한 불평등한 국제관계와 북한의 우주발사체의 발사 등의 복잡한 갈등 속에서 이번 나로호 발사는 범세계적인 관심을 불러일으킬 전망이다.

8月24日に行われたAKB48東京ドーム初日公演 。センターの前田敦子（21）の卒業一色に染まるかと思いきやサプライズが発表された。チーム再編成に伴い人気メンバーの宮澤佐江（22）や高城亜紀（21）などが 海外の48グループに移籍することになった。約一年の海外留学だという。日本国内ではもう既にAKB48、SKE48、NMB48、HKT48 と4つの48グループが活躍している中、グローバル化は プロデューサー秋元康氏の新たな戦略なのだろうか。

6年前、「 会いに行けるアイドル」をコンセプトにスタートしたAKB48。2010年秋の18thシングル「Beginner」を初め今では次々とミリオンセラーを出し続けている。「営業の本質はいかに差異化を図るかです。ほかとの違いが、顧客が関心を持つきっかけを生み出すからです」という秋元氏は CD売り上げ計画 を念入りに練り、ファンに飽きられないように様々なサプライズを用意した。頻繁に行われる握手会、年に一度のじゃんけん大会、総選挙などはどれも史上初の提案ばかりだ。秋元氏の新鮮なアイディアを楽しむファンがいる反面、強引な売り方を批判する者も決して少なくはない。特に CDのバリエーションを増やし、握手券や総選挙の投票権などをランダムに一部のCD限定に含むことで熱心なファン達に何十枚も 買ってもらうといういわゆる「AKB商法」は多くの批判を浴びた。握手券目的にCDを大量購入した結果、発売数日後にはインターネットオークションで投げ売り状態になることも多い。

そんな中、AKB48は日本経済に プラスだととらえる人もいる。理由の一つとして挙げられるのは、数年続いたレコード業界の不況の中、AKB48のCDが次々とミリオンを達成し始めたことだ。現に昨年、AKB48のCD総合売り上げは162億円を上回った。アイドルブームの火付け役としても音楽界の活性化を促してきた。さらに経済評論家の森永卓郎氏（54）によると今年6月行われた総選挙の経済波及効果は 約200億円ということだ。AKB48は日本経済の後退を少しばかり食い止めることも出来るのかもしれない。

このように国内ではAKB48の存在は大きく、彼女達を知らない人はいないだろう。しかし、日本だけでの活動は限界があると秋元氏は 海外進出を提案した。今年の総選挙では少しでも各国の人々に48グループを知ってもらえるようにとソーシャルネットワークGoogle+を使い世界中への総選挙の中継を試みた。

海外に48グループをどれほど浸透させられるのだろうか。日本で売れて

いるからと言って世界中のほとんどの人がAKB48の存在をまだ知らない中でそう簡単に海外でも売れる訳ではない。 しかし準備は確実に 進んでいるようだ。インドネシア、ジャカルタのJKT48は2期生オーディションの合格者が最終面接のため来日することになっている。中国上海のSNH48は日中関係の悪化によって活動方針が定かではないが宮澤 は「立ち上げに一から参加できるチャンス」と前向きでいるという。宮澤は今月24日に日本での最終

公演を終えた。「僕が生まれた1956年ごろは日本

の高度経済成長が始まった時代です。そして、これまで日本人は『日本製品はクオリティーが高い』『世界のソニー、世界のトヨタだ』と胸を張っていたわけです」と述べる秋元氏。がむしゃらに、「日本まだまだの気構えで」海外進出を試みるという。これまで日本で起こしてきたAKB現象を海外でどこまで再現できるか注目したい。

EAS CornerMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

9

AKB48が日本経済にもたらした影響とその次のグローバル化小川瑞葉 Staff writer

희망찬 비상을 앞둔 나로호, 한국을 빛낼까?신웅현 Staff writer

photo courtesy of commons.wikimedia.org

Monday, November 12, 12:00-1:30 pmBen Read Politics Department, University of California at Santa Cruz “Roots of the State: Neighborhood Organi-zation and Social Networks in Beijing and Taipei” Intro-duced by Professor Kellee Tsai (Political Science) Co-spon-sored by the Department of Political Science Mergenthaler 266

