Lynn Cahill MA Thesis 09 - Copy

8/14/2019 Lynn Cahill MA Thesis 09 - Copy

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Harlequin in Waterford

Theatrical Activity in Waterford in the Eighteenth Century

Masters in Arts & Heritage Management 2009


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Harlequin in Waterford

Theatrical Activity in Waterford in the Eighteenth Century

Lynn Cahill

This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for theDegree of Masters in Arts & Heritage Management, Waterford Institute of

Technology, Waterford.

Research Supervisor: Dr. na Kealy Ph.D.

Submitted to Waterford Institute of Technology

August 2009

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ABSTRACT

This thesis documents the history of theatrical activity in Waterford in the eighteenth century,taking in the two purpose-built theatres which were built in the city during the century, andthe touring theatre companies who performed there. Theatrical activity at a local level is alsoexamined, along with an analysis of audience behaviour during a period of political unrest.The history of theatrical activity in Waterford in the eighteenth century is interwoven with thehistory of theatrical activity in Dublin and London, and this thesis examines the major theatrical themes which relate specifically to the research question Harlequin in Waterford:Theatrical Activity in Waterford in the Eighteenth Century, including the phenomenon of theatrical touring, the establishment of touring patterns and customs, and the dramatic workswhich were staged in Waterford.

The primary sources of data for this thesis are contemporaneous newspapers which areavailable to view on microfilm in libraries in Waterford, Kilkenny and Dublin. However,there are periods of time throughout the eighteenth century for which this type of data is notavailable, as it does not appear to have survived the passage of time. Thus, the thesis is an

account of theatrical activity in Waterford at junctures for which information is available.

The research design is a retrospective study of a cultural phenomenon, using qualitative datato inform a descriptive account of the subject. A theory of cultural anthropology is the philosophical perspective supporting the research. A significant discovery was made by theresearcher of a series of nineteenth century theatre play bills which are specific to Waterford

and which are held in an American collection. This find indications that there are potentially,additional discoveries to be made, and the thesis concludes by recommending further research into the nineteenth and twentieth century theatrical history of Waterford

Finally, a recommendation is made that theatre organisations in Ireland be encouraged toarchive material relating to their activities, in order to facilitate historical research in thefuture. This initiative could be effectively achieved through the dissemination of archivingguidelines through existing Irish theatre networks.


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To my mother and father


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My thanks are due to:

Dr. na Kealy for her unrelenting support and belief, Donal Moore for his patience and goodhumour in the face of endless questions, Erica Fay, Orla Scully, David Pollock M.I.A.I.,Kenneth Wigham, Dr. Charles Benson, Christopher Fitz-Simon, Dr. John C. Greene, MicahHoggatt of the Houghton Library at Harvard University, Dr. Lionel Pilkington, Alistair Lindsay, R.I.A.I. Conservation Architect; Eamonn McEneaney, Dr. Christopher Morash,Donnchadh OCallaghan, Dr. Hugh Maguire, Julian Walton, Ben Barnes, Joanne Rothwell,the staff at the Dr. John Archer Library at the University of Regina in Canada, the staff of

Waterford City Library, Waterford City Archives, Kilkenny Library, the Irish ArchitecturalArchives, the Royal Irish Academy, the Early Printed Books Library at Trinity College, andthe National Library of Ireland.

I wish to thank my family for their love and support, and my work colleagues at ChristChurch Cathedral and the Theatre Royal for their patience.

A special word of thanks to my fellow students who walked the road with me, especiallyOren Little, Nollaig Healy and T.V. Honan.


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I declare that this dissertation is wholly my own work, except where I have made explicit

reference to the work of others.I have discussed, agreed and complied with whatever confidentiality or anonymity terms of reference were deemed appropriate by those participating in the research.

________________________________ Lynn Cahill

TABLE OF CONTENTSPageno


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Abstract i

Dedication ii

Acknowledgements ii

Ethical Declaration iv

Table of Contents v

List of Figures vi

Chapter One Introduction 1

Chapter Two Setting the Scene 5

Chapter Three Research Methodology 18

Chapter Four Two Waterford Theatres 24

Chapter Five Plays, Players and Audiences 31

Chapter Six Conclusion 40

References 43

Bibliography 45

Appendix 48

Word count of thesis: 15,461

Note on chapter formatting:

Following discussions with my thesis supervisor, Dr. na Kealy, it was agreed that thestandard chapter formatting which is outlined on page 28, 13.11 of the Research Policy

Procedures and Guideline appeared unsuitable for this thesis, as it is a descriptive study, andwould most likely benefit the reader by being presented in a narrative form, thereby allowingthe major themes and constituent parts of the research to be interwoven.

LIST OF FIGURES


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Figure 4.1 Section of 1764 Richards and Scals Map of Waterford Citywhich shows the location of the Playhouse at Blackfriars.

Figure 4.2 Outline of the Playhouse at Blackfriars.

Figure 4.3 Photograph of the north wall of Playhouse at Blackfriars, whichwas discovered during archaeological excavations in July 2009.

Figure 4.4 Section of 1764 Richards and Scals Map of Waterford City whichshows the site where the Theatre Royal was later built.

Figure 4.5 Drawing which corresponds comparatively to Waterford TownHall and Theatre Royal, artist unknown.

Figure 5.1 Drawing of the Fitzgerald Monument in Christ ChurchCathedral, artist unknown.


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Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

This thesis sets out to accurately document the history of theatrical activity in Waterford cityin the eighteenth century. For the most part, the history of Waterford is well represented, particularly in relation to its Viking heritage and its later role as an important port city inIreland. However, the early theatrical history of the city thus far remains under-researched,and the purpose of this thesis is to fill part of that gap in Waterfords cultural and socialhistory. It is intended to provide a comprehensive representation of theatrical activity inWaterford and to reveal its relationship with the theatrical scenes of Dublin and London atthat time. While it would appear that most of the theatrical productions staged in Waterfordhad origins elsewhere, the title prefixHarlequin in Waterford, serves as an indication thatthere were instances of theatrical activity in the eighteenth century which were specific toWaterford.

The principal aim is to examine theatrical activity in Waterford, taking in the circumstancessurrounding the establishment of two theatres within the city, along with a study of the

pattern of theatrical touring to Waterford which emerged in the eighteenth century, and whichstill exists in the present day. In the process, the thesis examines further elements which addto the theatrical history of Waterford, such as various dramatic works staged in the city,including a small number which appear to have been specifically written for Waterfordaudiences. Other elements under consideration are the customs and behaviour of the touringand strolling theatre companies who performed in Waterford, as well as an analysis of the behaviour of Waterford audiences during a period of political unrest.

My contribution to knowledge will be to document the history of theatrical activity inWaterford in the eighteenth century, and in the process, to record an important aspect of thesocial and cultural history of Waterford.

The history of theatrical activity in Waterford city over the past three hundred years isextensive; therefore, this thesis has confined its research to the eighteenth century, in order to


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provide a thorough account of the subject. While there are records of theatrical activity taking place elsewhere in thecounty of Waterford during the period under research, the timeallowed for completion of this thesis was deemed insufficient to complete a thoroughinvestigation and analysis of that activity, and it was therefore considered appropriate and justifiable to limit the scope of the research to theatrical activity which took place in thecityof Waterford. For the purposes of clarity, the term Waterford when used in this thesis willrefer to the city of Waterford.

The principal aim of this research paper is to provide an accurate account of theatricalactivity in Waterford in the eighteenth century, and in so doing, realise the followingobjectives:To identify the location of theatres within the city and the time period in which they were built.To ascertain how and when the Theatre Royal got its name.To examine the behaviour and customs of touring theatre companies that performed inWaterford.To realise the level of local involvement in theatrical productions which were staged by

touring theatre companies.To analyse a brief extract from an original dramatic work which premiered in Waterford.To examine the working conditions of touring theatre performers.To discuss evidence of audience behaviour in Waterford in the final decade of the century.

For the purposes of clarity, it is useful to define the applied terms within this thesis according

to their historical context:Theatrical activity refers to any action, occurrence or behaviour which relates to the presentation of dramatic works. Dramatic works plays, musicals, operas, pantomimes, mainpieces, interludes, entractes and prologues.Theatre refers to the performance of dramatic works.Theatre also refers to a physical structure in which dramatic works were staged.

Playhouse - is also used to identify a physical structure in which dramatic works werestaged.


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Waterford refers specifically to Waterford city and excludes Waterford county. Eighteenth century refers to the period from 1700 to 1799. Players eighteenth century term for actors, actresses, singers, dancers, performers andentertainers.Mainpiece the main theatrical presentation of the evening.

