Chapter 2

Lifestyle, social and economic status

of indigenous peoples

2.1. Background Russian legislation defines indigenous populations ofthe Russian Federation as follows:

“The numerically small indigenous populations of the RussianFederation (hereafter referred to as Indigenous Peoples) arethose residing in the areas of the traditional settlements of theirforefathers, preserving their traditional lifestyle, economy andtrades, who perceive themselves as an independent ethnic enti-ty, and whose population in the Russian Federation does notexceed 50000. The Common Register of the Indigenous Peoplesof the Russian Federation is approved by the Government of theRussian Federation based on information provided by theauthorities of the administrative territories of the RussianFederation where the indigenous populations reside.”

The law further clarifies that:

“… the traditional lifestyle of Indigenous Peoples is the strategyof survival which has been developed throughout their history,based on the experience of their forefathers in nature manage-ment, original social structure, accommodation, original cul-ture, and the preservation of customs and beliefs.” (FederalLaw, 1999).

Currently these charcteristics provide the main criteriafor the identification of the indigenous peoples inRussia. To date, this definition has applied to 40 indige-nous minorities, who are listed in the CommonRegister, mentioned in the Law1. Individuals belong-ing to these indigenous minorities are eligible for spe-cial targeted programs and a number of privileges toensure their security.

The indigenous peoples included in the Register sharemany common characteristics and problems. At thesame time they also differ significantly from eachother, which makes the framing of a single concept ofsustainable development a difficult task.

Based on their original settlement patterns, the indige-nous peoples of Russia can be classified into severalgroups. One of these groups comprises the indigenouspeoples of Northern Russia, Siberia and the Far East, agroup that are are distinguished by extreme living condi-tions, prolonged isolation from other cultures, their dis-tinctive material and spiritual culture and migratoryhabits, in addition to other traits. One important featureshared by this group of indigenous peoples is a moredeep overall social and economic crisis than that encoun-tered in other minority population groups in Russia.

The group of indigenous peoples of Northern Russia,Siberia and the Far East is a sub-group, comprising 11indigenous peoples whose residence in the Arcticregion (i.e. in the coastal and northern areas of theArctic Ocean catchment) is a determining characteris-tic. It is generally believed that the forefathers of thesecontemporary Arctic indigenous peoples came to theArctic region 10-12000 years ago, during the final stage

of the last glaciation. This was the beginning of a peri-od of migration by ancient tribes across the Arcticzones of Eurasia, and by northward migration of tribesfrom the south. This mixing between the new immi-grants and the ancient indigenous tribes started a newpage in the ethnic history of the North.

In fact, northern ethnic groups were continuing todevelop up until the 19th century and it was only whenthe original inhabitants of ‘Siberia’ came in contactwith ‘European civilization’, that they were consideredto be ‘indigenous peoples’, as this term is understoodtoday. Prior to this they were considered ‘disintegratedethno-linguistic communities, characterized by unsta-ble population density, dispersion, ethno-cultural het-erogeneity and weak intra-ethnic communication’(National Report, 2000).

The features which characterise the northern indige-nous peoples are determined by their environment.Their small population size also results from externalfactors and does not indicate either under-develop-ment or inherent population decline. On the con-trary, for their specific geographic environment andeconomy type, a small population size represents anoptimal solution (Gumilev and Kurkchi, 1989).However the same factors which ensured the highdegree of adaptability of northern populations totheir extreme living conditions, also made it difficultfor them to integrate with other cultures, especiallythose which were more ‘developed’. The resultingconflicts have affected all aspects of their life, includ-ing social, cultural and spiritual integrity.

Before conversion to Christianity, the indigenous pop-ulations of northern Russia were animists, believing allcreatures and objects of the world to possess souls.This allowed them to explain the world around them,including many natural phenomena, and also createda need for communicating with spirits. Such beliefsled to the emergence and development of shamanism.Shamanism and shamanistic practices provided faithin one’s own abilities in the face of fears aroused bythe incomprehensibility of nature and mans inabilityto influence it. This was the shaman’s role andexplains his influence on his fellow-tribesmen(Kasavin, 1990).

The arrival of Europeans in the northern regionsbrought significant changes to the world of the indige-nous populations – especially in connection with thediscovery and development of mineral deposits. It wasduring this period that the various indigenous ethnicgroups were defined and assigned their modernnames (generally different from those used by theindigenous people themselves). This occurred as aresult of various political and legal decisions, reformsand government activities, including the introductionof the census and passports, administrative and terri-torial division, and deliberate elimination of dialectsand even some ethnicities.

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2.1. Background

1 There also exist other definitions of the term 'indigenous minorities' which are not considered here.

The expanding ‘Register of Indigenous Peoples ofNorthern Russia’, established by law, currently iden-tifies 30 indigenous peoples who reside within thefive Republics, four Krais, ten Oblasts, and eightAutonomous Okrugs which comprise almost thewhole area of the Russian North, Siberia (includingSouthern Siberia) and the Russian Far East. Thetotal population of northern indigenous peoples isless than 200000 people, and constitutes less than2% of the total population of the northern regionsof Russia.

It is clear that the northern indigenous peoples haveundergone significant changes, which have dis-tanced them from their forefathers in economic,social, cultural, and even anthropometrical respects.However, certain groups of the contemporaryindigenous population still preserve both the cultur-al identity and the economic activities which areconsidered to determine a traditional lifestyle andpattern of settlement (nomadic or semi-nomadiclifestyle, etc.).

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Table 2.1. Indigenous peoples ofNorthern Russia, Siberia and the Far East. Indigenousgroups and administrativeterritories studied within theproject are highlighted ingrey.

