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Life and Death of Traditional Settlements of SouthwestSaudi ArabiaMohammed Abdullah Eben Saleha

a King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi ArabiaPublished online: 22 Aug 2013.

To cite this article: Mohammed Abdullah Eben Saleh (1998) Life and Death of Traditional Settlements of Southwest SaudiArabia, Journal of Architectural Education, 51:3, 177-191, DOI: 10.1080/10464883.1998.10734771

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10464883.1998.10734771

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Life and Death of Traditional Settlements of Southwest Saudi Arabia

Mohammed Abdullah Eben Saleh, King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

This article explores the forces behind the transformation of traditional settle­ments in southwest Saudi Arabia. It provides a synopsis of the present circum­stances of such settlements, analyzes issues relevant to their deterioration, evaluates current policies and developments, and suggests possible courses of action. A serious look at such settlements would be a useful tool for foster­ing a new attitude toward planning practices in Saudi Arabia. Although they are in many ways inadequate to modern needs, they represent a cultural ar­chetype containing answers to many questions that have been bypassed in the country's rush to adopt foreign planning models and prototypes.

Introduction

Current development practices in Saudi Arabia are rapidly resulting in the plowing under of traditional environments that represent the technological and cultural repositories of knowledge developed over centuries. Economic growth has already led to the loss of major works of architecture and archaeological remains. Now, entire quarters of ancient towns are being wiped out, and many buildings of historical significance are being destroyed or transformed beyond recognition. In their place has emerged a modern environment in which materi­als, forms, and construction techniques have been imported and used thoughtlessly, without due attention to their characteristics. As a re­sult, recent buildings in Saudi Arabia have lost any sense of authen­ticity and become incoherent hybrids of exotic character.

Today, internationally accepted images of architecture have rendered much indigenous experience obsolete. Traditional build­ing practices, associated forms and configurations, and traditional materials are viewed as substandard, despite their long history of usage and the important lessons they present.

This article attempts to examine these trends by taking a closer look at the distinctive traditional building and settlement practices of the nation's southwest region. Here, an integrated ap­proach to settlement formation once mitigated local climatic, en­vironmental, political, and economic problems and provided an appropriate environment for the cultural life of the people. But through the last twenty years traditional settlements have been ex­tensively degraded, and in some places totally abandoned.

Some of the trends underlying these events may, indeed, be seen as logical responses to changes in Saudi culture and society. For example, certain changes in traditional settlements have been nec­essary to alleviate the housing shortages precipitated by rapid popu­lation growth, migration from rural to urban areas, and increases in

journal of Architectural Education, pp. 177~ 191 © 1998 ACSA, Inc.

the cost of labor and building materials. Other changes reflect the desire of Saudi citizens to live a more comfortable lifestyle. But the end result of the new culture of housing in Saudi Arabia has not necessarily been a better built environment. In many instances, planning policies-in combination with old allegiances and indi­vidual self-interest-have abetted a process of cultural decay.

What is even more surprising is that new developments have even failed to respond adequately in climatological or environmen­tal terms, despite the extensive use of new building materials, tech­niques, and equipment.

While trends in Saudi Arabia may be similar in some ways to patterns in other parts of the world, in other ways the Saudi expe­rience has been unique. The enormous changes that have taken place in Saudi Arabia during the last forty years have few historical parallels apart from the changes experienced in the Western world during the Industrial Revolution of the nineteenth century. 1

Among other things, these changes led to vastly changed economic circumstances. Yet even as these factors may make it distinct, the Saudi case may still be of great relevance to other developing coun­tries, especially those which may have the good fortune to experi­ence a sudden increase in national wealth due to unforeseen economic or political changes.

Planners and decision makers appear to believe that technol­ogy, associated with economic prosperity, will be able to solve all environmental problems. Inevitably, however, this attitude only leaves them in the role of managers of cultural decline. 2

Jane Jacobs wrote in 1961 that the life and death of traditional settlements encompasses serious social, political, economic, and aes­thetic problems.3 It is to this complex record of continuity of cul­ture in harmony with continuity of space that local architects, planners, and municipal administrators in Saudi Arabia must turn if they are to find remedies for the excesses of the last twenty years. What is needed is a new approach to settlement formation that builds on old patterns, yet recognizes the changed economic and cultural circumstances of the present. Local governments may play a key role in this effort if they can find ways to curtail the fragmen­tation and discontinuity in the urban fabric by discouraging the unwarranted adoption of exotic principles and standards.4 But to facilitate this role, ways must be found to support the role of the municipal administrator, architect, and planner in enhancing, in­voking, and preserving environmental, cultural, and aesthetic values.

Toward this end, this paper aims to open a new discussion among architects, planners, and municipal administrators, especially those practicing in the development of the southwestern region, by providing a qualitative assessment at odds with current doctrine.