Prologue - an introductory speech, often in verse, introducing the themes of the play. Interlude an entertainment provided at intervals between the acts of a play. Most commonlymusical, but also included miscellaneous entertainments, such as juggling, dancing, comedysketches and contortionist acts.

Entracte a performance of music or dancing given during an interval between twoconsecutive acts of a play.

The methodological framework for this thesis is that of a retrospective examination of acultural anthropological phenomenon, using qualitative data to formulate a descriptive study.The research methods employed enable this thesis to be measured alongside the developmentof theatrical activity in areas outside of Waterford, in order to provide an informed culturalcomparison.

The thesis is structured into six chapters, beginning with this chapter which acts as anintroduction to the research question, and outlines the aims and objectives of the thesis, alongwith the terms of reference employed. The research methodology is briefly outlined, followed by a breakdown of the subsequent chapters of the thesis.

Chapter two examines the relevant literature in the field and, in the process, creates a wider context for the research question. The history of theatrical activity in Waterford in theeighteenth century is inextricably linked with the history of theatrical activity in Dublin andLondon, and the touring phenomenon which grew out of those theatrical scenes. The mainthemes of this research were arrived at as a result of the review of relevant literature.


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Chapter three presents the methodological framework for the thesis, including an outline of the underlying theoretical perspective of cultural anthropology which informs the researchstrategy. It also outlines the methods of research employed in the process, relative to the aimsand objectives of the thesis.

The initial part of the research findings are presented in Chapter four, with sufficient use of source material, combined with discursive analysis encompassing the main themes examinedin chapter two. The earliest known reference to theatrical activity in Waterford is revealed, aswell as details of the opening night of the theatre which later became known as the TheatreRoyal, and which is still in operation two hundred and twenty five years later. The datasources for the research in chapters four and five are newspapers which were printed in theeighteenth century, and which are available to view on microfilm in libraries in Waterford,Kilkenny and Dublin. It is important to note that page numbers are not available as part of thereferencing. This is due to the fact that the newspapers generally consisted of a single foldedsheet of paper, and does not appear to contain numbered pages at that time.

Chapter five considers the touring theatre companies that staged plays in Waterford, andexamines the level of local involvement in the staging of dramatic works. The chapter alsodiscusses several eyewitness accounts of audience behaviour, which reveal the politicaltensions which existed in Waterford in the final decade of the eighteenth century.

This thesis is significant in that it contributes new knowledge to the understanding of an

aspect of the cultural and social history of Waterford. By beginning the process of examiningWaterfords theatrical history, a foundation is laid for the next stage of research; that of thehistory of theatrical activity in Waterford in the ensuing centuries, thereby providing anopportunity to realise the complete theatrical legacy of Waterford.


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Chapter Two

SETTING THE SCENE

This chapter examines the existing research by historians of the theatrical scene in Irelandand England in the eighteenth century, with a view to placing Waterfords theatrical historyof that period into a wider context. The constituent parts of the research were selected because all of the outlined elements contributed to the development of a theatrical scene inWaterford in the eighteenth century. In order to gain an understanding of how the theatricalscene developed in Waterford, it is necessary to examine the wider context of theatricalactivity in Ireland and England, and in particular, the phenomenon of touring theatrecompanies, wherein lies a significant part of Waterfords theatrical history in the eighteenthcentury. Later chapters of this thesis reveal that the majority of theatrical activity which took place in Waterford in the eighteenth century is likely to have originated elsewhere.

The theatrical links between London and Dublin, and by extension, the provinces of Ireland,form the framework for this chapter, and the theatrical elements under examination relatedirectly to the objectives identified in the research question and which are specific to

Waterford in Chapters four and five of this thesis. These elements include mapping theemergence of purpose-built theatres, an examination of the culture of touring theatrecompanies, notable plays, playwrights and players of the era, as well as an investigation intotheatre customs and audience behaviour.

The key authors in the field of research into Irelands theatrical history of the eighteenth

century are Dr. Christopher Morash, Christopher Fitz-Simon, Dr. John C. Greene, LaTourette Stockwell and William Smith Clark; all of whom are authors of scholarly papers andacademic books on the subject. Their research work has been extensively examined in aneffort to better understand the scope of the field of research, and in order to present accurateand relevant discussion.

The eighteenth century in Ireland is the period when theatre as a form of entertainment beganto take on a formal structure, with the building of purpose-built theatres, the emergence of


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touring theatre companies, and the rise in popularity of performers and plays. Although thetheatre scene in Ireland, particularly in Dublin, was inextricably linked to London through performers and playwrights, it is interesting to note that, according to Morash, the fact thathistorians were already beginning to write accounts of Irish theatrical activity at the time,most notably Robert Hitchcocks An Historical View of the Irish Stage (1778) and JosephCooper WalkersAn Historical Essay on the Irish Stage (1788), is a strong indication thattheatre in Ireland was already an integral part of the Irish cultural landscape, not simply anexiled annex of London (Morash, 2002, p. 75). Stockwell meanwhile, begins her study onthe history of Dublin theatres and theatre customs by stating that the history of dramaticrepresentation in Ireland belongs to the history of the English in Ireland, and its progress has been in a line which parallels the evolution of the theatre in England (Stockwell, 1968 p. xv).She goes on to claim that the theatres of Dublin were planned and built following the manner of theatres in London. Garlick asserts that Dublin performers and Dublin society were intenton emulating London in every way (2004, p.166). It is certainly the case that there werestrong theatrical links between London and Dublin, and by extension, the provinces of Ireland. This is most evident in the movement of players and playwrights between Irelandand England, and in the plays which were being staged.

London in the eighteenth century was the largest city in the English-speaking world. Theatre-going was an enormously popular past-time in London, and the audience capacity of thetheatres which were built there throughout the century reflected that demand. Drury LaneTheatre held over three thousand, six hundred people, Covent Garden Theatre held threethousand, while the Sadlers Wells Theatre had an audience capacity of two thousand, sixhundred (Holland and Patterson, 2004). By the middle of the eighteenth century, up to twelve

thousand people a week were going to the theatre in London, and it was considered to be animportant industry which provided a considerable source of employment:

Hundreds of theatre workers and their families depended on ticket sales tosupport actors, dancers, singers, ticket collectors and property men: billstickers and accountants: guards, scenemen, scene-painters and machinists; janitors of both genders; chief operating officers, prompters and treasurers(Auburn, 2004, p. 150).


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In England in the early part of the eighteenth century, the majority of the population livedin villages or in rural areas, and the only large centres of population (approximately thirtythousand) were London, Norwich and Bristol. As a result of this, the only purpose-builttheatres were in London, as the smaller towns were not considered large enough to providean adequate audience. (Lane, 2004). As well as the main theatres of Drury Lane and CoventGarden, smaller theatres in London included the Haymarket, the Theatre Royal,the Queens Theatre and Lincolns Inn Fields. However, by the mid to late eighteenth

century, Englands population began to shift towards towns and cities as a result of theindustrial revolution, and consequently, many new theatres began to appear in provincialtowns. The numbers and size of theatres outside of London increased at a prodigious rate, andthis growth was mirrored in Ireland (Holland and Patterson, 2004).

Prior to the eighteenth century, there are reports of theatrical activity taking place in Irelandin the form of religious pageantry, such as annual Corpus Christi events which took placein Dublin and Kilkenny; records of which can be found in the corporation minutes of bothcities. In the seventeenth century, Dublin was the centre of theatrical activityin Ireland, with the earliest known theatre in Ireland erected on Werburgh Street circa 1635.

The location of the first theatre just yards from Dublin Castle on Werburgh Street isnoteworthy, as it indicates for whom the theatrical entertainment was intended; Dublin Castlewas the British administrative centre of Ireland and the English militiaand officials were based there. By 1662, a second formal theatre had opened in Dublin, a fewhundred yards north of Werburgh Street. This second theatre was known as the Smock AlleyPlayhouse and was the firstTheatre Royal in Dublin (Morash, 2002). At time of writing,excavation works are underway at the site of the original Smock Alley Playhouse, and part of the original walls and floors have been revealed, as well as artefacts including wine bottlesand a mans hair curler (The Irish Times , 2009).

In the eighteenth century, the nameTheatre Royal was commonly used by theatres which had been granted a royal patent by the British Government to perform spoken dramas. Thegranting of royal patents had begun in 1660 under King Charles II, and was later amendedwhen the Licensing Act was passed in 1737, which decreed that only theatres with a royal patent could stage spoken plays (Garlick, 2002). The act also stipulated that theatres could


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only obtain a royal patent by petitioning the British parliament, which was both costly andtime consuming. The introduction of the act created theatrical monopolies in London andDublin, and many theatres without royal patents were limited to staging only musicals andlight entertainments. Although the Licensing Act was enforced in Dublin, it is possible thattheatres elsewhere in Ireland operated without royal patents. In an email, Mr. C. Morashsurmised that:

Outside of Dublin, where the competition for a fashionable audience wasless intense, theatres simply opened, and no one bothered to prosecute them because it would have been unpopular to do so, and it would have served no purpose (C. Morash, pers. comm., 15 June 2009).

