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JRCA Vol. 21, No. 1 (2020), pp.115-145
Living with Tattoos: A Case Study of Young People Managing a Hip
Hop and Streetwear Store in the Tokyo Suburbs
Hidetsugu Yamakoshi Faculty of Human Sciences, Waseda University
Abstract From the 1980s, tattoos were no longer considered peculiar by middle-class western society. This is not the case in Japan, where tattoos are regarded as socially undesirable and those with tattoos remain in the minority. Tattooed individuals face several limitations in Japan, particularly insofar as tattoos are associated with the Yakuza and their irezumi tradition, making tattoos disadvantageous to those who get them. However, tattoos are necessary for the core life practices of some Japanese individuals. Through an ethnography of young people in Chiba city, this study explores the way in which tattoos serve to forge special ties between people. For these individuals, getting tattoo signifies a deviation from the norms of general society and subordination to the norms of their community. Tattoos provide an alternative way of life in the context of destabilized employment and neoliberalism. Exploring these dynamics, this study illustrates the differences between mainstream Japanese society and the community created by these young people.
KKeeyy wwoorrddss: tattoo, Japan, youth people, community, neoliberalism
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Hidetsugu Yamakoshi
to those who get them and can be understood as an act that relegates an individual to the fringes of society. Regardless, some people still find a special value and symbolic significance in getting tattooed. This article discovers the nature of the “local knowledge” of these young people—a knowledge distinct from the ideology of mainstream society. Tattoos among the youth of contemporary society have been the focus of research as a subculture within the context of urban sociology and cultural studies. Such studies have discussed their nature as “opposition to mainstream society” (DeMello 2000: 185-194). This view is shared by the sociologists of the Birmingham School. For instance, Hebdige (1979) asserted that the styles of the youth groups of the Teddy Boys, Mods, and Punks in the United Kingdom from the 1950s comprised a bricolage of symbols that occur when the original meaning of various things is appropriated for another purpose. However, as later commentators like Thornton (1996) point out, in the contemporary context, it is no longer valid to perceive the subcultures of young people as a symbolic struggle displaying opposition to the ruling class. That being said, neither is it necessarily the case that subcultures have been incorporated by commercialism and dominant values. Between 1980s and 1990s, a group of studies explained how the practices of young people living in late modernity were becoming fragmented and fluidized, creating post-subculture theory (Muggleton 1997).3 Under this new framework, studies sought to explain the diversity of post-1990 subcultural groups, creating concepts like “neo different perspective and develops the argument. 3 Subculture theory has been refined since the 1970s, and various concepts for analyzing subculture groups such as counterculture (Roberts 1978), scene (Iwin 1977), and idioculture (Fine 1979) have been proposed (Williams 2011: 12.)
Living with Tattoos
AAcckknnoowwlleeddggeemmeennttss This work is supported by “Support for Academic Paper Publication by Waseda University” and the Japan Society for the Promotion of the Science (JSPS) (KAKENHI Grant Number: 20H01411; representative: Fumihiko Tsumura). I thank Naho Onuki for her valuable insights in the writing of this paper. I also wish to thank Editage for their translation and editing services. TThhee MMaarrggiinnaalliizzaattiioonn ooff TTaattttooooss iinn JJaappaanneessee SSoocciieettyy From the 1980s, tattooing ceased being a special act within middle-class western society (Kjeldgaard and Bengtsson: 2005). This is hardly the case in Japan, where tattoos are still regarded as socially undesirable, and people with tattoos are in the minority. Tattooed individuals face various limitations, such as being banned from entering leisure facilities where the skin is exposed. Similarly, getting a tattoo on a body part visible to the public eye is likely to lead to the loss of employment and other opportunities. In 2018, Ryucheru, a television personality, announced that he had had the names of his wife and son tattooed on his shoulder, prompting a major storm of criticism and sparking social controversy.1 As such, tattoos evoke a very strong negative reaction in Japanese society. Nonetheless, a number of Japanese people still choose to get tattooed, including the young people who ran a streetwear store in Chiba city and upon whom this article focuses.2 As noted, tattoos bring many disadvantages
1 In an interview with the Asahi Shimbun, Ryucheru explained, “With this body, I will protect the smile of my important family.” Ryucheru’s grandfather used to be a US soldier and revealed that he had a dragon tattoo on his back to commemorate his grandson’s birth (Asahi Shimbun Digital 2018.) 2 While dealing with the same case as Yamakoshi (2012), this paper adopts a
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to those who get them and can be understood as an act that relegates an individual to the fringes of society. Regardless, some people still find a special value and symbolic significance in getting tattooed. This article discovers the nature of the “local knowledge” of these young people—a knowledge distinct from the ideology of mainstream society. Tattoos among the youth of contemporary society have been the focus of research as a subculture within the context of urban sociology and cultural studies. Such studies have discussed their nature as “opposition to mainstream society” (DeMello 2000: 185-194). This view is shared by the sociologists of the Birmingham School. For instance, Hebdige (1979) asserted that the styles of the youth groups of the Teddy Boys, Mods, and Punks in the United Kingdom from the 1950s comprised a bricolage of symbols that occur when the original meaning of various things is appropriated for another purpose. However, as later commentators like Thornton (1996) point out, in the contemporary context, it is no longer valid to perceive the subcultures of young people as a symbolic struggle displaying opposition to the ruling class. That being said, neither is it necessarily the case that subcultures have been incorporated by commercialism and dominant values. Between 1980s and 1990s, a group of studies explained how the practices of young people living in late modernity were becoming fragmented and fluidized, creating post-subculture theory (Muggleton 1997).3 Under this new framework, studies sought to explain the diversity of post-1990 subcultural groups, creating concepts like “neo different perspective and develops the argument. 3 Subculture theory has been refined since the 1970s, and various concepts for analyzing subculture groups such as counterculture (Roberts 1978), scene (Iwin 1977), and idioculture (Fine 1979) have been proposed (Williams 2011: 12.)
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Hidetsugu Yamakoshi
of the data are from semi-structured interviews conducted during this period. The author then delved more deeply into their community in order to conduct participant observation, participating their club events and attending the shop staff ’s lunch periods to record their daily lives. In doing so, the author surveyed the power relationships and subtle emotional dynamics within the community.5 All personal names in this article are pseudonyms. TThhee PPeerrcceeppttiioonn ooff TTaattttooooss//IIrreezzuummii iinn JJaappaann In Japan, the two words “tattoo” (tattsū) and “irezumi” are used for the bodily process of scarifying and applying color to the skin with a needle. The two are often confused; this paper adopts the classifications of the cultural anthropologist Yamamoto (2009) in classifying the two, and proceeds to look at the way in which the strong negative reaction to tattoos in Japanese society came about. When used in Japan, the word “tattoo” refers to an expression originating in the west that rapidly gained popularity in Japan during the 1990s. In contrast, irezumi is a traditional expression that dates back to the Edo period. In recent years, the two have been referred to as “Western style tattooing” and “Japanese style tattooing,” respectively. According to the tattoo artist NICHIOU, the biggest difference between a tattoo and irezumi is the “method of expression.” 6 However, the boundary between the two is not clear in modern society, making it difficult to distinguish between them. Therefore,
5 Given the author’s familiarity with the downtown area of Chiba city, the investigation proceeded smoothly despite the author not having any common acquaintance with the subjects. 6 NISSEI TATTOO http://nisseitattoo.com/commentary/tattoo_difference/ (accessed April 23, 2020).