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Such an assessment of the influence of religious, cultural, economic, political, technological, and physical factors might establish a suit­able context in which to view traditional settlements, such as those of the southwestern region, as models to guide future growth.

The Traditional Context

Prior to the unification of Saudi Arabia under Late King Abdulaziz AI-Saud in 1932, the Arabian Peninsula was inhabited by settlers and nomads, both in a constant struggle for subsistence. 5 During this traditional period, issues of security and privacy often had a decisive impact on the urban built form. Villages and towns of the southwestern regions were fortified by stand-alone and integrated towers with the built environment while in other regions they were surrounded by walls with fortified gates and towers. The stand­alone towers were built in strategic sites to survey the fringes of vil­lages and towns.

Most urban settlements in Saudi Arabia originated at water points, trade-route convergences, sacred mosque locations, or ad­ministrative centers.6 An abundance of water was the major sup­porting element. Usually, the building of a mosque would be the first architectural task undertaken. It would be associated with a large open space used as a market and public gathering place. Over time residential quarters would grow around the mosque and suk (market), characterized by narrow, winding alleyways and a com­pact built form. Alleyways were sized to allow the movement of a loaded camel or donkey, and some streets were even narrower, be­ing meant solely for pedestrians.

In such settlements, harsh circumstances especially with re­spect to security, natural environment, and the impact oflslam, with its emphasis on domestic privacy, led to the development of an in­troverted architecture, with most buildings designed around court­yards, towerlike or medium-rise structure with minimal outlook to the public realm. Residential quarters consisted of a series of attached residential units of irregular shapes and forms. Usually, the houses did not exceed five stories in height. Nearby pastures and agricultural fields provided the main economic base and source of food supply.

Within the boundaries of such settlements, the traditional economy, religious beliefs, and political conditions all dictated a certain uniformity and homogeneity of the residential quarters; for example, there was no outward evidence of "high-class" or "low­class" housing. Further standardization emerged from the fact that within each village or town the production of houses was the pur­view of one or more master builder, assisted by trained workers. In

the southwestern region the homogeneity of traditional settlements was further determined by the fact that residents were usually re­lated by blood or alliance.

Within the context of such a tight system of settlement for­mation, building practices in the southwest frequently incorporated highly sophisticated environmental strategies to achieve sustainable environmental comfort. The solutions varied through the semi-arid, semihumid, and humid areas of the region. Collectively, the solu­tions dramatically illustrate how the selection of building design and construction materials within a specific physical context can effectively improve the performance of dwellings in a confined resi­dential neighborhood and in a fashion compatible with the life­styles of the inhabitants.

For example, traditional settlements in the southwest high­lands were characterized by relatively high densities. Khamis Mushait, a traditional settlement 30 kilometers south of Abha, the capital of the Asir region, had a density of 306 persons per hectare, compared to sixty persons per hectare for modern neighborhoods in the same area/ This density was achieved by buildings that were attached to each other with only small openings on the street for lighting and ventilation. In such a design, a shamasi, or roof terrace, served many of the same functions as a courtyard. Built in this way, houses shaded each other from the hot sun. And by covering part of the alley network with sabat (enclosed space over alleyway), the effect of cold winds could be minimized, and the whole settlement could be made more easily defensible against raiding by nomads.

The primary building materials in the southwest were khulb (mud processed from clay), rubble stone, and tamarisk or palm tree trunks and branches. These materials were compatible with weather conditions, especially rain, humidity, and heat, and they were all locally available. The largely self-sufficient economies in the region at the time did not permit building with imported materials. Such limitations on materials encouraged development of certain stan­dardized qualities in residential architecture. Rooms, for example, were rarely more than four meters wide and three to six meters long, dimensions determined by the tensile strength of roof joists made from local wood. 8

Settlements in the southwest may generally be classified in terms of construction materials and type of habitation. The only area in which adobe was not the predominant material was the Tihamah on the Red Sea coast. In this region, mud was not suit­able due to the heavy rains and buildings were largely constructed of stone and tree branches. In neighboring areas with less rain, adobe blocks would be interspersed with ragaf(protruding slates) to protect the adobe walls from rain.

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In terms of function, the ground floors of traditional houses in the southwest normally consisted of a spaces for animals and stor­age. 9 A reception spaces for male guests was located on the second or third floor, and a small kitchen could be found either on the third floor or on the roof. The rest of the house consisted of rooms used for living during the day and sleeping at night. Most tradi­tional houses lacked sanitary facilities, though some had a bathroom built over a roofed pit. Most of the traditional houses had bathing facilities. Although some houses had cisterns to collect rainwater from the roof, in most cases water was brought from a nearby well.