The questions of how and when the Theatre Royal in Waterford got its name and whether it

held a royal patent are discussed in Chapter four.

As early as 1720, theatre entertainment had become an important part of the social andcultural life of Dublin city. Throughout the eighteenth century, several purpose-built theatresopened in Dublin city. A theatre in Aungier Street opened in 1734 and shortly after that, theSmock Alley Playhouse, which had originally been built in 1662, was demolished andquickly rebuilt. Theatres opened on Rainsford Street in 1735, on Capel Street in 1745 and onCrow Street in 1760, while an additional theatre opened on Fishamble Street in 1784 (Greene,2000). The establishment of theatres in Dublin was important to the development of atheatrical scene in Waterford, as it was from there that the theatrical touring phenomenon began that would instigate the construction of theatres outside of Dublin.

Popular forms of entertainment in the eighteenth century across Ireland included spas,circuses, taverns, pleasure gardens, bowling greens, concerts, dances and fireworks(Donohue, 2004). Ireland in the eighteenth century was a country that was growing in wealth,and as its towns and cities began to develop, the demand grew for theatrical entertainment,with the result that theatres and playhouses began to be built in large population centresoutside of Dublin.


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The first purpose-built theatre outside of Dublin was established in Cork, when the TheatreRoyal on Dunscombs Marsh was built in 1736. A purpose-built theatre was built in Limerick in 1770, while in Belfast, the first formal theatre known as The Mill Gate was erected in1768 (Greene, 2000). A contemporary eyewitness account tells of a small theatre in Galwayexisting in 1783 known as Kirwans Lane, although according to Fitz-Simon, there wasrelatively little theatrical activity in Galway for a city of its size and importance. Fitz-Simonsuggests that this may serve as a reminder that the Gaelic literary tradition, which lingered inthe west longer than elsewhere, was inimical to the drama (Fitz-Simon, 1983, p 76).Kilkennys first formal theatre was not built until 1794 and up until then, the court house andtown hall were used to stage visiting theatre productions (Fitz-Simon, 1983). The exact year that a theatre was first built in Waterford is not known. However, research indicates thatWaterfords first purpose-built theatre may have been one of the earliest that was establishedoutside of Dublin, and this theory is examined further in Chapter four.

While dramatic entertainment before 1720 had been confined almost wholly to Dublin, the phenomenon of theatrical touring almost certainly began in the 1730s and early 1740s,coinciding with the establishment of theatres outside of Dublin. Morash observes that the

geography of Irish theatre began to take form in the decade after 1735, when rival Dublincompanies travelled south and north respectively during the summer season (Morash, 2002, p. 44). The annual summer circuits to the south encompassed Limerick, Cork, Kilkenny andWaterford, with the northern touring circuit taking in Belfast, Derry and Newry. Morashnotes that by 1741, a basic map of the geography of Irish theatrical activity had been traced...[and]...it would last right up until the 1930s (Morash, 2002, p.45). The data concerningtouring companies that staged theatre productions in Waterford is discussed in Chapters four

and five of this thesis, with supporting evidence sourced from local contemporaneousnewspapers.

Theatrical touring by Dublin based theatre companies to Irish towns and cities outside of Dublin often coincided with the week-long assizes, (civil and criminal trial sessions), whichwere held in spring, summer or autumn, and the Dublin companies often toured specifically

to perform during the assizes (Clark, 1965). Theatrical touring grew out of a need to find alarger audience, as the Dublin audience base was not large enough to support its existing


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theatres; and in order to recoup the financial losses that they made in the winter season, thetheatre companies were required to tour their productions. Towards the latter half of theeighteenth century, theatre touring in Ireland began to expand beyond the established routesto take in smaller towns, including Antrim, Lisburn, Ennis, Wexford, Sligo, Athlone,Castlebar, Clonmel, Tralee, Youghal, Bray and New Ross (Morash, 2002). Touring became away of life for the people involved in the Irish theatre scene in the eighteenth century, andGreene stresses that the distinction must be made between strolling and touring theatrecompanies:

Strolling companies were comprised of actors, usually of the second or thirdrate (and often novices), who had little or no regular employment at major theatres in Dublin or in Britain and who lived a peripatetic existence

between the medium-sized towns of Ireland, and the British provinces, performing sporadically in whatever venues they could hire for a few nights(Greene, 2000, p. 33).

Surviving playbills record that strolling companies usually numbered between twelve tofifteen performers, and the ratio of men to women was in the region of three to one. Thestrolling players were usually led by one person who would have some standing or reputationin order to draw an audience, and the women travelling with the group were almost alwaysmarried and acted alongside their husbands (Greene, 2000).

Touring companies, on the other hand, were most often companies which were Dublin basedand attached to established theatres, such as the Smock Alley Playhouse. Greene definesthem thus:

In its purest form, the touring company is typified by the troupes thatDublin-based managers...sent on an annual circuit to theatres that theyowned or leased in Cork, Waterford, Limerick, and elsewhere... In general,touring companies were larger than strolling companies, comprising about25 actors, or about one-half of the regular Dublin company (Greene, 2000, pp. 33 & 34).

When in the south of Ireland, the touring companies typically spent most of their tour schedule in the larger city of Cork, visiting Waterford and Limerick to coincide with calendar events such as fair days and horse racing meetings, when the population of those locationswould increase. Actors based in England were often invited to Ireland to join the touringcompanies during the summer months in order to attract an audience (Donohue, 2004). The

history of touring and strolling theatre companies in Ireland during the eighteenth century is


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worthy of note, as much of the theatrical activity in Waterford at that time is as a result of their visits to the city. It is interesting to note that the touring patterns which were establishedin the eighteenth century are still in use in the present day, with theatre companies touring toregional locations to coincide with annual festivals and events, such as the Cork Mid-Summer Festival, Kilkenny Arts Festival and the Galway Arts Festival.

Fitz-Simon describes the typical life of an eighteenth century touring actor as beingextremely hard, with poor pay and conditions. A journey from Dublin to Belfast, for example,which would have been a regular trip for an actor, took three days by post-chaise (carriage).Fitz-Simon outlines how an actor of the time, Andrew Cherry (1762 1812), earned a total of ten pence and a halfpenny in one year for his acting work. Cherry was a strolling player who performed regularly in Waterford, and his early career was typical of that of an actor of histime, earning very little, and travelling the country while moving from one company toanother:

When he was unable to pay for his lodgings in Athlone the landladyimpounded his wardrobe, including the few costumes which he wore on thestage and which were, so to speak, the tools of his trade. A kindly local lady,seeing him moping at an inn, lent him her husbands cloak and allowed himto sell on a bundle of hay (Fitz-Simon, 1983, p. 75).

Cherry went on to have a successful career as a comedian and he eventually moved toLondon, where, by 1802, he was taking leading parts at Drury Lane Theatre (Fitz-Simon,1983). He was a noted humorist, as can be seen from a note written by him to the manager of a Dublin theatre, whom Cherry claimed had broken an agreement with him:

Sir, - I am not so great a fool as you take me for. I have been bitten once by

you, and I will never give you the opportunity of taking two bites of A. Cherry (Croften Croker, 1839, p. 46).

Surviving evidence as to the employment arrangements between performers and managers inthe eighteenth century suggests that theatre managers generally engaged performers withformal contracts which stipulated the duration of their engagement; the number of performances per week, and the nightly or weekly salary. The contract would also specify

the number of benefit nights to which the actor was entitled, along with the approximate dateon which the benefit night would take place. A benefit night meant that the actor would


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receive the evenings income from the ticket sales, minus operating expenses which wereretained by the manager. The hierarchy of benefit nights ranged from principal actorsreceiving one or two benefits per season, secondary actors receiving a single benefit night,and tertiary actors receiving one benefit night which would have to be shared with other actors of the same status (Greene, 2000). However, performers who toured with strollingcompanies did not have such formal arrangements, and they often simply received a share inthe ticket sales in lieu of a regular salary. Senior performers generally chose which role theywould play for their own benefit; often putting together the programme for the entire eveningin order to attract as large an audience as possible. The beneficiaries often attempted to pre-sell tickets to their benefit nights, and it was customary for them to go about the town,knocking on doors and requesting that people attend (Langhans, 2004). Surviving newspaper advertisements for touring companies visiting Waterford in the eighteenth century reveal thata majority of the performances were benefit nights for specified performers. This may have been due to the fact that Waterford was one of the larger cities on the touring circuit, and itcould have been seen as an opportunity for performers to profit from a substantial audience pool.