Living with Tattoos
tribe” (Benet 1999) and “club culture” (Redhead 1997) in the process. However, some have criticized post-subculture theory as failing to analyze the cultural life and identity of the subcultural youth. According to Tanaka (2012: 408), in the current social situation, it is important to view young people, who are in socially unstable circumstances, as a “new social class” rather than the “new poor.” Accordingly, this paper focuses on the argument that a subculture creates a place in society for its adherents. Therefore, we should focus on the way in which the youth use subcultures to carve out a place for themselves in society. Within the kind of relentlessly competitive, neo-liberalist society depicted by the cultural anthropologist Sekine (2009), there is a requirement to use “streetwise (street knowledge)” skillfully while making political judgments performatively. Based on the foregoing, this paper demonstrates that while the tattoos on the bodies of the young people who run a street-fashion store in Chiba city are marks that marginalize them, these individuals also use them to strengthen ties within their community. In this sense, their tattoos function as an interface that mediates their relationship with society. The data in this article were acquired during visits to a street-fashion store situated in the commercial area near Chiba station from 2010 to 2011.4 The author also attended the store’s monthly events. For first three months, the author visited their store three or four times per week and took part in their network as a client. Much
4 The investigation was conducted until just before the author studied abroad. Upon returning to Japan in September 2012, the author found that the store had closed. After the earthquake that struck Japan in March 2011, the downtown area of Chiba became less crowded, motivating their decision to move to a different location; however, this did not help their business sufficiently.
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of the data are from semi-structured interviews conducted during this period. The author then delved more deeply into their community in order to conduct participant observation, participating their club events and attending the shop staff ’s lunch periods to record their daily lives. In doing so, the author surveyed the power relationships and subtle emotional dynamics within the community.5 All personal names in this article are pseudonyms. TThhee PPeerrcceeppttiioonn ooff TTaattttooooss//IIrreezzuummii iinn JJaappaann In Japan, the two words “tattoo” (tattsū) and “irezumi” are used for the bodily process of scarifying and applying color to the skin with a needle. The two are often confused; this paper adopts the classifications of the cultural anthropologist Yamamoto (2009) in classifying the two, and proceeds to look at the way in which the strong negative reaction to tattoos in Japanese society came about. When used in Japan, the word “tattoo” refers to an expression originating in the west that rapidly gained popularity in Japan during the 1990s. In contrast, irezumi is a traditional expression that dates back to the Edo period. In recent years, the two have been referred to as “Western style tattooing” and “Japanese style tattooing,” respectively. According to the tattoo artist NICHIOU, the biggest difference between a tattoo and irezumi is the “method of expression.” 6 However, the boundary between the two is not clear in modern society, making it difficult to distinguish between them. Therefore,
5 Given the author’s familiarity with the downtown area of Chiba city, the investigation proceeded smoothly despite the author not having any common acquaintance with the subjects. 6 NISSEI TATTOO http://nisseitattoo.com/commentary/tattoo_difference/ (accessed April 23, 2020).
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Hidetsugu Yamakoshi
also impacted contemporary Japanese society’s view of tattoos (Yamamoto 2009: 146-147). Yakuza chose animals that symbolize strength such as dragons and tigers, or spiritual motifs like Hannya and Kannon. In addition to evidence a threat, their tattoos showed their loyalty and dedication to the organization. It was during this period that the negative view of tattoos was reinforced, with the tattooed distinguished from “ordinary people.” From around the 1990s, while “youbori” (western style) tattoos rapidly gained popularity, signs prohibiting those with tattoos from entering leisure and other facilities became prominent. Even in Japanese society, where tattoos are regarded harshly, there are a certain number of tattoo enthusiasts—primarily among the youth—and they have established a market. The monthly magazine “BURST,” published in January 1999, is an info magazine focusing on subcultures and delinquents, and covers information on tattoos in and outside Japan. It was followed shortly thereafter by the bimonthly magazine “TATTOO BURST,” which was dedicated to information on tattoos, and subsequently by follow-on magazines from several companies. Likewise, tattoo conventions are also held nationwide. Studies on tattooing in modern Japan have found them to have no special significance beyond that of a “consumer activity.” For example,
Practitioners’ Law, who had tattooed a client without a license to practice medicine, the Osaka District Court passed a verdict that tattoos pose a potential health and hygiene hazard and that their implementation necessitates a license to practice medicine, and sentenced the man to a fine of 150,000 yen. However, in November 2018, the Osaka High Court judged that, “Tattoos are not an act carried out for medical purposes,” rescinding the verdict of the Osaka District court in the first instance and passing a verdict of not guilty. Hence, in contemporary Japan, the social status of tattoos and the occupation of “tattoo artist” itself are unclear.
Living with Tattoos
this paper uses the term “tattoo” in referring to the act of drawing patterns and letters on the skin using needles and pigments, as well as the drawn object itself. From the eighteenth century onwards, tattoos were primarily favored as bodily decorations by those engaged in occupations that often entailed exposing naked skin, such as tobi (laborers who worked at heights, such as scaffolders), firefighters, and messengers. However, to these groups, tattoo were not something to be ordinarily exposed to the public eye. It is said, for example, that firefighters would be marked with a small tattoo under the elbow. This was because when waving the matoi (the “firefighters’ standard,” a banner used by each firefighter’s union), catching a glimpse of the tattoo from under the sleeve was regarded as “Iki” (a Japanese traditional aesthetic, very roughly comparable to “cool”). However, tattoos were rejected by most people living in the city of Edo. This was because they were used as a form of punishment from 1720 until the end of the Edo era, with the faces or arms of criminals branded with tattoos. There was also the influence of the Confucian moral perspective that the body given by the parents should not be marked or tarnished. Moreover, since the tattoo enthusiasts of the time favored motifs that were frightening and intimidating to others, the Tokugawa Shogunate issued repeated prohibitory orders. Hence, according to Yamamoto, tattoos evoked the contradictory emotions of envy and rejection and had a wavering existence somewhere in between (Yamamoto 2009: 141-145). Subsequently, tattoos were prohibited by law from the beginning of the Meiji period until 1948. The ban on tattoos was lifted shortly after the Second World War (1939–1945).7 From the 1960s, mass-produced “Yakuza movies”
7 In September 2017, in the case of a man charged with violating the Medical
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Hidetsugu Yamakoshi
also impacted contemporary Japanese society’s view of tattoos (Yamamoto 2009: 146-147). Yakuza chose animals that symbolize strength such as dragons and tigers, or spiritual motifs like Hannya and Kannon. In addition to evidence a threat, their tattoos showed their loyalty and dedication to the organization. It was during this period that the negative view of tattoos was reinforced, with the tattooed distinguished from “ordinary people.” From around the 1990s, while “youbori” (western style) tattoos rapidly gained popularity, signs prohibiting those with tattoos from entering leisure and other facilities became prominent. Even in Japanese society, where tattoos are regarded harshly, there are a certain number of tattoo enthusiasts—primarily among the youth—and they have established a market. The monthly magazine “BURST,” published in January 1999, is an info magazine focusing on subcultures and delinquents, and covers information on tattoos in and outside Japan. It was followed shortly thereafter by the bimonthly magazine “TATTOO BURST,” which was dedicated to information on tattoos, and subsequently by follow-on magazines from several companies. Likewise, tattoo conventions are also held nationwide. Studies on tattooing in modern Japan have found them to have no special significance beyond that of a “consumer activity.” For example,
Practitioners’ Law, who had tattooed a client without a license to practice medicine, the Osaka District Court passed a verdict that tattoos pose a potential health and hygiene hazard and that their implementation necessitates a license to practice medicine, and sentenced the man to a fine of 150,000 yen. However, in November 2018, the Osaka High Court judged that, “Tattoos are not an act carried out for medical purposes,” rescinding the verdict of the Osaka District court in the first instance and passing a verdict of not guilty. Hence, in contemporary Japan, the social status of tattoos and the occupation of “tattoo artist” itself are unclear.