Table 2.1 provides general information on the indige-nous peoples of Northern Russia, Siberia and the FarEast, their main areas of habitation, and occupationsfollowed.

2.2. Traditional lifestyleBy definition, the indigenous peoples of northernRussia (including the indigenous peoples of the Arcticarea) occupy remote regions of Eurasia, including thenorthern polar areas and islands in the Arctic Ocean.The proximity of the Pole and the Arctic Ocean deter-mine the climate and nature of these areas, and alsotheir landscape, which mostly consists of tundra andforest-tundra. Vast areas are covered by mountains andbogs, and there are many lakes and rivers. Fog, strongwinds, long winters (lasting from September/Octoberuntil June), permafrost, and scanty vegetation are onlya few of geographic features that illustrate the chal-lenges faced by any creatures living in these areas.Thus, the lifestyle as well as type and seasonal characterof the economy of the northern indigenous peopleshas been mainly determined by the extreme conditionsand the associated severe constraints imposed onhuman communities.

The severe climate and limited natural resource basemakes it impossible to use the agricultural and subsis-tence practices commonly found in more southernareas. As a result, northern indigenous peoples took

longer to develop their primary economies than otherindigenous populations. Up until the 20th century,most of the indigenous peoples predominantly prac-ticed primitive forms of hunting (including sea-hunt-ing), fishing, and gathering. Whilst some of the indige-nous peoples also mastered, to varying degrees, thepractice of nomadic reindeer-breeding, for many thisalso took a rudimentary form.

In general, by the time the Russians arrived in ArcticEurasia, the indigenous peoples of the area were stillevolving their economic and cultural systems. Their sur-vival strategies, especially those relating to everyday life,have been classified as a ‘traditional lifestyle’. Later,however, during the Soviet and post-Soviet periods, thelifestyle of the northern indigenous peoples underwentradical changes. When speaking of ‘preservation of thetraditional lifestyle’ under modern conditions, there-fore, it is necessary to take account of these differences.

Research has shown that in some areas of northernRussia the ‘traditional lifestyle’ and ‘traditional trades’have survived and are still developing. However, inmost regions, the traditional economy and associatedway of life have either been eliminated or are in crisis.

Nevertheless, even in those areas where the tradi-tional lifestyle and economy are considered to be incrisis, there are still some traditional communities

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2.2. Traditional lifestyle

trying to overcome their difficulties and seeking toadapt their households to modern life, whilst at thesame time retaining or reviving the knowledge of pre-vious generations.

2.3. Traditional economic activitiesThe main traditional activities undertaken by thenorthern indigenous peoples include reindeer-breed-ing, hunting, fishing, sea-hunting, and gathering.

2.3.1. Reindeer�breedingThe reindeer is a unique animal that can find foodwhere other domestic animals are unable to survive.The European (or Lapponian), Novaya Zemlya,Siberian, Tundra, Siberian Woodland, Okhotian,Barguzin, and Spitsbergen reindeer are all sub-speciesof reindeer found in Russia.

Reindeer-breeding is still the main economic activi-ty for most indigenous peoples of the RussianArctic. It is primarily practiced by Nenets, inlandChukchi, Koryaks, Nganasans, Dolgans, northernKhanty, Saami, Mansi, and some Evens, Evenki andEnets. Domestic reindeer breeding began mainly inthe 18th century, through the domestication of wildreindeer, and represents a form of nomadic stock-breeding.

During the Soviet period, reindeer-breeding under-went significant change and was developed as anagricultural industry, with the family communitiesbeing transformed into production teams. At thattime, Russia had up to 2.3 million domestic rein-deer, which constituted three-quarters of the world’sstock. Reindeer breeding as an industry was veryprofitable.

For deer breeding, a herd is normally maintained byone extended family or a group of relatives. In theArctic zone, herds are usually large, migration routesare long and reindeer breeding is oriented towardsproduction. One of the main functions of reindeer is toprovide people with food and clothing. Meat, blood,marrow, intestines and other tissues are consumed,both fresh and processed. The skin is used for clothingand shoes, and for the construction of lodgings andother accessories.

In winter, reindeer eat mainly lichen, fallen leaves andgrass, which they find under the snow. The summerdiet consists of grass, leaves, mushrooms, berries andeven birds’ eggs and nestlings. Reindeer herds con-stantly migrate in search of new pastures and to escapeblood-sucking insects.

The life of reindeer-herders is largely determined bythe biological cycle of the reindeer. Reindeer herdershave to move constantly, following the reindeer migra-tion. In summer they migrate towards the ocean ormountainous areas, whilst in autumn, they returninland to river valleys, forest-tundra and taiga. To trav-

el across tundra, nomadic herders use sleds pulled byteams of one to four, and occasionally even up to sevenreindeer. The types of sleds and teams differ. TheSaami use one-runner sleds without stanchions; Nenetsuse high-stanchion sleds, and Chuckchi use low sledswith seven or eight stanchions. There are a range of dif-ferent sleds for women, men, children and transporta-tion of goods, as well as covered sleds.

The nomads traditionally live in yarangas or chooms,wooden frame tents covered by reindeer skins thathave been sewn together (in winter, in two layers areused), which can be easily dismantled and put up at anew location. Curtains made of skins are often putinside to give added protection from cold. Thenomads’ clothing normally has no fastenings and ismade of deer skins. Winter clothing has two layers,with fur both inside and outside.