Prior to the 1730s, audiences paid most attention to the play or the playwright, but as thecentury moved on; audiences began to go to the theatre in order to see favourite performers.(Hume, 2004) The eighteenth century saw the rise of the actor and was when the public began to follow the career of particular performers. The first use of the term star is reportedto have been in relation to the London actor David Garrick (1717 1779), when he wasdescribed by a critic in 1761 as a bright luminary in the theatrical hemisphere...[which] soonafter became a star of the first magnitude and was called Garrick (Holland and Patterson,

2004, p. 261). In London, the star system quickly developed, and stalls and shops beganselling mezzotint (printed plate) engravings of famous actors, while newspapers and journalsof the day began to carry stories and anecdotes about popular performers. Fitz-Simon (1983)notes that by the middle of the eighteenth century, many of Irelands finest actors had high profiles in the British theatre scene, while Morash verifies that it was not unusual for Englishactors to travel back and forth between Ireland and England; Leading English actors couldalways be lured to Ireland for a lucrative run in a favourite role (Morash, 2002, p. 51). One

of the most famous performers on the London scene in the latter part of the eighteenth


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century was Mrs. Dorothea Jordan, who is reputed to have been born in Waterford circa1761. The theatrical links between Mrs. Jordan and Waterford are examined in Chapter five.

According to Fitz-Simon (1983), the most outstanding theatrical personality in Ireland in themid-eighteenth century was Thomas Sheridan (1719 1788), who worked as an actor-manager. The term actor-manager was used to describe a person who chose the plays whichwere to be staged, performed leading roles, and managed the theatre companys businessarrangements. Sheridan was successful in ending the custom which saw members of the public sitting on the stage during performances, and which had been a common practice sincethe Elizabethan times, when theatre goers (mostly young men) would sit on stage in order to be seen by people in the audience. Sheridans ploy was to increase the ticket price of the on-stage chairs so that the demand began to decrease, until the practice ceased altogether.Sheridan also introduced the tradition of describing forthcoming entertainments on playbills,and increasing the size of newspaper advertisements from small announcements to display-advertisements (Fitz-Simon, 1983). Sheridan was clearly an influential figure on the Irishtheatrical scene, and it is likely that his initiatives in theatre customs were imitated inWaterford.

Another important theatrical figure in eighteenth century Ireland was the actor-manager Thomas Ryder, who was born in Dublin in 1735 to parents who were both performers. Ryder spent many years acting at the Smock Alley Playhouse, and was a popular performer amongaudiences. In 1765, Ryder assembled a group of strolling players and for approximately fiveyears, travelled around Ireland, taking in Kilkenny, Waterford, Sligo, Galway and Derry

(Greene, 2000) Ryder married an actress whom he had met at the Smock Alley Playhouseand the couple form an important part of Waterfords theatrical history, as surviving recordsof their visits to the city reveal in Chapter five.

The population of Dublin in the 1730s is estimated to have been in the region of sixty-fivethousand people, and the audience base was mostly made up of individuals referred to as the

ascendancy, British officials and militia, students of Trinity College; and wealthy urbanmerchants, with their respective servants filling the upper galleries (Stockwell, 1968). Hume


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(2004) maintains that theatres auditorium arrangements established the hierarchy in theaudience, and that where members of the audience sat in the theatre was dictated by their station and status in the social order. The gentry, including women, sat in the boxes and in the pit on rows of cloth covered benches, while above them in the galleries, those of the greatestquality sat lowest, with the lower orders in the uppermost gallery (Morash, 2002, p. 14). Theaudience had a tendency to wander in and out of all parts of the theatre, including backstageand were noisy, erratically attentive, and inclined to walk about, chat and eat (Hume, 2004, p. 56). It was quite common for performers to be pelted with eggs or fruit in the middle of a performance, and Garlick (2004) reports that in the Smock Alley Playhouse, stones andapples were frequently thrown down into the pit and orchestra from the upper gallery.Morash depicts going to the theatre in eighteenth century Dublin as follows:

Play-going...[was]...at the best of times, a noisy, boisterous, contact sport, a public bear-pit in which servants, parliamentarians, butchers, Trinitystudents, haberdashers and ladies of quality debated art, sex politics andfashion (Morash, 2002, p. 58).

A typical evenings entertainment on offer to audiences on the Irish theatre touring circuitconsisted of a mainpiece, an afterpiece, and entracte or interlude entertainments. The

mainpiece of the evening was often drawn from a repertoire of tried and tested stock plays,interspersed with new pieces which had recently been successful in the theatres of Dublin andLondon (Greene, 2000). The afterpieces were generally one-act comic plays, particularly if the mainpiece was sentimental or serious (Holland and Patterson, 2004). The entracteentertainments which were inserted at intervals during the longer pieces, were generally shortmusical interludes, and occasionally featured incidental entertainers, such as dancers, singers,contortionists and jugglers, and a typical evening at the theatre in the eighteenth century

could last anything up to four or five hours (Auburn, 2004).

Tragic plays were common as mainpieces in the first half of the eighteenth century while inthe second half of the century, three-act comic operas became more popular as the mainpieceof the evening. One and two-act afterpieces were extremely popular and were billed as farces, ballad operas, burlettas and operettas. John GaysThe Beggars Opera, FarquharsThe

Beaux Stratagem and ColmansThe Jealous Wife were the most frequently performeddramatic works in the theatres of London, Dublin and on the Irish touring circuit of the


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eighteenth century (Greene, 2000). Sentimental comedies were also fashionable in theeighteenth century, as the new middle-class audiences in Dublin and London requiredsomething less rarefied, less remote from ordinary life (Fitz-Simon, 1983, p. 37). Whileother literature of the time was beginning to explore age of enlightenment themes such associal reform, human rights, political satire and geographical exploration in such works asGullivers Travels by Jonathan Swift and VoltairesCandide , theatre audiences on the other hand appeared to have been satisfied with slight comedies which contained elaborate plots.Although many new plays were written in the eighteenth century, Hume argues that theylack depth, originality and literary quality, and were outdone by the previous centuryswriters, most notably William Shakespeare (Hume, 2004, p. 70). Moreover, he maintainsthat theatre historians are faced with the fact that new plays in the eighteenth century were the product of a theatre system which emphasized the appeal of favourite actors and reliedheavily on stock repertory (Hume, 2002, p. 53). He concludes that the eighteenth centurywas not a classic era of playwriting, with the notable exceptions of Richard Brinsley Sheridanand Oliver Goldsmith, and that new plays were simply vehicles which were contrived for star performers.

The plays of William Shakespeare (1564 1616) remained popular throughout the eighteenthcentury, and were performed regularly on the stages of London, Dublin and throughout thetouring circuit of Ireland. Greene has compiled a comprehensive daily record of nearly sevenhundred theatrical performances that took place in Belfast from the earliest surviving recordin 1736, through to 1800, and his research reveals that the plays which were most performedwere Shakespeares Romeo and Juliet, Hamlet and Richard III (Greene, 2000).

The two rival Dublin theatres, Smock Alley Playhouse and Crow Street Theatre werecontinually tripping over each other in an attempt to stage the latest London plays and yetsome of the most popular new work being staged in London during the latter half of theeighteenth century was written by Irish playwrights, such as Isaac Bickerstaffe and Oliver Goldsmith (Morash, 2002, p. 51). One of the most successful Irish people on the Londontheatre scene toward the latter part of the century was Thomas Sheridans son, Richard

Brinsley Sheridan, who quickly came to prominence by writing three well-received plays in


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1775 (The Rivals, The Duenna andSt. Patricks Day), and by taking over the management of Drury Lane Theatre in 1776 (Morash, 2002). According to Fitz-Simon:

Richard Brinsley Sheridan is considered to be one of the two greatest

writers of comedy in the English language in the latter half of theeighteenth century, with the other writer being Oliver Goldsmith (1983, p.59).