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Hidetsugu Yamakoshi
distinct from mainstream society. CCoommmmuunniittyy FFoorrmmaattiioonn RReeffeerreenncciinngg HHiipp HHoopp Based on primary survey data, this paper presents an ethnography of young store staff who construct intercorporeal communication through tattoos. In introducing this case study, it is necessary to first describe the recent changes in Japan’s economic situation and employment system. In recent years, the problem of youth poverty in Japan has seen frequent media coverage. In 2014, the ratio of workers in irregular employment within the overall working population exceeded 1 in 3 and reached the highest level historically. In 2017, this figure reached 37.3%—a 17% increase compared to the 20.3% in 1994.8 The ratio of the young population of 15 to 24-year-olds in particular saw a major increase from the 2000s. This is attributable to the regulative easing in the labor market which began in the mid-1990s and the solidification of unstable patterns of employment as a primary form of labor (Mōri 2009: 173). In contemporary society, where the ideology of neoliberalism pervades, individuals are treated as replaceable under the pretext of “flexible employment.” Accompanying the transformation in the labor market, a factor frequently cited in the
8 Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, “The Present Situation and Challenges of Non-Regular Employment” https://www.mhlw.go.jp/content/000179034.pdf (accessed January 30, 2019). From the 2000s, economic disparity started becoming conspicuous among the public in Japan, and the phrase “kakusa shakai’” (disparate or unequal society) gradually began seeing widespread usage. In the public awareness, the proportion of people who believe disparity results from “the choices and efforts of the individual” and who accept this has also increased (Hashimoto 2018: 26-40).
Living with Tattoos
the sociologist Nishiyama (2007: 130) argues that tattoos among the Japanese youth are “just a simple consumer behavior. It does not usually attract opposite sex even if he/she pursue the coolness. It hinders smooth communication even at work, and hinders entry into the workplace.” Similarly, Nango (2005) argues that some young people gain reassurance by having their tattoos seen by the non-specific majority of people, through which they acquire a “self ” as a social existence. However, Nango (2005) regards this as nothing more than superficial communication that does not share a narrative contained within the tattoo with others. This perception of tattoos is not restricted to Japan. Discussing tattoos in western society, Kjeldgaard and Bengtsson (2005) believe that tattoos express one’s own identity within consumer society and have become a tool to differentiate oneself from others (Kjeldgaard and Bengtsson 2005). According to Sweetman (2000), there is also a perception of tattoos as a way of anchoring an identity. Characteristic of the perceptions of tattoos in contemporary society that arise from such discussions is the notion that tattoos are an “individual experience.” Here, the prior understanding of the tattoo as a symbolic “intercorporeal media” intended to create a rite of passage or liminal awareness is cast to the background. Moreover, studies of tattoos have not focused overly much on why motifs are tattooed on certain parts of the body, or on the occasions when they are revealed or concealed. However, it is important to focus on such points if we consider that the tattooed body is an interface with society through which various events occur. The case study in this paper indicates the need to return to the idea of the tattoo as an intercorporeal media. In other words, it demonstrates that while the tattoo is a symbol that socially marginalizes the self, tattoos are also used as “streetwise (street knowledge)” to foster a sense of solidarity
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distinct from mainstream society. CCoommmmuunniittyy FFoorrmmaattiioonn RReeffeerreenncciinngg HHiipp HHoopp Based on primary survey data, this paper presents an ethnography of young store staff who construct intercorporeal communication through tattoos. In introducing this case study, it is necessary to first describe the recent changes in Japan’s economic situation and employment system. In recent years, the problem of youth poverty in Japan has seen frequent media coverage. In 2014, the ratio of workers in irregular employment within the overall working population exceeded 1 in 3 and reached the highest level historically. In 2017, this figure reached 37.3%—a 17% increase compared to the 20.3% in 1994.8 The ratio of the young population of 15 to 24-year-olds in particular saw a major increase from the 2000s. This is attributable to the regulative easing in the labor market which began in the mid-1990s and the solidification of unstable patterns of employment as a primary form of labor (Mōri 2009: 173). In contemporary society, where the ideology of neoliberalism pervades, individuals are treated as replaceable under the pretext of “flexible employment.” Accompanying the transformation in the labor market, a factor frequently cited in the
8 Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare, “The Present Situation and Challenges of Non-Regular Employment” https://www.mhlw.go.jp/content/000179034.pdf (accessed January 30, 2019). From the 2000s, economic disparity started becoming conspicuous among the public in Japan, and the phrase “kakusa shakai’” (disparate or unequal society) gradually began seeing widespread usage. In the public awareness, the proportion of people who believe disparity results from “the choices and efforts of the individual” and who accept this has also increased (Hashimoto 2018: 26-40).
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The young people encountered in the field feel that by utilizing the cultural style of hip hop (which is still not by any means a majority group in modern Japanese society) as the concept for their store, they have taken on a disadvantageous strategy that narrows their customer base. However, this does not mean that hip hop culture is merely the store’s design concept; on the contrary, the thought and methodology of hip hop culture—which we should also call its “marginality”—is useful in connecting them to their friends and associates. As can be seen in the words of DJ Cool Herc, who has been active since the early days of hip hop culture, hip hop is a family in which everyone must cooperate (Chang 2005: 12). Rather than a marginalized people stealing one another’s scant resources, hip hop culture reflects an admirable ideology of sharing those resources, strengthening community ties, and coping with various problems. Of course, when considering the historic background and social system, we must be very cautious about simply conflating the words of Cool Herc, who has experienced the US hip hop scene from the late 1960s, with the practices of Japan’s urban youth. However, subcultures, such as hip hop, are a practice that create young people’s reality. If we consider that they use these practices to create a lifestyle rhythm and organize a unique “language” (Tanaka 2012: 395), it can be said that the young people covered in this article also cope with reality by using a hip hop culture that has been localized in line with the context in Japan. A store selling hip hop merchandize (hereinafter, “FIVE”)10 started through his fieldwork. According to him, it is less important to analyze how carefully Japanese hip-hop is reproduced than how it is performed (Condry 2009: 150). 10 As noted, all names, including that of the shop, are pseudonyms used to
Living with Tattoos
poverty problem facing modern Japan is the loss of the function of mutual aid due to the breakdown of the traditional community of local and consanguineous ties. As a solution, expectation has heightened toward networks and community strength that occur in places not necessarily mediated by local and consanguineous ties. This is undoubtedly a situation peculiar to the late modern age that Giddens (19991) referred to as the “sphere of intimacy.” The young people running a small store in downtown Chiba city with whom the author interacted from 2010 were not necessarily facing imminent poverty or in a helpless position, with all individuals holding jobs and earning an income. However, the kind of small store they ran did not enjoy economic leeway as their business was greatly influenced by changes in footfall due to urban redevelopment and client relationships. They also ordinarily faced the kind of risks that cannot be managed via self-reliance, of a rapid fall in profits, holding a large inventory, and bankruptcy. This paper discusses the way in which young people put such uncertainty in the foreground and cope with the problems they face through an informal community. Their community is characterized by an ideology of pervasive references to hip hop culture. Although it need not be restated, hip hop culture emerged among the communities of Afro-American, Afro-Caribbean, and Hispanic residents in the South Bronx district of New York in the 1970s. Hip hop is understood to have later migrated to Japan during the 1980s through music and imagery. Today, although it is no longer uncommon for hip hop music to top the hit charts, its culture initially possessed a counter-cultural characteristic, and it retains an aspect of rejecting being positioned within “mainstream” society.9
9 Condry (2009) vividly portrayed the Japanese hip-hop scene in the 1990s
