Letter to an Arab Muslim by Shaykh Dr Abdalqadir as Sufi

First edition: Madinah Press 2002All rights reserved

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LETTERTO AN

ARAB MUSLIM

SHAYKH DR. ‘ABDALQADIR AS-SUFI

with a Postscript by

RA’IS ‘UMAR IBRAHIM VADILLO

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Oh Arab people! The Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant himpeace, and may his name be honoured and may love of him bepreserved among the muminun, said that people would lovethe Arabs by love of him and people would hate the Arabs byhatred of him. It is because of our intense and constant love ofhim that I am moved to send this message to you, howeverpainful it may be for you to receive. He also said, Allah blesshim and grant him peace, that the Deen was nothing but goodcounsel and it is in obedience to this reminder that thismessage is sent to you. It is well known in medicine that in greatsickness the patient may reject the medicine because of thebitterness of its taste. This is the station of the child. Thestation of the man is that he takes the bitter medicine becausehe knows that the pain and the damage of the illness would begreater. So it is that I trust that what is said here will be takenby the Arab men and women who must surely know howextreme and almost terminal their sickness is.

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What is the sickness? This is the question of the intelligentpatient who wants to know, because part of recovery is tounderstand the sickness in order to be able to dominate it.Well, it started as an inner sickness until it spread to the outerlimbs. At this advanced stage of the illness, for a complete cureit is too late to treat the inward and treatment of the outwardwould be most difficult because of the spread of the disease.However, with the light of reason applied to the condition ofthe outward and by an inward desire for health, that is by acomplete and integral treatment of the total condition and thediseased environment of the patient, health can be recovered,insha’Allah. The sickness itself is kufr. It began as inward kufrand it edged slowly throughout the whole body politic of thedisastrously fragmented Arab community until it spread in allthe parts. A cure of the parts would be useless. Cure the hand?The foot is diseased. Cure the skin? The organs are diseased.There is no cure for Egypt. There is no cure for Arabia. Thereis no cure for Syria.

The doctor says to the patient — when did this malaise begin?What are the symptoms? Can we observe the development ofthe disease? To cure alcoholism it is not enough to remove thetoxicity in the body, but also the metabolistic craving.Rehabilitation would also demand that you no longer sitamong the other alcoholics or frequent the bars to join in theconviviality of the addicts.

Know, oh Arab people, that Islam was sent down by Allahsubhanahu wa t’ala on the Rasul, may Allah bless him andgrant him peace, giving us the exalted Qur’an, his blessedSunna, and the triumphant social model of Madinah.

Letter to an Arab Muslim

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“We have only sent you as a mercy to all the worlds.”(Al-Anbiya’ 106)

After the Khulafa Rashidun and the great Fitna the Muslimscontinued united and in expansion. Under the AbbasidKhalifate a great, extensive and triumphant civilisation wasfounded in the east. Balkh, Samarkand and Bokhara becamecentres of tremendous learning and halal trade. When theMuslims there turned in on themselves to use their wealth theybecame weak and decadent and so Allah sent the irresistibleforce of Genghis Khan and the great Hordes. At that time IbnTaymiyya, himself a Qadiri Sufi who gave primacy to the Ahl-al-Madinah as the Umm-al-Madhahib, warned that the internalsurvival of the Muslim polity demanded an unrelenting, strictand comprehensive adherence to the imposition of the Shari‘atconcerning the Dhimmis.

On the west the Islamic presence established itself across NorthAfrica into the Maghrib. From there the Andalusian triumph ofthe Murabitun secured an ongoing Islamic presence insideEurope giving to the world great scholars and philosophers likeAl-Qurtubi and Ibn Rushd Al-Jidd and his renowned grandson.The Andalusian, European Muslim community survived just aslong as there was strong adherence to the school of Madinahand this included the implacable obedience to Allah’scommands, and the Messenger’s, may Allah bless him andgrant him peace, to both protect and dominate the Dhimmis.Ironically the jews and christians were able to flourish onlybecause they paid the tax and were kept in check and in

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humility by this strict application of a law which guaranteed thepower, majesty and generosity of the Islamic way.

When Genghis Khan mounted the mimbar and made hisfamous declaration, ‘I am the scourge of Allah!’ it must beunderstood that he did not say that he was a scourge againstAllah. In the depths of his being this extraordinary mansomehow knew that he was cleansing and purifying the ruins ofthe great and betrayed Deen of Islam. Our beloved Messenger,may Allah bless him and grant him peace, has said that thechild is the hidden secret of the father. So it was that one by onethe sons of the great Khan in their turn became Muslimleaders. To their west the Turkic tribes had already taken onIslam, at first under the authority of the Seljuk armies. In hisearly days, further to the west, the followers of Osman Ghaziexpanded their territory and their influence while naming theSeljuk ruler in the Friday Khutba. The Osmanli rule began onthe day that Osman Ghazi ordered his name to be saidthroughout the land in the Khutba. When the great Wali’ullahYavuz Selim Khan took his armies south through Damascusuntil he reached Baghdad, the Khilafa of the Abbasids wassecured and the great Ummah of Islam was unified. On theperiphery lay the Sultanates of the Malay, the realms of MughalIndia, and the western kingdom of the Maghrib. All of thesemaintained the deepest spiritual and intellectual relations withthe Sultan and his authority as Khalif. These were ties that didnot waver through all the upheavals of history. The civicintercourse of ‘ulama, architects and scholars between theOsmanli and the Mughals could not have been more profound,deeply affecting both the great Osmanli language and thePunjabi and Urdu of the Subcontinent. Right up until the timeof Sultan Abdulhamid II Khan, may Allah be pleased with this


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great Khalif, battleships were sent to the Indonesianarchipelago to escort the hajjis safely through pirate waters.

During all this time, Islam was a triumphant, expanding andsuccessful domain and the centre of its governance wasIstanbul as before that it had been Baghdad and before thatMadinah. The Islamic world of the Malay peoples, the Islamicworld of the Mughal Subcontinent, and Anatolia, the centralpower base of Osmanli governance, manned by Turks,Albanians, Arabs, Kurds — all these were centres oftremendous wealth and all these lands were obsessivelydesired by the kafir hordes of Europe. One thing alone heldback the astonishing greed of the European kuffar, and thatwas the majestic power and effectiveness of the Islamic armiesof Jihad which were the terror of the earth. The Osmanli armywas never defeated in any major confrontation during all itshistory, although in its final stages it received seriousperipheral defeats in Russia and the Balkans.

The Osmanli world Islamic community was not defeatedmilitarily, it was defeated by the subversive influence of thekuffar in persuading them that the means to technicalmodernity was dependent on a financial procedure which initself had nothing to do with technology but appeared to be themagical process which, if indulged in, led to the appearance ofthe technological event. All the inroads into the Osmanli powerbase consisted of the friendly persuasion of the kafir societycalling on the abandonment of the Islamic Deen piece by piece.It is not an accident that the day of the disbanding of theYeniceri, which had been the multi-national war-sustainingforce of Jihad throughout the centuries, was to find itsanniversary celebrated across Turkey annually by a rash of

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advertisements in Turkish magazines declaring that this eventled to the presence of kafir banking inside Turkey. It could besaid that at the point of history which saw the presence of thegreat spiritual and political genius of Sultan Abdulhamid IIKhan, the first forces of treachery and betrayal by Muslimsbegan to appear. Those forces which eventually triumphedbased their success on the abolition of Khalifate, the denial ofMadhhabs, and as we shall see, an active war of hatred againstthe Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, andrestore him to the highest place which he claimed as being thefirst of the sons of Adam, Allah bless him.

I am not going to go into the arrogant and superficial claimsmade by these self-styled modernists. All the claims they makeon the fiqh reveal themselves to be nothing more than slanderson the great Muslims of the past. Their resentment at love ofRasul, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, is somethingthat merits only the deepest contempt. The next most shockingelement of all has been the astonishingly anti-intellectual attackon the Sufis and the teaching of Tasawwuf. What we must lookat is the end result of their disastrous and appalling and savageattack on the Muslim peoples. It must be understood that theydid not attack the kafirun, they attacked the Muslims. They didnot attack the kafir leaders, they courted them, sought theirapproval and accepted their rewards. They openly andshamelessly entered masonic lodges. They counted as friendsthe English and French governors of the Middle-East. The mostloathsome and scandalous of them were on a barge in the Nilein the company of the great kafir Winston Churchill, at adinner in which he exclaimed, ‘Your religion forbids pork andwine, my religion permits it, so I will have my pork and wine,and you can go without, bon appetit!’ Having humiliated them


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he spread the map onto the table, stained with his sloppingbrandy, and said, ‘You will be the king of Iraq, he will be theking of Jordan and you will be the king of Arabia,’ to which thenewly kafir-anointed king declared, ‘Saudi Arabia!’ WhatIslamic fiqh can come from such a meeting? Under his sons anabsolute financial and technological kafir presence wasestablished in the land of Arabia. From the first day, IbnTaymiyya, master of their Madhhab, was raised to the highestshelf of honour, but safely out of reach. The law of theDhimmis was abolished. Under their disastrous control thewhole realm of Palestine, itself previously a waqf declared bySultan Abdulhamid II Khan, caved in before the jewishinvasion, and their only response was to ignore their militaryobligation by transforming Al-Aqsa into a sacred shrine of Islamand thus a spiritual matter. How easy to ignore Ibn Taymiyya’sinsistence on the Hadith of Rasul, may Allah bless him andgrant him peace, which had declared that no mosque was overany other mosque except the Haramayn. Since the rebel Saudscould not acknowledge the legality of the Islamic Osmanlipolity, they were unable to refute the absurdity of the jewishclaim to Jerusalem which had no foundation in anythingunderstood as international law.

One of the conglomerates involved in the oil extraction andexpropriation, ARAMCO, issued a glamorous brochure toexplain Islam to its clients (jewish bankers and christian traders?)with the requisite and expected colour photos of Islamicartefacts. There were maps and outlines of history. In thisdocument it claimed that Islam had been an Arab phenomenonand that there had never been either an Osmanli or a Mughalgovernance. What was being designed was an Islam that was theprivate property of the Najdi tribe to the exclusion of the great

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world community of Muslims who had sustained its presenceand triumph over centuries. All this had been wiped out.

The map did not show Turkey, nor the Subcontinent, norindeed the Maghrib. The heart of the doctrine was an overtArabism which denied the hundreds of millions of TurkicMuslims, Indian Muslims, Malay Muslims and Berber Muslims.The truth of the matter is that the new revised religion theyhave created and persist in calling Islam was and remainssomething utterly unacceptable to the great mass of the world’sMuslims and their ‘ulama. We will later look at these truncated,twisted and perverted doctrines which they have set up in thename of Islam, a religion which finds itself utterly content withkafir military dominance, kafir political practice, kafir financialsystems, and kafir foundational usage of usury, somethingwhich is endemic to all the banking system including ‘Islamicbanking’. Claiming they wish the Islamic Shari’ah, they have, aswe have noted, abolished the law of the Dhimmis. They haveabolished the Islamic household permitting four legal wives, inopen denial of the Book of Allah. They have abolished Awqaf,the welfare system of Islam. They are harsh with the Muslimsand gentle with the kafirun, exactly the opposite of what DivineGuidance has ordained.

Returning to our metaphor of the sick man and his doctor,perhaps the sick man will recall one of the first episodes whichmanifested the terrible disease. Muhammad Abduh had beenraised to high office by Lord Cromer, governor of Egypt andscion of the Baring bankers’ family which traced itself backthrough christian conversions to the ghettos of Lithuania.Already rejected by the greatest ‘alim of the time, Shaykh‘Illiysh, who had struck his head and drawn blood because of


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his insults to the Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant himpeace — thus rejected by the greatest faqih of Islamic Shari‘at hefound acceptance in the masonic lodges of Cairo and in thecompany of the cynical deceiver, the Iranian Shi’a adventurerJamaluddin Al-Afghani. Raised by his kafir boss to the Muftiat,he declared permissible the practice of the Post Office in therole of banking. Here was the first symptom. The rash spread.Soon afterwards the Rothschilds were to establish their zionistbase in Palestine in the office of a bank.

Oh Arabs! Look closely at the historical reality if you want tosee the acting-out of a false ‘aqida. Who was the enemy of theKhalif of all the Muslims? It was the kuffar. Who raised theirhands against Sultan Abdulhamid II Khan? The Young Turks,spawned in the secular clubs and masonic lodges of Salonika,among them Mustafa Kemal, of dubious parentage, almostcertainly a Dönme, the heretical jewish cult dedicated to theoverthrow of the Khalifate. The kafir bankers. The kafirpoliticians. The sons of Saud. Saud had been led captive toIstanbul and charged with treason against Sultan Mahmud II.The Muslim army led by the Egyptians in 1813 had defeatedthe wild, primitive horde of wahhabites who had desecratedMakkah and Madinah. On the orders of the Sultan he was notto be tried for treason, but to be tried by the ‘ulama to test hisIslam. He was declared an extreme zindiq and so ordered to beexecuted without the right of two rakats before death whichwould be the due of a simple traitor. Thus Saud’s head wasplaced on the walls of Istanbul. If this was the unanimous viewof all the Hanafi ‘ulama, accepted by the legal Khalif of all theMuslims, either the universal judgment was true or everybodywas kafir except the bedouin ruler! Here was the view ofhistory that was to be adopted by a regime which was to end up

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in a global act of destroying Islam in the name of this newKhawarij heresy.

It is no longer possible for this new ‘aqida which represents theantithesis of Islam to continue its intimidation of us. Theconstant attacks on Tasawwuf and on the Sufis are clearly adeception when it can be seen that over the last century the so-called purifiers of the religion have utterly placed their wealthand their energies in the hands of the kuffar and become theirservile followers. What we can now see of their true nature hasbeen revealed to all the Muslims directly by the power of Allah.By that I mean that the unfolding of the destined events in thehistory of the last hundred years has shown the true nature ofthe wahhabite ‘purifiers’ and what they intended for theMuslim masses. Up until now they have accused the Sufis ofbid’a, and this word bid’a has been an instrument of attackagainst not only the devout lovers of Allah and his Rasul, mayAllah bless him and grant him peace, but against the Awliya ofAllah, may Allah be pleased with all of them. The destructionof the zawiyyas and tekkes of the Sufis was the sharedprogramme of the evil and destructive kafir dictator of Turkey,Mustafa Kemal, and the hypocritical betrayer of his Khalif andthe usurper of his power, the loathsome and shamefulAbdalaziz Ibn Saud. There is no need for a defence ofTasawwuf, and the accusation that the strong Muslims whofollow their Shaykhs in the great universal brotherhoods of themighty Naqshbandi and Qadiri paths are in bid’a is beneathcontempt. Before the closing of the zawiyyas by the wahhabiteanti-Islamic forces, and Mustafa Kemal’s secular forces, which atleast openly declared themselves kafir, the Muslims were strongand their great Middle Kingdom was dynamic, expanding andtriumphant. When the anti-Islamic forces were finished their


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satanic work, the Muslims were broken into pathetic mini-statesruled by dictators, some servile, some psychotic. All the wealthand resources of the Muslim lands which once were distributedto its people through the Islamic Awqaf system were simplychannelled out to the kafir lands, assuring their absolutehegemony over the lands of Islam.

Once a messenger came to ‘Umar Ibn Al-Khattab with newsof a Muslim victory and ‘Umar asked him, ‘At what time didyou engage the enemy?’ He replied, ‘In the early morning.’Then he was asked, ‘At what time were they defeated?’ Hereplied, ‘Shortly after noon.’ ‘Umar exclaimed, ‘We belong toAllah and to him we shall return! Did kufr stand up to Imanfrom early morning until midday? You have made a bid’abehind my back!’

This is their great bid’a and they dare not call it a bid’a hassana.This is their shame. For half a century they have let thePalestinians fight under the secular slogans of ‘just rights’ and‘self-determination’. With their millions they backed thedisgraceful kafir Arafat who, when he was not attending jewishfunerals or the christian mass, was to be found turning the gunson his own followers. Never once was the Banner of Islamraised high, the necessary condition of true Jihad. The Rasul,blessings and peace be upon him, had declared the land ofHebron a waqf in the ownership of an Arab family still alive tothis day. Such an order by the last of the Prophets abrogates anybiblical claim the jewish tribes have to the area. But the anti-‘ulama of the wahhabites had abolished abrogation on theinstruction of their kafir rulers. If they had abolished it in theQur’an how could the Sunna survive? And why have theyabolished it? It is time to face up to these matters. Why has the

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teaching of the Nasikh-wal-Mansukh been removed by thesepeople? Because the new religion they are founding, I refer tothe collaborative activity of the Arab heads of state and regimes,is based on the claim that the jews, christians and Muslims are‘people of the Book’, that all the religions derive from Ibrahim— in other words superiority devolves from the jews — and thatthere is ‘no compulsion in the Deen’. In the Ahkam of QadiAbu Bakr ibn ‘Arabi, the judgment is decisive:

‘ “La ikraha fi’d-Deen” is abrogated by the ayat offighting. This is the position of Ibn Zayd. Thesecond position is that it is particular to thePeople of the Book who are excepted when theypay Jizya. According to this it applies to everycategory from whom Jizya is accepted.’