To the south, within the subArctic forest-tundra andtaiga (where hunting is better developed), reindeerbreeding differs. Reindeer are larger but the herds areless numerous and the animals are mainly used fortransportation. In woodlands, as the use of sleds is dif-ficult, the reindeer are usually used with pack-saddlesor ridden astraddle. Also, migration routes in wood-lands are shorter and depend upon the season.Therefore, reindeer-breeding in forest-tundra is usual-ly combined with hunting.

In modern life the traditional dwellings and clothesof reindeer-breeders begin to be replaced by tarpau-lin and synthetic tents, rubber boots, warm textileclothing and other artificial materials. Whilst beingconvenient and easy to handle, these materials arenot altogether suitable for people following a tradi-tional lifestyle. Reindeer-breeders, fishermen andhunters are always working outside. Thin tarpaulindoes not protect from the cold as well as reindeerskins, and synthetic clothes can prevent normalexchange of heat and moisture which can increaselikelihood of illness.

2.3.2. Sea�huntingSea-hunting is a traditional activity of the indigenouspeoples of coastal areas of the Arctic and PacificOceans. These are primarily Eskimos, Aleuts, coastalChukchi and Koryaks, and to a lesser extent Nenets,Evens, and some other indigenous groups. The objectof this type of hunt are whales, walruses and seals(including Ringed seals), which provided indigenouscommunities with meat, fat and skins. Meat and fatfrom marine mammals, both fresh and processed, aswell as preserved in traditional ways, were the mainfood sources for some coastal communities.

Whaling had special importance for the indigenouspopulation of Chukotka. A team of 8-10 people tookpart in the hunt, and one bowhead (Greenland rightwhale) or grey whale could provide enough food for awhole village.

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21

Sea-hunters built their settlements on higher parts ofthe coast, where they had a good view of the sea to assistin searching for whales. When a whale appeared, thehunters would rush to the sea in several kayaks. Theywould first throw harpoons with floats to keep thewhale from diving, and then kill it with spears. Lateron, guns were also used in whale hunting. Koryaks usedbelt nets to catch and kill whales.

During the Soviet period, independent indigenoushunting was prohibited and whales were hunted by aspecial state-owned whaling fleet. Whaling ships wouldbring their catch to the villages where the role of theindigenous community was to transport carcassesfrom the ships to the coast and to process them. All vil-lagers were involoved in this work. The first whale wasalways a feast and all meat and fat was shared amongthe families. The whaling ships were in use until theearly-1990s. It was during the Soviet period that themost important traditional skills were lost and thelifestyle of sea-hunters threatened. In the post-Sovietperiod, economic problems prevented the lease ofwhaling ships and a slow revival of traditional skillstook place.

Walrus were traditionally hunted in open sea in springand autumn, either while in the water or on ice-floes.In summer, walrus were caught on the coast at theirrookeries. At sea, hunters used boats, made from aframe covered with walrus and seal skins. Previously,animals at sea were hunted using a rotary harpoon withspecial detachable tip. Hunting of Ringed seal andother seals species took place throughout the year,usually by individual hunters in kayaks in the open seaand using both weapons and traps on the ice.

Sea-hunters were settled. They travelled with dogteams from permanent dwellings built from a frame ofwhale bones, covered with turf and skins to form aspacious hut. Stone lamps filled with sea mammal fatprovided heating and lighting. Their clothing wasmade from sea mammals skins and intestines of andhad no fastenings.

The hunting practices were reflected in the cultureand spiritual beliefs of indigenous populations,which developed over millennia. Some traditionswere lost during the Soviet period, but in recent yearssome noticeable efforts have been made to restorethem.

2.3.3. Hunting and trappingHistoricaly, hunting was very important for indige-nous peoples, especially for the Khanty, Mansi, Kets,Yukaghir, Udeghes, some Orochis, Nanais, Negidals,Itelmens and some other groups. The purpose of thehunt was determined by the prevailing environmen-tal, ethnical and historical situation. Originally the primary aim of the hunt was to provide meat,later, hunting animals for the fur trade also becameimportant.

The main quarry were wild deer, moose, brown andpolar bears, snow sheep, hare, and various birds,including geese, ducks and partridges among others.The main fur animals were sable, squirrel, marten,wolverine and otter.

In some areas, for example the Taymir, wild reindeerhunting was a traditional activity, performed duringthe short period of time when reindeer herds werecrossing rivers. On these occasions, hunters killed theanimals from boats. This short hunt provided suffi-cient food to support the neighbouring villages for along time. Later this activity was commercialized, usingnew technology and fire-arms and was mainly under-taken by non-indigenous workers for commercialenterprises. The carcasses were also processed alongthe river banks, causing environmental damage. Thisform of commercial ‘hunt’ differs in form and mean-ing from the traditional one. Furthermore, the indige-nous population was forced away from the reindeercrossings and deprived of the means of sustainingitself. Other forms of reindeer hunting involve the useof domestic reindeer to entice wild reindeer.

The main hunting tools used originally were varioustraps, but later on guns came into widespread use.Indigenous hunters traditionally lived a semi-nomadicor semi-settled life, moving to several different locationsthroughout the year. They lived in different kinds ofdwellings: the simplest being log houses, mud huts, orchooms, covered with bark and tree branches. Hunterstravelled on reindeer or on foot, and also at times usedspecial skis and small sleds. Their clothing was mademainly from deer fur and fastened down the back.