A scholarly work has outlined several of the reasons why such traditional houses are no longer viewed as suitable for habitation. Among them are the need for more space and the dwelling's lack of some essential facilities such as a garden or play area for children. The physical appearance of traditional neighborhoods in terms of street conditions, congestion, and noise is another commonly cited prob­lem. Furthermore, the nature of adobe and stone construction, the layout of the traditional houses, and the compact layout of the tra­ditional settlement further makes it difficult to upgrade houses and streets to acceptable standards.1° Finally, traditional methods of con­struction are no longer economical. While adobe, stone, and timber construction may be the most economical system for building in many developing countries, the situation is different in Saudi Arabia. The problem is exacerbated by the absence artisans who can still build in these materials. Mass-produced industrial products such as concrete blocks are now cheaper than traditional materials, and low­income people in Saudi Arabia use concrete blocks for load-bearing walls, and timber with adobe cover or corrugated sheets for roofing.

An awareness of problems with traditional settlements in southwest Saudi Arabia first emerged in 197 4 after the General Department of Statistics (GDOS) conducted a comprehensive na­tional survey of building conditions. The survey provided the first overall accurate documentation of the attributes of settlements, their rype of construction, sanitary installations, electricity availabil­ity, and other services. 11 This census provided government agencies and researchers with alarming insight into both quantitative and qualitative problems of traditional settlements. The survey revealed pressing shortages of decent housing and indicated the need for urgent settlement reform compatible with current economic pros­perity and social expectations.

Since 1970 traditional settlements in the southwest such as Al<kas, AI-Aikhalaf, AI-Yanfa<, AI-Malad, Thi<ain, and AI-Hajrah have seen various degrees of change both in terms of formal struc­ture and physical appearance (Figures I and 2) . Some, such as AI­Yanfa' and Al' kas, have managed to preserve their traditional

atmosphere (Figures 3-27) . But this has been possible largely as a result of their relative isolation and the lack of private lands. Gov­ernment loans flow to upgrade them. 12 While others such as Al­Aikhalaf, AI-Malad, Thi<ain, and AI-Hajrah were abandoned and left to decay due to the abundance of private lands around them. In such living settlements, traditional houses remain much below current standards in terms of available space, adequacy of kitchen and bathroom facilities, quality of interior finishing, and the amount of available natural light and external view. Nevertheless, they are still used as main living spaces and their inhabitants have often modernized them to the best of their abilities. The general picture of traditional settlement in the region, however, is one of dilapidation. This can be seen as an instance in which the collapse of a system indicates that organizational types are becoming coun­terproductive to the expectations of people. And, in fact, some settlements have been allowed to deteriorate until they are little but heaps of earth and rubble, leaving no trace of the architectural and urban traditions that once existed. 13

Factors Behind the Transformation of Traditional Settlements

The plight of traditional villages in the southwest must be consid­ered in light of the major structural transformation of Saudi society in the last two decades. Unification of the Saudi state in 1932 brought an end to intertribal raiding and attacks against villages and towns . The new national government harnessed competing local forces into thirteen administrative and jurisdictional areas: Riyadh, Makkah, Jezan, Eastern Province, Asir, AI-Qassim, Hayel, Medina, AI-Baha, North Borders, Tabook, Najran, and AI-Jouf. Each admin­istrative area is governed according to the prevailing local governing system, now presided over by a principal amirappointed directly by the King. 14 In general, the establishment of a strong central govern­ment and the settlement of nomadic populations has allowed the growth of villages and towns beyond their walls or territorial bound­aries. Opening to new technologies from outside has also brought widespread replacement of camel, donkey, and mule transportation by motor vehicles, and this has led to the widening of streets and to a greater demand for vacant land for parking.

Following unification of the country, a transitional period ensued during which changes in the traditional context took place relatively slowly, but in many respects these changes were still irre­versible. For example, the decision to transfer the central govern­ment offices to Riyadh from the western region meant the need for

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new government buildings including ministries, hospitals, schools, and housing. Since economic conditions during the 1950s allowed the introduction of new building materials and techniques, such buildings were constructed of reinforced concrete, cement, steel, glass, and imported wood, using professional designers and skilled labor in place of traditional master builders. Urban design at this time also came to be influenced by modern notions based on the replacement of more culturally typical organic growth patterns with rationalized gridiron layouts. The free-standing villa was introduced and soon served as a symbol of modernity, replacing the older com­pact forms and the traditional introverted architecture. 15

However, while the seeds of change were planted during the transitional period, it was not until the economic boom of the 1970s that the nature of cultural change in Saudi Arabia became fully ap­parent. With the rapid growth of oil wealth in the mid-seventies, came wholesale changes in the physical environment. The country has now witnessed the construction of many gigantic projects such as universities, airports, seaports, industrial cities, hospitals, housing complexes, and administrative facilities. Five schools of architecture and planning have been opened to train a new generation of special­ists, and graduates from these institutions have been supplemented by foreign architects and planners and hundreds of Saudis who have received their educations in Europe and North America.

The drastic changes in the economic, social, and political structures have coincided with a change in people's attitudes toward modernization. New neighborhoods in Saudi towns and villages now feature subdivision plans offering large lots suitable for villas. And municipal officials are now inclined to give such projects pref­erential treatment in providing municipal services, increasing their attractiveness in comparison to traditional areas.