In the wahhabite programme of the kuffar the destined end ofIslam is as follows: a personalised religion, a pseudo-Islam witha pseudo-Tasawwuf offering not M‘arifat-ullah but tranquillisedniceness, a triadic relationship with an equally reformedjudaism, ironically stripped of its land claims and inward-looking, only concerned with the building of the Temple ofJerusalem and the world distribution of kosher meat from itssanctuary, and a bankrupted papal christianity given toharmless mass rallies in football stadiums. In order to preventthe rise and restoration of true Islam a radical, fundamentalistmovement, itself completely orchestrated from MadinahUniversity, is already up and working, siphoning off the youngMuslim repelled by everything he sees in the Arab lands,monitoring him in acts of terrorism and the killing ofinnocents which can only shock and repel the discontentedmasses who might otherwise turn to Islam as a means of rescue.


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Are you aware of what has been done with the Qur’an itself? Doyou realise that never once has the wahhabite regime producedone edition of the Qur’an printed and bound to a highstandard for mass usage? While the kafir jews and christianshonour their altered, fragmented and invented texts in seriesafter series of excellent editions, not once has the Khalif-rejecting house of Saud seen fit to honour the Qur’an, even inthe one version whose recital they are prepared to permit.

The Seven Recitations have been banned and only onerecitation tolerated. At different times the wahhabite regime ofArabia has confiscated whole shiploads of the Warsh Qur’an. Ashipload of Warsh Qur’ans, the personal gift of King Hassan IIof Morocco, was unceremoniously dumped into the Red Seaand never reached its destination at the Haramayn. Theimpeccable Warsh edition produced by the Algerian state in anunexpected moment of nobility was forbidden distribution inMakkah and Madinah. The universally accepted Shattibiyyawhich delineates the Seven Recitations had been rejected by theanti-‘ulama from the dark palace corridors of Riyadh, and thewholesale confiscation of the Readings used by Tunisia,Morocco and so on continued. Finally, under pressure fromKing Hassan of Morocco and some influential Indian ‘ulama, atypically hypocritical compromise was found: they would insiston the uniform Hafs edition of the Qur’an throughout Arabiabut would institute a ‘Royal’ Qur’an recitation competitionwhere the Seven Recitations could be employed, a kind ofQur’anic Olympics.

Another Arab ruler ordered the omission of the DivineCommand ‘Qul’ from Qur’anic recitation, a final modernistattempt to remove the presence of the Messenger, may Allah

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bless him and grant him peace, throughout the whole Qur’an.This was not successful because the people still had theresonance of a great Sufic tradition and knew that such an actwas abhorrent. We have spoken already of the importance ofthe Nasikh-wal-Mansukh. From various quarters, in harmonywith the directives of world organisations like Unesco, the so-called inter-faith dialogue movements are spreading and moredeeply affecting the diseased Arab polity. You cannotunderestimate the implications of the deliberate attempts todismantle that intellectual defence system which the greatMuslim ‘ulama through the centuries have perfected inaccordance with Allah’s own naming of the Qur’an as aProtected Book. Look carefully at what I am about to tell you.This is more serious and more tragic than any cataclysmic eventcaused by the hand of man in this dark age.

After completing the Visit in Madinah I fulfilled my intentionto visit a most distinguished Mauritanian ‘alim who at thattime, as far as I knew, was a professor at the University ofMadinah. It should be noted that Madinah University is notinside Madinah but is outside its precincts, for the Rasul hasdeclared, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, thatShaytan cannot enter the city of Madinah. Rather it is built ina valley overlooking the Jabal-al-Jinn where the Churchill-appointed king of Arabia appropriately has built his palace. Iarrived at the ‘alim’s house only to be told by a servant that hewas not receiving anybody. I insisted I had come a long way onan important matter. The message came back that he was in adistressed state and asked to be excused. I insisted that thematter was of great importance and if at all possible I beggedhim to see me. The servant showed me into his library, fourwalls floor to ceiling, lined with books. Tea was served. After a


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time the ‘alim came in and was clearly in a troubled state. I triedto bring the matter to the subject that concerned me but hecould no longer contain his anguish. At last he blurted out hisshocking story.

He had been brought from the deserts of Mauritania where hetaught in a humble madrasa to students who came from far andnear because of his high learning. The wahhabite agent whoturned up in his madrasa informed him that he was required toserve Islam by coming to Madinah to teach in that prestigiousUniversity. He insisted that he had absolutely no academicqualifications that would be acceptable in a university while hewas completely versed in the fiqh by his own traditionalmadrasa training. He was told that that was why he was needed.In order to make Muslims with doctorates in Islamic Studies itwas necessary that their papers were studied and accredited bya qualified expert. They would appoint him a Doctor of Law inorder to permit him to activate production, as it were, in theirfactory of ‘ulama.

Already unsure of this transaction, and not fully grasping itsimplication at that time, he set out for Madinah where he wasensconced in his pleasant villa. After a time, which had beenspent sitting with his students instructing them and correctingthem, he was visited by officials of the University. Theyexplained the nature of the PhD system, that is the secularrationalist methodology by which the kafir intellectualleadership is formed. They explained — the student would takeup a thesis, quoting prior experts in the field, following theirconcepts and in some cases making critical analysis of theirconclusions, submitting the subject of their studies to their ownopinion and critical analysis to arrive at a new and modern

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viewpoint of the object under examination. The ‘alim could nolonger hide from the terrible implications of the trap into whichhe had been led. He looked across the room at me, his face amask of rage, with tears in his eyes. ‘Do you realise what theywere asking me to do? They were asking me to licence studentsas Islamic teachers, on the basis of their approaching the Qur’anas an object which could be analysed, dissected, confirmed andrejected in its details. In the process they would be giving equalweight to the view of classical Muslim scholars as well as thejewish, the christian and the orientalist writers. They were askingme to participate in the process of making ‘Dhalikal-Kitab’ intojust another of those man-made books.’ He realised immediatelythat there was no personal dimension to his teaching that couldget round or subvert the methodology and system of criticaldeconstruction which was the foundation of kafir belief. Herealised he had walked into the valley of the jackals.

Do you know that there is now a faculty called AdvancedIslamic Studies? Now what do you think that might be? WouldSayyidina ‘Umar Ibn Al-Khattab think it meant a body of mensetting out on Jihad fisabilillah? For what could be AdvancedIslamic Studies to the Sahaba if it was not fearlessly advancingon the enemy to witness the Angelic support from the Unseenand strive fearlessly to achieve the maqam of Shahid?

The wahhabite anti-‘ulama, in the first heady days of theirmassive financial and technological collaboration with the kafirforces of the oil Titans, began a programme of mosque-buildingacross the world. They launched a propaganda project calledthe Mosque Message. It was openly clear that Islam was to bereduced to a puritanical piety of scrupulous prayer and fastingpractice, but it was in no way, in absolutely no way to impinge


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on the social nexus through the trying business of having tofulfil the Sunna and the ‘Amal of the Rasul, may Allah blesshim and grant him peace, and the Ahl-al-Madinah. Once theyhad removed the practice of Islamic ‘ulama in their respectfulapproach to Qur’an, even the mosque itself posed no threat.The Nasikh-wal-Mansukh gone! The distinction between theMuttashabihat and the Muhakamat ayats also gone. Then theShahadatayn itself was shattered.

Once the Madhhabs had been abolished, the fiqh wasabolished. What need for distinguishing the Muhakamat ayatswhen there was no Islamic Hukm? Do you not see what theywere doing? Now you cannot fail to see. Abolish the Madhhabs.Thus, abolish the fiqh. Thus, destroy Sunna, wa’l ‘Amal wa’l‘Ijma. The Divine Hukm set alongside the metaphoric ayats.What did it add up to? The end of Islam, the establishment ofkafir rule. And what did all that add up to? The assurance tothe kafir world system that there would never again be anIslamic Khilafa with ‘Amr ordering the Hukm to be applied tothe legal case, to be judged by the Qadis, and to be executed bythe Amir’s forces. And all this in a land which had categoricallydenied the existence of the practice of Rasul, may Allah blesshim and grant him peace, in collecting the Jizya and in thusguaranteeing the safety and submission of the Dhimmis. InArabia today the taxed and submitted people are the Muslims,and the American occupying forces are above the so-called lawof the land and may not be brought to trial before a judge in thecountry for any crime. In short, once our foot was on theirnecks, and now their foot is on our necks.

In Muslim lands vast amounts of money have been spentcovering up the utterly shameful record of the treacherous Saud

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family and its servile collaboration with the European andAmerican kafir rulers. From its sordid beginnings in themodern age with Abdalaziz ibn Saud the historical record oftheir perfidy is available to those who take the trouble toresearch it, yet it is hidden behind a veil of cheap propaganda,in particular exalting the myth of King Faisal as an Islamic hero,a hero who could not enter the Haram of the Ka’aba until abrigade of armed guards had preceded him. I recall standing atthe Bab Ar-Rahman and watching men with automaticweapons stream over the Haram. Recalling the Divine Ayatsforbidding weaponry during the sacred months I asked whattheir purpose was. I was informed that it was to guard KingFaisal. ‘Against the Muslims?’ I enquired, adding, ‘You will see,one day he will be killed, but not by the Muslim people. He willbe killed by one of his own family, standing right next to him!’A few years later I was to see that spiritual insight confirmed.Muslims are not enemies to each other, but the kuffar and themunafiqun are enemies to themselves.

The devious and hypocritical character of Ibn Saud was notonly due to the low and dismal character genetically encoded intheir destiny, but also to the powerful motive of greed whichbubbled up in them with the same intensity as the black goldgushed out of the desert sands. Documentation shows that IbnSaud was simultaneously sending dutiful and loyal messages tothe Khalif in Istanbul — to whom he had made an oath ofallegiance, let it not be forgotten — while at the same timefollowing the dictates and counsel of high-ranking Britishagents and spies like Sir Percy Cox and Gertrude Bell. Whenthe British offered to prop him up as Khalif he cynically said toSir Percy Cox, ‘No-one cares in the least who calls himselfKhalif.’ He insisted that the wahhabites did not recognise any


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Khalif after the first four. This means that the wahhabitesconsider the Muslims without legitimate rulership and withoutIslam for over a thousand years. What this indicates is therejection of historic Islam, the Muslim Ummah, the content ofthe Qur’an and the great body of Hadith which encodes theSunna of Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant him peace.Since he could even have been Khalif under British tutelage itshowed that he was already ideologically committed to thedisappearance of Islam as a world religion.

All matters concerning correct ‘aqida revolve around andreturn to the confirmation of effective and governing ‘Amr.‘Amr authorises the collection of Zakat, and to permit this theminting of the Islamic Dinar and Dirham with its weightsassured by the ruler. Al-Qurtubi in his monumental Tafsirdefines this as one of the essential obligations of the Khalif. Justas the rebel Saud family betrayed their Khalif, so too over thelast century they can be seen to involve themselves more andmore with all those forces working for a revision of Islam into anew anti-Islam which would prove totally acceptable to the kafirsystem. In the second half of the last century it always seemedstrange to me that the so-called conservative Islamic monarchyshould finance and support Maududi’s pseudo-reformism inIndia as well as the Ikhwan in Egypt. Later the puzzle becamegreater as they brought the false sufi kafir Titus Burckhardt andthe other European Guénonians who followed their masonicleader Frithjof Schuon into significant academic recognition incollaboration with anti-Islamic UNESCO. The extremities met,and the kafirisation of Islam was reaching its final formulation.Once you have removed Tasawwuf which is Ihsan, and once youhave removed love and recognition of the Rasul, may Allahbless him and grant him peace, then you have shattered

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Tawhid, which is Iman, and once you have negated theMadhhabs and thus rejected the total Islamic procedure of legalpractice then, the ‘Amr abolished, the whole body politic ofIslam becomes medically dead. There is nothing left.

Oh Arabs! I cannot but believe that you experience, looking atthese matters, the shock of recognition. This is the beginning ofyour cure. Perhaps the most offensive element of this must nowbe confronted. I refer to the wahhabite hatred of — Allah forgiveme for having to write these words, and you for having to readthem — and denigration of, our most beloved master and guide,Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant him peace. With thevictory of wahhabism this rage of hatred cooled into solid stonewhich became the foundations of the modernist anti-Islam, sothat you can trace a line from the ferocious passions of thewahhabite tribes to the insidious and trivial re-assessments ofthe Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, likethat of the Nasserite modernist, Muhammad Heykal, who sawin the Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace,only the prototype of a modern statesman. Rumi explains thenature of the kufr of Abu Lahab as follows: when the Sahabalooked on him they saw the Messenger of Allah, may Allah blesshim and grant him peace, but when Abu Lahab looked he sawonly the son of Ibn Abd al-Mu’ttalib.

A resident of Madinah told me that his father was witness to anincident so appalling that it had haunted him for the rest of hislife. In their old mud palace Abdalaziz Ibn Saud was impatientlyand uncomfortably trying to bring to an end the visit of adelegation of ‘ulama from the Subcontinent of India. Before hecould bring the meeting to an end one of the ‘ulamaconfronted Saud and asked openly, ‘I still do not understand.


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What is the cause of your hatred of the Rasul, may Allah blesshim and grant him peace?’ Fixing his gimlet eyes on the ‘alimhe replied, ‘He started it!’ Stunned, the ‘ulama took their leave.

He was of course referring to the renowned Hadith which recentArabian editions have removed from the Sahih. The Hadithrecounts that during a visit in the Year of the Delegations theRasul, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, made du’as onthe different lands whose representatives were present. ‘AndNajd!’ said the visitor from Najd. May Allah bless him and granthim peace remained silent. He repeated his statement, whichwas again greeted with silence. The third time the Messenger,may Allah bless him and grant him peace, declared that fromthere would come Shaytan! As the ‘ulama returned to theirresidence the almost unthinkable truth dawned upon them. Theprimitive tribes of Najd saw themselves locked in an ancienttribal rejection which set them forever against the Quraish. Herein fact lies the root of the implacable enmity to the Hijazifamilies which resulted in the mass slaughter of the ‘Utayba afterthe uprising that tried to seize the Haram of Makkah, the‘Utayba being the purest of the Quraishi Arabs. In every aspectof the record of this dreadful family their primary passionateevils can be seen planing out into a rigid and total post-Islamicset of doctrines in the service of the kafir system and authoringa terrorism to ensure the marginalisation and rejection ofresistance by young intellectual Muslims.

The event of the uprising against the house of Saud in Makkahrevealed every aspect of the perfidious nature of their rule.When warned of the possibility of an uprising in public majlis,the kafir-appointed king swept the matter away cynically, saying,‘What will they fight us with — their siwaks?’ When the uprising

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did in fact take place the abject cowardice of the Saud militaryquickly became apparent. In a panic of hysteria the nowterrified monarch called in the French elite commando unit tothe immense delight and amusement of the kafir President ofFrance. Swiftly and efficiently they carried out the necessaryslaughter with their expected tactical brilliance and unbridleduse of automatic firepower. Not content with the depths towhich he had sunk, the wahhabite ruler then declared himselfthe Guardian of the Haramayn. This, at the very point when hehad so disastrously failed to be just that. More significantly, thathad been a Khalifal title, so he thus formally declared theabolition of Islam in his kafir-protected Kingdom by separatingthe religion from the state. As often happens in history anapparent defeat is in fact a turning point in the fortunes of thevictor, since this brought out into the open what had long beenthe kafir-dictated doctrine of the wahhabite sect.

It was because they had apparently got away with both thedesecration of the House of Allah and its Haram that they were tofind the confidence to plunge their regime into a greater disaster.

In neighbouring Iraq another form of the kafir virus had beenfestering and spreading from its brutal leadership throughoutthe whole people. Two dangerous symptoms of kufr, as theybecame more marked, presaged a crisis to the illness. On theone hand the Baath Socialist Party which united the militaryelite had grown arrogant and ambitious for more wealth, that ismore oil, and more territory. With the stupidity that is acharacteristic of thuggishness they indulged in an orgy ofpurchasing an arsenal of military technology. They were themost honoured guests at the arms fairs of Britain and America.When later arms inspectors from the U.N.O. opened up the


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suspected sites which held weapons of mass destruction theywere shocked to find that the weapons were there, but that theybore U.S. markings. Allied to the belligerence of this kafirdictatorship was the inevitable corruption and degradation ofthe civic population, who from the day that this regime hadtaken over from the miserable puppet monarchy appointed bythe British had lived in a world where Islamic courtesy andadab slowly and inexorably disappeared. The mass of the peoplebecame grossly materialistic, vulgar and amoral. It must beunderstood that all this was only possible because the ethos ofIslamic teaching lay in the hands of those same reformers, theso-called modernists who were the bonded allies of wahhabism.Here was a historic demonstration of the intimacy and evenidentity between the modernist post-Abduh and Ikhwanreligion, and that of the anti-Islamic and anti-Khalifal, becauseanti-Rasul, doctrines of the wahhabite sect.