Fitz-Simon postulates that if it were not for the domination of Goldsmith and BrinsleySheridan, John OKeefe (1747 - 1833) may well be remembered as the leading Irish playwright of the eighteenth century, writing over two dozen comedies and farces, and up tofifty comic operas, pantomimes and interludes, the majority of which are no longer extant. In1780, OKeefe staged a play at the Theatre Royal in Cork entitledTony Lumpkins Ramble

Thro Cork , which promised audiences local views of The Mall and Sundays Well, mostlikely achieved through the use of painted scenery. OKeefes character of Tony Lumpkinwas a direct use of Goldsmiths character of the same name from his highly successful playShe Stoops to Conquer . However, the borrowing of another writers work may not have beenuncommon at the time, as Fitz-Simon suggests that Goldsmith himself may have borrowed a plot line from Bickerstaffes play Love in a Village for hisShe Stoops to Conquer. OKeefesTony Lumpkins Ramble was later performed in Dublin and London, and his plays were

regularly reworked to include references which were relevant to whichever location hiscompany was performing in; with on-stage scenery painted to reflectwell known and picturesque views (Fitz-Simon, 1983). Given its popularity,

it is possible thatTony Lumpkins Ramble was adapted to, and performed in Waterford atsome stage, although there is no known surviving evidence of this. The only eighteenthcentury plays which are regularly revived today are GaysThe Beggars Opera, GoldsmithsShe Stoops to Conquer and Brinsley SheridansThe Rivals and The School for Scandal (Auburn, 2004). At time of writing, a production of SheridansThe Rivalsis playing nightly at the Abbey Theatre in Dublin, and a review of the current production

notes that the play is still in thrall to the intricate verbal comedy of two centuries ago(Crawley, P. (2009) Reviews [online],The Irish Times, Dublin. Available fromhttp://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/features/2009/0730/1224251654154.html[Accessed: 1st August 2009].
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/features/2009/0730/1224251654154.htmlhttp://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/features/2009/0730/1224251654154.html


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The eighteenth century witnessed the emergence of a vibrant theatrical industry, with purpose-built theatres supporting a theatrical touring scene, and a growing culture of theatre-going in towns and cities in Ireland and England. While theatrical customs were beingestablished and defined, a style of theatre evolved which placed an emphasis on pleasing theaudience, and suiting plays to star performers, with stock themes and repertoires. Althoughthe theatrical legacy of the eighteenth century may not be found in playwriting, and relativelyfew plays have withstood the test of time (with some notable exceptions as previouslymentioned), perhaps the theatrical legacy of the eighteenth century lies in the establishmentof a formal theatre industry, with the development of practices such as public relations andmarketing methods which were designed to attract an audience, many of which are continuedto this day. The eighteenth century saw patterns of audience behaviour emerge, including thecustom of following a favourite actor, a tradition which has carried on into the present day.Most notably, the eighteenth century firmly established the tradition of theatre-going as anintegral part of the cultural and social way of life among the middle and upper classes.

There are many options of live entertainment for audiences in the twenty first century,including going to the cinema, festivals and concerts; and audiences now have many

alternatives to going to the theatre. Theatre audiences have declined in recent years, and themost recent statistics published by the Arts Council of Ireland report a seven per cent declinein theatre attendance between 1994 and 2006, while cinema attendance is greater than theatreattendance by twenty seven per cent (The Public and the Arts , 2006). However, while it istrue to say that theatre-going is not as popular as it was in the eighteenth century; the Irishtheatrical scene over the past one hundred and twenty years has thrived through the Irishliterary revival, and through the establishment of a national theatre in 1904. Many Irish

theatre practitioners have enjoyed international acclaim, including Oscar Wilde, SeanOCasey, Brian Friel, Frank McGuinness, Martin McDonagh, Garry Hynes, as well asWaterford actress Anna Manahan, who received a Tony Award for her performance inMcDonaghsThe Beauty Queen of Leenane in New York in 1998.


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Chapter Three

Research Methodology

The primary purpose of this thesis is to provide accurate and useful information and analysis,while its secondary purpose is to identify and recommend areas within the subject matter which require further research. This chapter discusses the selection process behind the chosenresearch design, and the methods of research which were employed, relative to the aims andobjectives of the research. The theory of cultural anthropology, which is the philosophical perspective supporting this thesis is briefly outlined, and its relevance to the research isconsidered.

The philosophy underpinning this research is one of cultural anthropology, which is an areaof theory concerned with understanding the emergence and development of human cultureand society, drawing on areas such as archaeology, ethnology and language, among others.This theory is relevant to the line of research undertaken, as the thesis relates specifically to arecognised socio cultural phenomenon which emerged in Ireland during the eighteenthcentury; that of the development of a theatrical scene, which in its turn was informed bymatters of social class and issues of political concern.

The research design for this thesis is a retrospective descriptive study of a cultural phenomenon, observing the emergence of social and cultural customs and behaviour. Thestudy is primarily based on secondary data available from a defined period of time, andrelevant to the specified geographical location. The principal source of data is fromnewspapers and books which were written and printed in the eighteenth century, and whichcan yield a substantive amount of information on the subject matter. The newspapersaccessed for this thesis were printed in Waterford, Dublin, Clonmel and Kilkenny and areavailable on microfilm in Waterford Library and in the National Library of Ireland in Dublin.The rationale for this research method is that the theatre companies that toured to Waterfordin the eighteenth century advertised their plays in order to attract audiences. Theadvertisements generally contained details such as play titles, performance dates, the names

of the performers, as well as other relevant information which is discussed in Chapters four


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and five of this thesis. Newspapers also occasionally carried reviews and extracts of dramaticworks which contribute richly to the understanding of attitudes and behaviour at the time.This data is analysed to provide an accurate representation of theatrical activity in Waterford,while further informing as to the style and content of dramatic works being staged in that period. The official record books of Waterford Corporation which date back to the midseventeenth century were also thoroughly searched in an effort to find relevant data. Theseresearch methods directly informed the specific aims and objectives which are outlined inChapter one.

The content of the thesis is presented in a descriptive format, which was selected as the mostappropriate method for a historic themed thesis that is revealing events which took place over two centuries ago. The descriptive method facilities the chronicling of an aspect of Waterfords history, which is of theoretical, cultural and social significance.

The function of the selected research design is to realise the stated aims and objectives of thethesis in examining the elements which constitute the history of theatrical activity in

Waterford in the eighteenth century, and the research methods were chosen in order to provide an accurate and informed account of this cultural phenomenon. The thesis measuresits findings alongside the development of theatrical activity in London, Dublin and other regional cities in Ireland in the eighteenth century, with a view to providing a culturalcomparison of the development of theatrical activity in Waterford at the same time.

One of the limitations exposed within the research design is the fact that gaps exist in theinformation available, with the result that the thesis findings are incomplete. This is due tothe fact that the thesis is a work of historical research which is reliant on source materialwhich has survived the passage of time, and unfortunately, much of the data concerningtheatrical activity in Waterford in the eighteenth century is no longer extant, or is as yetundiscovered. In the time permitted, every endeavour has been made to uncover the datawhich has survived, including a thorough search of the record books of Waterford

Corporation, as well as searches of national and international theatre collections. Extensiveresearch was undertaken utilising electronic on-line resource facilities, taking in the Royal


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Irish Academy, the National Library of Ireland, the Society for Theatre Research in London,the Victoria and Albert Museum in London, the University of Kent at Canterbury, YaleUniversity, the British Library, the Folger Library in Washington, Harvard University,Princeton University, Trinity College Dublin, the Princess Grace Irish Library of Monaco andthe University of Regina in Canada. A significant discovery was made through contact withHarvard University, revealing that the Universitys Houghton Library is in possession of aseries of original nineteenth century playbills which are specific to productions which werestaged in Waterford. The library is also in possession of an original script of a play which was performed in the Theatre Royal in Waterford in 1825. While the playbills and the script areoutside the timeframe of this thesis, they are important documents in Waterfords theatricalhistory, and copies have been obtained which will add to any further research of the subject.The discovery of these playbills is further discussed in the concluding chapter of this thesis.Research was also undertaken online at the National Archives Department at the Office of Public Sector Information in England, to ascertain whether the Theatre Royal in Waterfordhad ever been granted a royal patent.

One concern arising from the research method is that the data collected from newspapers of

the day are in the form of advertisements, promoting an event that has yet to take place.Therefore, it cannot be verified conclusively that the event did indeed take place. It could, for example, have been cancelled due to bad weather, as can be seen in Chapter five, pagetwenty. However, the information informing the original advertisements remains valid, as thefindings are based on evidence confirming the existence of the theatre, the presence of thetheatre company, and the intention to stage a play. A further concern is that samples of datataken from newspapers in the form of reviews may have issues of personal bias. However,

they are firsthand eyewitness accounts of the subject matter and are therefore a rich source of information and provide relevant insights into attitudes and behaviour at that time.