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The young people encountered in the field feel that by utilizing the cultural style of hip hop (which is still not by any means a majority group in modern Japanese society) as the concept for their store, they have taken on a disadvantageous strategy that narrows their customer base. However, this does not mean that hip hop culture is merely the store’s design concept; on the contrary, the thought and methodology of hip hop culture—which we should also call its “marginality”—is useful in connecting them to their friends and associates. As can be seen in the words of DJ Cool Herc, who has been active since the early days of hip hop culture, hip hop is a family in which everyone must cooperate (Chang 2005: 12). Rather than a marginalized people stealing one another’s scant resources, hip hop culture reflects an admirable ideology of sharing those resources, strengthening community ties, and coping with various problems. Of course, when considering the historic background and social system, we must be very cautious about simply conflating the words of Cool Herc, who has experienced the US hip hop scene from the late 1960s, with the practices of Japan’s urban youth. However, subcultures, such as hip hop, are a practice that create young people’s reality. If we consider that they use these practices to create a lifestyle rhythm and organize a unique “language” (Tanaka 2012: 395), it can be said that the young people covered in this article also cope with reality by using a hip hop culture that has been localized in line with the context in Japan. A store selling hip hop merchandize (hereinafter, “FIVE”)10 started through his fieldwork. According to him, it is less important to analyze how carefully Japanese hip-hop is reproduced than how it is performed (Condry 2009: 150). 10 As noted, all names, including that of the shop, are pseudonyms used to
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Table 1: Profile of the Store Staff
Name Age Position Marital Status
Academic Background
Living Situation
Father’s Occupation
Kengo 26 Shop manager Unmarried Graduated High School Lives alone Unknown
Tatsuya 24 Assistant manager Married Graduated High School
Lives with wife’s family Tradesman
Kōichi 21 Part time Unmarried Graduated High School
Lives with parents Employee
Takashi 20 Part time → Regular employee Unmarried
Withdrew from
university
Lives with grandmother Employee
When the author visited “FIVE,” one of the staff would usually be playing loud music on the street while giving out flyers. They would determine whether passersby would be interested in their store from the clothes they wore and would decide whether to hand them a flyer. Likewise, if they saw a familiar face among the passersby, they would exchange words with them in a friendly way. Wearing their jeans slung low and hanging out on the street, they stood out, even in the tolerant downtown area of Chiba city, with some passersby shooting them blatant looks of disgust and taking detours to avoid them. At “FIVE,” the staff used their knowledge of the local area to endear themselves with the customers that visited the store. For example, they used local topics in their exchanges with the customers such as “Which junior-high school did you go to?” or “I might know your brother[/sister].” They devised ways to establish regular customers by emphasizing that they came from the same area as their customers and reducing the mutual distance. As there is no major commercial district near the survey area, some customers traveled a long distance of around an hour and changed trains to visit “FIVE.” Many customers already knew the staff and would sometimes stand and talk at length before ultimately leaving
Living with Tattoos
operating in a corner of a commercial district of restaurants and general stores in 2009. It dealt in a broad range of merchandize, such as fashion accessories, including T-shirts, caps, sneakers, and silver accessories, as well as graffiti spray-paints, music CDs and video DVDs, stickers, and fashion magazines. The customer base primarily comprised men from around their mid-teens to mid-20s. When the author first visited “FIVE” in November 2011, there were four store staff. They wore a uniform that included, for example, oversized jeans and a cap, as well as silver or gold chain necklaces. The store staff had an intimate knowledge of hip hop culture, and engaged in practices such as music and graffiti. When they addressed one another, they used the nicknames from their practices as rap musicians and graffiti writers. Table 1 shows the profiles of the store staff. The shop manager is a man called Kengo (age 26), who after graduating from high school, worked in a fashion store situated in the downtown area of Chiba city. Kengo mainly performed the essential work at the store, such as the buying of stock and accounting. He has a sociable personality and is well-known, even among the other businesses, and appeared well-liked by the other store staff. Tatsuya (age 24) got to know Kengo at the store they worked at previously. Tatsuya was working another job at the time, but was poached and employed by Kengo when he opened “FIVE.” Kōichi (age 21) and Takashi (age 20) both came to the store as customers and started working there part-time in 2008. Among them, Takashi alone attended university for around a year, while the other store staff had previously changed jobs frequently after graduating high school, working in catering, retail, and beauty salons.
protect the anonymity of participants.
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Table 1: Profile of the Store Staff
Name Age Position Marital Status
Academic Background
Living Situation
Father’s Occupation
Kengo 26 Shop manager Unmarried Graduated High School Lives alone Unknown
Tatsuya 24 Assistant manager Married Graduated High School
Lives with wife’s family Tradesman
Kōichi 21 Part time Unmarried Graduated High School
Lives with parents Employee
Takashi 20 Part time → Regular employee Unmarried
Withdrew from
university
Lives with grandmother Employee
When the author visited “FIVE,” one of the staff would usually be playing loud music on the street while giving out flyers. They would determine whether passersby would be interested in their store from the clothes they wore and would decide whether to hand them a flyer. Likewise, if they saw a familiar face among the passersby, they would exchange words with them in a friendly way. Wearing their jeans slung low and hanging out on the street, they stood out, even in the tolerant downtown area of Chiba city, with some passersby shooting them blatant looks of disgust and taking detours to avoid them. At “FIVE,” the staff used their knowledge of the local area to endear themselves with the customers that visited the store. For example, they used local topics in their exchanges with the customers such as “Which junior-high school did you go to?” or “I might know your brother[/sister].” They devised ways to establish regular customers by emphasizing that they came from the same area as their customers and reducing the mutual distance. As there is no major commercial district near the survey area, some customers traveled a long distance of around an hour and changed trains to visit “FIVE.” Many customers already knew the staff and would sometimes stand and talk at length before ultimately leaving
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Hidetsugu Yamakoshi
hop event venues. They cost the market rate of JPY 10,000 (around USD 90) an hour. The “FIVE” staff ’s tattoos do not fit the framework of fashion or consumerism, and the motifs were not chosen on a whim. Kōichi explained his tattoos as follows:
The first one was when I was 18, and I got a tattoo of the Chinese character for “bear” written in a deformed style on the left of my chest…I had the character “bear” tattooed because I had no self-confidence. So, I got this tattoo to give myself confidence. (Kōichi, December 23, 2010) The Fudō Myō-ō [the protective Shingon Buddhist deity] motif distinguishes good and evil. The flames around his sword signify destruction. Normally, his is a pedestal of diamonds, but mine is a lotus. Because Lotus flowers bloom in unclean places, I thought that this is how I want to be, too. (Kōichi, December 23, 2010)
Significantly, Kōichi’s aspirations and complex are reflected by his choice of motifs. Kōichi claimed that, “I was never able to study, so I kept to myself ” (Kōichi, December 23, 2010). Therefore, he chose the motifs of the “Bear” and the deity “Fudō Myō-ō” to symbolically embody the “strength” he needed to improve his self-esteem. Indeed, Kōichi said that getting the tattoos “changed the way I felt” and “gave me spirit” (Kōichi, December 23, 2010). Kōichi also has tattoos that read “生” (Iki), which means “life”, and “粋” (Iki), which means “chic” or “stylish” on the back of each hand. Tatsuya has “cowardly person” tattooed on his chest—the meaning intended ironically and communicating the opposite (Tatsuya, December 23, 2010). This also contains the hope for personal change. To these young people, tattoos are not simply a
Living with Tattoos
without buying anything. A man in his late teens claimed that it was worth making a trip to visit the shop “Because they tell me information about events when I come here.” The store staff handed out flyers detailing event information to the customers, and did not show any frustration if customers spent a long time in the shop without buying anything. As such, it is clear that “FIVE” became a place where people interested in hip hop culture gathered and exchanged information. However, business at “FIVE” was not stable; as noted, many of the clothing stores on the street have since gone into debt and shutdown, likely as a result of the nationwide rise of fast-fashion brands. In terms of prices, it was difficult for “FIVE” to compete with these brands. Therefore, they sought to differentiate themselves from these brands by bringing the hip hop world-view to the foreground and dealing in “real” merchandise directly imported from New York. Although the prices were a little higher, the staff and customers generally preferred wearing local hip-hop brands. TThhee SSttoorree SSttaaffff aanndd TThheeiirr VVaalluueess iinn RReellaattiioonn ttoo TThheeiirr TTaattttooooss The staff of “FIVE” all have multiple tattoos.11 These tattoos can also be understood as a tactic to cope with the uncertainty surrounding the running of the store. This paper examines their tattoos and the meaning they hold. They individuals received their tattoos at a tattoo studio in Chiba Prefecture or from tattoo artists who came to the hip
11 They customarily refer to tattoos as “sumi” (“ink”), a local term derived from “irezumi.” However, looking at their use of expressions reveals that they categorize some of the tattoos on their bodies as tattoos rather than irezumi.