2.3.4. FishingFishing has always been one of the most important tra-ditional activities of the northern indigenous peoples.Until the present day, fish has been the most importantfood product for both people and dogs. The mostactive fishing takes place in spring and autumn duringthe seasonal migration of anadromous fish. Fishing hastraditionally been the main activity of the Ob Khanty,Mansi, southern Selkups, some Kets, Nivkhs, Ulchis,Nanais, Negidals, Orochis, Oroks, Itelmens, someKoryaks and Chukchi. Fishing also provides materialsfor clothing and shoes.

2.3.5. Gathering wild plantsGathering wild plants and berries has been widely prac-ticed since the earliest times and contributes to theprovision of food and other needs of the indigenouspeoples, for example, products to assist in tanning anddyeing of skins for clothing.

2.4. Social impact of recent political and economic reformsThe State policy towards northern indigenous peoples

has changed at various times. From the very beginningof colonization, the Tsarist government faced the prob-lem of the formalization of citizenship of the colonized

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2.4. Social impact of recent political and economic reforms

indigenous peoples and their lands. The problemarose because at the when the Russians came toSiberia, the indigenous peoples had not yet formedintegral ethnic communities with an administrativestructure. Social networks and administration wererestricted to families, and tribal or clan communities.This was due to a certain extent to their geographicalisolation and also to the nature of a subsistence familyeconomy.

The archaic economic and social relations of the north-ern indigenous peoples also influenced their spirituallife, culture, behavioural standards and law. This intro-duced certain complications during the integration ofthe northern indigenous peoples and their lands intoRussia, as the indigenous communities had no recog-nized leaders to sign the contracts and documents,confirming their consent to join the Empire and toensure the legal formality of colonization.

The key strategy used to solve this problem was the intro-duction of ‘yasak’ – a tribute paid by the indigenous peo-ples as a symbol of their obedience to Russia and of theirRussian citizenship. The main goods paid as yasak weresable skins and other furs, as well as tusks from mammothremains and walrus, and other luxury items. The yasakcommitments and the introduction of new commodity-money relations and trade led to the development of furtrading, which had not been very widespread amongstnorthern indigenous peoples until then. This change inactivities led to an alteration in the traditional lifestyle.

Colonization was not, of course, easy and bloodless,however it is generally accepted that the main inten-tion of the Russian state towards newly colonizedindigenous populations was not to cause their dis-placement or extermination, but rather their natural-ization. The peaceful nature of colonization is reflect-ed in the legal documents of the time, for example thefirst legal document – the ‘Code of Law of 1649’, whichrecognized the right of the indigenous populations topreserve their customs and beliefs and traditional lawsystem. Later on, during the period 1819-1822, the‘Statute on the Administration of Foreigners’ wasapproved, which until the Revolution remained themost important document relating to the northernindigenous peoples. The Statute introduced a differentapproach to different indigenous peoples and estab-lished a structure that best suited the characteristics ofvarious indigenous communities.

After the Revolution, in December 1917, theDeclaration of the Peoples of Russia was adopted. Thisproclaimed the right of all national minorities and eth-nic groups living in Russia to independent develop-ment. This was confirmed by the Constitution of 1918.Thus, the indigenous peoples of the Russian Northacquired equal rights with other ethnic groups ofRussia. Also worth noting is the ‘Decree of theGovernment On the Preliminary Protection ofIndigenous Tribes’ of 1923, which banned the import

of alcohol to areas of permanent migrations of north-ern indigenous peoples, and also introduced a statemonopoly on the fur trade, and other measures.

During this period, scholars and politicians proposedtwo alternative concepts for the further developmentof the northern indigenous peoples:• The ‘Traditionalist’ or ‘Native’ concept implied the

preservation of the culture of the northern indige-nous peoples. This concept proposed that contactswith the newly arrived population be minimizedand the creation of ‘reserved’ areas similar to thoseexisting in Western countries (Bogoraz-Tan, 1923).

• The ‘Innovative’ or ‘Integrative’ concept was basedon the need for the rapid and radical integration ofthe northern indigenous peoples into the culture ofother peoples of Russia and their adoption ofsocialist values.

Originally the ‘traditionalist’ policy was followed, char-acterized by a partnership approach and very slow, lim-ited reforms to the indigenous lifestyle. Later, the poli-cy of radical change prevailed. New administrative andterritorial divisions were introduced, whereby someindigenous peoples were assigned their ‘own’ national(later renamed ‘autonomous’) administrative territo-ries, known as Autonomous Oblasts or AutonomousOkrugs. Such ‘autonomy’ did not in fact imply any formof self-administration. On the contrary, the indigenouscommunities were increasingly subjected to total andradical transformation. Reforms and standardizationwere imposed on nearly all aspects of life. New produc-tion associations emerged rapidly, such as artels, coop-erative societies, collective farms (Kolkhozes), etc.Later on, kolkhozes in the northern areas were replacedby Soviet farms (Sovkhozes) and almost all the propertyof indigenous population was nationalized2.

There were continuous efforts to eliminate nomadichabits and to introduce a settled lifestyle. To achievethis aim, the state established centralised estates inkolkhozes and sovkhozes. Originally these were tiny set-tled bases, which later developed into large villages,accommodating administration and service personnel.

The main strategy used to eliminate the nomadic life-style was to transform reindeer-herding and other tra-ditional activities into production activities, and toremove aspects of the traditional lifestyle from theeveryday routine life of the indigenous peoples. Forthis purpose, children, women and the elderly popula-tion were moved from reindeer herding camps, andfishing and hunting sites, to the newly-built villages.

The transition to a settled way of life was a complicatedand painful process, because it involved crucial changesof the whole lifestyle and the wholesale destruction oftraditional values. The result was the following: mennomaded in the tundra, women were moved to villages,and children sent to boarding schools.