This thesis was originally intended as a study of the early history of Waterfords TheatreRoyal which opened in 1784. At time of writing, the theatre is undergoing major restorationwork and is scheduled to reopen on 1 October 2009, and it therefore appeared timely to

research the theatres early history and consider its position in the wider context of Irelandstheatrical history. However, early investigation revealed that early Theatre Royal archives


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may not be extant, and much of the theatres early history may have been lost or destroyedover the past two centuries through lack of formal archiving. The lack of archiving by theatreorganisations over the centuries is a common problem facing researchers of Irish theatricalhistory. This knowledge led to a decision to expand the research question to examine the phenomenon of Public and Private Theatre in Waterford and Kilkenny 1780 - 1880, takingin the instances of private theatrical performances among the ascendancy in their countryhomes known as Big Houses; alongside the history of popular theatre taking place within public theatre buildings. However the scope of this research was deemed beyond the timelimitations of this research, thus the question was rephrased to cover the history of Theatre inWaterford from 1770 to 1880. The decision to encompass the specified time period wasreached by virtue of the fact that 1770 was believed to be the earliest reference to theatricalactivity in Waterford, and the Theatre Royal was remodelled into its current form in 1876,thereby covering a time period of approximately one hundred and ten years. However,subsequent research undertaken at Trinity College revealed that the earliest record of theatrical activity in Waterford predated the Theatre Royal by at least fifty years, pushing back the original date to 1737. It therefore appeared both logical and appropriate to documentthe history of theatrical activity in Waterford beginning with the earliest known record; thusthe research question was refined to its final incarnation Harlequin in Waterford : TheatricalActivity in Waterford in the Eighteenth Century.

The prefix, Harlequin in Waterford, is the title of a play which was staged in Waterford in1767, and serves as an indicator that an element of the theatrical activity which took place inWaterford in the eighteenth century was specific to Waterford and its audience, and therefore plays a significant part in realising the theatrical heritage of the city.

As previously outlined, research undertaken for this thesis suggests that information relatingto theatre and performance history in Waterford prior to 1737 is not extant. In contrast,information pertinent to the nineteenth century is considerable and, as such, requiresextensive examination and analysis which is beyond the limitations of this thesis. Therefore,the research for this thesis concludes at the turn of the eighteenth century.


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Research work began with a collection and study of literature relevant to the topic. Severalnotable historians of eighteenth century Irish theatre were consulted by telephone and emailthroughout the research process: Dr. Christopher Morash, Christopher Fitz-Simon and Dr.John C. Greene. This level of personal communication was instrumental in further progressing the thesis, helping to define and clarify issues which arose in the course of theresearch. Similarly, consultations with archaeologist Orla Scully and conservation architectAlistair Lindsay, who were both engaged in an excavation dig at the Theatre Royal in thesummer of 2009, provided information regarding the architectural design of the TheatreRoyal. However, the majority of the architectural information was relevant to the nineteenthcentury remodelling of the theatre which took place in 1876, and was therefore outside the parameters of this thesis. It is hoped that at some point in the future, the complete history of the Theatre Royal will be documented, and that the various sources of information fromacross the centuries can be brought together.

By coincidence, excavation work was also undertaken in the summer of 2009 at the site of the Playhouse which appears on the 1764 Richards and Scals map of Waterford city. Duringthe course of the excavation, a surviving wall of the Playhouse was revealed. This is a

momentous discovery in the theatrical history of Waterford, and its significance is discussedin Chapter four of this thesis.

A further challenge facing the research is the matter of the time available to complete thisthesis, and the research question was refined in order to take that issue into account. In thecourse of researching this paper, it became evident that in order to create a comprehensive

and detailed study of the history of theatre in Waterford beyond the eighteenth century,additional research is required, particularly in the area of public and private theatrecollections in universities and libraries in Ireland and further afield. Although this level of research is beyond the time limit allowed for this thesis, it holds rich potential for futureresearch.

In summary, this chapter has discussed the decision to produce a retrospective descriptivehistorical study and has outlined in detail the sources and methods surrounding data


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collection undertaken in order to support the research design. The theory of culturalanthropology was discussed as the most appropriate philosophy underpinning the thesis in itseffort to represent an aspect of Waterfords social and cultural history. The framework of research methods supporting the research design was outlined, and its strengths, weaknessesand limitations have been taken into account. The process of how the final terms of theresearch problem were reached was described, and the relevance of the prefix to the title wasclarified.


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Chapter Four

Two Waterford Theatres

This chapter initially deals with evidence that confirms the existence of theatrical activity inWaterford in the eighteenth century, and goes on to detail the chronology and location of theatres within the city. The history surrounding the two theatres in Waterford city which areknown to have been in existence in the eighteenth century are outlined; the earlier Playhouseat Blackfriars that is featured on the 1764 Richards and Scals map of Waterford city, andwhich was superseded by a later theatre housed within the civic offices on The Mall, and

which became known as the Theatre Royal. Details of the opening night of the latter theatreare revealed, along with an account of a famous opera singers experience in Waterford.Finally, a theory as to how and when the Theatre Royal in Waterford got its name is proposed.

The earliest known reference to theatrical activity in Waterford is recorded in the Dublin

News Letter of 25 June 1737 when it is announced that the Smock Alley players,accompanied by three guest performers from London, were in a short time to set out for Waterford and to open there withThe Committee; or, The Faithful Irishman, a politicalcomedy written by the English playwright Sir Robert Howard (1626 - 1698) (Clark, 1965). Itis probable that Waterfords first purpose-built theatre was erected sometime in the mid1730s, at approximately the same time as a new theatre was built at Dunscombs Marsh inCork city, in the summer of 1736. Clark (1965) claims that the theatre in Waterford wasfinanced and owned by the estate of the Dublin theatre manager Thomas Elrington, whose brother subsequently sold on the titles for both the Cork and Waterford theatres in August1741. It is therefore likely that the first known reference to theatrical activity in Waterfordtook place at the Playhouse at Blackfriars in 1737.

It is most likely that the site of the first purpose-built theatre in Waterford was in an area of Waterford city known as Blackfriars, on the west side of Conduit Lane, adjacent to theDominican Friary (see Figure 4.1). In recent years, the site has been home to a Pennys


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department store, and at time of writing, the building has been recently demolished.Excavation work undertaken at the site in the summer of 2009 may add weight to the mid-1730s construction date of the playhouse at Blackfriars, as the archaeologist on site, Mr.David Pollock, discovered a north wall dating back to the early eighteenth century, which heclaimed in a telephone call was most likely part of the Playhouse marked on the 1764Richards and Scals map of Waterford city (see Figure 4.2). This conclusion was reached bythe location and fabric of the wall, as well as the brick edging on a surviving single timber window which was consistent with an early eighteenth century building (see Figure 4.3). Mr.Pollock also noted in the telephone call, that the unusual construction (the only window wastowards the top of the wall), would suggest that it was part of a purpose- built theatre. (D.Pollock, pers. comm., 15 July 2009). The exact year that a theatre was first built in Waterfordis not known. However, research indicates that the first theatre in Waterford may have beenone of the earliest that was established outside of Dublin, and it almost certainly predatestheatres in Limerick, Galway, Kilkenny and Belfast. It seems most likely that Waterfordsfirst theatre was built in the 1730s, which offers insight as to the life style in the city in theearly eighteenth century. Clearly, there was a demand for theatrical entertainment from somesections of Waterford society, and the establishment of a purpose-built theatre would haveenabled touring theatre companies to regularly visit Waterford and continue to cultivate atheatre-going audience.

There is little known evidence about the interior of the Playhouse at Blackfriars, and noextant newspaper advertisements mention the presence of a stage, pit or boxes for theaudience. However there is a reference to the existence of a gallery in an advertisement for a performance of a play entitledThe Conscious Lovers by Richard Steele, when the two first

rows of the Gallery will be railed in for the Friendly Brothers (Waterford Chronicle 17 20September 1771). The Waterford City Archivist indicated in a telephone conversation thatthe Friendly Brothers were most likely a fraternal guild: an association made up of peoplewith shared skills and trades which were common in Ireland in the eighteenth century. (D.Moore, pers. comm., 18 August 2009). The reference to the existence of a gallery addsweight to the conclusion that the Playhouse at Blackfriars was a purpose-built theatre.


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There are two references to theatrical activity in Waterford in the 1740s. Stockwell notes anewspaper advertisement To be sold. The Play-Houses of Corke and Waterford ( Finns

Dublin Journal , 22 24 December 1741, cited by Stockwell, 1968). While later that samedecade, in a travel diary entitled A Tour through Ireland in Several Entertaining Letters , theauthor describes the theatre in Waterford as:

...a neat theatre, which I was surprised to see Scenes so elegantly painted.This, like that of Cork, belongs to the Kings company of Dublin; but therewere no plays exhibited while we were here. [ sic]. (Chetwood, 1748, p.160).

The Kings company referred to by Chetwood most likely refers to a company of playersfrom the Smock Alley Playhouse in Dublin which held a royal patent at that time and was

referred to as theTheatre Royal in newspapers of the day (Stockwell, 1968). Smock AlleyPlayhouse held the only existing patent in Dublin in the 1740s (C. Fitz-Simon, pers. comm., 6August 2009).