Tuesday, November 27, 12:00-1:30 pmJohn DiMoia Department of History, National Univer-sity of Singapore, & STS group member “From Ruin to Revival”: Mobilizing the Korean Body and the Emerging Historiography of Rehabilitative Medicine in South Korea, 1954-1977 Introduced by Professor Marta Hanson (Histo-ry of Medicine) Co-sponsored by the History of Medicine Department Mergenthaler 266

Thursday, November 29, 12:00-1:30 pmFumiko Joo Postdoctoral Fellow, East Asian Studies Pro-gram, Johns Hopkins University “Subjugating the Dead: The White Pagoda and The Peony Lantern in Late Imperial China” Introduced by Professor Rebecca Brown Co-spon-sored by the Department of Art History Mergenthaler 266

Get Pumped!East Asian Studies Speaker Series

art courtesy of Alessandra Felloni

EAS CornerMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

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　10月8日、今年のノーベル医学生理学賞が京都大の山中伸弥教授(50)らに贈られることが発表され、2010年以来となる日本人の受賞に全国が沸いた。受賞の対象となったのは、様々な細胞になりうる能力を持つiPS細胞(人工多能性幹細胞)を体細胞から作り出す研究。今後、再生医療の実現などへの道を開くことが期待されている。　受賞を受けて、山中教授は「名目上、私に贈られたことになっているが、日の丸のご支援がなければ、こんな賞は受賞できなかった。大きな支援をいただき研究を発展させることが出来ました。まさに日本という国が受賞した賞だと感じています」と語った。しかし、この言葉は素直に受け取れるものではないという指摘もなされている。　現在、日本において多くの研究者が資金確保に苦悩している。今回の受賞前から大きな関心を集めていた山中教授の研究も、決して研究資金が潤沢だったわけではなかった。教授は現在も資金面などの環境が整っている米国に年10回ほど渡航し研究を行っている。また、今年3月には研究資金のカンパを訴えて自ら京都マラソンに出場するなど、個人からの小口の寄付金を集めることにも力を入れている。　この問題の背景の一つとして、本来

は研究資金の中心となるはずの国からの助成金が研究者のニーズに対して不十分であることが挙げられる。2009年には政権交代を果たした民主党が行った「事業仕分け」によって科学技術関連事業の予算が相次いで削減、または見直しされた。その中にはiPS細胞の草創期を支えた「戦略的創造研究推進事業」なども含まれており、山中教授は当時「これから日本はどうなってしまうのか心配だ」と若手研究者への支援が削減されることに対して強い懸念を示していた。また、iPS細胞研究も含まれている「最先端研究開発支援プログラム」の予算も仕分け前には総額2700億円が確保されていたが、1000億円へと削減された。　ノーベル賞の受賞後、文部科学省はiPS細胞研究に対して今後10年間で200~300億円を助成する方針を発表した。しかし、iPS細胞、再生医療研究は現在の日本で数多く行われている研究のうちのひとつに過ぎない。世界的に優位な産業として成長させるためにある分野に集中的に支援を行うことも重要であるが、山中教授がかつて指摘したように、草創期の研究を広く支援することも新しい発見や技術の進歩を促し将来の日本の科学を支えるためには不可欠である。今回ノーベル賞受賞という喜ばしいニュースの裏で改めて指摘されたこの問題に対して、今後政府がどのように取り組んでいくのか注目が集まる。

山中教授・ノーベル賞受賞の裏に研究資金確保の苦悩

十一长假，微博上一边是对“黄金周”的一片吐槽：有怨念高速免费政策的，有怨念观人海而不是观景的，有怨念价格坑爹的，有怨念航班延误的，有怨念假期不够长的……另一边，央视《走基层百姓心声》特别调查节目受到热议。

这次特别节目的主题是“幸福”。“幸福”这个词早在前两年就已进入公共论域。当时一份“中国城市年度幸福指数”的榜单新鲜出炉。这份榜单就像一个新式的国货蛋糕，带着若干公式的人工奶油气息。很少有人知道这些指数是怎么算出来的，唯一确定的是，一些人突然就“最幸福”了。今年央视的“走基层”节目，一对一采访，形式上类似Kathie Sarachild 所谓的“consciousness-raising”。我很庆幸央视没有采用千篇一律的表达方式，而是将多样的回答呈现出来。