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hop event venues. They cost the market rate of JPY 10,000 (around USD 90) an hour. The “FIVE” staff ’s tattoos do not fit the framework of fashion or consumerism, and the motifs were not chosen on a whim. Kōichi explained his tattoos as follows:
The first one was when I was 18, and I got a tattoo of the Chinese character for “bear” written in a deformed style on the left of my chest…I had the character “bear” tattooed because I had no self-confidence. So, I got this tattoo to give myself confidence. (Kōichi, December 23, 2010) The Fudō Myō-ō [the protective Shingon Buddhist deity] motif distinguishes good and evil. The flames around his sword signify destruction. Normally, his is a pedestal of diamonds, but mine is a lotus. Because Lotus flowers bloom in unclean places, I thought that this is how I want to be, too. (Kōichi, December 23, 2010)
Significantly, Kōichi’s aspirations and complex are reflected by his choice of motifs. Kōichi claimed that, “I was never able to study, so I kept to myself ” (Kōichi, December 23, 2010). Therefore, he chose the motifs of the “Bear” and the deity “Fudō Myō-ō” to symbolically embody the “strength” he needed to improve his self-esteem. Indeed, Kōichi said that getting the tattoos “changed the way I felt” and “gave me spirit” (Kōichi, December 23, 2010). Kōichi also has tattoos that read “生” (Iki), which means “life”, and “粋” (Iki), which means “chic” or “stylish” on the back of each hand. Tatsuya has “cowardly person” tattooed on his chest—the meaning intended ironically and communicating the opposite (Tatsuya, December 23, 2010). This also contains the hope for personal change. To these young people, tattoos are not simply a
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TTaattttooooss EExxppoosseedd ttoo PPuubblliicc VViieeww:: AAtttteessttaattiioonn ooff BBeelloonnggiinngg The tattoos of this group (Table 2) reveals an overlapping of two types of tattoos, with as some ordinarily exposed to the public eye while others are hidden by clothing and even from the view of the tattooed person himself. On this point, Tatsuya explained that “tattoos are not a good thing socially, and I don’t think they should be shown to other people so much” (January 6, 2011). However, at another time he expressed an aesthetic awareness that “It’s not cool just to have tattoos in visible places. Having them only on the arms and not the chest is not cool” (January 6, 2011). From these statements it is clear that regardless of whether they “conceal” or “expose” their tattoos, the assumption is that they will be seen by society. Nango (2005: 152–153) argues that “young people gain reassurance by having their tattoos seen by the non-specific majority of people”; however, this understanding is insufficient. This section explores both the tattoos “seen by others” and those that are “concealed.”
Living with Tattoos
fashionable accessory but an expression of their ideal self. According to Tatsuya, tattoos “gather everything into one. While the designs are important, I also think about where to have them tattooed on the body. I also sometimes put my beliefs into them. They are a mixture of various meanings. What I will have tattooed in future will fit my situation at the time” (Tatsuya, January 6, 2011).
According to Tatsuya, “Kengo is considerate of us and tells us we can go get tattoos, even when we’re working at the store”—indicating that getting tattooed holds a special significance to this group. In other words, to them, the act of getting tattooed cannot be categorized as leisure activity, as is hardly a “game” or a “hobby.” On the contrary, tattoos are inseparably and profoundly related to their core life practices. As such, the visible dimension of tattoos appears to end with the relationship internal to the individual. The next section shows how tattooed individuals construct their own community by broadening the discussion to consider the dimension of intercorporeal communication in their core life practices.
Photo 1: Kōichi: Tattoos on the backs of his hands: Iki (生), which means “life,” and Iki (粋), which means “chic/stylish.” (Photo takenby the author in Chiba City, February 2011)
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TTaattttooooss EExxppoosseedd ttoo PPuubblliicc VViieeww:: AAtttteessttaattiioonn ooff BBeelloonnggiinngg The tattoos of this group (Table 2) reveals an overlapping of two types of tattoos, with as some ordinarily exposed to the public eye while others are hidden by clothing and even from the view of the tattooed person himself. On this point, Tatsuya explained that “tattoos are not a good thing socially, and I don’t think they should be shown to other people so much” (January 6, 2011). However, at another time he expressed an aesthetic awareness that “It’s not cool just to have tattoos in visible places. Having them only on the arms and not the chest is not cool” (January 6, 2011). From these statements it is clear that regardless of whether they “conceal” or “expose” their tattoos, the assumption is that they will be seen by society. Nango (2005: 152–153) argues that “young people gain reassurance by having their tattoos seen by the non-specific majority of people”; however, this understanding is insufficient. This section explores both the tattoos “seen by others” and those that are “concealed.”