Very little information survives regarding theatrical performances in Waterford in the mid-eighteenth century and is not known at what point the Playhouse at Blackfriars ceased

operation, although given the fact that a new theatre opened nearby in 1784, it is possible thatthe older theatre simply closed down, as it is unlikely that the Waterford audience base wassufficient to support two theatres. However, it is very probably that touring and strollingtheatre companies regularly visited Waterford throughout the period for which data has notsurvived. It may be possible to go some way towards reconstructing theatrical activity inWaterford throughout that period by examining surviving records from other cities, especiallyCork, Limerick and Kilkenny. However, the limitations of this thesis did not permit such

extensive research.

Towards the second half of the eighteenth century, fuelled by a thriving import and exportindustry aided by the location of the port, Waterford began to prosper. The city entered into a period of development and renewal, the results of which may still be seen in landmark buildings such as the City and County Infirmary (1785), the Anglican Christ ChurchCathedral (1779) and the Roman Catholic Cathedral of the Most Holy Trinity (1793). The


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Age of Enlightenment1 dawned in Waterford, and the city council sought ways to improvethe quality of life for its inhabitants, with such initiatives as the development of The Mall as arecreational area, the erection of a new bridge across the River Suir, and the construction of civic offices, containing assembly rooms and, significantly, a new theatre. The WaterfordCorporation Minute Book records that on the 18 May 1784, the city council Resolved thatthe sum of 200 be granted by the Corporation for the purpose of carrying on the building of the new Play House and Assembly Rooms and that the Mayor be empowered to sign anOrder for the same. This record would suggest that building work on the new theatre wasalready well under way and that the project may have run over budget, requiring financialsupport from the corporation in order to be completed, as it was a mere two months later thatthe new theatre held its opening performance. There are no known surviving architectural plans of the stated Play House and Assembly Rooms, although John Roberts has beenidentified as the architect who designed the civic offices on The Mall within which the newtheatre was housed (see Figure 4.4). In 2004, the Irish Architectural Archive published anunidentified drawing which it states corresponds comparatively with the original interior design of the building ( An Introduction to the Architectural Heritage of County Waterford,2004 , p. 30) (see Figure 4.5).

The new theatre opened on the evening of Monday 26 July 1784 with a speech by the actor-manager John Vandermere, who had earlier that year announced inThe Leinster Journal thathe was to be the manager of the new theatre in Waterford. The main play of the evening wasShakespeares popular five-act comedy As You Like It . However, it is unlikely that the playwas performed in its entirety, as a full production would have taken several hours, and was just one of several entertainments scheduled for the evening. It is probable that an abridged

version was presented, featuring highlights such as the popular monologue beginning All theworlds a stage, and all the men and women merely players (Act II, Scene VII). As You Like

It was followed by a presentation of Arthur Murphys popular two-act farceThe Citizen,which was first produced in Londons Drury Lane Theatre in 1761. Special orchestralnumbers with Charles Clagget of Dublin as conductor were promised, while top of the billwas the famous opera singer from England, the soprano Mrs Billington, who had made her Irish debut in Dublin several months beforehand to great acclaim (Clark, 1965).

1 For more on the Age of Enlightenment, see The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe by J. Melton. Cambridge University Press, 2001


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Vandermeres opening night reveals his ambitions for the new theatre. Starting the evenings proceedings with a Shakespeare play signalled that he intended the theatre to be a venue for the classics. Following that with a popular London comedy indicated that the theatre wouldalso be a place for popular contemporary plays, while the presence of Charles Clagget withan orchestra, along with an opera star from England suggests that Vandermere was going togreat lengths to impress his audience. Vandermere continued to manage the new theatre for just two seasons, up to his death in February 1786 (Clark, 1965).

A newspaper account of the opening night of the new theatre in Waterford was reported inBelfast, and described the superb theatre...[which was]...built by the inhabitants (The

Belfast Mercury, 6 August 1784, cited by Clark, 1965, p. 154). The fact that the opening of the theatre was reported in a newspaper several hundred miles away indicates the nationalsignificance of the event, suggesting that journalists from around the country may have beeninvited to attend the opening night.

Mrs. Billington performed for a number of nights in Waterford subsequent to the opening of

the new theatre, and the following incident was reported in a controversial biography published about her in 1792:

In Waterford all was apparently peace and regularity, until her second benefit night, which not being an overflowing house, though nearlyso, induced Mrs. B. to break out into the most scurrilous and abusiveinvectives, against the truly respectable inhabitants of that city; whichshe continued to do during the ensuing day, particularly at the musicshop on the quay, to the astonishment of all who heard her, as suchoaths and imprecations were uttered, as to induce her auditors toimagine themselves addressed by a Billinsgate, (instead of aBillington) or common street walker (Ridgway, 1792, p. 22).

Billingsgate is a slang word for anything that is coarse or vulgar, and it derives from theBillingsgate Fishmarket in London circa 1645. That the new theatre in Waterford was alreadystruggling to achieve a full house, even with a star attraction from London, may be anindication of the limited size of the theatre-going audience in Waterford city and its environs.

It is impossible to know for certain the seating capacity of the theatre in 1784 as there are nosurviving interior plans extant, however, the architect responsible for the 2009 restoration


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work on the Theatre Royal, surmised in conversation that, given that the theatre wasremodelled on the same ground area in 1876 to a capacity of 670, it is likely that the originaltheatre held approximately the same amount of seats (K. Wigham, pers. comm., 18 August2009).

A newspaper advertisement for a performance of The Grecian Daughter at the Theatre Royalannounces tickets prices as Boxes 3s 3d, - Pit 2s 2d Gallery, 1s 1d (The Waterford Herald ,23 August 1792). This proves conclusively that the newly built theatre contained auditoriumarrangements similar to theatres in London and Dublin, with similar price structuring, i.e. themore expensive seats in the house were in the boxes and the pit, with cheaper seats up in thegallery.

The facts surrounding how and when the Theatre Royal in Waterford got its name remains inquestion. It is likely that outside of Dublin, theatres simply adopted the name without beingin possession of a royal patent (C. Morash, pers. comm., 15 June 2009). Conversely, Mr. C.Fitz-Simon argued in a telephone conversation that because the new theatre was housed

within civic offices, it was likely that the officials of the day would have been keen to legallyapply to the British authorities for a royal patent (C. Fitz-Simon, pers. comm., 12 June 2009)However, there is no known evidence of a royal patent ever having been issued to the TheatreRoyal in Waterford. One possible theory could be that it occurred circa 1786, when theholder of the royal patent in Dublin, Richard Daly, took on the lease of the Waterford theatrefor four years. Dalys Theatre Royal company performed regularly in Waterford throughoutthe four years with a range of popular pieces includingThe Beggars Opera, The Constant

Couple, The Beaux Stratagem and The School for Scandal, as well as Shakespeares Romeoand Juliet and Othello (Clark, 1965). It is likely that Daly advertised plays in Waterfordunder the banner of his Theatre Royal company, and the theatre may have simply assumedthe title during this period through common usage. There is no known evidence to suggestthat the theatre had any other name prior to assuming the title of Theatre Royal .

Waterford was regarded as an important city in Ireland in the eighteenth century, second onlyto the capital city of Dublin. Testament to that status is the construction of two purpose-built


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theatres during the eighteenth century; the Playhouse at Blackfriars which was built sometimein the 1730s and which was in line with the development of the theatrical scene in Dublin;and the 1784 Theatre Royal, which was considered important enough to be housed withinnew civic offices.

The construction of the two theatres demonstrates that public demand existed in Waterfordfor theatrical entertainment, and that theatre-going played an important part in the social andcultural development of the city throughout the eighteenth century.

Chapter Five

Plays, Players and Audiences


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The history of theatre in Waterford in the eighteenth century is interwoven with the history of the theatrical touring and strolling companies who visited the city. This chapter presents anaccount of some of these companies when they were in Waterford, and highlights instancesof theatrical involvement at a local level. While the overall majority of theatrical productionsstaged in Waterford were stock plays which had originated elsewhere, a small amount of evidence remains of a dramatic work which was written by an individual who was living inWaterford toward the end of the century, and which was performed by the one of the strollingcompanies. Towards the end of this chapter, a short extract from the locally written text is placed in context, in so far as is possible, with regard to the prevailing socio-political climatein Waterford in the latter part of the eighteenth century. Finally, eyewitness accounts of disturbances among Waterford audiences in the final decade of the century are discussed inthe context of growing national political unrest, and the subsequent rebellion of 1798.