最引人注意的当属“我姓曾”的回复。然而就在这位务工人员说出“神回复”之前，他说：“我是外地打工的，不要问我。”这句话简单、无笑点，所以易被大家忽略。但是，恰是这句话牵扯着他隐藏的情绪。“外地打工的”是不能被采访的。他们与我们保持距离，他们不属于我们这个圈子。他们参与着社会建设，却更像是“过客”，不带走一片云彩。他们避免与媒体沟通，既是在划清界限，又是在自我保护。这样的心酸、卑微，又岂能作笑谈？类似这位

务工者答非所问、不知所措的回复并不少。比如拾荒老爷爷回答：“我耳朵不好。”比如公园退休职工说：“别拍了，我这头发这么乱。”再比如天津市场的小摊主；“你嘛意思！”其实，答非所问也是一种回答。这表明他们未进入主流话语，缺少表达机制和当家做主的心态。

也有的被采访者给出了很直接的答案。比如成都的街头艺人回答：“幸福就是人民币多。”有些被采访者虽然没有直接回答，他们的行为却说明了一切。比如天津烤红薯的商贩没有理会记者，而是忙着找顾客钱。再比如宁夏的肉铺老板一边说自己生活有保障，一边挂念着做买卖：“哎呦，刚才哪个钱是493元。”也有人直接表达出了不幸福。比如云南昆明商业街的擦鞋工说：“幸福啥子，你看一天擦鞋子的，还幸福？”他们的回答透露出当下社会的生存性焦虑。虽然中国的GDP已经达到世界第二，但是幸福感并没有如约而至。人们内心普遍都”压力山大”。当前社会收入差距扩大，物价直线上升，带来不安和不满。从“蒜你狠”到“豆你玩”，从“潘一千”到“任一万”，从“高富帅”到“屌丝”，被偏爱的有恃无恐，得不到的永远在骚动。

北京朝阳医院的一位医生的回复也令人印象深刻。他洋洋洒洒地吐槽了与一位病人发生的不愉快。这直接让人想到了医患纠纷。公立医院的“过度扩张”、“过度收费”导致了病人对医生的不信任和“过度不满”。结果只能是一方“躺着也中枪”。另一位河南大学

生的回答也成了亮点：“最坏的事，我跟你说话的时候，队被人插了。”联想到黄金周的供需紧张，这样的吐槽也在情理之中。

由此可见，央视的调查虽然被制造出很多笑点，但是更重要的是折射出当下中国的社会百态。在一个急剧转型的社会中，人们内心世界矛盾激荡。底层的草根人民或成为“沉默的一代”或是展开波澜壮阔的角力比如身体维权；工薪阶层的正常收入远远低于物价攀升速度，过高的成本门槛使一代人或选择“大跃进”式发展或陷入无望的命运分界线；潜藏于社会肌理的问题例如贫富矛盾、信任危机犹如导火线将时刻引爆民众的神经；传统价值观遭遇到前所未有的挑战，人们缺少恒定的内心支柱……凡此种种，如何幸福？

微博上很多人将矛头指向了体制。在我们期待建设更完善的制度的同时，也许更应该发现流淌在生活中那些稍纵即逝的美好。村上春树把那些美好成为“小确幸”——微小但确实的幸福。所谓“高富帅”背后一定有不为人知的痛苦；所谓“屌丝”，也有属于自己的“小确幸”。“屌丝”也可以“逆袭”，也可以拥有美好。

十月份快过去了，这场持续受争议的调查也早已告一段落。不知下一个微博盛宴是什么话题。只是，当我们坐在电视机前看着一群人采访另一群人的时候，嬉笑怒骂间，不要忘了，幸福是一个人和一个时代的成长与困惑。

这个人,包括我们自己。

你幸福吗?成天天

Staff writer

지난 9월 28일 한 10대 남성이 서울 강남의 한 사립 초등학교에 무단출입하여 1층에 위치한 4학년 교실에서 야전삽과 장남감 권총을 휘두르며 흉기난동을 벌이는 사건이 있었다. 장모(11)군을 포함한 학생 6명과 담임선생님이 부상을 당해 인근 병원으로 옮겨졌고 장모군은 입술 아랫부분을 봉합하는 수술을, 김모(11)양과 다른 4명은 복부쪽 부상을 당해 치료를 받았으며 임모(11)군은 오른팔에 골절을 당해 입원을 하게되었다.