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As an example of tattoos “seen by others,” this paper focuses on two tattoos that all members of the group have on their arms as a form of initiation. It is first necessary to describe their “crew” or activity group. Hip hop culture is composed of the four elements of rap, DJs, break-dancing, and graffiti. As noted, the staff of “FIVE” are also practitioners of an aspect of hip hop culture. For instance, in addition to their jobs at the store, Kengo, Tatsuya, and Kōichi are interested in rap, while Takashi is interested in graffiti. When engaging in these activities, they do so on the basis of a group known as a crew. In the hip hop context, a crew refers to “friends” or a “team” that share an interest in a specific subculture. The staff of “FIVE” form a crew known as “N-14” together with several external members. The number “14” comes from national highway 14 that faces their store, and Kengo, Tatsuya, and Takashi all share the same tattoo. The same members also have tattoos of the number “5,” which derives from the store name “FIVE” and the company boss’s name “Kengo” (“5” is pronounced “go” in Japanese). Interestingly, there is a correlation between the occasions on which they got a tattoo and its motif. For example, while the author conducted a survey at the end of 2010, Takashi got “14 world”
Kengo
No. Site Motif of tattoo (“” denotes characters/letters) Timepoint (age) Notes
1 Right leg Einstein Do not remember 2 Left arm “5” Do not remember Same as Takashi and Tatsuya
3 Left upper arm “[a name]” December 2010
(age 26)
4 Right arm “N14” Do not remember Crew name, the same as Tatsuya
5 Right upper arm Rose Do not remember
6 Chest “respect for my parents” [sic] Do not remember 7 Back Crane, raven Do not remember
Living with Tattoos
Table 2: Tattoo Motifs and Timepoint of Tattooing Procedure of the Store Staff Kōichi
No. Site Motif of tattoo (“” denotes characters/letters) Timepoint (age) Notes
1 Left chest “熊” (Kuma [Bear]) December 25, 2007 (age 18)
The year he began working at FIVE
2 Right shoulder Fudō Myō-ō Do not remember
3 Right arm “trust and guts” Do not remember Quote from the movie Scarface (1983)
4 Back Star Do not remember As practice for a female apprentice tattoo artist
5 Backs of hands
Iki, 生 (life), 粋 (chic, stylish) Do not remember
6 Below right eye (Pattern?) Do not remember
Takashi
No. Site Motif of tattoo (“” denotes characters/letters) Timepoint (age) Notes
1 Left arm and wrist “Hood rock” December 2010
(age 19)
2 Left arm “14world” [sic] December 2010 (age 19) Refers to national highway 14
3 Right arm “5”, “[Graffiti handle]” December 2010 (age 19)
“5,” the same as Tatsuya and Kengo
Tatsuya
No. Site Motif of tattoo (“” denotes characters/letters) Timepoint (age) Notes
1 Chest “coward person” [sic] Do not remember
2 Right arm “orehaorerasiku” December 2010 (age 24)
“俺は俺らしく” (“I am the way I am”)
3 Left arm “life is same as resistance” [sic] Do not remember
4 Reverse of left arm Unknown 2008 (age 22) Details unknown
5 Left hand “5” Do not remember Same as Takashi and Kengo
6 Right hand “N14” Do not remember Crew name, the same as Kengo
7 Right calf Joker December 2010 (age 24)
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As an example of tattoos “seen by others,” this paper focuses on two tattoos that all members of the group have on their arms as a form of initiation. It is first necessary to describe their “crew” or activity group. Hip hop culture is composed of the four elements of rap, DJs, break-dancing, and graffiti. As noted, the staff of “FIVE” are also practitioners of an aspect of hip hop culture. For instance, in addition to their jobs at the store, Kengo, Tatsuya, and Kōichi are interested in rap, while Takashi is interested in graffiti. When engaging in these activities, they do so on the basis of a group known as a crew. In the hip hop context, a crew refers to “friends” or a “team” that share an interest in a specific subculture. The staff of “FIVE” form a crew known as “N-14” together with several external members. The number “14” comes from national highway 14 that faces their store, and Kengo, Tatsuya, and Takashi all share the same tattoo. The same members also have tattoos of the number “5,” which derives from the store name “FIVE” and the company boss’s name “Kengo” (“5” is pronounced “go” in Japanese). Interestingly, there is a correlation between the occasions on which they got a tattoo and its motif. For example, while the author conducted a survey at the end of 2010, Takashi got “14 world”
Kengo
No. Site Motif of tattoo (“” denotes characters/letters) Timepoint (age) Notes
1 Right leg Einstein Do not remember 2 Left arm “5” Do not remember Same as Takashi and Tatsuya
3 Left upper arm “[a name]” December 2010
(age 26)
4 Right arm “N14” Do not remember Crew name, the same as Tatsuya
5 Right upper arm Rose Do not remember
6 Chest “respect for my parents” [sic] Do not remember 7 Back Crane, raven Do not remember
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study of the religious rites of the sun dance among the North American First Nations, Wissler (1917) demonstrates the use of pain as a trial, with those able to withstand the pain elevating their social status. Interestingly, the members of N-14 hold a monthly event in which they book out a club late on a Friday night, put on rap performances, and setup tattoo booths. They invite tattoo artists to tattoo customers who have booked in advance. The tattooing procedures are open to the view of those attending the event, like a kind of show (Photo 3).
While attending such an event in December 2010, the author observed a large crowd of people gathered near the entrance. Drawing closer, the author found that several tattoo artists had setup booths and were tattooing young people, who lay on simple beds. Customers stood around them, watching with bated breath. Next to the beds, the tattoo artists had placed their business cards and albums of bound images of their tattoo samples so that onlookers could view them freely. Although the young people being tattooed on the beds were
Photo 3: A young man undergoes the tattooing procedure. (Phototaken by the author in Chiba City, December 2010)
Living with Tattoos
tattooed on his left arm (Photo 2), as well as “5” and the name of this graffiti crew on his right arm. These were his first tattoos. This was at same the time that he was promoted from a part-time to regular member of staff. Apparently, Takashi was motivated by Kengo, who said, “You should get a tattoo soon.” In short, getting a tattoo can be considered an entry rite in being welcomed as a formal member of the group. Kōichi, another part-time member of staff, does not have this kind of group tattoo. This is because Kōichi quit “FIVE” in November 2010 due to “family reasons” and was not recognized as a full and formal member of N-14.
In order to consider the relatedness within the group that the tattoos mediate, this paper focuses on the physical pain involved in the tattooing procedure. According to Osawa (1992), within the bodily processing of primitive society, the pain involves the onlookers as well as the person concerned. More specifically, bodily processes are mediated by the “Dai Sansha no Shinkyu”—the instance of the third person, who shares the “pain” and refines it into a form that takes on normativity (Osawa 1992: 59-60, 396). Similarly, in a case
Photo 2: Takashi: Tattoo on his left wrist: “14World.” (Photo taken bythe author in Chiba City, February 2011)
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study of the religious rites of the sun dance among the North American First Nations, Wissler (1917) demonstrates the use of pain as a trial, with those able to withstand the pain elevating their social status. Interestingly, the members of N-14 hold a monthly event in which they book out a club late on a Friday night, put on rap performances, and setup tattoo booths. They invite tattoo artists to tattoo customers who have booked in advance. The tattooing procedures are open to the view of those attending the event, like a kind of show (Photo 3).
While attending such an event in December 2010, the author observed a large crowd of people gathered near the entrance. Drawing closer, the author found that several tattoo artists had setup booths and were tattooing young people, who lay on simple beds. Customers stood around them, watching with bated breath. Next to the beds, the tattoo artists had placed their business cards and albums of bound images of their tattoo samples so that onlookers could view them freely. Although the young people being tattooed on the beds were
Photo 3: A young man undergoes the tattooing procedure. (Phototaken by the author in Chiba City, December 2010)
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order to be accepted by a chosen community. This is because they are mutually accepting one another as “irreplaceable individuals” through the act of getting tattooed, as well as attempting to differentiate themselves from those beyond their chosen community. HHiiddddeenn TTaattttooooss:: TThhee CCoorrppoorreeaalliizzaattiioonn ooff MMeemmoorriieess This section considers the significance of tattoos in areas invisible to the public eye, focusing on the “Joker” tattoo Tatsuya has on his right calf (Photo 4). This tattoo hints at the connection between Tatsuya and Kengo. According to Tatsuya, he got this motif tattooed because “A long time ago I used to write a magazine column under the name ‘Joker.’” “Joker” was a name Kengo have Tatsuya after seeing him in makeup, “when I was messing around and playing about putting on makeup and stuff ” (Tatsuya, December 23, 2010). Furthermore, the lighter that the Joker is holding expresses something Kengo gave to Tatsuya in the past (Tatsuya, December 23, 2010). These statements reflect Tatsuya’s affection for Kengo.