In light of the above history, this research was able to iden­tify a number of key areas of conflict between traditional settle­ments, such as those in the southwest, and the new cultural tendencies.

One of the most obvious changes emerging from new wealth and modernity has been the growing instability of local populations and a general movement to urban areas. In areas of frequent drought and water shortage, out-migration had always been the ul­timate strategy for survival. But in the southwest, aided by a de­pendable subsistence economy, labor cooperation, and mutual assistance, the community had managed to keep out-migration to a minimum. Until the 1950s, temporary labor migration, to a large extent, was the norm, as households dispatched one or more of its adult male members to seek gainful employment in order to buy the household's production and subsistence essentials. 16

Following the 1970s these traditional patterns began to break down, and a general pattern of family decomposition into nuclear families, and out-migration from the region began. This pattern has been exacerbated by the general trend of population growth in the country as a whole. Overall, the population of Saudi Arabia has doubled in the last two decades, creating serious demands for gov­ernmental services, infrastructure and private housing. In the past, despite religious teachings encouraging the growth of families, population growth was kept in check by malnutrition, scarcity of health care, tribal warfare, and occasional epidemic diseases. But in recent times all these conditions have been reversed, due to im­provements in nutrition and health care, economic prosperity, and political stability.

A second factor in the decline of traditional settlements in the southwest has been their incompatibility with new locational pri­orities and land use patterns. Most obviously, the original sites of many traditional settlements were chosen to support defensive ob­jectives. Once this objective was no longer relevant, and access to settlements by car became an important concern, calls for their abandonment mounted among inhabitants.

But other land use problems are also built into the cultural fabric of traditional settlements. For example, land ownership pat­terns in the communities have made necessary changes difficult. Land ownership patterns in the southwest emerged from several fac­tors. At the regional level of tribal rivalry, there historically existed common lands that could be exploited for agriculture, lumbering, or pastoralism by all members of a tribe or one of its subgroups. But after a royal decree in 1957, these lands were taken over by the na­tional government and may no longer be used in the traditional manner. Meanwhile, at the village level, property ownership is gov­erned by the inheritance system of Islamic Shari<ah (law). This in­heritance system often divides family lands into small tracts of no economic viability. The area of agricultural land ranges from less than an acre to several acres. So the viability of division of small lands is not economical. For example, a deceased man left a wife, sons, daughters, and parents. The wife takes one-eighth, the parents share equally one-third, and the rest is divided between the children, provided that the male heirs rake twice the area given to the female heirs.

The change in ownership patterns have made it difficult for coherent urban growth patterns to continue within traditional settlements. The problem has been exacerbated by a massive esca­lation in the price of land, due to speculative pressure and the fact that much traditional agricultural land within the region lies in flood-prone areas in valley bottoms. Today, the price of a land in a

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planned scheme with public services such as asphalt roads, electric­ity, telephone, and water is often equal to or greater than the actual cost of constructing a home on it. Cheaper land may be available, but it is often far from a developed area, where it is impractical to provide water, electricity, roads, telephone lines, and other neces­sary facilities . With the drastic increase in the price of land suitable for residential development, great demand has emerged to allow development on common-owned lands. But the image of the re­gion that is most appealing to people is of villages set amid pre­served areas, and so this land represents one of the most important aspects of the cultural heritage of the region.

As mentioned already, a third major conflict between tradi­tional settlements and modern cultural trends has been the transfor­mation of building methods and types. The traditional urban fabric developed over centuries as an integration of the physical environ­ment and social need, through sophisticated blending of natural environmental systems and building materials and techniques. Re­cently, however, laymen have come to believe that the traditional building techniques are neither structurally durable nor socially ap­pealing. Since 1975, reinforced concrete has become the predomi­nant method of construction for new dwellings. Strong and durable, it has much to recommend it. And yet its physical characteristics have not matched the climatic adaptability of the older methods.

The allure of the new methods has been increased by limita­tions on the availability of basic utilities such as water, sewer, or electricity in traditional settlements. For example, water was pro­vided in many traditional houses only by transporting it in contain­ers from a common well. But a modern lifestyle requires the use of greater amounts of water, and modern sanitary disposal employs wet decomposition pits rather than dry decomposition. And where modern utilities have been brought into traditional areas, the lack of homogeneous, preplanned integration has caused further prob­lems. The misuse of these utilities often causes serious environmen­tal problems, such as when a poorly controlled sewage system combines with excessive water use to create problems with the sani­tary quality of the soil or with building foundations .

The Impact of Government Development Plans on Traditional Settlements

While the above conditions represent to some extent the unavoid­able impact of cultural change, the damage to traditional environ­ments has been greatly exacerbated by forces that can be seen as far more deliberate. One such controllable influence has been planning

policies which have directly or indirectly speed the decline of tradi­tional settlements.