경찰조사에 의하면 범인 김모(18)군은 평소 행복하지 못한 가정사와 특히 아버지와의 좋지 않은 관계로 우울증을 앓고 있었고 사건 이후 조사에서는 “사회적 약자와 못 사는 사람들을 잘 살게 하는 것이 국회의원이 해야 할 일이지만 그 역할을 못하고 있어 살해하려고 했다. 초등학교 후문을 통과할때 학생들을 살해할 생각을 했지만 나중에는 다치게만 하고 도망치려고 했다”라고 진술한 것으로 밝혀졌다.

국회의사당의 철저한 보안과 우연히 온라인을 통해 알게된 강남권에 위치한 사립초등학교인K초등학교가 소위 잘 사는 아이들이 다니는 학교라고 판단한 것이 장소변경에 큰 영향을 끼친 것이다.

서울 방배경찰서는 9월 29일, 폭력행위등 처벌에 관한 법률 위반등의 혐의로 김군에 대한 구속영장을 신청했다. 이 사건을 통해 학교부근도 특별한 동기없이 행해지는 살인등의 범죄를 뜻하는 ‘묻지마 범죄’에서 예외가 아니라는 결론을 내릴 수 있었다. 28일 사건 이후로도 이어 다음달 1일, 3일에도 경북 칠곡에서 묻지마 범죄가 발생하였고 4일에는 제주도 한 시민이 이유없이 벽돌을 던지

며 난동을 피워 카페에 있던 시민이 부상을 입고 유리창까지 깨는 사건이 있었다. 이로써 일주일에 총 네개의 ‘묻지마 범죄’가 발생한 것이다. 이후에도 지난 10월 14일 오후에는 가정불화로 신경안정제와 수면제등을 처방받고 있던61살 김모씨가 서울 종로구 정부종합청사 18층에 무단침입하여 휘발류를 이용해 불을 지르고는 뛰어내려 사망하는 사건이 발생하였다.

이 같은 사건들이 빈번하게 일어나는 것을 뉴스로 자주 접하는 시민들은 누구나 피해자가 될 수 있다는 생각에 불안증만 더해 가는 것으로 보인다. 반면, 가해자들은 공통적으로 사회적 불만, 개인적인 스트레스와 우울증 증세를 보이는 것으로 나타나 묻지마 범죄가 전반적인 사회에 미치는 영향이 비추어지는 것보다 크다는 점을 보였다. 대검찰청 자료에 따르면 2011년에 정신질환자가 저지른 범죄만 1천640건이고 이는 2005년도 통계의 두배라고 한다. 경찰측에서는 사후처리에만 집중하고 실제로 상황을 완화시킬 사전보호와 보안시스템 강화에서는 소홀한 입장을 보이고 있다는 것이 지금의 안타까운 현실이다. 또한 정부에서는 한국의 가정보육 위기나 효과적이지 못한 교육시스템과 경제위기가 행위자들의 불안정한 정신상태로 표현되고 있다는 점을 주시해야한다. 이러한 사회적 문제와 정부측에서의 부족한 보조와 관심이 지금 한국 사회의 여러 취약성을 나타내는데 큰 역할을 하고있는 셈이다. 이로써 가해자들 또한 한편으로는 사회적 피해자이기에 긴급적인 방안들 보다는 더욱 미래 지향적이로 사회 우울증을 완화 시킬 수 있는 체계적인 계획이 우선이다.

山上千秋

Staff writer

끊임 없는 ‘묻지마 범죄’와 그 모든 것의 피해자

양소영

Staff writer

北京唐家岭蚁 族聚集地商业

河南郑州下班高峰期.（图）

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Staff

Words of the WeekKoreanEasy: 이름 - ee-reum, nameMedium: 휴지 - hue-ji, tissueAdvanced: 고용 - go-yong, employment

ChineseEasy:胡萝卜—hu2luo2bo, carrot Medium: 明星—ming3xing1, celebrityHard: 产业—chan3ye4, In-dustry

Japanese: Easy:Medium: 政策 - seisaku, policyHard: 希, ki-bou, hope/wish

Works CitedMade in Asia: All the news you’re missing

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ECONOMYChina’s GDP growth

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Loss of Confidence

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Chinese Realestate

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POLITICSKorean Politics

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Aircraft Carrier

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United States refocuses on East Asia amid growing regional tensions

Jackie Calmes, “A U.S. Marine Base for Australia Irritates China,” The New York Times, November 16, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/17/world/asia/obama-and-gillard-expand-us-australia-mili-tary-ties.html.