Photo 4: Tatsuya: Joker tattoo on his right leg. (Photo taken by theauthor in Chiba City, February 2011)
Living with Tattoos
trying to keep a calm expression, the pain that they must have been experiencing was easily imaginable to onlookers. According to Tatsuya, “Getting a tattoo hurts…Getting tattooed is like resolving yourself to live in this world” (December 23, 2010). As such, getting the same tattoo or sharing the same “pain” is an attestation of being accepted as a member of a group, and verifies one’s own acceptance of being anchored to that group. For Tatsuya, suffering pain is necessary for recognizing one’s readiness to live in “this world.” That Tatsuya chose the word “imashime”—which roughly translates to “resolution” and denotes weight, burden, or responsibility—symbolically expresses this point. Osawa (2013: 199) interprets bodily processing, such as the fashion of tattoos in contemporary society, as a return to the naturality of the body where the “existence of pain” is a medium—that is, as something that aspires to deviate from the norms of the ruling group. Considering this point in terms of the case study at hand, getting tattooed can be understood as signifying a deviation from the norms of general society and a shift to subordination to the norms of the crew and “FIVE.” The tattoos “5” and “14” do not ordinarily express meaning to just anyone. However, the members of their friendship group understood the change that had occurred in Takashi as a result of his tattoos and their significance. Similarly, Kengo joked that, “Having the same tattoo is creepy, isn’t it? It’s like a religion, right?” (February 7, 2011). However, according to Tatsuya, “Getting the same tattoo is a feeling that cannot be expressed by the words ‘solidarity’ or ‘bond’” (December 23, 2010). Tattoos are difficult to remove once etched into the body, making the act of getting tattooed one involving a degree of responsibility. In other words, it is an act in which one chooses to assume the risk of being marginalized within mainstream society in
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order to be accepted by a chosen community. This is because they are mutually accepting one another as “irreplaceable individuals” through the act of getting tattooed, as well as attempting to differentiate themselves from those beyond their chosen community. HHiiddddeenn TTaattttooooss:: TThhee CCoorrppoorreeaalliizzaattiioonn ooff MMeemmoorriieess This section considers the significance of tattoos in areas invisible to the public eye, focusing on the “Joker” tattoo Tatsuya has on his right calf (Photo 4). This tattoo hints at the connection between Tatsuya and Kengo. According to Tatsuya, he got this motif tattooed because “A long time ago I used to write a magazine column under the name ‘Joker.’” “Joker” was a name Kengo have Tatsuya after seeing him in makeup, “when I was messing around and playing about putting on makeup and stuff ” (Tatsuya, December 23, 2010). Furthermore, the lighter that the Joker is holding expresses something Kengo gave to Tatsuya in the past (Tatsuya, December 23, 2010). These statements reflect Tatsuya’s affection for Kengo.
Photo 4: Tatsuya: Joker tattoo on his right leg. (Photo taken by theauthor in Chiba City, February 2011)
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indicated by Takashi admitting that “I asked the company boss what to get tattooed and which tattoo artist to request” (January 6, 2011). As seen above, Kengo is at the center of their community. This paper has described the way in which these individuals express their status and relatedness within the community by exposing their tattoos to the public eye, as well as their decision to “conceal” their tattoos in some situations. That said, Tatsuya’s Joker tattoo is something of which the other members are also aware. Similarly, as the survey progressed, and Tatsuya began feeling more comfortable, he showed me his tattoo. Thus, while Tatsuya says that he “doesn’t want to show it to others so much,” it is not the case that it constitutes an entirely personal thing which he tries to conceal from the wider world. Hence, it is likely that this behavior of not exposing the Joker tattoo to most people but selectively revealing it according to the person or situation at hand is an act that heightens its importance and pays respect to Kengo. Moreover, a subtle sentimentality is created through the negotiation of the corporeal boundaries of the tattooed, which cannot necessarily be perceived via the stark division between the “tattoo to be shown” and the “tattoo that the tattooed do not wish to show.” CCoonnfflliiccttiinngg IIddeennttiittiieess This article demonstrates that the store staff formed a group through the mediation of the tattoos on their bodies. The norms of their community are based in a localized hip hop culture and manipulate elements suited to their lifestyle through incorporation and reinterpretation in a bricolage form. In the same way, the practice of getting tattooed can also be said to re-interpret hip hop culture in line with the Japanese context. However, it cannot be said that the
Living with Tattoos
Kengo and Tatsuya met when Tatsuya was 18. At the time, Tatsuya was working at another store, and when invited by Kengo, they worked together to establish “FIVE.” Discussing his struggles at the time, Kengo said, “I can’t go into detail, but when I rented the store, I was tricked by the Yakuza and had around JPY 30 million of debt. At that time, I went through hell” (Kengo, February 21, 2011). Tatsuya also spoke of the gratitude he felt to Kengo for inviting him to walk a new path and for choosing him as a partner with whom to run “FIVE” (Tatsuya, December 23, 2010). The Joker tattoo thus anchors his affection for Kengo to his body. Tatsuya said that he did not want this to be seen by others so much. These statements indicate the charisma and influence of Kengo, the store proprietor. This is also expressed by their interactions when they get tattooed. Generally, when tattoos or irezumi are carved, focus is placed on the power relationship between the tattoo artist and client. Within this relationship, there is a strong tendency for the tattoo artist, with their in-depth knowledge and experience, to be in a dominant position vis-à-vis the client. For example, Yamamoto (2005: 333) writes that “The tattoo artist witnesses the moment of the death and rebirth of the client and also conducts the rite of passage. They are also an intermediary who dissipates the pain during the procedure and teaches the clients, such as about treating the subsequent wounds.” When the members of the N-14 crew and “FIVE” get tattooed, they engage the services of a familiar tattoo artist. However, their relationship is not exactly close, as Takashi explained, “After the tattoo artist had explained things to me like the post-tattooing cautions, I showed them a design that I’d brought and asked them to ‘do it like this, please.’ Otherwise, I don’t ask them for much advice” (Takashi, January 6, 2011). Rather, they put their trust in Kengo, as
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indicated by Takashi admitting that “I asked the company boss what to get tattooed and which tattoo artist to request” (January 6, 2011). As seen above, Kengo is at the center of their community. This paper has described the way in which these individuals express their status and relatedness within the community by exposing their tattoos to the public eye, as well as their decision to “conceal” their tattoos in some situations. That said, Tatsuya’s Joker tattoo is something of which the other members are also aware. Similarly, as the survey progressed, and Tatsuya began feeling more comfortable, he showed me his tattoo. Thus, while Tatsuya says that he “doesn’t want to show it to others so much,” it is not the case that it constitutes an entirely personal thing which he tries to conceal from the wider world. Hence, it is likely that this behavior of not exposing the Joker tattoo to most people but selectively revealing it according to the person or situation at hand is an act that heightens its importance and pays respect to Kengo. Moreover, a subtle sentimentality is created through the negotiation of the corporeal boundaries of the tattooed, which cannot necessarily be perceived via the stark division between the “tattoo to be shown” and the “tattoo that the tattooed do not wish to show.” CCoonnfflliiccttiinngg IIddeennttiittiieess This article demonstrates that the store staff formed a group through the mediation of the tattoos on their bodies. The norms of their community are based in a localized hip hop culture and manipulate elements suited to their lifestyle through incorporation and reinterpretation in a bricolage form. In the same way, the practice of getting tattooed can also be said to re-interpret hip hop culture in line with the Japanese context. However, it cannot be said that the