In the Development Plan of 1970-1975, the national gov­ernment made its first attempt to provide a comprehensive long­range approach to economic development. The plan's general objectives were to maintain the country's religious and moral val­ues and raise the living standards and welfare of people, while pro­viding for national security, promoting economic development, and maintaining social stability. These goals were admirable, and al­though this first plan lacked a specific and well-defined housing policy, a second development plan (1975-1980) did contain a number of housing policies. 17 The primary objective was to enable every household in the Kingdom to have a decent, safe, and sani­tary dwelling of a standard consistent with its level of income. This objective continues to prove elusive, but the second plan has been followed by a third and a fourth development plan which have maintained a focus on housing.

In the past, residents of Saudi Arabia practiced cooperation during the building of a house, such as the southwestern region's tradition of fozah. With changing economic status, however, the building of a house has become a much more individual matter. Each household must now obtain suitable land through inheritance, purchase, or government grant, and then obtain the money to con­struct its own dwelling. To assist in this process, one of the key housing actions by the government has been the establishment of the Real Estate Development Fund (REDF). The REDF offers interest-free loans of US $60-80,000 that are subsidized by 20 per­cent for those who pay them back on time. Such a loan can typi­cally cover more than 50 percent of the cost of building a new reinforced-concrete house. An interested person simply signs a con­tract with the REDF after approval of the physical design and con­struction specifications by the REDF engineering divisionY

One result of the interest-free loan program has been an ex­plosion in the number of new houses being built. The program encourages anyone who is capable of procuring land to build a house on it-even though that person may already own one or more houses. Establishment of REDF has also encouraged people to build instead of renovate. And the loans deny the use of stone, adobe, and timber construction, making reinforced concrete the standard construction material. In such circumstances, many tradi­tional dwellings have either been destroyed or abandoned as their residents move to new locations or build new houses in their places.

Now, many traditional villages and towns are surrounded by rings of new neighborhoods, inside which the older settlement ar­eas have either been abandoned or are being used for limited pur-

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poses. In some instances, the old houses were used as storages or as places for animals. Alternatively, in towns like Abha or Khamis Mushait, older houses might be rented to low-income families or single migrant workers. And in the commercial centers of Abha, Khamis Mushait, and Sarar 'Abidah, traditional houses have even been replaced by modern multistory buildings.

A further problem has been rhe location of the new houses. A considerable number have been built far from any village center. Such houses are isolated, mislocated, and may be uninhabited, as rhey will be without the possibility of convenient access to public amenities for ar least the next five to ten years.

The program has also led ro variety of house design. REDF does nor provide models for house plans or build variants of hous­ing units, even though prototypes would provide visible choices of housing types, and educate consumers nor to fall victim to poor de­sign and construction executed by unqualified architects, engineers, or contractors. The construction of prototypes would also allow unskilled laborers to learn certain processes through repetition.

And in other ways rhe REDF has been too prescriptive. To fulfill one of irs minor requirements, it imposes certain rules and regulations to increase the population's standard ofliving. Some of these are far beyond the ability of communities or individuals to bear. One such requirement is that homeowners install modern sanitary fixtures. However, bath tubs, flush toilers, and standard water raps encourage people to consume water liberally, even when water is a scarce natural resource and may not always be available. In fact, one of rhe crucial issues in many remote areas of rhe coun­try today is the scarcity of potable domestic water. These houses today contain large metal containers to store available tap or pur­chased water, and occasionally potable water must be brought in by tanker truck.

A second example of inappropriate regulation concerns the requirement that a certain percentage of ashlar stone be used in a main facade of a building to increase the aesthetics of the housing environment. Despite rhis skin-deep concern for rhe appropriate­ness of building materials, there are no requirements within rhe REDF program for other techniques rhar might be employed to conserve scarce natural resources or reduce the impact of the forbid­ding natural heat. For example, rainwater catchments could be mandated rhar would provide enough water to fulfill at least part of people's needs, and the required use of insulating materials on the exterior building envelope could dramatically reduce the cooling and hearing loads on a building and reduce dependence on me­chanical equipment for providing thermal comfort.

Southwestern Settlements Today

By contrast, traditional vernacular buildings in Saudi Arabia reveal a careful adaptation of building techniques and technology ro climate and cultural requirements. Unfortunately, such respect for context has largely been submerged beneath rhe present wave of modernization. And overall, the response of local architects, planners, and municipal administrators has been given rhe concern of implementing "modern" planning and zoning regulations. Land subdivision and setback regu­lation yielded most of rhe time to rhe construction of villas as a promi­nent type of dwelling in rhe southwestern region, though rhey are nor addressing rhe social, cultural, or physical needs of local people. For example, while new developments may provide ample social opportu­nities for rhe male population, rhey offer little consideration for the spatial needs of children and women, especially for family socialization ar a community level. Furthermore, the sense of belonging to a com­munity and access to neighbors-so much a part of traditional mod­els-has largely been abandoned in favor of individual consumption parrerns. Perhaps most importantly, the Saudi case shows rhar rhe col­lapse of preindustrial systems permits rhe introduction of a pervasive professional influence rhar is unable to respond to rhe cultural needs oflocal people. This is most evident in rhe fact rhar the architects, plan­ners, and municipal administrators in charge of rhe built environment in Saudi Arabia today have received most, if nor all, of their education and training in discordant cultural contexts. Most also rely on exotic building designs and techniques rhar give minimal arrention to local climatic, environmental, and economic constraints.