Kevin Lim, “World Bank Cut East Asia GDP Out-look, Flags China Risk,” Reuters, October 8, 2012, http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/10/08/us-world-bank-asia-outlook-idUSBRE89701420121008.

Robert Johnson, “The U.S. Will Open Massive Philippine Bases Not Occupied Since the Cold War,” Business Insider, June 8, 2012, http://businessinsider.com/the-us-is-reopening-massive-philippine-mili-tary-bases-not-used-since-the-cold-war-2012-6.

Lucio Blanco Pitlo III, “The Philippines-China Disputes in the South China Sea: The US Factor: Analysis,” Eurasia Review, October 28, 2012, http://www.eurasiareview.com/28102012-the-philippines-china-disputes-in-the-south-china-sea-the-us-factor-analysis.

Yomiuri Shimbun, “China’s Territorial Disputes,” Agence France Presse, October 12, 2012,

http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterritories/china/territorial-disputes/index.html.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, “Japan-U.S. Security Treaty: Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between Japan and the United States of America,” accessed November 3, 2012, http://www.mofa.go.jp/region/n-america/us/q&a/ref/1.html.

Election has effects on China- US policy

“Sustaining US Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense,” Department of Defense (January 2012): 2

“Maintain Robust Military Capacities in the Pacific” China & East Asia, http://www.mittromney.com/issues/china-east-asia

“National Security Strategy,” The White House (May 2010): 43

“Trade,” http://www.mittromney.com/issues/trade

“Deepen Cooperation Among Regional Partners,” http://www.mittromney.com/issues/china-east-asia

“Third Presidential Debate - Full Transcript,” http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/OTUS/presidential-de-bate-full-transcript/story?id=17538888&page=22#.UIrbt8U8CSo

“Trade,” http://www.mittromney.com/issues/trade

“Third Presidential Debate - Full Transcript,” http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/OTUS/presidential-de-bate-full-transcript/story?id=17538888&page=22#.UIrbt8U8CSo

Susan Shirk, China: Fragile Superpower (New York: Oxford UP, 2007), 262.

“National Security Strategy,” The White House (May 2010): 43

“Defend Human Rights,” China & East Asia, http://www.mittromney.com/issues/china-east-asia

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Prisoner exchange dynamics The first article on Asian military affairs will be discussing the diplomacy behind prisoners of war (POWs) and those miss-ing in action (MIAs) in regional wars from 1950 onwards. The focus will be on the diplomatic dynamics behind exchanges of POWs and information on MIAs (or lack thereof), explored through two contrasting sets of case studies: the Korean War (1950-1953) on one hand, and the Sino-Indian War (1962) and the Sino-Vietnamese War (1979) on the other. Part I: factors influencing prisoner exchanges and the Korean War On 4 December 1954, U.S. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge addressed the United Nations in a plea for the release of hundreds of American personnel (mainly servicemen, but including a few civilians) and around 40,000 South Korean ROC forces believed to be held in North Korea.1 His plea went unanswered then, and remains so today. Robert K. Dornan- then Chairman of the Military Personnel Subcommittee- presented three factors that he believed led to this situation to the House of Representatives in 1996: first, the impact of ideology, second, the enemy’s desire to extract as much intelligence as possible out of enemy personnel, and third, the reluctance and inability of the United States in 1954 to press their demands and threaten the use of force to obtain POW exchanges.2 While his case for the first point suffers from conflated exam-ples,3 the three variables he highlights indeed do seem to explain dynamics of subsequent post-conflict prisoner negotia-tions. Countries that have little ideological quarrels with one another, that have no comparative advantage in post-conflict information gathering on prisoners of war, and that have a need to re-establish working relations with their enemies are countries that are most likely to exchange prisoners and share information about MIAs. For all of the lack of progress after the end in the fighting in Korea, prisoner exchanges did take place during the fighting, with a prisoner exchange point at Panmunjom; this is confirmed by the testimony of retired Colonel Phillip Corso.4 This highlights two facts: first, that even in radical ideological conflicts where sides have asymmetric information gains to be made from holding prisoners, prisoner exchanges can be successfully conducted during the conflict. This is greatly helped by the repeated nature of the prisoner exchanges; a state that betrays its word at an early prisoner exchange knows it is forsaking all future such transfers. This is a result which has been known in game theory in a general form for a long time, and has been used before to explain hostage negotiations such as the one presented; a strategy that punishes the opponent for non-cooperation in repeated games, such as tit-for-tat, performs well on average.5 In this particular case, gains for non-cooperation are small, because the individuals are only a fraction of the total POWs, and the punishment is proportional to the rate at which it is having soldiers taken prisoners. Since prisoner capture reflects battlefield success, and technology is a positive factor in battlefield success, this method of prisoner exchange intrinsically solves the issue of asymmetric information gain.6 States that have the most to gain from keeping enemy personnel to extract information are also the ones most likely to have high numbers of captured