2.4. Social impact of recent political and economic reformsChapter 2

232 Statistical data: By 1934, 37% of all households of northern indigenous populations and 10% of the deer population werecollectivized. By 1943, 97% of all households of northern indigenous populations and 89% of the deer population were col-lectivized (of which 18% were given to Sovkhozs) and only 11% remained privately owned.

It was the total collectivization and the mass forced sep-aration of children from their parents that led to themost destructive changes in the traditional lifestyle.The traditional lifestyle, which had developed over thelong course of history, was rapidly transformed into amodern form of society, with changes occurring in allspheres of material and spiritual life. Villages acquiredhealth centres and schools, secondary educationbecame obligatory, literacy and proficiency in Russianlanguage increased, and indigenous peoples got pro-fessional education. Ideology was a very importantcomponent of life and representatives of the indige-nous peoples, in common with the rest of the USSRpopulation were actively recruited to the CommunistParty and the Youth Communist League.

At the same time, however, traditional skills, customsand native language were gradually being lost. Detaryhabits also underwent radical changes and the dietcame to consist mainly of imported food products, pre-serves, sugar, dairy products and other non-traditionalfood.

Despite the negative impacts of the socialist state, prob-lems relating to unemployment, the health service,education, provision of acceptable living conditionsand food provision for the indigenous populations,were however alleviated.

During and after the second World War, massive indus-trial development of northern areas commenced. Thisincluded intensive geological research and the devel-opment of mineral deposits, which resulted in thereduction of areas available for use as pasture, andhunting and fishing grounds.

During the post-Soviet period, there was a further rad-ical change in State policy. After the dissolution of theUSSR, Russia entered a period of political, economicand social change, affecting both state and society. Atthe beginning of the 1990s, some Autonomous Okrugspopulated by northern indigenous peoples attemptedto follow the general trend of the Russian ‘struggle forindependence’ and to change their status. Such move-ments were, however, initiated mainly by the (usuallynon-indigenous) leaders of the relevant administrativeterritories rather than the indigenous peoples them-selves. At the same time, the leaders of the administra-tive territories were opposed to the creation of nation-al districts, national village councils, communities andother forms of aboriginal self-administration, even at abasic level. The turning point of this period occurred when theState rejected the policy of ‘paternalism’, which hadallegedly existed before, and granted the northernindigenous peoples the ‘freedom’ of self-sufficiencywithin a declared policy of ‘partnership’.

Economic reforms and transition to a market economywere followed by the reorganization of sovkhozes inareas populated by the indigenous peoples, which rep-

resented one of the most important changes. This cam-paign led to a change of ownership of property where-by former state farms were converted into various pri-vate, family-owned, joint-stock and commercialagricultural, hunting and processing enterprises.

Theoreticians of the market economy forecasted therevival and the development of private farms andenterprises, but in practice the changes actually result-ed in the destruction of the remaining economic,social and cultural foundations of many northern com-munities. However, practical reorganization of agricul-tural enterprises in fields traditional northern indige-nous activities, which operated in the Soviet times,often led to their destruction. Some of the reasons forthis are briefly outlined below.

Although both hunting and fishing were traditionalactivities of the indigenous peoples, they had largelybeen forced away from rich hunting and fishinggrounds to poorer and more remote locations bynewcomers. These new hunters had the advantage ofcontacts with the town markets, allowing them to sellfurs for higher prices. As the result, indigenous furtrade has significantly decreased since the introduc-tion of a market economy due to a reduction in priceof wild animal skins and the increasing price ofammunition. Skins of white fox have effectively losttheir value and most of the hunting sites in the tun-dra have been abandoned. The price of squirrel skincurrently approximates to the price of a cartridge.Only sable now remains profitable for hunters, buteven in this domain, profits have fallen significantly(Klokov, 2002).

Fishing is also in crisis for economic reasons - lack ofcapital for investment and the high cost of transporta-tion make commercial fishing impossible. At best itnow serves to supply food to local trade network, buteven here there are some problems. The interests ofthe indigenous peoples are contrary to those of largefishing enterprises and distribution of fishing licencesand quotas results in conflicts, which are seldomresolved to the benefit of the indigenous population.

Similarily, gathering activities are unable to provide areliable source of prosperity in the northern areas. Thesale of berries brings only a small profit, as there is noestablished system of marketing in villages, no equip-ment for processing and preservation, and the marketprice is paltry. In conclusion, these traditional activities are currentlynot capable to stimulate the economic prosperity ofthe indigenous population, and at best, can serve as alocal food supply.

Marine mammal hunting and reindeer-breeding aremore promising in all respects, being economic activi-ties where the indigenous populaitons have encoun-tered less competition from imported labour. Theseactivities (and especially reindeer-breeding since it is

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2.4. Social impact of recent political and economic reforms

more widespread) could, therefore, establish the eco-nomic foundations for sustainable development of. theindigenous peoples. In most regions, however, rein-deer-breeding is currently in decline. Only the Yamal-Nenets and the Nenets Autonomous Okrugs show def-inite improvement, which can be explained by the factthat, in some areas, private herds, together with theappropriate traditions, were preserved during theSoviet period.

Local stability, however, will not save domestic reindeerproduction in Northern Russia as the whole.According to statistics, the total population of domes-tic reindeer in the Russian Federation halved between1991 and 2001. Table 2.2 uses the example of Chukotkato illustrate the changes in the reindeer population. Other social indicators in reindeer-breeding regionshave also shown a deterioration. There is a massivemigration of indigenous people from the areas associ-ated with traditional activities, to villages and cities,where many of them are unemployed. Among someindigenous peoples, more than half the populationnumber is now considered as an urban one.