While we from the outside all reacted in a normal Islamicmanner feeling outraged at ‘Muslims attacking Muslims’, thereality was that two rebel Khawarij peoples had turned on eachother in a battle over material wealth. The stupid brutality ofthe cunning dictator met in headlong conflict with thedecadent and cowardly puppet of the oil Titans. It must not beforgotten that only some months before, the two protagonistshad been locked together, united in purpose, to destroy theIranian regime. A high official of the Iraqi Ministry of IslamicAffairs (to them, births, marriages and deaths) told me in AbuDhabi, ‘This is not a battle between Sunni and Shi’a, but anancient battle between Arabs and Iranians.’ So it is that if youremove the Islamic ethos of brotherhood which divides peopleneither by race nor by class but uniquely by Islam and kufr, thematter at issue descends to the materialist conflicts that are the

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political destiny of the kuffar. Arab peoples can no longercategorise themselves as Muslim simply by the act of a geneticinheritance that places them with a Muslim name in a land thatwas once ruled under Khalifal authority under Muslim law. Inthe same way the Sufic Tariqas cannot claim shaykhdom by thesimple factor of the son inheriting a title from a father who wasan ‘Arif bi’llah, although in this matter the exception may provethe rule. The time has come to face up to the fact that as we areso we have people set over us. False leadership cannot beblamed, and the usurping of false leaders in the land of theArabs has in every case resulted in a more dismal regime.

So it was, that when the Iraqi dictator was tricked into attackingKuwait in a simple game plan which he was too stupid todecode, the trap was sprung and a brilliant and terrible doublevictory was achieved by the Oil Titans of the kuffar. One, Iraqioil was taken out of the market and placed under sanction.Two, a massive occupying force then took over the ArabianPeninsula. This final, and for this regime insoluble dilemmacould not have happened simply through the foolish judgmentof a decadent ruler. If Shaykh Bin Baz, the doyen of thewahhabite leadership had not given his official Fatwa their evildoctrines might still have remained hidden and survived. Thepathetic judgment of Bin Baz, which gains him a name inhistory under the flag of Abu Lahab, revealed that the leader ofthis sect, who for decades had droned on about the importanceof ‘Kitab wa Sunna’ while they opposed the noble millions ofMuslims who followed the fiqh of the Great Imams, was eithertotally ignorant of the Sunna of our beloved Messenger, mayAllah bless him and grant him peace, or hypocritically turnedhis head away from it. It is recorded in a perfectly well knownHadith in the Sahih that despite the pleadings of his Sahaba,


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Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, turned away arenowned fighter from fighting under the flag of Islam becausehe was not a Muslim. Only after his Shahada was he allowed toparticipate in the Jihad. This inescapable Sunna wedded to thestrict order of Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant him peace,that there should be no two Deens in the land of the Arabs,marked the end of the historical right of the wahhabite sect tolay any claim to an Islamic ‘aqida.

How abysmal the collapse of the wahhabite regime. Within afew years of the war they saw in astonishment that their massivewealth had almost miraculously become massive debt. They sawtheir country swarming with literally thousands of Americanintelligence officers, an occupying force that they were notpermitted to bring before their own courts in cases of criminalactivity. They had not heeded the Qur’an. They had mockedthe Sunna. They had not even educated themselves in theculture of their masters, for the great medieval moralist LaFontaine could have told them what happened when a rich andweak princeling invited a mighty ruler to flush out a localenemy. In one of his fables he tells the tale of how a smalllandowner calls in a mighty Lord of the Manor to flush out ahare that is troubling his fields. The Lord arrives with hisservants and friends and dogs, feasts on their land, takes thewomen, and then in hunting the hare rides roughshod over hisfields, destroying his crops and leaving a wasteland behind. Thepoet ends with his famous moral:

Petits Princes, videz vos débats entre vous: De recourir aux rois vous seriez de grands fous.Il ne les faut jamais engager dans vos guerres,

Ni les faire entrer sur vos terres.

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(Little Princes, give up fighting among yourselves: you will begreat fools to have recourse to kings. Never let them take partin your wars, nor let them enter your land.)

The wahhabite-Saud alliance which had begun in infamy endedin total disgrace. In the early days Ibn Saud courted thewahhabites for his own ends, honoured them. The Ikhwan asthey were called, a title to be taken up later by the naiveEgyptian reformer Hassan Al-Banna, were allowed todistinguish themselves by wearing a twisted strip of whitematerial around their head-covering instead of the twisted blackwool iqal worn by other Arabs. In 1929 two important Ikhwanleaders, Faisal ad-Dawwish and Sultan Ibn Bijad, rose inrebellion against the forces of Ibn Saud. They were defeated andFaisal ad-Dawwish was taken prisoner and brought before IbnSaud, apparently mortally wounded. Pardoned, he thenrecovered his strength and fought all over again. In the end hefled for refuge to Iraq. Sultan Ibn Bijad was captured andthrown into prison at Riyadh to die a lingering death. TheIkhwan main colony of Ghut-Ghut was razed to the ground.After these battles the Ikhwan were disbanded and their twosettlements Ghut-Ghut and Artawiyya ceased to exist. From thevery beginning therefore, it was clear that the wahhabitedeviation from Islam could not survive and could only be aseeding-ground for dissension and conflict among the Muslims.Properly speaking they had no doctrines. In place of Tawhidwhich is a vibrant, profound and rich teaching containing manyaspects, they had placed a cheap rationalist monotheism, madeinexorable and ugly by its denial of the nature of the Revelationand thus a failure to understand the distinction alwaysmade by Muslim ‘ulama between the Muhakamat and theMuttashabihat ayats. A primitive phenomenon commanded by


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primitive men, they found themselves taken up by thesophisticated, highly cultured and scheming kafir elite of theBritish Empire. Their servile and sentimental attachment toBritain remains to this day. The so-called King of ‘Saudi’Arabia, as they insist on calling it, has been photographed withthe Queen of England while wearing round his neck the largeenamelled cross of an English chivalric Order.

Our Shaykh and teacher, Shaykh Muhammad Ibn Al-Habib inhis great Diwan lists in his song of the ‘Doctrines ofUnification’ sixty six attributes which make up the differingelements of a pure Tawhid.

THE DOCTRINES OF UNIFICATION

The slave of his Lord, Muhammad ibn al-Habib, says, declaring the absolute oneness of his Lord:

We begin all things with the ‘Bismillah’ — to Him belong their beginning as well as their returning.

The meaning of ‘god’ is That which has no need of other-than-Him, while anything other has need of Him.

This ‘That’ which has no need of other-than-Him possesses thirteen Attributes, do not forget it!

Existence, then pre-existence (qidam), then going-on, absolutedifference from the creation, and absolute independence.

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Hearing, sight, speech and inherent being — these all have their own judgments —

Acts devoid of desire, and similarlyin judgments, lack of self-interest.

Total freedom of action and of non-action— persevere with what we have told you and realise it!

Then the poverty of all that is other-than-Himhas twelve attributes in the end:

Knowledge, power, and will, then life — grasp the lesson intended here!

Also capability, transformation, knowledge and life — but do not be content with the inherent attributes!

Unity of action and attribute and Essence with rejection ofnumber — seek it then, you trustworthy ones!

The time-nature of the universe and the negation of effect either by nature or by force — so take note.

These are twenty-five attributes. Their opposites are the same in number — count them!

Iman in the Messenger also has sixteen attributes which are:

Sidq, tabligh and Iman, letting ordinary events teach wisdom.


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Iman in the Books and the Prophets, and the Messengers, and the Angels, O man of intellect!

And Iman that the Last Day must come. Be aware of their opposites and struggle to reject them.

These are sixty-six Attributes which are contained in the noble Kalimat.

So busy yourself with them in the Awqat of the Presence,and joyfully you will rise to their meaning.

Their proof lies in contemplation of the Qur’anand in reflecting on created beings with the intellect.

O our Lord, bless Muhammad, and his family and every slave of Allah who copies him,

And, O Lord, let the educated and the unlettered, whoever reads or hears this, benefit from these attributes,

Help our amir with miracles and preserve his offspring and all of his family.

Make him one of the founts of Allah, a source of benefit in all the lands of Allah,

Support all who support him with the best as well as those who help him, without disappointment.

Assign to him from the scholars of the Community those who are sincere in their advice and intention.

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Grant success to the leaders who help everything in which there is right action.

And grant us a seal, O Lord, of serenity— and be kind to us when the Hour arrives.

It is clear from this that it is not possible to have a correctTawhid which does not significantly feature faith in theMessenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace. As theShaykh of our Shaykhs, Moulay Abdas’Salam Ibn al-Mashishsaid, ‘Were it not for the means the end would have escaped us.’

It is therefore neither an aberration from some primal doctrineof Islamic renewal, which is what the wahhabites claimthemselves to be, nor is it a ‘pure doctrine’ held by the elite yetbetrayed by the masses that we confront in Arabia. It is an anti-Islam, devoid as we have indicated, of all those politicalelements which permit of a living and dynamic Islam that had,therefore, inevitably to turn towards the kuffar for supportsince it had already turned its back on the great MuslimUmmah. We are facing an anti-Islam born in the Arabiandesert under the shadow of British guns and the darkershadows of their agents, T. E. Lawrence and Gertrude Bell,then grown to maturity under the still darker forces of the oilTitans and the unified kafir order dedicated to the abolition ofall religion. Do not for a moment imagine that the policies,pseudo-doctrines and practices that have stemmed from Arabiaand been disseminated all over the world have done so simplyunder a misguided Arabian policy. No, every move that hasbeen made from there has been under the command of thecollaborative American-Israeli system whose elite are the leadersof the banking and commodities corporations. Ibn Taymiyya


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said that if you wish to find what had gone wrong in the Islamicpolity it was necessary to look at Islam’s beginning, for youwould simply find now, repeated, what had once stood there inopposition to the Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant himpeace. The regime of Najd, it can therefore truly be said, is aKhawarij phenomenon.

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II

Oh Arabs! I sat with a group of ‘ulama from different Arabcountries. First the Syrian told us of the iniquities of theirdictator and why we had to lend ourselves to the urgent task ofoverthrowing this murderer of his people. The Egyptian ‘alimintervened to tell us that the source of the trouble lay in Egyptand the disastrous nature of its kafir leadership and the helplessobedience of the state to the powers of banking and Americanpolicy. The Tunisian intervened to say that little was known ofthe dreadful tyranny of their dictator who had overthrown whathad seemed the worst possible leader by declaring him insane,even although the man had been appointed by the formerpresident, presumably therefore in a state of insanity. TheJordanian ‘alim rushed to tell us of the terrible plight of Jordanunder its masonic English puppet king. The Algerian scholarinsisted that the ghastly slaughter of the innocents in hiscountry was without equal. They vied with each other inclaiming that their national situation was the greater tragedy. In

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a sense, each had a right to that claim. None of them seemed tograsp that you could not liberate one of these countries withoutincreasing the misery and suffering of all the others on whomrepression would fall to prevent them following suit. Theformer colonial masters had long ago packed their bags and left.They were French, English, and Italian, but they were notdivided, they were kuffar, and kufr is one millat. They withdrewtheir armies and left behind their Trojan Horse, the kafirbanking system. To show their generosity and distract from thisvital ploy they gifted to the Arabs their much-vauntededucational system. Now every Arab, if he wanted, couldbecome a ‘Doktur’. With their methodology the reformist workof Abduh and Reda could be completed.

In every case these countries can trace their disastrous modernhistory to their unreasoned and desperate treachery and theirrush to betray the Khalifate, and by that token their ownhonour, as all their leadership had solemnly given bayat to theIslamic ruler. These low Hollywood gangster-like presidents ofTunisia, Egypt, Iraq and Syria did not come to power by anyinner talent or capacity. Rather, after a century of betrayals,capitulations and abandonment of Islamic teaching the Arabworld set about obediently and enthusiastically erectingsocialistic kafir models for their new mini-states. They left theirDeen. Some rushed to christianity to be accepted by the newsystem and to be well placed in its administration. Theychanged their names. They shaved their beards. They turnedaway at the sound of the adhans of Ramadan. They sipped theircognac in cafés from Tangier to Damascus. The Great Mosqueof Zaitouna in Tunis was turned into a third-rate secularuniversity. Its respected director, Shaykh Shalabi, broken-hearted, resigned his post at this destruction of a great historical


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centre of Islamic learning. In many North African countries thebeard was banned in the state administration, unless, ironically,you claimed you were a marxist imitating Lenin. One by onethe great Islamic colleges which had produced ‘ulama forhundreds of years were stripped of their educational role. Theywere told it was modernisation. It was the modernisation thathad been called for by the Islamic reformists, and now they weregetting it. The Islam was stripped of its social and politicalcontent, and certainly that of its financial and welfareobligations. The new modern reformed Islam, glowing with thepurity of abolishing and abandoning the Sufic zawiyyas, beganto teach its new peripheral Islam. This was an Islam devoid ofall that Islam had been as we have shown in the case of SaudiArabia, only here in the rest of the Arab world the effects weremore disastrous. Given the wholehearted and enthusiasticapproval of interest, usurious institutions, paper money and thebanking system held by the founders of the modernistmovement it was axiomatic that once the political regimes wereestablished in all their kafir glory they then set about protectingan Islam, of course this means an anti-Islam, firmly founded onthe kafir usury system. It was an unmitigated triumph. Withinthe shortest time each of these little kafir nations hadappointed a Minister of Awqaf, and his purpose was todismantle the Awqaf properties and hand them over to thevoracious bankers, as was most dramatically demonstrated inSadat’s Egypt, or more arrogantly to name the ministry by thegrandiose title of the Ministry of Islamic Affairs.

Do you not see what this means? Under the Islamic Khalifs upuntil the arrival of that great ally of the reformers, MustafaKemal, every affair was an Islamic affair. Now it had beenreduced to the same status as the religion of the mushrikun,

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births, marriages and deaths. Islam was a matter for themosques. Trade, commerce, finance, welfare, and warfare hadbeen placed in the hands of the ill-formed kafir machine state.

In all of this the role of the Islamic so-called Reformers is quiteextraordinary. Having actively and passionately worked for thedestruction of the Islamic Khalifate, having maintained a face-to-face relationship with the Young Turks from the masonic circlesof Salonika, they not only witnessed but participated in thehanding-over of the Muslim lands to the expanding kafircolonists. They expressed their desire for independence byimagining that the differential had been reduced to theirsovereignty for themselves from the colonists. An Islamic polityover and against a kafir one became a kafir polity over and againstan Arab national kafir one. Thus, you can perceive the narrowingsocial expectation of people who had abandoned the Deen.

Al-Afghani, who was in fact Iranian, had taught his studentAbduh to drink the heady wine of modern social revolutionwith its inevitable and implied outcome, the collapse of theunified Islamic Khalifate. They were dismantling the Deen,hence their attraction to Renan in Paris who was busilyemployed doing the same thing with what was left ofchristianity. In turn, Reda’s role plunged the new generation ofMuslims over the abyss. By the time you arrive at the Ikhwan Al-Muslimun, the modernist version of their wahhabitecounterparts, you find them still headily convinced that theycould make a concordance with power, like the wahhabites haddone with the Saud family. To fully grasp the abject failure of the Ikhwan movements it is necessary to face the inescapablereality of the social nexus that their futile policies broughtabout.


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Let us briefly summarise all that lay prior to that series of tragicand bloody incidents which ended up with the defeat of theEgyptian armies and the Camp David surrender to the Israelioccupation of that former waqf that once flourished underauthority from Istanbul. Napoleon’s Alexandrine fantasy ofruling Egypt and the road to India ended with his ignominiousdeparture on 23rd August 1799. While he slaughtered manyMuslims, more of his own troops died either in battle or fromdisease. The mercy of Allah permitted Général de Menou toremain in the country, embrace Islam and take the name ofAbdullah. Following the teaching of Rumi one would say thatthese thousands of men were displaced in boats to invadeEgypt, and thousands were to die in the ensuing conflicts inorder that this one man should meet his destiny, become aMuslim and enter the Jannah, this triumph dazzlingly moreimportant than those defeats. The great Albanian, PashaMehmet Ali, was placed in command of Egypt on 9th July1805. Here was another key element in this continuing collapseof Muslim society before the upheavals caused by the utterlynew and unknown type of invasion, that of the jewish bankersin every place setting up a national bank and by their cunningmanipulations acquiring all the assets of that country throughthe issuing of series of bonds in a system which the localpopulace simply did not understand.

It is not an accident that one of the key moments in thecollapse of the Khalifate was the decision to abolish theYeniceri, which had been the army of Jihad. Instead ofcleansing it of its corrupt Bektashi element, European counselsprevailed and it was crushed and disbanded. A Napoleonicwestern style army without spiritual allegiance replaced it. Inthe same way Mehmet ‘Ali eliminated the Mamuluks in Egypt.