1 House of Representatives, Accounting for POW-MIA’s From the Korean War and the Vietnam War: Hearing Before The Military Personnel Subcommittee of the Committee on National Security, One Hundred Fourth Congress, Second Session, Hearings Held September 17, 1996 (), 5.2 Ibid, 3-6.3 His remarks linking Serbian soldiers in the Balkan War to Tito’s communists are without foundation; their commanders were ultra-nationalists, not commu-nists. More broadly, the cases he presents support his argument of the “systematic”-ness of prisoner exploitation and somewhat supports his argument of the “calculat-ed”-ness of these acts, but he takes the ideological factor for granted. This is problematic because, as he points out, there are very rational reasons behind the abuse of prisoners- to obtain intelligence, for propaganda- which are not unique to communism. The RAND report cited below, however, contains solid information on p.32.4 House of Representatives, 10.5 William Poundstone, Prisoner’s Dilemma (New York: Anchor Books, 1993), 106-116, 222-223, 228-230, 245-246, 248, 251.6 Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of that West 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 37, 157.

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Philippe MaugerMilitary Editor

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soldiers.

Similarly, since logistical support and availability of supplies is another positive factor in battlefield success,7 such states have comparatively more to gain by exchanging wounded prisoners, which would otherwise drain resources, to secure the return of captured but healthy soldiers. There is evidence that this happened, based on Bill Allen’s testimony as collected by Ex-POW Association president Ernie Contrearas, with wounded POWs left behind for the Americans to pick up with two other POWs to guard them until then; this appears to have successfully occurred, because the American wounded later contacted Contrearas’ family from an army hospital.8 Once the fighting has stopped, however, the repeated “game” is in its final round, and the state that has intelligence to gain from keeping the prisoners has every incentive to defy internation-al law and never return the soldiers to their home country.9 There is evidence that this indeed happened: RAND reports that approximately 50 U.S. personnel with particular skills and technical knowledge were transferred from North Korea to the Soviet Union.10 However, they are few in comparison to the number of South Korean POWs diverted to forced labour camps, where around 600 POWs likely remain today alongside their children; this was reaffirmed by Lt. Cho Chang-ho’s escape from North Korean captors in 1994 and by Lee Sam Chool’s testimony and belief that North Korea had refused to return POWs in order to maximize the utility of the POW labour.11 Intelligence-gathering and use for forced labour, how-ever, do not explain the high rates of intentional starvation, disease, and guard-on-prisoner murder in POW camps, with some seeing 15 to 20 POW deaths per day – a minimum of 959 American POW deaths are attributable to these factors according to the Judge Advocate Section War Crimes Division – in gross violation of the Geneva Convention.12 This leads to the second fact, confirming Robert K. Dornan’s aforementioned belief: ideological hatred did, and does, have a strong part to play in the inhumane treatment of prisoners and in the low probability of success of prisoner exchange efforts. While mistreatment of prisoners has been widespread in other modern wars, the continued usage of military personnel as slave labour even after the end of a conflict is a return to antiquity, where military prisoners were seen as purely economic goods.13

Part II: exchanges following the Sino-Indian war and the Sino-Vietnamese War The prisoner releases following the Sino-Indian war of 1962 and the Sino-Vietnamese War of 1979 offer a stark contrast with the bitter post-Korean War negotiations. Following China’s victory over India, prisoners of war were released in 1963.14 1636 Chinese-held prisoners of the Sino-Vietnamese War were released; this was done in waves, for example 118 were released on 18 May 1979, and 487 were released on 5 June 1979.15 The Vietnamese side initially argued during the war that since it was the aggressed nation, it was not bound by the Third Geneva Convention; hard negotiations with China