Migration pattern from the traditional villages ro urban areas is not without distinctive influence. Migration pattern was gener­ally regulated by the age-sex composition of a household and irs so­cioeconomic status, as manifest in the size of its land holding and its possession of rhe means of production. When a household had adult male laborers in excess of irs domestic needs, it made use of the extra labor through migration; but if the household was short of adult male laborers, it ruled out migration in favor of sustaining an adequate domestic production.

Historically, the primary destinations of rhe southwestern mi­granrs were the Hijaz towns ofTaif and Makkah. These towns pre­sented good opportunities for manual work all year long, bur particularly during the pilgrimage season. Migrants stayed away for a period ranging from six months to two years, keeping in touch with their families through rhe stream of coming and returning mi­grants, who could also be trusted to carry remirrances to the mi­grants' families. 19 In the last two decades, rhe migration extended to Jeddah, Riyadh, Oammam, Abha, ere. either for job opportunities

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or education. By the time of his return, a migrant would have saved enough money to buy household essentials and would bring archi­tectural and urban ideas. Depending on circumstances, migration could be repeated.

Urban change is a continuous process, whether driven by the inhabitants or by municipal administrators. Where an old settle­ment has not been completely abandoned, improvements usually include the asphalting of streets, the installation of street lights, and the extension of municipal services such as water, electricity, tele­phone service, and garbage collection. Homeowners who are not planning to build a new house are encouraged to renovate their old houses, or rebuild them in concrete on rhe same lots.

Compounding the problem of dealing adequately with the fare of traditional settlements has been the lack of base maps showing the location of building masses and streets. This will continue to ham­per efforts, as will the shortage of qualified staff. Many municipali­ties do not have planners on their staffs, and planning work is carried out by civil engineers, architects, or surveyors. This problem is gradu­ally being redressed as graduates from urban planning programs in Saudi universities fill vacancies in municipal planning departments.

The problems municipal administrators have found in the regulation of land use in traditional settlements are further ham­pered by the problem of deedless ownership of land. There was no system of written property deeds in most of Saudi Arabia until the establishment of courts in most villages and towns in the early 1950s. Since then, people have been encouraged to register their properties and obtain documents for rhem, bur no penalties have ever been set for failing to do so. 20 Instead, people have only been required to present deeds to municipalities before selling or alter­ing their properties or when applying to the REDF for a loan.

But the process of obtaining deeds is often too cumbersome for rural people, many of whom are illiterate and do not feel com­fortable dealing with officials. The situation becomes even more complicated when a "deedless" owner dies, leaving the responsibil­ity of obtaining the deed to several inheritors who may not be on good terms with each other. Other deedless owners may simply have left town for an urban area. In that case, the task of determin­ing property rights becomes more difficult every day as possible in­formants die or move on to other places themselves.

Conclusion

From the above discussion, it is possible to see how recent economic development in Saudi Arabia has resulted in tremendous changes in

the lives of residents of traditional settlements. Overall, a climate of cultural modernization is leading to an alienation of individuals from their roots and their accumulated traditions and values.

In contrast to the alienation produced by so much contem­porary architecture worldwide, architects, planners, and housing experts are now beginning to reappreciate the close relationship between many societies and their traditional building practices. Their goal is a reintegration of architecture and society. Architects, in particular, have translated their general interest into a more spe­cific concern for the links between built form and culture, drawing upon other disciplines such as anthropology, sociology, and psy­chology to understand the basis for a new sense of meaning and authenticity in residential construction. It is only through awareness of inherited cultural values, environmental conditions, and local anthropological history that it would seem to be possible to provide a residential built environment rhat provides people with a sense of authenticity and belonging.

In the context of the settlements of southwestern Saudi Arabia, this brief discussion has only touched upon the complex relation between built form and culture. Nevertheless, it does allow certain conclusions to be drawn as to the nature of the direction that this relationship is taking.