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It then followed that he took on the role of a puppet Bonaparte.He was to put in place precisely all these social reconstructionsthat the bankers needed to take over virtual ownership of themassive wealth of Egypt. He was surrounded by Europeanadvisers and financiers. ‘Independence’ was in fact in every caseto be what would now be called in commercial terms aleveraged buyout.

The building of the Suez Canal is the classic example of anapparent technological triumph being in fact a transfer ofpower from the political zone to that of financial institutions,financial institutions run and controlled by the great jewishbanking houses of Europe. The first manifestation of this quiteun-Islamic concept of territorial integrity and self-determination, the miserable thesis which has ruined thePalestinian people, was to be seen when the Egyptian Ministerof War, Colonel Orabi Pasha rose up to overthrow the British.He was savagely defeated at Tel Al-Kabir. This event gave theEnglish full powers to govern Egypt, placing a new Khedive onthe throne with the title of Sultan, making a definitive breakwith the Osmanli Dawlat. The ferment for this new type ofsecular state did not stop from that moment on. In the 1920sSaad Zaghloul emerged as the hero of the independencemovement. Already, the Islamic element was merely a unifyingrhetoric rather than a political imperative. With Saad Zaghloulexiled to the Seychelles, the ineffective British administrationhad to yield to the triumph of the Wafd Party in the legislativeelections. King Fouad was obliged to bring Saad Zaghloul backas Prime Minister from 27th January 1924. In 1934 the youngGamal Abdelnasser was at school writing an essay on Voltaire.At this time remember, Turkey was in the grips of the Kemalistdictatorship and great ‘ulama were hanging from trees in the


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cities of Konya and Istanbul. Syria and Lebanon were underFrench mandate. Iraq had become independent. Eritrea wasunder Italian control while the Sudan and Egypt remainedunder British mandate.

On 22nd April 1936 the terrorist Ben-Gurion met withGeorges Antonius, a Greek orthodox Palestinian nationalist, toplan the creation of a jewish region inside a Greater Syria whichwould include Palestine. At the same time the famous Amin Al-Hussaini, Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, struggled against the oddsto have the issue of zionism measured by Islamic Law. In thesame year Faruq became king of Egypt at the age of 16 andunder Regency. On 26th August 1938 in Jaffa, Ben-Gurion’sterrorists exploded a bomb in the Souk killing 24 people, apractice which fifty years later the Arabs would in turn directagainst the Israelis. So it was that on the eve of the SecondWorld War two profound turmoils were shattering the life ofthe Middle Eastern Arabs. On the one hand, the ferment ofresistance against the jewish invasion, and on the other handthe growing public passion for national sovereignty, whichinternationalist institutions like the Olympic Games did notfail to confirm, resulted in an increasingly dramatic situation,whose inevitable outcome had to be revolution.

Another step in the degradation of Arab self-esteem came whenthe European powers decided to use the Egyptian and NorthAfrican littoral as a war ground for their own conflict. By 1940Italians, Germans and English tanks were moving across thedesert. On 19th December 1940 in Jerusalem, Yossef Weitz, adirector of the Jewish National Fund, declared that in order tocreate the jewish state, ‘No other means existed except to displacethe Arabs into the neighbouring countries — all the Arabs.’

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By 1943 Nasser had abandoned the fez and adopted the militarycap of the European soldiery. With 1945 and the ending of theWar the condition of the Arabs became more critical and morevulnerable. The cost of living had risen 195 percent, while in thesame period annual salaries had only risen 61 percent. TheFrench, having promised to leave Syria, bombed Damascuskilling over 500 people. On 22nd March 1945 in Cairo, Egypt,Iraq, Arabia, Syria, Jordan, Lebanon and Yemen drew up theconstitution of the Arab League. At that point it can definitelybe said that the Arabs of the Middle East utterly lost any conceptof their Islamic identity at a social and political level. The workof the modernist self-styled ‘reformers’ of Islam had in effectmarginalised any idea of an Islamic polity governed by theShari’at. Since their intellectual inspiration from the beginning,and that at the behest of their Islamic teachers, had beenmotored by the ideas of socialism, nationalism and self-determination, the result was that they had submitted to thekafir concept of the state as a machine with its subsequentdoctrine of the enslavement of its own masses, as in both sidesof the false kafir dialectic of totalitarianism and democracy.

The Nasserite version of King Faruq as a decadent playboy king,while tragically true after his abdication, covered up his verysignificant activity while ruling Egypt. The main opposition toFaruq, apart from the simple fact of his being the ruler, was thathe embodied in himself a basic principle of the OsmanliDawlat which was that any Muslim with the right capacity couldhold power by virtue of being Muslim without reference to hisracial background. In the atmosphere of fervent nationalismwhich had been created in Egypt there was bitter resentment atbeing ruled by a young Albanian prince. This grew to a moreserious issue when it became clear not only to the nationalists,


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but the British and the jews, that King Faruq had determinedto take upon himself the responsibility of Khalif of all theMuslims. Turkey having been enslaved by Kemalism, Egypt wasthe logical place for the re-establishment of Khalifate. Make nomistake. It was this and not the political errors he subsequentlymade that assured that he would be treated to the same fate byNasser and Sadat that had been meted out to the last legalKhalif of Islam. The silhouette of King Faruq boarding his boatto go into exile mirrors exactly the photo of the last Khalifdeparting Istanbul, taking with him the mantle of Khalifate,fully preserved and untouched, in full readiness for its inheritorto place it on his shoulders.

On 7th April 1947 an even darker day dawned for theunfortunate Arab people as their last understanding of Islamslipped away and their reformist ‘ulama stood helpless beforethe more powerful and indeed more glamorous forces of kufrtook over. In the Café Rashid of Damascus a young christianorthodox professor of history, newly returned from Paris, hishead buzzing with a pottage of Sorel, Bergson, Nietzsche, Marxand Lenin, declared the official creation of the Baath Party. Hisname was Michel Aflaq. He called for the unification of theArab world from the Gulf to the Atlantic into an Arab nationthat was to be based on socialism. He rejected communism onthe one hand and the Islamic movement on the other, placingIslam in the role of fascism in his dialectic. He likened theIslam he was prepared to tolerate to the allegiance people holdtowards a leading football team. Every year until the Gulf Warthe Pope sent an annual message of congratulations to theleaders of Syria and Iraq for following the path of Michel Aflaq.In the same year in Palestine on 17th September, Golda Meirmet with King Abdullah of Jordan who was sympathetic to the

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creation of a jewish state. In that fateful year the U.N.O.declared Israel to be a state. Five months later the jewsmassacred 254 men, women and children at point-blank rangein the village of Deir Yasin, in order to terrorise the Palestiniansinto a massive flight from the new territory of Israel. WhatHitler had done in Lidice, the jewish state, which claimed itsright to sovereignty because of the persecution it had suffered,had copied at Deir Yasin. They had become their own Nazis.

On 14th March 1948 a Baathist revolution was bloodilycrushed in Yemen. On 16th May 1948 King Faruq sent his armyagainst the new state. Israel with its now famous world supportthrough the banking system was more than a match for the ill-trained army of the King. By September the King sought tonegotiate a peace with the Israelis. Through February to July of1949 an armistice was signed separately with Egypt, Lebanon,Jordan and Syria. On 8th December 1948 the Egyptiangovernment dissolved the Muslim Brotherhood. On 12thFebruary 1949 its founder, Hassan Al-Banna, was assassinated.On 28th December the Muslim Brotherhood assassinatedNokrashy Pasha, holding him responsible. In May of the sameyear Nasser met with Ibrahim Abdelhadi the Prime Minister,and the Chief of the Secret Police. He was able to convincethese high officials that he had no links with the MuslimBrotherhood, while at the same time he was able to hide hisother secret activities. By the end of the year he was putting outpropaganda from a group calling themselves Dhabat al-Ahrar,the Free Officers.

In 1951 Palestinians assassinated King Abdullah of Jordan.During the next two years the role of the English becameincreasingly savage and increasingly unacceptable. To the


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horror of the jews and the Americans, King Faruq hadappointed a German general to modernise the Egyptian army.By 1951 the kafir secret services succeeded in getting himdismissed. In Ismailia the British had massacred over eightymembers of the Bouluk Nizam, the auxiliary police. Two dayslater Cairo was in flames. As a result of the chaos let loose onCairo thanks to the dreadful policies of the English occupyingforces, on 23rd July 1952 the inevitable happened, a coupd’État by the Free Officers led by General Nagib. Behind himin the shadows, the brains of the operation, GamalAbdelnasser, waited his moment to take power. Three days laterKing Faruq abdicated and set sail towards that limbo reservedfor kings without kingdoms.

By 1953 Nasser was putting into practice his youthful studies ofthe life of Napoleon. He drew the new leader of the MuslimBrotherhood, Hassan el-Hodeiba, close to him, all the better tokeep him under his eye. It is at this point that the disaster of theMuslim Brotherhood, which in their long years have caused thedeaths of thousands of excellent young men who naivelyfollowed their inaccurate and deviant version of Islam, must befaced up to and acknowledged. The absolute pragmatism of thematerialist, Nasser, met head on the absolute idealist andtactical pragmatist el-Hodeiba. The Brotherhood had chosenthe Shi’a role of perpetual rebellion against an unjustleadership and they were to pay a terrible price. Hodeiba’sattempt to snuggle up to the ruthless Nasser was as misguidedas Al-Banna’s clandestine meetings with the British in theforlorn hope that the Brotherhood had a role to play. Nasser’sbook, Philosophy of the Revolution, which he wrote with thejournalist Muhammad Heykal laid out his political theories.

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This type of book has proved popular with the upstart dictatorswho have climbed to power on the ruined Islamic socialstructures of the Osmanli Dawlat. It is no better, nor no worsethan Gadaffi’s comical Jacobin tract, the Green Book. Nasser,like his Libyan disciple, was convinced that he had come upwith an original idea, but of course in both cases they were thetextbook philosophy of the masonic lodges.

So it was that in place of the majestic revealed Book of Allah,Nasser offered the Egyptian masses his Theory of the ThreeCircles: the Arab World, the African Continent and the Spiritof Islam! In the first circle Nasser declared that the factor of theprogress of the Arab people was dependent on the importanceof petrol. Of the second circle he declared that Egypt had totake the leadership in the continuing struggle of the Africans tobe free of white colonial power, because, in a generousextension of Egyptian nationalism he declared, ‘We are allAfricans!’ Finally the third circle was defined as a space, that ofthe spiritual community whose centre was Makkah, thesolidarity of which was to provide ‘the gigantic scaffolding ofour power.’ This was the new religion, and Islam in it hadeffectively vanished. In its place there was a kind of sentimentalmist, a space for a spirit which somehow was supposed to makeUzbek, Indonesian and Indian feel a strange vibrating sympathywith his Arab brother. Since the Muslim Brotherhood had itselfbeen founded on somewhat similar principles, Egypt did notneed Mr Hodeiba on the palace balcony when it already hadthe materialist Colonel Nasser.

About ten years ago I met with the leader, at least the intellectualleader of the Muslim Brotherhood. In the light of the terriblesituation of the Muslims I turned to him and said, ‘We need a


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leader who will speak on behalf of all the Muslims. You have anorganisation. You have people placed in every country. Call yourleadership together. Appoint from among you one man and lethim declare Khalifate. The whole Muslim world will follow you.’A look of genuine fear crossed his face. He looked over hisshoulder as if there was someone behind him. ‘We cannot dothat,’ he said. ‘We are having a meeting in six months. I will putyour proposal to them and they will appoint a committee todecide.’ He became even more uncomfortable as he added, ‘Thisis not the moment.’ Indeed, it will never be the moment. It hasnot been the moment since the last Khalif boarded his boat andfolded the robe of Khalifate.

As for this great socialism into which the Arab world plungedwith such blindness, enthusiasm and often greed, it hasvanished without a trace. Well, not altogether, for they still havethe state apparatus acceptable to the capitalist world, and theyhave excellent secret police organisations with the latest torturetechnology imported by them from the state of Israel.

It must be understood, and this is not a subtle matter but apainfully clear one, that Nasser believed in Allah. He was in thelanguage of our fiqh a Muwahid, believing in the oneness ofAllah, but in harmony with the wahhabite background of all thereformers he saw the second Shahada as merely theconfirmation that it was through him, may Allah bless him andgrant him peace, that the Qur’an had been revealed. That Islamwas a social system and indeed a welfare system, vastly superiorto socialism because it functioned under Divine and Propheticinstruction, was a fact of which he was completely ignorant. Inan interview with De Gaulle’s biographer Jean Lacouture hedeclared that you could not govern by the Qur’an because ‘it is

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susceptible to so many interpretations,’ and being ‘a very openbook’ the Qur’an did not seem to him ‘to have the capacity toserve a political doctrine.’ Now, the fragment of Islam thatNasser had learned had come from the same sources that guidedthe Muslim Brotherhood, and they had done away with the fiqhand that framework of social justice which was based on the‘Amal of Madinah and which was nothing other than the civicembodiment of the Deen. So it was that on the 14th January1954, the same month in which the fateful interview was givento France-Soir, el-Hodeiba and hundreds of the MuslimBrotherhood were put behind bars. The rebels had rebelledagainst the dictator who was a rebel who had rebelled against theking who was the inheritor of a rebellion against the Khalif.

An attempt was indeed made to assassinate Nasser. Arms cacheswere found and the leadership identified in the plot. This timethe Brotherhood was declared illegal and 18,000 members ofthe quasi-secret society were arrested on 31st October. By 1955Nasser’s complete and absolute commitment to materialistsocialism became openly declared by him, confirming it in animportant discourse that he gave to the Military Academy. Heflung himself into Third-Worldism and met one by one all thegreat socialist leaders in those days when socialism did appearto be making its impact on the world. He became the friend ofthe Soviets, of Tito, Che Guavara and Sekou Touré. He was thedarling of the Third World and yet could still give a warmembrace in Madrid to General Franco. By 1956 he was urgingthe abolition of the Islamic Laws on marriage and divorce.

Do not forget, oh Arabs! Your abandoning of the Islamic Lawof marriage, far from being an advance in moral values, issimply nothing other than embracing the kafir view that the


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family should be abolished and that man, who is not by naturemonogamous, should at best set up mistresses in secret orsimply have intercourse wherever he desires without sanction,which is the kafir norm. The Islamic Shari’at decrees that thereshould be no sexual pleasure that is not accompanied by theguarantee of social responsibility. Instead of driving the womanout uniquely for extra-marital pleasure, other women partnersare integrated into an extended and economically unifiedfamily system, thus giving emotional and human security to thechildren of such unions.

The two great events of Nasser’s life from a geopolitical point ofview are the nationalising of the Suez Canal, which was abrilliant and deserved success, and the Six-Day War, which wasa disaster from which Egypt never recovered. In the aftermathof the Suez crisis Nasser pursued his fantasy of Arab unity. In1957 he held important talks with the Syrian kafir MichelAflaq, and over the following years Egypt was to unite withSyria and separate with Syria and repeat the experiment withIraq, each event inspired by the materialist and socialist dream.In Baghdad on 15th July 1958 Nuri Said, disguised as a woman,fled through the streets of the city until he was caught by thecrowd who in the exaltation of their revolutionary fervour torehis body to pieces. The British-invented monarchy of Iraq wasfinished and General Abdalkarim Kassem, to the chanting ofthe Marseillaise, celebrated their revolution. It was the 14th ofJuly! Nasser’s dream of the U.A.R., the United Arab Republics,from an ideological point of view was simply a U.S.A., a Unionof Socialist Arabs. In 1961 the Cairo Tower, an ultra-modernconstruction which gave views as far as the pyramids, wasfinanced with a gift of three million dollars from the C.I.A..

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On 9th February 1963 General Kassem was shot dead followinganother coup d’État in Baghdad which brought to powerGeneral Arif, a convinced Nasserite and Baathist. In DamascusSalah Al-Bitar took power and declared himself ready yet againto try to unify the Arab nations. Yet within a few months theNasserites had lost control of Damascus leaving five hundreddead in its streets. By the end of the year the effect in Iraq wasfelt and the president had to step aside for his brother Abdar-Rahman Arif. The following year Nasser could definitely claimhe was the leader of the Arab world. With Ben Bella in Algeriaand the notorious kafir Bourguiba in Tunisia, Sallal in Yemen,Abboud in Sudan, Amin Al-Hafiz in Syria and Arif in Iraq,Nasser could count on varying forms of socialist support. Onthe other hand the legitimate monarch of Morocco stood apart,observant, while the illegitimate monarchs of Arabia andJordan sat grimly in opposition. With the sole exception ofHassan II of Morocco, not one of these leaders could be seen asupholding the Deen of Islam inside his country. In this year ofNasser’s triumphs Khrushchev awarded him the Order ofLenin. He received this Order proudly while millions ofMuslims inside the Soviet Union were persecuted, thousandswere still in the Gulags, and only a handful were permitted toattend the Hajj. Not one voice was raised to plead their right tofulfil their fifth Islamic obligation.