The main negative consequence of the transition to amarket economy and the subsequent financial and eco-nomic crises which have arisen is the reduction ofsocial activity amongst the indigenous population.This, together with a lack of money, the collapse of thetraditional economy and loss of familiar values has ledto a mass expansion of alcohol consumption amongstthe indigenous population.

2.5. Industrial pollutionA main feature of the northern regions of the RussianFederation is the co-existence of two diametricallyopposed types of economy in a very vulnerable andfragile environment. One is the traditional indigenouslifestyle, attuned with the environment, and the otheris the contemporary industrial economy which oftenleads to the destruction of the environment.Frequently, mineral deposits coincide with reindeerpastures, hunting and fishing grounds and other areasof traditional nature management.

Another feature is that, historically, the Far North hasbeen the supplier of raw materials to the central part ofthe country. Originally these materials were furs, butnow the products are silver, gold, diamonds, wood,coal, oil, gas, and other goods. Raw material exploita-tion effectively provides prosperity for other parts ofthe country, but to the detriment of the environmentin the northern regions, and with little benefit tonorhtern indigenous peoples.

A third characteristic of the northern regions is theabsence of any real self-administration, and a lack ofthe means to influence or control the industrial devel-opment of natural resources, or, to at least obtain real-istic compensation for the areas affected.

During the Soviet period, when military and industrialdevelopment of the North began and numerous workcamps occupied by prisoners were established, a policyof secrecy and restricted access was instituted and hasbeen followed since. The Arctic, in particular, was clas-sified as a restricted region and remained a closed areawith an enforced frontier. Development of the Arctichas, therefore, been regulated by confidential resolu-tions and directives of the party authorities and thegovernment. For this reason, it has always been diffi-cult and sometimes impossible to obtain informationrelating to the environment.

Currently the Ministry of Natural Resources relies onthe mass media to keep the northern indigenous peo-ples informed. However, problems arise because themass media have little or no access to areas of tradi-tional nature management, and furthermore, theMinistry and other authorities themselves lack the nec-essary information about the land and sites which areof concern to the indigenous population. Ecologicalmaps available at the present time only provide cover-age of small areas within some regions.

Some quotes from local indigenous people:“Since 1995, there is gold extraction in the upper reaches

of the Peledon river. Although we have been informed thatthe environmental impact assessment has been made andapproved, people do not believe this. Unhealthy water flowsdownstream of the mines, and dead fish can be often seen.Peledon river enters Anadyr river, which is the largestspawning river in Chukotka, and which feed a lot of peo-ple. And these people are strongly concerned.”

Fedor Ugyansky, Lamutskoe village, Chukchi Autonomous Okrug

“The situation arose that the Oblast has no environmen-tally pristine areas. The nature of Murmansk Oblast wasused for dozens of years without considering negative con-sequences. Neither large, nor small industrial enterprisesor the Northern Fleet make any attempts to improve the sit-uation. These is no independent control, or penalties toviolators of environmental legislation.”

Lyubov Vatonena, Settlement Lovozero, Murmansk Oblast

The development of the natural resources of the FarNorth led to a radical reduction in the areas used bythe northern indigenous peoples for traditional naturemanagement, both through direct requisitioning anddestruction of these areas, and also through their pol-lution. Vast areas of industrial devastation exist acrossthe whole territory of Far North, including some areasof environmental destruction due to anthropogenicactivities. As a result, in many regions, large areas of

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Table 2.2 Changes in the reindeer population of Chukotka between 1988 and 2001.

reindeer pasture, rivers and lakes are no longer in use.Industrial sites represent dangerous sources of chemi-cal pollution, affecting large areas well beyond theactual boundaries of industrial acivites or of thedeposits under development.

This has resulted in irreversible transformations andfar-reaching changes in the activities of the indigenouspopulation. Of particular concern is that fact that pol-lution of the environment leads to pollution of thenatural food resources used by the indigenous popula-tion. These food resources constitute an important ele-ment not only of physical survival, but also the preser-vation of the traditional culture. It is not surprisingthat pollution and environmental degradation, togeth-er with the extreme northern climate, has led to anincrease in both the morbidity and mortality of indige-nous peoples (See Chapter 8).

2.6. Biological and anthropological features of Arctic indigenous peoples Regardless of their ethnicity, the indigenous peoples ofthe Arctic share many common features, both in thesocial and cultural domain, and also in anthropologi-cal-biological characteristics. The shared features showthemselves both in the constitution of the people andalso in a number of psycho-physiological parameters.This suggests that these features represent ‘standardcharacteristics’ evolved under the influence of the geo-graphic and climatic conditions of the Far North.These ‘standard characteristics’ seem to have become apermanent feature for northern indigenous peoples,as opposed to some area adaptation features observedamong more recent immigrants (Alekseeva, 1998).

Some characteristic features are briefly summarized asfollows: • constitution is solid, with well developed musculo-

skeletal systems and a mainly cylindrical chestshape;

• [bone] marrow occupies a relatively large area; • lungs demonstrate a high ventilation capacity; • blood serum contains an increased gamma-globulin

fraction; • blood haemoglobin content is increased; • blood serum contains a high content of proteins

and lipids; • fat oxidation capacity is increased; • energetic and heat regulatory processes are

enhanced; • metabolism levels are very stable.