One important observation is that as the rate of economic and technological change quickens, the gap between environmen­tal change and cultural change tends to widen dramatically. And as this gap widens, the likelihood of making decisions based on an inadequate respect for, and understanding of, complex social reali­ties is greatly increased. This leads directly to the framing of one of the crucial questions for our time: How will it be possible to both protect the pool of past knowledge from a destructive rush to igno­rance, and at the same time bridge the gap between cultural and environmental change? It is important to remember in the context of this question that the rapid pace of change in the environment is not "unnatural," but has emerged as a direct result of human ac­tivities and choices. Ir is neither strong religious beliefs, an extended family system, nor inferior attitudes of decision-makers that has caused the crisis in the Saudi urban environments. The average ur­ban resident has chosen a path of change, with all of its disruption, malfunction, disintegration, and discontinuity as the apparent price for a prosperous and stable contemporary life.

In trying to generalize rhe findings of this study beyond rhe Saudi case, one must admit the presence of certain unique charac­teristics. For example, in Saudi Arabia there is a deep-rooted strength in state agencies as they represent the government, but the deficiency seems to be in public consciousness. The nation stare, as

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compared to older repositories of loyalty and communal allegiance, has always been regarded as an enfeebled and residual institution. In such a political climate, offenses against planning policies, such as expropriation of property and the violation of construction and zoning ordinances, are often viewed as legitimate and forgivable transgressiOns.

This and other such peculiarities notwithstanding, it is pos­sible to draw a few general lessons from the Saudi experience with relevance to other countries and locations.

One such lesson is that the institution of technocratic govern­ment control, when combined with the persistence of older forms of political patronage, allows strategically placed individuals to affect the redistribution of rewards and benefits in the society. In such a situation, well-connected individuals and interest groups may reap extensive benefits by exploiting properties or taking advantage of speculative ventures through their ability to anticipate or influence the supposedly neutral "machinery" of lawful planning or zoning.

Another feature which Saudi Arabia shares with other coun­tries in the region, and possibly elsewhere in the Third World, is the disjunction between "overurbanization" and "underurbanization." As we have seen, the increasing scale and intensity of urbanization in Saudi Arabia has not been accompanied by a corresponding de­gree of "urbanism," understood as a sociocultural sense of belong­ing. This has meant, among other things, the survival of non urban ties and loyalties and certain communal forms of spatial patterns within new cities. Ironically, such "traditional" residual attitudes, particularly those which express themselves in functional neighbor­hoods, homogeneous quarters, and expedient pedestrian alleyways and courtyards, could serve as the basis for a new communal soli­darity, one that would provide social and psychological reinforce­ment. However, partly because of the bias in Western models and

perspectives, planners and decision-makers tend to denigrate such traditional forms and spatial arrangements as useless and nostalgic. The same attitude of disregard is reserved for potentially construc­tive social groupings such as kinship networks, family associations, and parochial and communal organizations. This is a serious mis­take, since such organizations or systems can play an important role in alleviating some of the disquieting features of rapid urbanization.

Such insights indicate how the problem of planning in Saudi Arabia, as in other countries, may be a reflection in part of the new overly commercial attitude toward settlement practices. But another part of the problem must be deficiencies in the plans themselves. Borrowed schemes, designed and implemented by foreign experts, are often insensitive to the particular needs and interests of local groups and communities. Where master plans have been successful, they have evidenced receptivity to local sentiments, managing to adapt rational schemes to some of the traditional elements rooted in the local context. No matter how planning is defined, it must always be based on a degree of congruence between the visions of the planner and the users. When such congruence is absent, users will naturally feel hostility to plans and will seek to violate them whenever possible.

Finally, the Saudi experience reveals a curious but poignant paradox. This is the dissonance, as evident elsewhere in the world, between the rather orderly and viable regulation of private space in homes, neighborhoods and quarters, and the almost total disregard for public space at large. The average Saudi is so preoccupied with the internal comforts of his family and private domain, that he manifests little concern for public welfare or civil urban develop­ment at a larger scale. This is clearly both a symptom and a source of problems in the modern Saudi environment.

February 1998 JAE 51/3 1 84

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IIIYADH +

SAUDI ARABIA

Fig . 1. A map of Saudi Arabia showing the Asir region.

Fig. 3. The public space adjacent to the Friday mosque in A~ Yanfa' town.

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Fig. 2. A map showing the location of investigated sites .

Fig. 4. Additions in one of the traditional inhabited houses in AI­Yanfa' town.

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Fig. 5. The new type of exotic architectural style in AI-Yanfa' town.

Fig. 6. The traditional urban pattern and architectural character of AI-Yanfa' town.

Fig. 8. Part of the abandoned section in Al' kas village.

February 1998 JAE 51/3 186

Fig. 7. The traditional way of plowing lands by oxen. People in AI-Yanfa' , as well as other places in Asir, prefer oxen to tractors for plowing their lands.

Fig. 9. Mixture of building activities in Ai'kas village. The maintenance and destruction of old buildings are among the daily practices in Al' kas.

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Fig. 14. The Sunday weekly market in AI-Hajrah town.

Fig. 10. A newly reconstructed house in Al' kas village .

Fig. 12. An intermix of traditional and new building style in Al'kas village .