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was probably essential to him to prioritize his relationship with “FIVE,” as the store accounted for a major part of his life at the time, and he had no alternative but to abandon the norms of his family. Although Takashi was not ostracized by his family for getting a tattoo, his relationship with them grew distant. Takashi noted that looking at the tattoo on his body “gives him spirit,” but that “he still can’t believe it” and “it’s a strange feeling.” These comments convey the sense that he wavers and hesitates, and has not fully embraced his chosen identity. CCoonncclluussiioonn This paper explored the case of young people who forge special ties by getting tattoos within contemporary Japanese society, which typically marginalizes those with tattoos. Through the act of assuming the weight, burden, and responsibility of having a tattoo, the group’s members gained acceptance from within the community and confirmed their irreplaceable relatedness. Furthermore, as in the case of Tatsuya’s Joker tattoo, there were also instances in which tattoos with motifs from particular memories were etched onto ordinarily unseen parts of the body. By only revealing these tattoos to close friends and in specific situations, the value of the tattoo and its connotations were heightened. Therefore, the combination of the motif, site, and timing of getting the tattoo are important in understanding tattoo culture, particularly insofar as the reciprocal communication of showing and concealing the tattoo within everyday life creates a symbolic significance and value. Of course, we must also consider DeMello’s (2000: 152) important point that the narrative behind a tattoo may be generated retrospectively to lend legitimacy. The case study examined in this paper illustrates the need to reconsider the
Living with Tattoos
methods they have constructed are fully displayed within the existing social system without causing any conflict. Here, this paper considers, as a case study, the trouble that Takashi had with his family when he joined N-14 and look at the kind of dispute that he experienced. As described earlier, prompted by becoming a member of “FIVE,” Takashi was accepted as a member of the N-14 crew and Kengo recommended he get a tattoo. However, for Takashi, this was not necessarily a happy story, as when he went home seeking consent to get a tattoo, he encountered vehement opposition from his family. His mother was apparently in tears as she tried to dissuade him. Takashi evaded the situation promising that he would “Get [the tattoo] removed later.” According to Takashi, by getting a tattoo, “I would no longer be able to work in a normal company, but honestly I never thought I would’ve joined one. It’s like having to decide to be resolved never to be able to escape from ‘this world’” (January 18, 2011). This episode shows the dilemma of existing between the norms of a community for which getting a tattoo is a requirement of membership and those of a community that rejects tattoos, and of having to choose between identities. Tattoos are semi-permanent and difficult to remove. When changing jobs and in other situations, they are highly likely to be disadvantageous. Takashi recognizes that “this world” to which his current life within “FIVE” and the N-14 crew belongs is a different place from the world of working in “normal society.” The act of getting tattoo signifies anchoring oneself to that world. Similarly, the social stigma attached to tattoos influenced not Takashi and presumably his family. Takashi’s awareness of this dilemma indicates that he had mixed feelings. Ultimately, Takashi was unable to find a solution to negotiate the conflicting norms of the two groups and decided to get a tattoo. It
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was probably essential to him to prioritize his relationship with “FIVE,” as the store accounted for a major part of his life at the time, and he had no alternative but to abandon the norms of his family. Although Takashi was not ostracized by his family for getting a tattoo, his relationship with them grew distant. Takashi noted that looking at the tattoo on his body “gives him spirit,” but that “he still can’t believe it” and “it’s a strange feeling.” These comments convey the sense that he wavers and hesitates, and has not fully embraced his chosen identity. CCoonncclluussiioonn This paper explored the case of young people who forge special ties by getting tattoos within contemporary Japanese society, which typically marginalizes those with tattoos. Through the act of assuming the weight, burden, and responsibility of having a tattoo, the group’s members gained acceptance from within the community and confirmed their irreplaceable relatedness. Furthermore, as in the case of Tatsuya’s Joker tattoo, there were also instances in which tattoos with motifs from particular memories were etched onto ordinarily unseen parts of the body. By only revealing these tattoos to close friends and in specific situations, the value of the tattoo and its connotations were heightened. Therefore, the combination of the motif, site, and timing of getting the tattoo are important in understanding tattoo culture, particularly insofar as the reciprocal communication of showing and concealing the tattoo within everyday life creates a symbolic significance and value. Of course, we must also consider DeMello’s (2000: 152) important point that the narrative behind a tattoo may be generated retrospectively to lend legitimacy. The case study examined in this paper illustrates the need to reconsider the
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Benet, Andy. 1999 “Subcultures or Neo-Tribes? Rethinking the Relationship between
Youth, Style and Musical Taste” Sociology 33(3): 599-617. Chang, J. チャン、ジェフ 2016 『ヒップホップ・ジェネレーション』(Can’t Stop Won’t Stop: A
History of the Hip-hop Generation) 押野素子（訳）(translated into Japanese by Motoko Oshino), 東京：リットーミュージック (Tokyo: Rittor Music,Inc.).
Condry, I. コンドリー、イアン 2009 『日本のヒップホップ文化 グローバリゼーションの＜現場＞』
(Hip-Hop Japan: Rap and the Paths of Cultural Globalization) 上野俊哉、
田中東子、山本敦久（訳）(translated into Japanese by Toshiya Ueno, Toko Tanaka and Atsuhisa Yamamoto), 東京：NTT 出版 (Tokyo: NTT Publishing Co., Ltd.).
DeMello, M. 2000 Bodies of Inscription: A Cultural History of the Modern Tattoo
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Baseball Teams” American Sociological Review 44(5): 733-745. Giddens, A. 1991 Modernity and Self-identity: Self and Society in the Late Modern Age,
Bristol: Polity Press. Hashimoto, K. 橋本健二 2018 『新・日本の階級社会』(New Class Society in Japan), 講談社現代
新書 (Kodansha Gendai Shinsho, 東京：講談社 (Tokyo: Kodansha). Hebdige, D. 1979 Subculture: The Meaning of Style, London: Methuen & C Ltd. Irwin, J. 1977 Scenes. California: SAGE. Kjeldgaard, D., & Bengtsson, A. 2005 Consuming the Fashion Tattoo, Advances in Consumer Research Volume
32, Geeta Menon and Akshay R. Rao (Eds.), Duluth, MN: Association for Consumer Research. 172-177.
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Living with Tattoos
perception that tattoos in modern society are no more than a consumer activity, an act that merely ends with the individual, and requiring no further explanation. It is possible to interpret this group’s practice of getting tattooed as a means of overcoming their unstable economic situation. However, their tattoos are not merely for a utilitarian purpose. According to Kengo, “We have a really close connection. We meet every day and eat together too” (February 21, 2011)—indicating that their tattoos are deeply embedded in their core life practices and a practice that forms their collective identity. However, the phrase “this world” commonly used by both Tatsuya and Takashi indicates they feel a kind of “guilt” about getting tattooed. Future studies of tattoos should emphasize the visualization and analysis of the difference and conflict of values that occur between mainstream society and the community these young people have created. As this article points out, their community does not show a distaste for or direct challenge to the mainstream social system. However, as illustrated by Takashi, a gulf is created when members of counter-cultural communities—such as the young people examined in this paper—attempt to realize multiple identities simultaneously. The way in which such communities cope with and respond to the gulf between them and mainstream society requires further investigation. References Asahi Shimbun Digital 2018 「タトゥー、やはりタブー？ りゅうちぇるさん公表に賛否」
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Tanaka, K. 田中研之輔 2012 「都市サブカルチャーズ論再考」 (Reconsideration of Urban
Subculture Theory)『法政大学キャリアデザイン学部紀要』
(Bulletin of Faculty of Lifelong Learning and Career Studies, Hosei University) 9, 381-428.
Thornton, S. 1996 Club Cultures：Music, Media and Subcultural Capital, Middletown:
Wesleyan Univ Pr. Williams, J. Patrick. 2011 Subcultural Theory: Traditions and Concepts. Cambridge: Polity. Wissler, C. 1917 The American Indian. New York: Oxford University Press. Yamakoshi, H. 山越英嗣 2012 「「縁」をつむぐタトゥー―日本の若者下位文化における身体
加工」(Tattoo, Linked by Fate: body modification in Japanese youth culture),『現代民俗学研究』(Journal of Living Folklore) 4, 73-82.
Yamamoto, Y. 山本芳美 2009 「秘める刺青、見せるタトゥー」(Hidden tattoos, Showing tattoos)
成実 弘至（編）『コスプレする社会―サブカルチャーの身体文
化』(Narumi, H. (Ed.) The Cosplay Society: Subculture and Body Culture), pp.139-171. 東京：せりか書房 Tokyo: Serika Syobo.
144 145