Despite the world acclaim for Nasser, every year revealed howimpossible it was going to be for the new religion, with its twinpillars of nationalism and Arabism, to succeed. By 1965Bourguiba was howling insults across the desert on Egypt.‘Never,’ he declared, ‘have the Arabs been so divided, that isfrom the day that Egypt took on its sacred mission to unify us.’


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At the beginning of 1966 the trial of the Muslim Brotherhoodmembers accused of attempting assassination opened. Over356 separate judicial cases were filed in the courts.Disturbingly, military officers were among the accused andeven a member of the presidential guard. Put in evidenceduring the trials was the complicity of Arabia and its Saudirulers. The trials were to last into the following spring. On 1stMay at an industrial centre in Mehallah Al-Kubra, Nasserdelighted the workers by attacking those who in the name ofthe defence of Islam wished to restore a feudal economy inEgypt. He denounced King Faisal, calling him the BeardedOne, and accused his proposed plan to set up a permanentConference of Islamic States of being an American planintended to isolate the progressive and socialist Arab nations.

The growing confidence and financial expansion of the newstate of Israel was backed by its conviction that the capitalistsystem would triumph over the socialism that still staggered on,having emerged from the ruins of World War II in what wasclearly only a temporary revival of energy. In 1967 Israellaunched its Blitzkrieg, devastating the entire army of Nasser.The disaster was overwhelming. 20,000 Egyptians dead, 700tanks destroyed, and the Air Force virtually wiped out. In thewake of the disaster, to ease the interior tensions in the country,he announced his intention to liberate the MuslimBrotherhood prisoners, partly in recognition of theirundoubtedly heroic performance during the brief andoverwhelming conflict with the enemy.

In 1968, when you might imagine things could not get worsefor the post-Islamic Arab world, the sinister figure of MichelAflaq turned up in Baghdad to join the leader of the new

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Baathist coup d’État, this time bringing to power the even moremenacing figure of Saddam Hussein.

In 1969 Sudan Radio announced that a democratic republichad been created, and that its sovereignty belonged to thepeople who were now represented by the Council of theRevolution. Colonel Numeiri, a passionate admirer of Nasser,had been plotting the coup for six years. Years later I met withhim in the Sudanese Embassy of London, having been invitedby some Sudanese Sufis, much to the distaste of the ‘reformists’who had been assembled to greet the Sudanese ruler. They wereall in fact those very people who upheld the post-Islamicdoctrines of the first Egyptian reformers and their Indiancounterpart Maududi. It must be emphasised that their view ofIslam was based on a total acceptance of the banking systemand the mythical idea that socialism could dialecticallydominate the injustices of capitalism at some future date, andthat within that framework an Islamic political governancecould function, in other words a Shari’at which put in place aconsultative assembly, but one which was prepared to slot inalongside the kafir world system of democracy, internationalinstitutions, and the bankism which already dictated the limitsof their actions.

As I sat opposite Numeiri it came to me that he was not amongfriends, and the more they spoke the more I knew that theirambition was to remove him from office and replace him withtheir man, one who was backed by the Arabian wahhabiteregime. In other words there only existed the dialectic thatNasser himself had defined in his talk to the workers of thetextile factory. When I spoke with Numeiri I said, ‘Icongratulate you on your announcement that you are going to


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introduce the Islamic Shari’at into Sudan. I urge you that youbegin by the closing of the banks and the abolition of papermoney.’ He smiled a benign presidential smile at what heconsidered my unreal naivety, and so I added what was in myheart. ‘Remember, if one day you are in need of help, you cancall on the Muslims to come to your aid.’ He hesitated, gave anervous laugh, and excused himself. Two weeks later there wasa coup d’État in Sudan and he was forced into exile. Within theshortest time the coup leader was in turn expelled and thecountry fell into the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood. Only afew decades before, Sudan fed all its people from its rich soiland exported food to the desert lands of the east. The newregime continued in its disastrous path of Third World debt,the destruction of its agricultural base, the flight ofintellectuals, and all of this established firmly on a kafirfinancial system. Personality politics and the coup d’État notonly were proving to be useless but with each new change ofpersonality governance the Arab countries plunged deeper anddeeper into social degradation.

Not to be outdone, on 1st September Colonel Gadaffiabolished the Sanussi monarchy and joined the LobsterQuadrille of Arab nationalist socialist dictators. By 1970 thewar of attrition in the Sinai came to an end and a cease-fire wasformed. To add darkness to darkness General Hafiz Al-Assadtook power in Damascus and a democratic republic wasdeclared in South Yemen. One of Nasser’s last acts was tomediate between the puppet king of Jordan and the formerIkhwan al-Muslimun member, now leader of the Palestinians,Arafat, who from the point of view of Islamic Law was legally adead man, having shockingly insulted the blessed ‘Aisha, wifeof the Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace.

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Over the years Arafat had been showered with millions ofpetrol dollars to buy arms, as much to assuage the guilt for theinactivity of the house of Saud as in the hope that thePalestinians could ever put right their humiliating situation.Arafat, in case you have forgotten, had stock-piled masses ofarms in southern Lebanon, hidden in tunnels under theground. He had never used them in any frontal confrontationwith the Israeli enemy. In what came to be known as BlackSeptember this dreadful man turned these guns on theJordanian Palestinians. They were killing each other. This wasArab brotherhood. Exhausted from the mediation which hesucceeded in bringing about through his undoubted personalcharisma and prestige, on the 28th September Nasser had toaccompany the Emir of Kuwait to say his farewells at theairport. It was the kiss of death. At six fifteen that evening hecollapsed with a massive heart attack.

On the subject of Arab unity General de Gaulle gave eloquentsummary.

‘Nasser would really like Algeria to be the fourth star of theUnited Arab Republic. But that cannot happen. NeitherBourguiba nor the King of Morocco are willing to disappear.Algerian domination would not profit the Maghrib, nor woulda United Arab Republic under the direction of Nasser. Andwhat could Nasser bring to Algeria? Nothing! Money?Technicians? He needs them himself. How would he be able togive them to others?

‘And then, Nasser has begun a project which is against thenature of things. Reason is against it. Egypt has always had itsunity. In every age the valley of the Nile has unified Egypt. On


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the contrary, countries like Lebanon, Iraq or Syria have alwaysbeen divided. The Druse have always fought the Maronites,who have never got on with the Alawites. Nor in Iraq have theSunnis got on with the Shi’a or with the Kurds. These arecountries condemned to division because they carry groupingsof people who are completely different, do not have the samelanguage, the same religion, the same past, and they cannottolerate each other. To try to unify them under a single sceptreis a super-human pretension. These people never want to begoverned by anyone but one of their own. To try it is to speakand to say nothing. Nasser makes as if to unify, but the unityhas no profound reality. It is just a wind which blows.’

That was the great kafir statesman analysing the actions ofNasser who, when he abandoned Islam, decided to rule by thekafir system, and by that submit to what de Gaulle, echoing hisgreat predecessor Napoleon, called the nature of things. Forwithout belief in the absolute and destining power of Allah,glory be to Him, you must submit in Napoleon’s phrase, to ‘LaForce des Choses’. For the mass of Arabs who have followedthis dreadful and tragic path, every year has brought greaterdisaster than the preceding one. However, it is time for thosewho have mistakenly believed that they still had Islam to facethe reality. All that was left of the Five Pillars was the Prayer andthe Fast, and all that remained of ‘Dhikr Katheeran’ was themuttered du’a of the smallest sura in the Qur’an, the Surat Al-‘Asr. It was as if they recognised in these sublime ayats, with abitter realisation, that they would require enormous patience asall their political activity dragged them further and further fromwhat they declared was their goal. Had they taken Islam fromits source in the Rasul, may Allah bless him and grant himpeace, and from the ‘Amal of the Ahl-al-Madinah, they would

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have raised high the Banner of Islam and taken the people withthem, and turned them away from socialist kufr and called forKhalifate which automatically implies the establishment of theGold Islamic Dinar of blessed Sunna and Madinan practice, inone blow freeing the Muslims from the perpetual downwardspiral of economical degradation in the magical system of worldbanking which at this moment has total control over theMuslim lands. This cannot be the end of the story because theMessenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, hasdeclared, ‘My people cannot go entirely wrong.’


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III

If the wahhabite mode of operation is to licence its authoritythrough an attack on other Muslims, then it follows that it hasallied itself by the very nature of its doctrines to the enemies ofIslam. The notorious allegiance of the reformist movement inIndia to the British crown is well documented, as is the activeand intricate connection between the Ismailis and the Britishgovernment, and between the Qadiyyanis and the Britishgovernment. On 16th April 2000 the Independent on Sundaygave a detailed account of how Denis Healey, then Britain’sDefence Secretary, had headed an organised and effectivecampaign to destabilise President Sukarno of Indonesia. Onespecialist at the Foreign Office told that his brief from Londonwas, ‘To do whatever I could do to get rid of Sukarno.’ Thereport states: ‘Newly discovered cabinet papers show that Britishagencies, including MI6, had supported Islamic guerrillas andother dissident groups in an effort to destabilise Sukarno. Thedisorder fostered by the British led to General Suharto’s take-over and dictatorship and a wave of violence unseen since the

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Second World War.’ The cabinet documents and theconfessions of the Foreign Office specialist were put together bya historian who has published his evidence in the journal‘Intelligence and National Security’. His research shows that thehead of MI6 was asked to draw up plans for covert operations in1964 and these included supplying arms to separatists in Acehand Sulawesi. Lord Healey stated, ‘I think that, to my horror onone occasion, they put forged documents on the bodies ofIndonesian soldiers.’ His excuse for these policies was that theyfeared a coup against the Sultan of Brunei.

Evidence such as this forces us to ask whether it is possible toimagine that the kafir forces would not have infiltrated theArabian world to constantly destabilise and destroy anymanifestation of an emergent Islam. What has to be grasped —and this is the very heart of this message — is that given theenormous importance of this issue and the high stakes in theoil commodities market, that the kuffar would never be naiveenough simply to employ physical acts of subversion and notundertake profound spiritual and intellectual subversion inmaking war against true religion. Historically, thisconfrontation of kafir society with Islam begins withNapoleon’s invasion of Egypt. It was accompanied by ruthlesscampaigns which involved the slaughter of whole populations,and alongside that a sophisticated, and, for its day, quiteinvestigative examination of the Deen of Islam. Napoleonadopted the masonic doctrine, ‘play at being believers’, and sohe claimed that he was a Muslim among the Muslims. Just overa century later Mussolini was to make the same insulting claimduring his invasion of Libya. With the western kafir nations’struggle to get their hands on the oil supply it must be notedthat from the beginning of these imperialist operations not only


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military agents were employed, like Shakespeare and Lawrence,but there grew up the Orientalists’ activity with the precise taskof briefing the political activists in how best to control and de-activate the Muslims.

However unpleasant this may be, the matter has to beconfronted because only then will you grasp how profoundlyyou have been tricked. You have to realise that to recover yourhonour and your self-respect you must return to that ongoingand vibrant historical Islam which was dealt these almost lethalblows by the so-called ‘reformers and purifiers’ of the Deen.

* * * * *

Mention must now be made in greater detail of theSubcontinent of India. To understand the corrupting influenceof the modernists, and the subsequent breaking-up intoconflicting schools of Islamic teaching, one must not lose sightof that key element which is paramount in correct Islamicunderstanding. From the kafir point of view the destruction ofthe glorious Mughal Islamic rule was necessary. Once ‘Amr hadbeen removed from the Indian polity, then from that momentIslam as a total phenomenon ceased to exist. However, a giftedand vibrant Muslim nation remained, but leaderless and devoidof those imposed elements of the Shari’at which grant not onlynobility but security to the Muslim community. The Britishmoved their capital from Calcutta and set up their rule fromDelhi. Calcutta-based, the British still saw India as acommercial enterprise, but once the great Mughal had beendefeated, imprisoned, and his family murdered, the jewishPrime Minister back in London, d’Israeli, convinced hisadoring monarch to declare herself Empress of India. The

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creation of the Raj was to result in the establishment of a newgroup among the country’s elite alongside the landowners.Bankers, merchants and money-lenders came to make up tenpercent of the landlord class, drawn largely from hindu baniacastes. In Bareilly, the largest town in Rohilkhand, the Britishimposed a house tax. Mufti Muhammad Ewaz declared thatwhere once the Muslims imposed Jizya on the kuffar, now theroles had been reversed. This meant, he said, that India was nolonger dar al-Islam but had become dar al-Harb, opening thedoor to Jihad. This was in 1837. Thus, for the first half of thenineteenth century a ferment of debate and urgentexamination of the condition of the Muslims resulted incontradictory Fatwas and dramatic personal ijtihad leading to avariety of responses, from open collaboration with the British,through positions which attempted to rescue something of theDeen, to outright conflict and the raising of the Green Flag ofJihad. For example the son of the great Shah Wali Ullah, ShahAbdalaziz Dehlawi gave an ambiguous judgment on the matterof naming India dar al-Harb, yet one which inspired a Jihadmovement in the North-West Frontier Province and Punjab.The Maharajah of Mahmudabad, having seen at close quartersthe terrible events of Lucknow, became Shi’a, in the convictionthat their path was more militant. Dudhu Miyan Ibn ShariatUllah tried to set up a series of local Khalifates to replace theimperial Mughal. Other ‘ulama, in despair, made hijra to theHijaz, among them Hajji Imdad Ullah who was Pir to bothMawlana Muhammad Qasim Nanautawi and Mawlana RashidAhmad Gangohi, founders of the Dar al-‘Ulum at Deoband.

In the face of the British government setting its administrationin Delhi, the great Muslim capital of India, the ‘ulama retreatedto small towns where the ruling presence of the British seemed


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to interfere less with the life of the people. So it was that somesettled in Deoband, some in Gangoh, and some in Bereilly. Theresult of this was that the ‘ulama in the coming generationswho lived under the Raj, that is under kafir rule and law, weretaught an Islam that before anything was acceptable to the nowwell-briefed kafir government and would pose no threat.Significantly, the modernist and Ahl al-Hadith movementrepresented no challenge to the British. There never had beena social entity that could call themselves Ahl al-Hadith in thehistoric record of Islam. It was a satisfactorily non-politicalmovement, which in the end could only produce academicsand an educated minority following. The great madrasas ofDeoband and Bereilly still contained within them the threat ofrevolt and the call for independence. The reason for this wasthat both these schools correctly held that their ‘ijtihad shouldbe based on a committed taqlid to the fiqh of Imam Abu Hanif.The proof that the path of taqlid did not result in apathy, as theanti-Islamic dialectic claimed, was that men of both theseschools made varied, relevant and significant ‘ijtihad inconfronting the terrible implications of British kafirdominance and persecution. As we can now observe on aworld-wide basis, alas, the shock to a Muslim people of losingthe authority of Khalif, Sultan or Amir is the greatest of shocks.

Correctly, a Fatwa is something produced by protected ‘ulama onthe orders of an effective Amir. The legal and politicalimplications of this mean that the legal judgment will then beratified by the Amir and carried out under his command. A Qadigiving judgment under these circumstances is a very differentthing from an ‘alim simply voicing his opinions on a matter as apersonal response or when requested by other disenfranchisedMuslims. Most importantly, this tensile energy produced by fear

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of Allah through giving judgments that will be acted uponproduces a very special and high calibre of human being.

Imam Malik, may Allah be pleased with him, would sit alwayswhere Khalif ‘Umar, may Allah be pleased with him, sat in theHaram of Madinah, maintaining a grave and intenseexpression. After hearing the evidence he gave judgment. Themoment the judgment was given, the accused was taken outand the relevant punishment, if such was the case, wasadministered. Malik sat, silent and unmoving, until news wasbrought that the sentence had been accomplished. He thenraised his eyes upwards and said in a strong voice, ‘Oh Allah!The judgment has been effected. Justice has been done. Theinnocent are protected and Madinah is safe.’ This is a differentsocial phenomenon from the ‘alim giving his opinion from amimbar or a minzah. The active Qadi is a man whose characterincreases in profundity and awe of Allah. The ‘alim who talksinto the wind without seeing the imposition of his judgmentretreats from the vital issues facing his people and turns moreand more to elements that do not impinge on the social nexus,until he ends up completely trivialised.

The ‘ulama of Deoband and Bereilly, standing firm as they didon all the essential elements of the Deen, yet avoiding theuncomfortable and humiliating reality that stared them in theface, could not do other than turn to secondary matters to givethem a local authority, a limited power, and a politicallyimpotent constituency. The question they avoided embodiedthe profoundest element in the Deen of Islam as it had beenlaid down through the Revelation and the Sunna. ‘How can wedefend Islam without ‘Amr and not become a Shi’a, viewing thecommunity of Truth as an exiled, persecuted and powerless


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remnant?’ Or viewed differently they could say, ‘What are themeans that will restore Delhi to us, that is effective governance,an Islamic coinage, and a dar al-Islam?’ Avoiding the issue of‘Amr they were unable to respond correctly to all the questionsposed to them. The loss of the Amir means, legally speaking —unless you abandon Islamic fiqh — that the Dinar and theDirham, and the weights and the measures will not be valid andguaranteed. If there is not the Madinan ‘Amal of Gold Dinarand Silver Dirham, then Zakat cannot be paid. If there is noAmir the Zakat collectors cannot be appointed nor can it bedistributed according to the rules. In one blow vital Fara’id areabolished. The direct consequence of this is that the banner ofJihad will not be raised high and kafir rule remains assured.