Between 1765 and 1773, the actor-manager Thomas Ryder headed a company of strollers thatvisited Waterford on a regular basis, and in one instance, he is recorded as bringing thecompany to the Playhouse at Blackfriars in Waterford for three weeks in 1767. Ryder advertised a new pantomime entitled Harlequin in Waterford; or, The Dutchman Outwitted,

announcing that he had spent forty pounds on the scenery, which depicted scenes of Tramoreand Waterford Quay. The pantomime was almost certainly written by the Irish playwrightand actor John OKeefe, who was a friend of Ryders, and the following year in 1768,OKeefe and Ryder acted together in a theatre in Derry in a pantomime entitled Harlequin in

Derry, or, The Dutchman Outwitted . There are no known records of a version of the piece being performed elsewhere in Ireland or England (outside of Waterford and Derry), and thescript does not appear to have survived (Clark, 1965). The staging of Harlequin in Waterford

is significant in Waterfords theatrical history, as it indicates that the piece was writtenspecifically for Waterford audiences. The fact that Ryder and OKeefe located the piece inWaterford and provided scenery which depicted well known local landmarks would appear tosuggest that they were attempting to root the piece in its current location, thereby providingWaterford audiences with theatre beyond the usual stock second hand plays from London andDublin.


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Also at the Playhouse at Blackfriars in November 1767, Ryder presented the premiere of anew play entitled Love and Despair , a tragedy written by an unnamed Waterford gentleman( Leinster Journal, 21 November 1767, cited by Clark, 1965). The author of the play is notrecorded, nor is any subsequent performance outside of Waterford (Clark, 1965). Rydersstrolling company was clearly prepared to engage with the theatre-going public in Waterford.He displayed a willingness to involve people at a local level, both by setting plays inWaterford, as can been seen with Harlequin in Waterford , and by mounting a production of a play written by the Waterford gentleman. It is evident that Ryder worked at establishingtheatrical relationships in the city, most likely with a view to cultivating an audience and boosting ticket sales.

Dorothea Jordan, who was reputed to have been born in Waterford circa 1761, became afamous actress on the London theatre scene in the eighteenth century, and later became themistress and long-time companion of the future King William IV of England, with whom she bore ten children. During the course of research for this thesis, a reference was discovered toher performing a small part in a Thomas Ryder production of Shakespeares As You Like It, before she left Waterford in 1774 to go and work at the Theatre Royal in Cork (Boaden,

1831). While the exact date and location within Waterford of Ryders production of As You Like It are not specified, his theatre company were frequent visitors to the Playhouse atBlackfriars throughout Dorothea Jordans early years in Waterford, and it is therefore possible that the famous Mrs. Jordan made her stage debut at the Playhouse in Blackfriarssometime before 1774.

In October of 1771, Ryders company announced a benefit night in aid of Mrs Ryder. Theadvertisement concluded thus:

The whole to conclude with the Ramble through Dublin, containing a visitto Stephens Green, the College green, Music Hall in Fishamble Street; aLick at Modern OEconomy, with an Address to the Ladies and Gentlemenof Waterford, written and to be sung by Mr. RYDER. Tickets to be had of Mrs RYDER, at Capt Byrnes, on the Quay: Mrs Crawley, Peter Street, andthe Printers hereof. N.B. The reason of putting the above off till thisevening, was on account of the bad weather yesterday (Waterford Chronicle , 25 29 October 1771).


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This newspaper advertisement indicates how precarious the theatre business was that ticketsales would have been adversely affected by bad weather, and companies clearly had to beflexible in their reaction to difficult circumstances. The evening in question was advertised asa benefit night for Ryders wife, and may have been an important source of income for thecouple. The evenings programme demonstrates yet again Ryders commitment to engagingwith the local audience, writing and performing material specific to Waterford, and it alsoreveals something of the content that a Waterford audience was accustomed to, with a Lick at Modern OEconomy implying a humorous sketch about the state of the economy. Thedescription also suggests that Ryders company travelled with a set of painted scenerydepicting well-known landmarks, a theatre custom which became fashionable in theeighteenth century.

There follows a gap in available information of approximately fifteen years, until the openingof a new theatre housed within the civic offices on The Mall, which has been discussed inChapter four. It is likely, though not conclusive, that theatrical activity in Waterford after 1784 shifted from the Playhouse at Blackfriars, to the new theatre on The Mall. The majorityof newspaper advertisements after 1784 simply refer to plays taking place at the theatre,

suggesting that only one theatre remained in operation.

In January 1792, a strolling theatre company arrived into Waterford which included a couplenamed Mr. and Mrs. McCrea and other performers who were identified as Mr. Wells and Mr.Power. Neither Wells nor the McCreas are named in Greenes (2000) comprehensive list of performers working in Ireland in the eighteenth century, and Power is listed only as a minor

actor. This strolling company of performers presented a new pantomime entitledTheWitches of the Rocks; or, the Regions of Fancy, with an elegant display of scenes, dresses,and decorations (The Waterford Herald , 28 January 1792). An eyewitness account describedthe staging of the piece:

The first scene showed a grove so romantic and charming as to cause a burstof applause from the whole house and the trees instantly transformedthemselves into the weird sisters of Macbeth. Then Harlequin appeared inthe churchyard in the likeness of Time, with a scythe, even like thesculptured marble of the Fitzgeralds, in Christ Church (The Waterford

Herald , 2 February 1792).


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The Fitzgerald monument in Waterfords Christ Church Cathedral had been created twentytwo years earlier in 1770 by the Dutch sculptor Johann Van Nost the Younger (see Figure5.1). The reference to the Fitzgerald monument would suggest that it was considered to besignificant in Waterford at the time, and the fact that a visiting performer took on the likenessof the statue displays the flexibility of the theatre company, and their willingness to adaptelements of their stage productions in order to connect with the audience at whichever location they were performing in. The Fitzgerald monument in Christ Church Cathedralunderwent extensive restoration work in 2009, which was facilitated by The Heritage Councilof Ireland.

In March of 1792, the same strolling theatre company presented the premiere of a new operawritten by a local Doctor, James St. John, entitledThe Siege of Waterford, or, The Marriageof Earl Strongbow to the Princess Eva. The plot centered on King Diarmuids capture of Waterford in 1170, and Strongbows subsequent marriage to Diarmuids daughter Eva(Aoife). An unidentified critic reviewed the production:

To those who have had an opportunity of being acquainted with the literaryabilities of the author, it will be needless to observe that the language is atonce sublime, nervous and animated. On the whole,The Siege of Waterford cannot but prove a great acquisition to the stage, for notwithstanding themany disadvantages under which its first representation laboured (whichwould be, perhaps uncharitable to criticise upon), it was neverthelessreceived with a degree of applause and satisfaction that can be no lessgrateful to the feelings of the author than creditable to the discernment of the Ladies and Gentlemen of Waterford (The Waterford Herald , 27 March1792).

The Siege of Waterford was staged again later that same year, presented by a Number of YOUNG GENTLEMEN of this city, at the Theatre, for the benefit of the author (TheWaterford Herald , 6 November 1792). Another review appeared which was once againlukewarm in its appreciation of the evenings entertainment:

To say there were no faults, would be no less ridiculous thaninsulting: and some characters were well sustained. Master Bowmanshornpipe and his song of The Good Ship Rover received and meritedthe ample plaudits of the whole house. Of the other gentlemen, weshall only observe generally, that if they were not equally forceful


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with those we have mentioned, it was not from want of inclination or exertion (The Waterford Herald, 22 November 1792).

While the critic of the day was clearly unimpressed by the production, it does represent theonly known evidence of the staging of a dramatic work by people living in Waterford, andthe young gentlemen of the city were an early version of a local amateur drama society, a pastime which became popular towards the latter part of the nineteenth century in Ireland.

A short extract in the form of a song fromthe Siege of Waterford was printed in a Waterford

newspaper, as sung by the character of Sir Teague ORegan:

Yerrow, now my dear jewels, is not this the case,ThatSpalpeens should come here, to fight us to our faceWhat boobies eer thought we Irish would yieldOr give up one inch of sweet shamrogueshire field ; but,by my own soul, tis myself you may blame,If they skip not back faster than ever they came.

Those Danes are a pack of unmannerly scrubs,And I believe, by St. Patrick, they count us mere cubs,They think they will drive us before them on home !But welllearn thoserapscallions were blood to the bone:Well kick them, and cuff them andbother their souls,Still their health, till we meet them, lets drink in full bowls![Emphasis in original] (The Waterford Herald , 9 June 1792)

The term spalpeen is a pejorative term for a rascal or scamp, and derives from the Irishword spailpn, an agricultural labourer who travelled around the country at certain seasonsseeking work and who sometimes got into scraps for whatever reason (Dolan, 1999, p. 253).

The word shamrogueshire was a slang word for Ireland which was in use in the eighteenthcentury; Shamrogueshire is a name so commonly applied to Ireland, that is do

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Lynn Cahill MA Thesis 09 - Copy