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Fig . II. A typical street in Al' kas village.

Fig. 13. An apartment building in Al<kas. This type of building is new to the culture of Al' kas village.

Fig. 15. A street in AI-Hajrah town.

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Fig . 16. One of the new apartment buildings with corner shops in AI-Hajrah.

Fig. 18. Part of the old A~Hajrah which has been fully abandoned.

Fig. 17. A street with workshops and commercial shops in AI-Hajrah.

Fig. 19. The newly built Friday mosque in Al-Ma lad abandoned village.

Fig. 20. The architectural style of the old AI-Malad.

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Fig. 22. Thi'Ain village which was recently abandoned.

Fig. 21. The architectural style of the new AI-Malad.

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Fig. 23. The old Thi'Ain architectural style .

Fig. 24. AI-Aikhalaf village which has been recently abandoned.

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Fig. 26. The old architectural style of AI-Aikhalaf.

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Fig. 25. The newly emerged architectural style in AI-Aikhalaf.

Fig . 27. An intermix of old and new architectural styles in AI­Aikhalaf.

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Notes

1. Bashir Kazimee and Keith Hilton, "Change & Tradition: Towards a Housing Model for the Eastern Province of Saudi Arabia," Open House Interna­tional, 12/4 (1987):49- 54.

2. Nathan Gardels and Robert Kraushaar, "Towards an Undemanding of Crisis and Transition: Planning in an Era of Limits," Urban and Regional Planning Series 27, Pergamon Press, 1982.

3. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York:

Random House, 1961). 4. Far had Arash, "Fragmentation of the Urban Fabric: The experience of

middle eastern and north African cities," Cities, I 0/4 ( 1993):313-325.

5. Mohammad A. AI-Zulfa, "Asir, During the Reign of King Abdul Aziz;

Its Political, Economic and Military Role in Building the Modern Saudi State, A

Documentary Study," King Saud University, Riyadh, 1415H ( 1995). 6. Saleh Al-Hathloul and Edadan Narayanan, "Evolution of Settlement

Pattern in Saudi Arabia: A Hi sto rical Analysis," Habitat lnternationa/1714

(1993):31-46. 7. Farhat Khorshid Tashkandi, "Urban Dwelling Environments in Rapidly

Growing Cities, Case Smdy: Khamis Mushait, Saudi Arabia," MS Thesis, MIT,

1979. 8. Tawfiq M. Abu-Ghazzah, "Domestic Building and the Use of Space: AJ­

Alkhalaf Fortified Houses-Saudi Arabia," Vernacular Architecture 26 ( 1995): 1-17. 9. Naif Saleh AJ-Bishri, "Environmental changes in AJ-Alkhalaf settlement,"

Unpublished Bachelor Thesis, King Saud University, Abha Branch, 1993. 10. Mohammed H. Ibrahim, "The Future of Adobe Settlements in Saudi

Arabia." Forthcoming in}APR (1998).

191

II. General Department of Statistics (GDOS), Ministry of Finance and

National Economy, Housing Census, 1974.

12. Farhat Khorshid Tashkandi, "Housing Programs and Policies in Saudi Arabia," College of Architecture and Planning, King Saud University, 1996 (in Arabic).

13. Richard Reeves-Ellingron,"Organizing for Global Effectiveness:

Ethnicity and Organizations," Human Organization 54/3 (1995), pp. 249-262.

14. Dar AJ-Ufuq, "Highlights of Development in Saudi Arabia; the Basic Law of Government, the Law of the Council of Ministers, the Majlis Ash-Shura

Law and the Law of Regions," Dar Al-Ufuq for Publishing & Distribution, Riyadh,

1994. 15. Saleh Ali Al-Hathloul, The Arab-Muslim City: Tradition, Continuity,

and Change in the Physical Environment (Riyadh: Dar Al-Sahan, 1996).

16. Abdullah A. Al-Otaibi, "Migration and Socioeconomic Development:

A Rural Community in the Southwest Region of Saudi Arabia" (Unpublished

Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University 1989), p. 93. 17. Abdulrahman Musa Al-Tassan, "An Analytic and Evaluation Study of

Government Employee Housing Programs in Saudi Arabia: Using the Analytic Hierarchy Process" (Doctoral Dissertation, The University of Michigan, Ann Ar­

bor, 1986).

18. Abdulaziz Jamal AI-Saati, "Residents' Satisfaction in Subsidized Hous­

ing: An Evaluation Smdy of the Real Estate Development Fund Program in Saudi Arabia" (Doctoral Dissertation, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1987).

19. Abdullah A. Al-Otaibi, "Migration and Socioeconomic Development: A Rural Community in the Southwest Region of Saudi Arabia" (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan Stare University, 1989).

20. Mohammed H. Ibrahim, "The Future of Adobe Settlements in Saudi Arabia," Forthcoming in }APR, 1998.

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