You cannot fail now to see the pattern. Remove the MuslimSultan. Disband the army of Jihad. Close the Sufic tekkes andkhanaqas. A twofold attack on the Sufis. Accuse them ofprimitivism from the modernist point of view, or accuse themof bid’a with the myth of ‘purification’ from a wahhabite pointof view. Look at the historical record. An Islamic Sultan ruled.Zakat was collected. The Shari’at was imposed. The Tariqasunified the people, imbued them with love of the Messenger,may Allah bless him and grant him peace, gave the people pridein Islam, and engendered loyalty to the Sultan, an ever-readyarmy for Jihad. After the kafir incursion into Muslim lands anidentical social de-construction can be identified. Deposition ofthe Sultan. Dismantling of Awqaf. The secularisation ofeducation once the tekkes and madrasas were closed down. Thetransfer of Islamic studies to universities, awarding seculardoctorates with masonic ritual. The abolition of Zakat. Theintroduction of worthless paper money to replace thereal-money system of Islam. The introduction of usury banking

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— call it Islamic Banking, what does it matter, the institutionsand the instruments are themselves usurious. Abolish Jihad —do the new Islamic Doctors not tell you that Islam means peaceand tolerance?

Under the ‘Amr of the Mughals there was no Deobandi school.There was no Bereilly school. There were no wahhabites. Boththe Deobandi and Bereilly leadership belonged to Tariqas andwere united in their holding to obedience to the Sultan,following their Naqshbandi, Qadiri and Chisti Shaykhs inupholding the Deen. They fought Jihad against the hindus andthe sikhs. The British Raj, the Kemalists and the wahhabitesheld an identical agenda, and ruthlessly carried it out under theapproving eye and rewarding hand of their kafir masters.


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IV

Oh Arab people! It follows from this that it would be mostunjust to suggest that it is only you who have grossly betrayedtheir Deen, and quite incorrect to suggest that only the Arabswere infiltrated and then betrayed by their kafir overlords. If weexamine other parts of the Muslim world we find the samestory repeated. Inescapably it must be admitted that the samemethods, procedures and evaluations of the kuffar are appliedto the Muslims. The destiny of the Arab peoples is however ofspecial importance to all the Muslim Ummah.

It is significant when one surveys the world scene of the Muslimcommunity that only two regimes can claim a social identitythat is based on legitimacy. The United Arab Emirates,although bearing a modern political morphology designed toguarantee that oil production remains in the hands of acontrollable because small political and military entity, isnevertheless governed by the natural leadership of its ownpeople. The rulers of each Emirate are the legitimate rulers and

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inheritors of their local territory and for this reason can boast aharmony and internal social integrity compromised only by theexigencies of the kafir financial system under which we all atpresent function, and which do not leave them free of the icycontrolling hand of the world’s bankers.

This qualification also applies to a historically more ancientand culturally more distinctive society, that of the Kingdom ofthe Maghrib. There, the legitimacy of the king stretches overcenturies. Not only is the ruler a Sharif, but his grandfather’srestoration to power marked a devastating blow to French kafircolonial rule. The characterisation of King Hassan II as a tyrantmay, indeed, be proven, yet with the passage of time theMoroccans become increasingly aware of his achievement inpreserving both the nation and significant portions of its Deenand its Islamic scholarship. The King bore a relationship toShakespeare’s Henry V, that is to say that the model of youngPrince Hal as the playboy who is slowly transformed throughthe duties and struggles of kingship into the heroic leaderHenry V, can be seen patterned in the life of King Hassan II.His father, after a great conflict, had won back Morocco for theMuslim people. The young King was the secure inheritor ofthese battles. The first picture we have of him is the PlayboyKing surrounding himself with courtiers who, while fulfillinghis desires, begin to build for themselves a wealthy power base.As the years progressed and the natural authority of the Kingdeveloped, the ambitions of his courtiers increased also. Thehistorically inevitable happened when the very men closest tohim tried to overthrow him. Stunned by the violence of theattempted coup d’État, the King took an undoubtedly ferociousrevenge on those closest to him, although he wisely amnestiedthe junior officers concerned.


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The King came to realise that the only protection Morocco hadwas its Islamic heritage. The last years of his life proved quiteremarkable. He began to strengthen the role of the ‘ulama andgave them a voice in a way that has not happened in any othercountry. Ramadan was celebrated with Morocco’s ruler everynight on television in his palace, having lined up before him theleading ‘ulama of the country face to face with all his militaryhigh command, his government, his provincial governors andrepresentatives of the people. The palace became a Zawiyya.The King led the dhikr, and every night a different ‘alim wouldgive a discourse on the fiqh of Madinah. A young TurkishMuslim watching this observed with tears in his eyes, ‘Imaginethis happening in Turkey!’ During the last Ramadan Gatheringof the King’s life the Sufi leader of the indigenous SpanishMuslim community presented to the King their newly mintedGold Islamic Dinar and Silver Dirham and Five-Dirham pieces,minted according to the command of ‘Umar Ibn Al-Khattab,may Allah be pleased with him, and thus having the correctweight for the legal calculation of Zakat payment. The Kingexamined the coins carefully and expressed his heartfelt joy atreceiving this significant gift. At the following day’s RamadanGathering before all his court and all the people of theKingdom of Morocco, the King declared that the time hadcome to restore the fallen pillar of Zakat to the Deen of Islamin Morocco. He informed his people that instructions would begiven to the ‘ulama and his government to examine the way toapply its legal obligations.

There is no Muslim society without its errors, conflicts andbetrayals. What must be recognised is that whatever KingHassan may be accused of, the achievement of his reign hasbeen, despite massive financial attempts by the bankers to

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topple him and permit the purchase of the nation’s assets in apost-revolutionary Fire-Sale, as is their world-wide practice, thathe warded off the modernist Islamic threat. That threat and itspolicy are that same slippery slope which we have identified inthis review of Muslim affairs throughout the Middle East andNorth Africa. The King saved Morocco from being Algeria. Therepublic is the kafir mode of government preferred by the worldbanking hegemony, and the abolition of religion, or itsanaesthetising, is its preferred mode of social evolution.

In the Emirates the modernists and wahhabites who attack andmost shamelessly slander Sufis are even more outspoken intheir attacks on the ruling families, yet all that is done inprivate, while at every public occasion they rush forward to kissthe hands of the rulers in the hope of the preferments they mayreceive. They also maintain a disturbing relationship with thesignificant American intelligence presence in the area. So inCairo. So in Islamabad.

What King Hassan II undoubtedly saved Morocco from was thedescent into hellish slaughter and civil war that became thedestiny of Algeria, when it plunged into a spiral of events, oneof the motor forces of which was reformist and wahhabiteIslam. The present consensus of opinion on the beginning ofthe National Algerian Movement is that it was the work of a fewmen — in particular, a revolutionary, an Islamic leader, and abourgeois. Without them it would not have been possiblealthough the character and the thesis of each one was verydifferent, forming a triad of opposing positions. The first,Messali Hadj (1898-1974) was a native of Tlemcen and amilitant Third-Worldist who, like Ho Chi Minh and thenotorious Michel Aflaq, received his political education in


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Paris. In his head fizzed that intoxicating cocktail whichtogether spelled disaster: authoritarian centralism, theapplication of the term Jihad to a national struggle, acommunistic view of the state, and a rhetoric of the Ummah.He was a believer in Pan-Arab nationalism. His party, the P.P.A.(Parti du peuple algérien) became the M.T.L.D. (Movementpour le triomphe des libertés démocratiques). During the warwith France he formed the autonomous Organisation Spéciale,O.S., which prepared the armed insurrection. By 1954 theF.L.N. had separated from the M.T.L.D.. Messali Hadj thenformed the M.N.A. (Mouvement national algérien) which fellinto bloody rivalry with the F.L.N.

The bourgeois was Ferhat Abbas (1899-1985). Married to aFrenchwoman, he was that modern phenomenon, a secularisedMuslim who longed for assimilation into French society. Inorder to taste of these delights he first had to win theemancipation of the indigenous people. Do not forget that socomplete was the social humiliation of the Algerians in theirown country that they were unable to sit on the terraces of thecafés, and so one of the small but sweet fruits of theiremancipation was to be able to sit at a café watching the crowdgo by. On 10th February 1943 he launched the famous‘Manifeste du peuple algérien’, which in 1946 became thecharter of the U.D.M.A., ‘Union démocratique du Manifestealgérien’. This group still sought a negotiated settlement, but on21st April 1956 he joined with the F.L.N. in Cairo.

The Islamic leader was Shaykh Abdelhamid Ben Badis (1889-1940). He led the reformist movement and was a directinheritor of that dismal philosophy which had spread like avirus from Cairo throughout the Muslim world. His bitter

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opposition was to the Maliki madhhab. Nowhere is it moreclear that the reformists represent an anti-Islamic movementthan when it manifests in a country which follows the madhhabof Imam Malik. Imam Malik’s Muwatta represents a detailedrecord of the practices of the people of Madinah under thetutelage of Khalif ‘Umar Ibn Al-Khattab, may Allah be pleasedwith him, and the judgments of Sayyedetna ‘Aisha, may Allahbe pleased with her. Properly speaking, the so-called madhhabof Imam Malik is by and large an extension of andextrapolation from the Umm al-Madhahib, defined by IbnTaymiyya in respectful confirmation of its superiority over alllegal judgments, as the Madhhab of the Ahl al-Madinah. Badisbitterly opposed the Muftis, the Imams of the mosques ofAlgeria, and the Sufi Zawiyyas.

In 1936 the much respected Mufti of Algiers, a renownedMaliki scholar, was assassinated. Shaykh Taieb el-Okbi wasarrested. He was one of the reformers. The French colonialwriter Albert Camus rose to his defence in a series of articles.Camus was an atheist and nihilist who believed in anindependent and secularised Algeria. What must be seen is thatthese three men worked together to a common end for anIslamic movement whose motto is Kitab wa Sunna, yet whosecapacity to ignore the Sunna would be remarkable were it notmatched by their capacity to disobey the Qur’an. The refusal ofthe Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, tohave the best of Arab fighters fight alongside him because hewas not Muslim remains an inescapable limit to alliances.

A significant part of the tragedy of modern Algerian history hasbeen that the Muslims who had taken on the whole Deen ofIslam allowed themselves to enter the independence movement


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which, although it used a rhetoric of Jihad, never could andnever did raise high the Banner of Islam. The war was directedby its communist core, but the war could not have been wonwithout the active and heroic participation as well as enormoussuffering of the practising Muslim population, of whom onlysome of the city elite had deviated towards the modernist thesis.

When the war was over the victorious F.L.N. set up itsgovernment under their communist leader, Ben Bella. Theresult of this was that a situation similar to Nasser’s Egyptemerged, that is a socialist leadership with a so-called Islamicsystem that was bonded to two doctrines which are anti-Islamic:Nationalism and Arabism. Under the communists the leading‘ulama who were the inheritors and followers of Ben Badis weregiven the responsibility of ‘running Islam’ under the newcentralised leninist state. The true Deen of Islam did continueto be taught in Saharan madrasas and in some mosques, but itwas now renamed as if it were a strange sect — the Malikis! Inthe very centre of Algiers there is a small mosque which cameto be known as the Maliki mosque, and this in a country whichhad maintained a vigorous Islam for centuries following theMadhhab of the Ahl al-Madinah.

In all of this you must understand that with this transition fromhistorical Islam to revised modernism there came a change inthe power base of the society. Under the rule of Islam Algeriawas basically self-governing, but with the Khalifate based inIstanbul both as its protector and its Court of Last Appeal injudicial matters. As the great jewish banking houses of Europebegan their brilliant, original and magical method ofexpropriation of whole countries, the Islamic identity andcapacities of the Osmanli Dawlat began to fall apart. The

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French acquisition of both Algeria and Morocco, whileaccompanied by military activities, as we have said is bestdescribed in modern bankist language as being leveragedbuyouts. Before examining the issue of that wealth and itstransference to the kuffar we must remain for the moment withthe issue of governance and power.

The truth is that the reformist ‘ulama who suddenly foundthemselves with their own country in their hands, and thecolonial tyrants defeated and gone, made not the slightest effortto establish an Islamic polity. The false Ben Badis doctrines leftthem in the same helpless position as the one in which theEgyptian Ikhwan found themselves in the socialist Egypt ofNasser. In both cases the masses overwhelmingly embraced thenew regime because the doctrines of national pride and Arabidentity filled them with effulgence and took from them fear ofAllah and love of the Messenger, may Allah bless him and granthim peace, since those two inextricably bound teachings hadbeen swept aside in their ‘Islamic reformation’. As ineverywhere that this insidious anti-Islam was established, theorganic system of social welfare that was Awqaf was swept asideand its properties and wealth expropriated by the centralisedstate. So it was that the Ben Badis educated ‘ulama underwrotethe atheist materialist system of the communist F.L.N.dictatorship and happily participated in submitting to itseducation of a whole generation who, but for the remainingSufic enclaves and independent madrasas, frankly had no ideaof Islamic teaching of Tawhid, or love of the Messenger andfollowing him, let alone the proper Muslim adab. The questionthat must be asked is why, in the euphoria of victory over theFrench and in the first flush of independence, did these ‘ulamanot raise high the Banner of Islam and establish a powerful


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Islamic state securely founded on the Shari’at? In other words,why did they not appoint a Sultan, set up empowered Qadis,mint the Islamic Gold Dinar and Silver Dirham of the correctMadinan weight, and restore the Zakat that they had blamedtheir French masters for denying them? Now, certainly, theycould sit on the terrace of the café and drink their coolingdrinks, but that was the only kind of freedom they had gainedfor all that bloodshed. In fact, the whole Badisi gang of ‘ulamasubmitted to Ben Bella’s order commanding them to attendcourses in marxist-leninism. If the reformist Muslims had infact possessed the formula of Islam in its Madinan splendour,Algeria would have been the model of the Islamic world. Moreimportantly, the ghastly massacre of the innocents that hastaken place in our time would have been prevented.

The cause of the massacres has to be understood firstly, beforean accusing hand is pointed at the perpetrators of them. If thewahhabite Islamic movement had not degraded the Deen ofIslam by putting it forward as a political programme, with theMuslim leadership seen as standing on a political platform,thereby suggesting that the Islamic model could be arrived at asa matter of majority choice, and thus accepting that they wouldsubmit to its being rejected as a minority choice — if they hadnot participated in the sorry circus of democracy they wouldnot have initiated with the materialist state the terrible cycle ofviolence. For this reason the primal responsibility falls on thehead of this profound deviation by the wahhabites andmodernists. As for the perpetrators of these terrible crimes,committed not against kuffar remember but against innocentMuslim men, women and children, their identity is a cause forbitter appraisal. Since I have fuqara in various cities and desertsthroughout Algeria, I have been able to get as close to the truth

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as anyone can until this tragic affair has come to an end and itcan be more fully investigated. The reports I have, and thesesometimes from victims’ relatives, state that there is no doubtthat the atheist regime’s military did commit some of themassacres. However it seems that in large part they werecommitted by wahhabite forces, some of whom had served andbeen trained in the war of Afghan national resistance. In thiswhole period of guerrilla warfare and set-piece massacres, onevery disturbing fact emerges. The declared end of the rebels wasto take command of the state, so why is it that in all this timenot one single oil installation or pipeline has been targetted?This brings us to that recurrent theme that has haunted theArab peoples throughout the last century and still does today. Imean, the protocols and passions that surround the wealth ofthe oil industry.


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Allah, glory be to Him, in His Book asks us: ‘Do you think thatbecause you are muminun you will not be tested?’ There is nodoubt that the great test of the Arab people, and indeed thewhole Muslim world community, has been the presence and therole of petrol in our territories. Allah in His wisdom placed asignificant majority of the world’s oil reserves under the feet ofthe Muslims. This was His test. Had the Muslims held to thepath of historical Islam they would have recovered their sensesand realised the astonishing trick that the kuffar were playing onthem. Khalifate, Khums, Jizya, Zakat, Islamic Dinar andDirham, and Jihad on the frontier — these would have unifiedthe Muslims and transformed their enormous wealth throughHalal instruments of exchange, commodities and real-valuecurrency. Once the Muslims had turned their backs on theirnoble Imams, Imam Malik, Imam Abu Hanif and Imam Shafi’i,then by that token they had accepted an ‘ulama without fiqhand without a political leader. The Muslim world was put in

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chains and the Sword of Jihad was taken from them, and thenthe kuffar bound them in slavery, yet the chains were made ofpaper, and they called it money. The issue of oil ownership wasoriginally considered a political matter, but even that illusionwas firmly removed as the kafir system evolved to the point thatthey could declare it uniquely a commercial matter. Once thekuffar had designed the democratic political system for nations,power became vacuum-packed and unmenacing. So it was thatthat set of miserable little nations with its dictatorships whichheld out the evolutionary promise of being ‘raised up’ to bedemocracies became so preoccupied with this process, that theyfailed to realise that the wealth system was no longer in thehands of the political class. Socialism was finished anddictatorship was no longer needed, so the kafir power couldturn over each little nation state when it was ready to impose thecurse of democracy on it. What is the curse of democracy? It isthat the currency and commodity markets are no longer in thehands of the elected government which is now simply in chargeof policing and national shopping.