It is noticeable that, for certain parameters, the vari-ability range between individuals in the general popu-lation is smaller compared to populations who liveunder moderate climatic conditions with a more opti-mal geochemical balance. This loss of upper and lowerextremes in such characteristics contributes to the sta-bility of the complex of morphological and functionalcharacteristics found in the extreme conditions ofnorthern regions. It appears that these features are par-

ticularly significant in the adaptive responses demon-strated by the northern indigenous populations to theevolving natural and social environment. Researchdescribed below supports this hypothesis.

The extreme climate, hard living and working condi-tions, overcrowding and poor hygiene within dwel-lings, high level of infection among the older popula-tion, late disease detection and lack of medicalsupplies all contribute to the high incidence of tuber-culosis amongst the northern indigenous peoples.Other factors, such as the change to non-traditionalfoodstuffs, with associated immune system impacts, arealso very important. Reduced disease resistance is relat-ed to specific metabolic characteristics of northernindigenous peoples. About 90% of subjects belong to agroup of ‘fast acetylators’ who cannot fully assimilatenutrients from important food products. Furthermoreit has been shown that the degradation of pulmonarytissues occurs faster in the ‘fast acetylators’, leading toa greater variety of destructive forms of tuberculosiseven at early detection (Sulejmanov, 1996).

Respiratory diseases also play an important role in themorbidity structure of northern indigenous peoples.One specific feature, which promotes the emergence ofsuch diseases, is the functional characteristics of the res-piratory system of indigenous population. As a result oflong exposure to the severe northern climate, theindigenous peoples have developed a special respirato-ry ‘defence mechanism’ in which the inhalation phaseis shortened, whilst the exhalation phase is prolonged.This reduces contact between cold air and the respira-tory tracts. Air that is retained in the lungs ensures thedilution and warming of new portions of air as theyenter the lungs. Under modern conditions, this adap-tive reaction becomes harmful as it contributes to oxy-gen deficiency and accumulation of the toxic sub-stances inhaled from the atmosphere. This promotespulmonary diseases, including cancer (Sedov, 1998).

The change in traditional dietary habits has had a greaterimpact on the health of indigenous population than it isgenerally believed. A distinctive feature of nutrition inthe Arctic is the amount of protein consumed. Accordingto calculations, an adult Eskimo in the early 20th centurynormally consumed, on a daily basis, 1.8-2.2 kg of meatfrom sea mammals (Krupnik, 1987). Meat and fat areessential components in the diet of the northern indige-nous peoples because, together with plants, they aremain source of energy, vitamins and micro-elements.

This diet led to genetic adaptations and the develop-ment of adaptive mechanisms, including a reducedlevel of hormones in the thyroid glands and pancreas,specific biochemical processes, whereby the break-down of fat takes precedence over its synthesis, and theutilisation of protein as the main source of energyrather than carbohydrates. Figure 2.1 compares therecommended and actual nutritional pattern of north-ern populations in some Russian regions.

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2.6. Biological and anthropological features of Arctic indigenous peoples

Over past decades, the fat metabolism of northernindigenous peoples has been subjected to a radical‘modernization’ due to the aggressive promotion of ‘sovi-et’, and more recently ’western’ lifestyles and food habits.This has affected the balance of lipids and sugars inblood, which, together with an overall decrease in physi-cal activity, has led to the development of various dis-eases, in particular atherosclerosis and insular diabetes.

The major change in dietary habits began during theSoviet period, when the reindeer-breeders nomadicherding routes were changed, followed by the virtualcessation of traditional activities. Fishermen andhunters, both on land and sea, were affected by variousrestrictions introduced by the government, and by thefalling populations of fish and animals. This wasaccompanied by the spreading influence of importedfood products and a greater orientation towards ‘ready-made’ or ‘European’ food.

The overall result was a reduction in the amount ofmeat, fat and local plants in the diet of northernindigenous people, as they adopted an unfamiliar diet.According to data provided by the State Committee forStatistics for the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), con-sumption of wheat bread is 146% of the recommendednorm and sugar and candies 492%, while the con-sumption of meat is only 82% of the recommendedphysiological norm, fish is 39%, and vegetables lessthan 50%. It is no accident that obesity, and endocrinediseases have increased, and that there is high level ofanaemia among pregnant women and children.

Increased content of carbohydrates in the diet hasmade mechanisms of food assimilation less effective.This particularly affected children in nurseries andschools, where carbohydrates and dairy productsformed a significant part of their diet. Menus in theseinstitutions were compiled to match those in centraland southern regions, without taking the peculiaritiesof the metabolism of indigenous children into account.Until recently, staff in educational institutions were

unaware that dairy products and sugar could not beproperly metabolised by some children. It should alsobe noted that, until recently, prolonged breast-feeding,(sometimes until the child is 6-7 years old), has beenimportant in the development of immunity to diseases.

Disruption of lipid metabolism in people, affects theoxygen balance in tissues, which is aggravated by a lackof iron. The failure in supply of essential micro-ele-ments is a result of both changes in dietary habits (forexample, deer previously acted as a kind of ‘repositoryand carrier’ of biologically integrated micronutrients),and also from changes to lifestyle, in particular thereduction and discontinuance of migrations, whichhad previously ensured the enrichment of food withmicro-elements derived from different geological envi-ronments (Kozlov and Vershubskaya, 1999).

It is clear that various adaptive changes were previous-ly useful and helped ensure the survival of indigenouspeoples in an extreme climate. However under mod-ern conditions, many of these adaptations havebecome useless or even harmful. Mechanisms thatevolved to protect health may now contribute to itsdecline, encourage a range of diseases and impedegeneral development, including that of higher mentalfunctions. For the Arctic and subArctic populations, awell-known saying could be re-phrased as follows: ‘neg-ative factors occurred in the wrong place in the wrongtime’ (Kozlov and Vershubskaya, 1999).