7 James C. Rainey, Beth F. Scott, Captain Scott M. Cornette, “Introduction: Logistics and Warfighting”, Air Force Journal of Logistics (Maxwell AFB: Air Force Logistics Management Agency, 2003), 6.8 Bill Allen, “Korean War Project- POW Camps and MIA Issues: Message Center, Ex-POW Association [message 3]”, <http://www.koreanwar.org/html/pow.htm > (5 September 2012)9 William Poundstone, 228-230.10 Paul M. Cole, POW/MIA Issues: Volume 1, The Korean War (Santa Barbara: RAND, 1994), xv, 183.11 Korean POW Affairs, To Subcommittee on Asia and Pacific, House International Relations Committee (27 April 1006), 2-3, 8, 9-10, 12.12 Paul M. Cole, 32.13 Stanley Sandler, Ground Warfare: An International Encyclopedia, Volume 1 (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2002), 701-702.14 Ramesh Chandra Bisht, International Encyclopedia of Himalayas, Vol 3 Indian Himalayas (New Dehli: Krishan Mittal for Mittal Publications, 2008), 31.15 Edward C. O’Dowd, John F. Corbett, Jr., “The 1979 Chinese Campaign in Vietnam: Lessons Learned”, The Lessons of History: The Chinese People’s Liber-ation Army at 75 (Carlisle: Strategic Studies Institute, 2003), 372. Spencer C. Tucker, “Sino-Vietnamese War”, The Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War: a Political, Social, and Military History, ed. Spencer C. Tucker (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2011), 1046.

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managed to convince Vietnam to abide by the terms of the treaty and allow members of the International Committee of the Red Cross to visit Chinese prisoners. After the war, Vietnam held to its side of the bargain and released 238 Chinese pris-oners (matching rough independent estimates of Chinese captured personnel).16 Several factors contributed to the resolu-tion with India: the rival states’ ideologies at the time favoured a quick cessation of hostilities, the conflicts were limited in scope and in methods used to fight it, and both sides wanted a quick return to normalcy.17 However, the Sino-Vietnamese agreement is surprising, because the war was bitterly fought between both states; during China’s withdrawal, scorched-earth tactics were utilized.18 The desirability to return to normalcy and the ideological needs of the states seem, therefore, to have outweighed the nature of the conflict as a variable in prisoner exchange. Because the non-return of prisoners is a highly inflammatory act, and because POWs do not disappear, such an act would block normalization for quite some time. Both sides in both conflicts were effectively playing a strategy far more punishing than tit-for-tat at the end of the war with regards to prisoner exchanges; both sides knew that if they did not promptly return prisoners, the retaliation- a frozen, hostile diplomatic situ-ation- would be disproportional to the act committed. Indeed, even though Sino-Vietnam relations remained at a low point for years afterwards, with border violations allegedly committed by both sides, both sides maintained prisoner releases; for example, on 28 August 1982, 28 Chinese captives were released at a border checkpoint by the Vietnamese authorities.19 Ideological incentives similarly favoured this resolution: by returning prisoners, a state could claim to be de-escalating the situation, portray itself as the aggressed, and publicize its cause.

Conclusions on prisoner exchanges Based on the case studies presented, the greater the ideological difference and the comparative advantage in post-conflict information gathering on prisoners of war, and the less desirable post-war relations are, the less likely prisoner exchange efforts are to succeed. Even in the Korean War case where ideological differences were extremely large, and the war had turned into a bitter protracted conflict, successful prisoner exchanges could still be organized by utilizing repeated, small scale, exchanges during the conflict itself. This sets a foundation for addressing a need raised by the United States during the Vietnam War: “more formalized and efficient prisoner exchange agreements”.20

16 Ibid. François Bugnion, “Jus Ad Bellum, Jus in Bello and non-international armed conflicts”, Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law- 2003 (The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2006), 175. Ka Po Ng, Interpreting China’s Military Power: Doctrine Makes Readiness (New York: Frank Cass, 2005), 64.17 Allen S. Whiting, The Chinese Calculus of Deterrence: India and Indochina (Berkeley: The University of Michigan Press, 1975),165.18 Spencer C. Tucker, 1046.19 “Vietnam to Release Chinese Prisoners”, Eugene Register-Guard, 18 August 1982, 4A.20 Kent Sieg, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, Volume VI: Vietnam January-August 1968, ed. David S. Patterson (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 2002), 12.