The kafir elite live by absolute control of the paper currencysystem, itself a commodity, and all the other commodities likeoil, diamonds, and heavy metals. These govern the world today,but only for the moment. Once you have grasped this essentialmatter and returned to acknowledging in dynamic existentialterms that Allah has power over everything, and that for Allahbringing down their rule is easy, for while it seems total it is inreality more fragile than any tyranny before it, then with Hishelp you can change everything.

The manipulation of the oil market, which is entirely in thehands of the great oil corporations, has to script political


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scenarios in accordance with the needs and crises of thatmarket. When Kuwait had the temerity to try to join the kafirclub by opening a stock exchange it was cruelly punished, andin the shortest time, so that by simple manipulation it wasbrought to ruin. Unsure of market control, the Titans, asJünger defined the new non-national power elite of banks andcorporations, determined to take a more powerful grip on thepetrol flow from the desert nations. It was a simple and overtgamble, far less complicated than many an imperialist war, andit was totally successful. Firstly, get Kuwait oil to practice lateraldrilling across the frontier into Iraq. Allow an increasingdialogue of friction between the two countries, fuelled byIntelligence activity. At the point that the predictable ruler ofIraq threatens war, give diplomatic assurance at the highest levelthat he could get away with it. The moment he makes his move— strike! Desert Storm! In one highly successful kafir operationnew weaponry was tested, Israel was released from the threat ofIraqi aggression, and Kuwait oil, in flames, was out of action forseveral years. Iraqi oil sales were blocked, first in punishmentand then with the invention of the myth that the ruined nationwas manufacturing weapons of mass destruction. The kingdomof the rebel Saud family was bankrupted by the cost of the war,which they were forced to bear, and a massive military presencethere was permanently established.

Take out your map of the world. Sanctions against Iraq.Sanctions against Libya. Algeria paralysed by civil war. Nigeriablocked from commercial activity by power struggles. Indonesiamercilessly beaten into paralysis by agents provocateurs. Awahhabite infiltration plunging Afghanistan into an endlesscycle of bloodshed and thus blocking a crucial pipeline. Last,but not least, the true story of Chechnya.

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Chechnya, more clearly than anywhere, exposes the twinstrands that make up the enslaving rope that binds Muslimpeoples, imperatives of oil in the kafir evaluation, and theabandonment of the imperatives of Islam in the face of animposed wahhabism. Why was it, you must first ask, that theRussian kuffar were so desperately concerned to guard theremote mountain stronghold of a small people who had donenothing but cause them trouble for two hundred years? Themaps reveal what the kafir political discourse tries to hide.Grozny was a vital stopping place on the great Caucasianpipeline. In the first Chechen War its heroes and its leadershipwere derived from families with a strong Sufic background,proudly boasting the Shaykhs in their ancestry. It was the sightof a villageful of women standing in a circle performing theQadiri Hadra with profound intensity that made the Russiansoldiers’ blood turn to vinegar. They had reason to be afraid.

In 1985 Alexandre Bennigsen and Enders Wimbush, in awell-researched study entitled ‘Mystics and Commissars’, laidbare the kafir communist state’s battle against Islam asmanifested by the Sufic Tariqas. Stalin’s regime, with theenthusiastic approval of the christian orthodox church, hadtried to scatter communities bound by the Sufic Tariqas, andhad sent hundreds of thousands to the Gulags, until in despairat the failure of his persecution, he simply moved a significantportion of the Chechen population to Siberia. In the Eightiesthe communists reckoned there were half a million Sufis in theCaucasus. The communist scholar Bazarbaev, in a detailedsurvey of the Muslim population, defined the Sufis asintolerant, militant and missionary. They refused any dialoguewith atheists, and somehow evaded the ‘soviet psychologicalenvironment’. It should be remembered that the ‘official


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Islam’, that is the one accepted by the kafir dictatorship, sent asmall hand-picked delegation every year to Hajj. Thisscandalous refusal to allow the Muslims of the whole of thensouthern Russia to fulfil their religious obligations was acceptedin absolute silence by the wahhabite rulers of the Haramayn.Not only did they fail to use their enormous wealth andinfluence to allow the enormous numbers who would havemade Hajj to do so, but they fêted and honoured thecommunist apparatchiks who presented themselves as theofficial Mullahs. With the end of the Khanate linking theCaucasus to Istanbul, the Sufic Shaykhs would set up a court ofShari’at and give rulings which were scrupulously obeyed bytheir people. The Jadidis, or wahhabite ‘ulama, as in everyplace, were happy collaborators with the kafir regime, and insome cases were K.G.B. agents. Bennigsen and Wimbushreported: ‘Soviet anti-religious propaganda is targetedparticularly on the dhikr, which is thought by the propagandiststo be one of Sufism’s more odious aspects. It is frequentlyattacked as being anti-Soviet and anti-Russian, unhealthy, andanti-social.’ The family of Saud would, of course, agree.

The authors tell a charming tale of a Chechen village,Kurchaloy, holding five dhikrs simultaneously, one Naqshbandiand four Qadiri. On the same evening, three soviet dancingparties were held and one socialist realist movie, attended byten to fifteen people. Perhaps even more encouraging was thereport of another Russian social scientist investigating the Sufisof the northern Caucasus when he noted: ‘After the dhikrceremony an adept is unfit for normal working activity. TheSufic rituals are the most nefarious of all social evils, and it isnecessary to fight the Sufi organisations until their finalextermination.’ This was the viewpoint of a society based on an

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atheist doctrine which has produced, according to the carefuland conservative demographic study entitled ‘The Black Bookof Communism’ by the distinguished historians StéphaneCourtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, AndrzejPaczkowski, Karel Bartošek and Jean-Louis Margolin, adeath-toll of 25 million in the Soviet Union, 65 million inChina, 1.7 million in Cambodia, and so on. Kufr is one system.

Another Russian social scientist, Aliaskerov, in analysing theSufis said that they were anarchic and petit-bourgeois andproclaimed the primacy of individual freedom. ‘According tothis theory, a believer is responsible to God alone, and becausethe government — the Soviet government, not a bourgeoispower — does not come from God, because it limits God’s will,it must not be obeyed.’ Bennigsen and Wimbush end theirimportant monograph quoting a Russian scholar, E. Mallitski,who wrote from Tashkent in 1898: ‘Given the immobility ofofficial Islamic dogmas, all intellectual movements in theMuslim world must cover themselves with the flag of Sufism.The renaissance of Islam can take place only under itsinfluence.... Every new idea, any movement, political orreligious, reactionary or revolutionary, will cover itself with theflag of Sufism.’ The authors then note: ‘These observations,although written in the last century, should command ourattention today.’ The puppet regime which governs the ArabianPeninsula today is completely subservient to the Titans whomake up that small multi-national community which wieldssupra-national power. That leadership is in turn obedient to anow well-defined and widely practised philosophy which derivesfrom the atheist ethos of the last two centuries and whose mainachievements were the French and Russian Revolutions.Wahhabism is one of its strategies.


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What happened in Chechnya? That Sufic army and peoplefought against the second greatest military power in the world,and won. As the victory came nearer, the kafir forces becameseriously concerned and ordered the wahhabites to move in tode-fuse the implications and effect of a Sufic-Islamic victory.Within the shortest time after the accords were signed with theRussians ending hostilities, in meetings held in Paris with thethen Vice-Premier Hodjakhmed Noukhaev, during which wehad gained the generous support of the great French advocateMaître Jacques Vergès in order to lay down in international lawthose elements which could produce a final document ofcomplete independence, I was shown a very disturbingdocument which had been prepared for the Chechengovernment. It contained many clauses which were to appearlater in the humiliating Dayton Agreement that wiped out theBosnian Muslims’ chance of self-government after their heroicvictory. The document had been drawn up by one of France’smost famous jewish bankers. It laid out a Constitution and aseries of political obligations which, when listed, totally securedthe abolition of any political and financial Islamic identity tothe Chechen people. The very first elements in the documentincluded the anti-Islamic doctrine of Human Rights, a nationalbank, parity of all religious groups, the establishment of seculareducation at a state level, with the built-in assurance that ifthese principles were established, there would be an automaticand immediate request for a massive loan from the World Bankor the I.M.F., which most certainly would be granted. It was theChechen’s ‘Dayton Agreement’.

As can be directly verified from the Beniggsen-Wimbushreferences above, kafir society knew this could not be achievedwithout the destruction of the Sufis. A swift and increasing

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influx of wahhabites entered the Caucasus, setting up conflictamong the excellent Chechen leadership, and at the same timerecruiting young men to be taken to Madinah University forindoctrination. The result was that the Chechen people and itsfighters were tricked into a second Chechen War.

The Second Chechen War was in itself a concerted plan by thewahhabites to eliminate the power base of Shamil Basayev andthe Sufic units loyal to him. It must be remembered that whileBasayev was a dedicated Sufi, at the same time he saw himself asthe defender of his own persecuted people. A so-called JihadGroup was formed to activate the conflict and also to entrapBasayev, who could be counted on not to abandon his men, theaimed intention being to wipe them out completely. So it wasthat in the command group, Basayev was not only outnumberedbut obliged to carry out wahhabite strategies. Riyadh hadinfiltrated into the command structure the wahhabite Shaykh‘Umar, from Riyadh and in its pay. The Dagestani basedwahhabite, Shaykh Bahauddin, was one of the key authors of theSecond War along with another spokesman, operating out ofIstanbul. In three separate operations the wahhabite leadershipentrapped Shamil Basayev and betrayed him. No member of theArabian regime, that is neither minister nor diplomat, has beenchallenged by the media to explain the overt role of theirgovernment in a continuing series of tragic incidents involvingthe deaths of innocent people from Mindanao to Grozny. Theresult of wahhabite practice is clearly genocidal.

The world knows the result, but it prefers to look awayuncomfortably at what that result exposes. It exposes the unityof the kafir system. The European Union let the Russians seethat they could complete the genocidal destruction of the brave


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Chechen people. The American president openly flirted withYeltsin at an international conference, indicating thereby thathe had a free hand in the continued slaughter. TheOrganisation of Islamic Conference, as ever, remainedsupremely irrelevant. The Titans insisted that the Russianpresident be replaced by a man that they could quickly brief tofulfil their complete financial and commodities programme forthe Russian Federation. This new president gave orders for thetotal destruction of the city of Grozny, and only some days laterwas received with honour by the British Prime Minister. Almostthe first act of the new Russian president was to order thedestruction of the oil installation outside Grozny. The War wasover, yet this was his first policy statement. Again, for amoment, the curtain was lifted on the new realities of power.The destruction of Grozny was a serious blow if you still held tothe illusion that there was something called a Russian nationaleconomy. If what was at issue was the carving up and sharingamong the Oil Titans their part in the revenues, research anddevelopment of the Asian pipeline system, then the Titans hadwon, and Riyadh could be congratulated on a furtherstrengthening of their contribution to the Titans’ programme,and the success of their doctrinal commitment to the wipingout of Sufism, and therefore prevention of the continuance andrevival of the true Islam that had survived since the foundationof Madinah al-Munawwara.

It follows from this that the Islam that maintained a historicworld reality from the time of the Messenger, may Allah blesshim and grant him peace, until the fall of the Khalifate with itsfull splendour of Shari’at and Tariqat, sustained by Sultans whogoverned according to the Book of Allah and the ‘Amal of theMessenger’s Madinah, may Allah bless him and grant him

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peace, and may Allah soon set Madinah free, it follows that thetrue Islam remains the greatest fear of the kafir hegemony. It isalso clear that the scenario of the wahhabites’ and thereformers’ pseudo-Islam presents absolutely no threat to them.It assures the splitting of Islamic activity into two separate andcontrollable phenomena. At the one extreme a limited ‘purist’rebellion characterised by savagery and terrorism which canonly attract a desperate and socially rejected minority. At theother extreme there is the castrated version of a ‘sweet’ Islamwhich on close examination is nothing other than a kind oftheistic humanism, able to embrace ‘Rights of Man’ and atolerance of every form of shirk and kufr, obedientlyconfirming that jews, christians and Muslims are really all one.The significance of these two ‘kafir-licensed Islams’, and by thatI clearly mean anti-Islams, is that neither one posits theintention and obligation to found a new society, and eventuallycivilisation, in obedience to the Divine and Propheticcommands, such as existed in the Eastern Khalifate, theOsmanli Dawlat, the Mughal Dawlat, the Sultanates of theMalay Archipelago, the Maghribi Kingdom, and the EuropeanIslamic civilisation of Andalusia.


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It is now possible, as has been demonstrated by this review ofArab affairs and their impact on the total Islamic world, toconfirm that the wahhabites and reformers, whether by theirfalse ‘aqida or their outright negation of the double shahada,had plunged Islam into defeat and achieved the abolition of thehistorical ‘Amal of its people. As a ‘pure’ minority in Egypt theywere utterly rejected by the masses in favour of a socialisticmaterialism, only to see the people end up the slaves of kafirbankism. In Sudan they took power and managed to reducethis once wealthy country to helpless dependency on the kafirdebt system, by which it acquired power over politicalgovernment. The Arab illusion that government is power hasbeen one of the results of their false ‘aqida.

During a recent uprising in Fiji an American State Departmentofficial openly admitted the new doctrinal basis of the kafir

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hegemony. He said, ‘We do not recognise governments. Weonly recognise states.’ This brings to an end a historical methodand practice that had been the foundation of all kafir civicdiscourse up until now. In real terms he was quite correct inconfirming that now governments do not govern. However, thesecond part of the kafir shahada may at first appearmetaphysical until one remembers that they are atheistmaterialists. What then, to them, is the state? It is neither aculture nor an amorphous polity. It must represent thoseboundaried institutions which control the wealth of thatterritory and its interface with the world outside. This meansthat the state is, de facto, its legal currency, and the utilisationof it by financial institutions. Since the webbing andnetworking of such institutions does not retain a nationalzoned characteristic, it follows that the state’s power is a two-faced reality. To the people, it presents a face which tells themthat these institutions are national and their property, but itsother face, which looks out on the world, assures that world ofthe wealth’s location inside the archives and storage vaults ofthe world banking hegemony.

Against this utterly new historical situation a coup d’État putpower in Sudan into the hands of the Ikhwan al-Muslimunfaction. As I have indicated with detailed analysis in ‘Techniqueof the Coup de Banque’, taking the seat of political power andthen sitting on it does not empower the one who is enthroned.Sudan remains an emaciated, starving, and debt-ridden societytotally at the mercy of the bankers. When we proffered the pathof true application of Islamic Law, and that does not entaileither the shrouding of women in black bags or the sinistersurgical activity of the modernists’ version of the cutting ofhands, but rather putting into practice the Divinely and


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Prophetically ordained obligations of Zakat and Halal tradewith the gold and silver Madinan currency, the Sudanesemodernist leaders simply preferred to deal with the bankers.This meant that they preferred the Sudanese people to havetheir barren ideology rather than a chicken in the pot.

In surveying the disaster of the Second Chechen War and thedebacle achieved by the wahhabite insurgents who wrecked theIslamic society which was being formed by the victorious SuficMuslims, and then condemned their people to a stillundocumented horror that saw the total destruction of theircapital, one disturbing factor of the equation remains to beassessed. Chechnya boasted a world-famous history of Islamicresistance against the kuffar over centuries through the power ofthe Sufic Tariqas which maintained the dynamic activism of theDeen through both kafir monarchy and dictatorship. Yet withina few months of wahhabism rearing its face actively in theCaucasus, a nation was plunged into its worst tragedy. Strictlyspeaking, it should be remembered that a form of wahhabismhad in fact been actively supported by the kafir communistswhich found their Jadidi Movement absolutely no threat to thesocialist programme. The question therefore remains, where didthe wahhabites come from and who paid the bill?