Furthermore, negative dietary and lifestyle changesaffect different aspects of the physiological system.Carbohydrate and lipid metabolism, which are closelyconnected to each other, are both affected, makingadaptation processes more complicated.

Examination of the range of traditional food productsconsumed, and traditional cooking methods of north-ern indigenous populations can provide further insight.

2.7. Traditional food and dietary habits The indigenous peoples of the Arctic have traditional-ly shared the same nutritional base (which is one of thecriteria used to classify northern indigenous people).This similarity and peculiarity in diet derives from bothfood products used and cooking methods. The diet hasdeveloped through a combination of geographicallocation and the traditional activities pursued (i.e.hunting, fishing, reindeer-breeding and gathering)and consists mainly of animal products, sometimescombined with local wild plants.

Historically, the Arctic indigenous peoples consumedonly what they were able to obtain themselves locally.Although imported products, such as flour, pasta, cere-als, butter, sugar, salt, tea and preserves becameincreasingly available in historically recent time, peo-ple living in areas, where traditional activities were fol-lowed, continued to use traditional foodstuffs. Inrecent years, however, this has changed.

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Figure 2.1. Recommended and actual nutritional pattern of northern indigenouspeoples in some Russian regions, according to data of the State Statistics of the Russian Federation (compiled from Pika and Prokhorov, 1994).

The traditional diet of the northern indigenous peo-ples is also characterized by the consumption of rawproducts and the restricted use of forms of heat pro-cessing, as introduced via the European culture.Popular means of cooking food included baking usingstones, sand and open fires. Boiling was used onlyoccasionally, pickling not at all, and oil-frying onlybecame popular due to the influence of other cultures.

Traditional cooking methods were a practical responseto a lack of metalware, ovens, salt, and other factors.

As described above, through prolonged use of animalproducts as a source of food, the northern indigenouspeoples have developed a genetically fixed pattern ofmetabolism to utilise the protein-fat rich nutrition,which helps protect their health.

In the recent past, when the traditional diet was stillwidespread, many indigenous peoples from the vari-ous Arctic regions actively consumed raw meat; fat andfresh blood (from reindeer, walrus, seal, and whale).These products were consumed immediately followingslaughter while they still maintained their excellenttaste properties and proteins.

Blood was consumed not only fresh but virtually ‘live’,from a cut made in a reindeer’s artery while the animalwas still alive. Blood was often mixed with other prod-ucts (pieces of liver, kidney, marrow, or reindeer milk,and also fresh fish). Reindeer or sea mammal meat, wasused to make a broth, which provided a quick restora-tive of physical strength and also acted as medicinalagent.

The excellent taste properties of meat from reindeerand other hoofed animals was partially due to theunstressed state of the animal when killed, quickslaughter, and special ways of exsanguination.

Until recently, raw animal products were generallyfrozen while still fresh, and then served sliced, chippedor broken into small pieces. Raw meat or fish was usu-ally served with berries (bilberries, cowberries, cloud-berries, crowberries), wild leek, and other pickled orfrozen plants. Other popular dishes were meat and fishdried in the open or smoked over open fires in the tra-ditional lodge. These traditional foodstuffs were com-plemented by poultry, including partridges (all yearlong), geese, ducks (in summer) and also eggs. Apartfrom berries, various parts of plants, wild roots, mush-rooms and moss were also eaten.

The main natural food products used include:• Terrestrial mammals: reindeer, hare, elk. • Marine mammals: whale, walrus, seals • Birds: geese, ducks, partridges • Fish: freshwater and anadromous – whitefish, loach,

smelt, trout, grayling, salmon (Siberian salmon,hunchback salmon, and other kinds), pike, burbot,perch; marine - herring, navaga, pollock.

• Plants: leaves or fresh shoots from polar willow, wildleek, several kinds of sorrel, laminaria (seaweed),mushrooms, berries (cloudberries, crowberries, bil-berries, cowberries, blueberries, cranberries andcurrants).

2.8. Environmental challenges Changes in the environment (both ecological systemsand social relations, including those between ethnicgroups) always require an adequate feedback response.Stress symptoms are frequently caused by exposure toextreme experiences, and in such circumstances an indi-vidual can lose control of social aspects of their life.Rapid changes in the environment, which overwhelmpreviously developed adaptive responses can aggravatethe stress. The most destructive ‘environmental changes’experienced by the northern indigenous peoples wereforced separation of children and parents, prevention offamily nomadic lifestyles, and the decline of traditionaleconomic activities and self-administration in communi-ties. Natural disasters and anthropogenic upheavals canboth have a seriously deleterious effect on human health.

It is health (in the broadest sense of the word) that isthe most important factor in survival, both for an indi-vidual and for the whole community. This is a criticalissue for the indigenous peoples of Arctic Russia, who,under the pressure of increasing social and healthproblems, now collectively feel a deep sense of crisis.

Environmental problems, including both destructionand pollution of the natural environment are of specialconcern. Sources of pollution can be both in the imme-diate vicinity of indigenous communities, and also fardistant from the Arctic. Chemical substances accumu-late in traditional foods, such as plants and animals, andthus enter the bodies of northern indigenous people.

The northern indigenous peoples are effectivelycaught in a dilemma: on one hand, rejection of tradi-tional food and lifestyle threatens both their commu-nity and individual well-being and cultural identity,and on the other hand, the same traditional foods havebecome suspect as a result of chemical pollution.

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2.8. Environmental challenges