It is not difficult to understand what has happened, indeedmuch of the evidence comes from the corpses on the ground,which in every place where the wahhabites activity can beidentified, are Muslim. Let us define the kafir version of eventsas overtly taught by the state media of the kuffar and the super-bank spokesman. Foremost there is, to them, the mass of twobillion disempowered Muslims for whom they hold out thepromise of investment programmes, emergency relief, and the

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occasional dam project. They also recognise those states builton that false ‘aqida which has been laid bare in this text. TheOrganisation of Islamic Conference is their cynical solution todeal with unforeseen crises, that is to say an inter-governmental,ambassadorial arena for long speeches. Its members prefer toignore the kafir shahada, ‘We do not deal with governments.We only deal with states.’ The kuffar gained access to theMuslims’ wealth by the abolition of Awqaf and Zakat and theintroduction of the meaningless term ‘Islamic Banking andInvestment’. This kafir model, if we politically apply the currenttheories of kafir cosmology, recognises the reality of disruption.By the application of ‘Chaos Theory’ they can in real terms pre-empt any uprising of an Islamic group of people by theactivation of a counter-disruption which is both designed andcontrolled. In the same way that a dangerous volcanic eruptionis prevented through a nearby underground explosion whichopens up a vent for the lava to escape, so political scenarios canbe set up to short-circuit any possibility of the empowerment ofthe Muslims in a specific place. Not for a moment should youimagine that this is ‘conspiracy theory’. On the contrary it isexactly as I have indicated, a response to a major explosionthrough a minor disruption. It is both pragmatic and posteriorto a political event. The event can be an independencemovement. The event can be an insurgent group. The responsein every instance situates that event in the realm of extremism,fanaticism and terrorism.

Because these policies of the kuffar often involve undergroundchannels across nations and the recruitment of dubiouspersonnel, the whole affair of what was once the broad socialactivity in which Muslims participated by founding the highestcivilisations known has become reduced to the sordid intrigues


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and acted-out fantasies both of the radical groups and the secretservices involved. In this matter it would be naive to fail torecognise the sameness between the Intelligence agents and theterrorists which is completely analogous to the relationshipbetween the warders and the penitentiary prisoners. It followsfrom this that there has to be organised production of thoseactive agents which can wipe out the possibility of thereappearance of Islam in all its glory. There has to be a sourcewhich manufactures both the theoretical system, the dynamicapplication, and the agents of the insurgency. It must now befaced that that centre of both theoretical and practical activityis the University of Madinah. The face these so-called ‘radicals’present to the Muslims is simplistic but remarkably effective.They say, ‘The regime in Arabia is corrupt, they are agents ofthe Americans, but we are struggling to establish the true Deen,and in due course they will be dealt with, meanwhile thismilitary operation or this civic outrage must be implemented.’The full nature of this effective Nifaq is that their programmescan be carried out all over the world and yet never are appliedinside Arabia.

To grasp this simple duplicity a useful historical metaphor maybe applied. In the nineteenth century, in order for the Britishto take out the wealth of China while leaving its populacebereft, it was necessary to find a social method to guaranteethere would be no powerful uprising of the masses. Theimperialist solution was twofold, one which would preventrebellion and at the same time bring further wealth to thecolonists. The British created a trade in opium, planted andharvested the poppies, extracted the opium gum, and sold it inthe great cities of coastal China. As a result the urbancommunities were infested with opium dens, and addiction

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became a social reality. Politically this meant that the Britishwere giving opium to the Chinese to drug them into passivity,yet it was a poison which they did not permit their own elitecommunity to take. In exactly this way the wahhabite, kafir-appointed ruler permits the export of wahhabite subversionand military adventure. It should be remembered that this sameruler, prior to the second Presidential elections to reinstateReagan, sent a message begging the President to grant himAmerican citizenship in order that he could cast a vote for himin the coming election.

I know of one Chechen leader who went to Madinah Universitythinking he would acquire the Deen, but who left disgustedwhen he found out the true nature of their programme. Recallthe Mauritanian ‘alim who resigned from the University inanguish. What he had foreseen was now in full operation: theindoctrination and guidance in the dismantling of historicalIslam in a place, and the introduction in that place of someform of violent insurrection which would end in thedestruction of that place, the slaughter of many of its people,and finally the successful and pacifying intervention of a worldbanking institution which would generously grant them a loanfor reconstruction at generous interest rates.

* * * * *

In the Sahih Muslim, in the Kitab az-Zakat, we find thefollowing Hadith coming through various chains oftransmitters:

‘Abu Said Khudri reported that ‘Ali, may Allahbe pleased with him, sent some gold alloyed with


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dust to the Messenger of Allah, may Allah blesshim and grant him peace, and the Messenger ofAllah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace,distributed that among four men, al-Aqra binHabis Hanzali and ‘Uyaina bin Badr al-Fazari and‘Alqama bin ‘Ulatha al-‘Amiri, then to oneperson of the tribe of Kilab, to Zaid al-Khair at-Ta’i, and then to one person of the tribe ofNabhan. Upon this the people of Quraish feltangry and said: ‘He gave to the chiefs of Najd andignored us.’ Upon this the Messenger of Allah,may Allah bless him and grant him peace, said: ‘Ihave done it with a view to conciliating them.’Then there came a person with a thick beard,prominent cheeks, deep, sunken eyes, aprotruding forehead and a shaven head. He said:‘Muhammad, fear Allah.’ Upon this theMessenger of Allah, may Allah bless him andgrant him peace, said: ‘If I disobey Allah, whowould then obey Him? Have I not been sent asthe most trustworthy among the people of theworld? Yet you do not repose trust in me.’ Thatperson then went back. Someone among thepeople then sought permission for his murder.According to some it was Khalid bin Walid whosought the permission. Upon this the Messengerof Allah, may Allah bless him and grant himpeace, said: ‘From this very person’s posteritythere will arise people who would recite theQur’an but it would not go beyond their throats.They would kill the followers of Islam and wouldspare the mushrikun. They would pass through

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the teachings of Islam as hurriedly as the arrowpasses through the prey. If I were ever to findthem I would kill them like ‘Ad.’

Abu Sa’id al-Khudri said that the Messenger of Allah, mayAllah bless him and grant him peace, made mention of a sectthat would be among his Ummah which would emerge out ofthe dissension of the people. Their distinctive mark would beshaven heads. They would be the worst creatures or the worst ofthe creatures. The group who would be nearer to the truth outof the two would kill them.’

The shaven head is the well-known mark of the wahhabites andthe ‘reformers’, something which up until then was abhorrentto the Muslims because of this well known rescension.


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VII

Oh Arab people! It is time for renewal and beginning afresh.The cure lies in ‘Amal. And the best ‘Amal is the ‘Amal ofMadinah. Now we know. Now we know that the SalafiMovement was a deception because it was not the way of theSalaf. The way of the Salaf was the way of the people ofMadinah. Khalifate. Amirs in every land governing under theShari’ah. Awqaf, the functioning social welfare system of theIslamic society. Zakat, taken in obedience to the Qur’aniccommand by its Collectors, and immediately distributed to thepoor and the designated categories. The Islamic golden Dinarand the silver Dirham — the only Salafi currency history records— and Halal trade from unrented premises, and only the limitedtaxations of Kharaj and Jizya as existed in the days when Allahgave us power to govern, rule, and conquer. There is no powerbut from Allah, the Mighty, the Great. All these necessities arebased on the Muslim people learning and knowing theirindividual worth and importance before Allah, glory be to Him.

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The Islamic society is not founded on an imposition of rules tocreate justice which is unaccompanied by guidance and rules toteach men to be just and behave in a way pleasing to Allah,glory be to Him. Shaykh al-‘Alawi, the Shaykh of my secondShaykh, Shakyh al-Fayturi, may Allah be pleased with both ofthem, said:

‘Sufism comes from cleaning the inward. The endis not realised except by correcting the beginning.’

Ibn al-‘Ashir, in his noble summary of Islam, Imam, and Ihsan,defined Sufism thus:

‘Immediate and open turning from every wrongaction that has been committed is obligatory, andit is regret with the condition that he leaves it anddoes not persevere in it, and he must hurry toseek forgiveness. The summary of Taqwa isavoidance, and obedience in the outward and inthe inward. So the categories come in four, trulyit is the path of benefit for the traveller.

He lowers his eyes from what is forbidden, hestops his ears against wrong speech, like slander,backbiting, false testimony, and lies. His tongue isunder more pressure to leave what has beenmentioned, he protects his stomach from theforbidden and leaves what is doubtfulconscientiously, he protects his private parts, andhe fears the Recorders when it comes to the graspof, or movement toward, something forbiddenwhich he might want. He stops matters until he


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knows what Allah has decreed to be done inthem. He purifies his heart of showing off,jealousy, vanity, and every sickness.

Know that the root of these disasters is love ofleadership and avoidance of responsibility for whatcomes. The fountainhead of faults is love of thisworld. There is no cure except to be in need of Him.

He keeps company with a Shaykh who knows thepaths, who will protect him from perils on hisroad. He reminds him of Allah when he sees himand he takes the slave to his Lord. He takes theself to account for its breaths and he weighs theinclinations in the scale. He guards theobligatory, which are the capital, and extra acts ofworship are his profit, by it he befriends. Heincreases invocation by his pure core, and hashelp in all this by his Lord. He fights the self forthe Lord of the Worlds, and he delights in thestations of certainty. Fear, and hope, and thanks,patience, turning from wrong actions, doing-without, reliance, contentment, and love. He issincere with the witnessing angel in his dealings,and he is content with whatever Allah hasdecreed for him. He then becomes a free Gnostic,and other-than-Him has left his heart, so the Lordhas loved him and chosen him for the presence ofthe perfectly pure, and has attracted him.

My Shaykh, and the Shaykh of my suluk, the renowned ShaykhMuhammad ibn al-Habib, gives proof of this obligation referred

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to by Ibn al-‘Ashir, in His word, may He be exalted: ‘Oh youwho have Iman, fear Allah and be with the Sadiqun.’ He alsoreferred to His saying, may He be exalted, ‘Follow the path ofwhoever turns away from self to Me.’ In the Introduction to hisblessed Diwan he declared:

‘By Allah and by Allah we have not passedthrough a city, a village, or a desert, but that thepeople testified that love had come to them andlife flowed in their hearts. Such is the secret ofAllah’s Idhn. Praise be to Allah, no faqir has satwith us without gaining a knowledge that was nothis before, and getting from it humility and acontrite heart. No murid of the Tariqa has satwith us without a strengthening of his innatecondition and the heightening of his himma inthe quest for gnosis of Allah. There has been noShaykh of the Shaykhs of the age who has notincreased in his immediate tasting and gainedsomething of benefit which he did not havebefore. All that is from the secret of the Idhn andits baraka.’

It is known to all of you that the Messenger, may Allah blesshim and grant him peace, told his Companions that there wasa piece of flesh in man’s body which, if it could be guaranteed,would assure a man his place in the Jannah. He referred ofcourse to the heart. It is by assuring that the hearts are soundthat the great victory is achieved, and Allah, the Mighty, theGreat, has told us that it is by Dhikr that the heart is madetranquil. The heart in tranquillity can reflect on the splendourof the creation which glorifies the Creator and can recognise


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that all the actions, despite their multiplicity, belong to theActor, that all the attributes, both the outward and the inward,unify in His Attributes. Then the one who desires knowledge isfilled with yearning and with longing to realise his secret and toenter the Presence of Lordship, until he comes to the unveilingof the oneness of the Essence which cannot be contemplatedbut which depends on the disappearance of the lover. All thisaffair is a matter of tasting and recognition by experience, andnot by text and information and memory.

Shaykh Moulay Abdalqadir al-Jilani declared, ‘He who does nothave a Shaykh as a master will have Shaytan as a master.’ Thus,first in the struggle against the nafs, the appetites and Shaytan,the seeker needs a Shaykh to remind him of Allah and guide himto his own knowledge that awaits him. Later he guides him, in hisinward journey to the King, to prevent him staying in any stationof unveilings and secrets which might lure him from arriving atthe true Tawhid which leads him to the knowledge of his non-existence in the Light of His Existence, the Ever-Continuing.

We have seen a century of rulership in the Muslim lands, andunthinkable though it is, also the Arab lands, in which the rulerhas had Shaytan as a master. We call on the Arab people tobegin the path to recovery of Islam, and that is only possible bythe recovery of their own individual hearts. That in turn isdependent on recognising that Islam is not just a series of rulesand personal discipline, but something much greater andglorious because of the generosity of Allah, glory be to Him,and the compassion and concern of our Master, Muhammad,may Allah bless him and grant him peace. He has given us thecapacity to have knowledge of Him, directly from Him, and Heis the One with nothing associated with Him, neither you nor

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I, for He is One without partner. It is this one who has graspedthe true Tawhid, immersed in the love of the Messenger ofAllah, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, fearing Allah,and loving with His love and hating with His hate, it is this oneand his brothers and sisters who can build a great Islamiccivilisation in this world, of justice and honour, which in itselfis the evidence of the great gain awaiting in the Unseen, and theCertainty which is the victory of the meeting with our Lord,glory be to Him.

To begin the path of recovery, we pray the du’a of ShaykhMuhammad ibn Nasir, the renowned Nasiri Du’a.


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THE NASIRI DU’A

In the name of Allah, the All-Merciful, CompassionateMay Allah bless our Master Muhammad and his family.

O You to Whose mercy one flees!You in Whom the one in need and distress seeks refuge!

O Master, You Whose pardon is near! O You Who help all who call on Him!

We seek Your help, O You who help the weak! You are enough for us, O Lord!

There is nothing more majestic than Your immense powerand nothing mightier than the might of Your force.

Kings are humbled to the might of Your domainand You lower or elevate whomever You wish.

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The entire affair returns to You,and the release or conclusion of all matters is in Your hand.

We have presented our affair before You,and we complain to You of our weakness.

Have mercy on us, O You Who know our weaknessand continue to be merciful.

Look at what we have experienced from people!Our state among them is as You see.

Our troops are few and our wealth is little.Our power has declined among groups.

They have weakened our solidarity and strengthand diminished our numbers and our preparation.

O You Whose kingdom cannot be pillaged,give us shelter by Your rank which is never overcome!

O Succour of the poor, we trust in You!O Cave of the weak, we rely on You!

You are the One on Whom we call to remove our adversities,and You are the One we hope will dispel our sorrows.

You have such concern for us that we cannot hopefor protection which comes through any other door.

We rush to the door of Your bountyand You honour the one You enrich by Your gift.


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You are the One Who guides when we are misguided.You are the One Who pardons when we slip.

You have full knowledge of all You have createdand encompassing compassion, mercy and forbearance.

There is no one in existence more lowly than we arenor poorer and more in need of what You have than us.

O You of vast kindness! O You Whose good encompasses all mankind, and no other is called on!

O Saviour of the drowning! O Compassionate!O Rescuer of the lost! O Gracious Bestower!

Words are lacking, O Hearing, O Answerer!The cure is difficult, O Swift! O Near!

To you, our Lord, we have stretched out our handsand from You, our Lord, we hope for kindness.

Be kind to us in what You decreeand let us be pleased with what pleases You.

O Allah, change the state of hardshipfor ease and help us with the wind of victory.

Give us victory over the aggressorsand contain the evil among those who asked for it.

Overpower our enemy, O Mighty, with a forcewhich disorders them and crushes them.

–The Nasiri Du‘a–

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Overturn what they desire and make their efforts fail,defeat their armies and unsettle their resolve.

O Allah, hasten Your revenge among them.They cannot stand before Your power.

O Lord, O Lord, our protection is by Your love,and by the might of Your help.

Be for us and do not be against us.Do not leave us to ourselves for a single instant.

We have no power of defencenor have we any device to bring about our benefit.

We do not aim for other than Your noble door, and we do not hope for other than Your encompassing bounty.

Minds only hope for Your blessingby the simple fact that you say ‘Be’ and it is.

O Lord, O Lord, arrival is by Youto what You have and seeking the means is by You!

O Lord, You are our high pillar of support! O Lord, You are our impregnable fortress.

O Lord, O Lord, give us securitywhen we travel and when we remain.

O Lord, preserve our crops and herds,and preserve our trade and make our numbers more!


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Make our land a land of the Deenand repose for the needy and the poor.

Give us force among the lands as well as respect,impregnability and a polity.

Appoint it its might from the protected secret,and grant it protection by the beautiful veiling.

By sad, qaf and nun,place a thousand veils in front of it.

By the rank of the light of Your noble Faceand the rank of the secret of Your immense kingdom,

And the rank of ‘la ilaha illa’llah’and the rank of the Best of Creation, O our Lord,

And the rank of that by which the Prophets prayed to Youand the rank of that by which the Awliya’ pray to You,

And the rank of the power of the Qutb and the Awtadand the rank of the Jaras and Afrad,

And the rank of the Akhyar and the rank of the Nujaba’and the rank of the Abdal and the rank of the Nuqaba’,

And the rank of every one worshipping and doing dhikrand the rank of everyone praising and giving thanks,

And the rank of everyone whose worth You elevated, boththose who are concealed and those whose renown has spread,


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And the ranks of the firm ayats of the Bookand the rank of the Greatest Supreme Name,

O Lord, O Lord, we stand as fuqara’before You, weak and lowly.

We call to You with the supplication of the one who calls on a noble Lord who does not turn aside those who call.

Accept our supplication with Your pure grace, with theacceptance of someone who sets aside the fair reckoning.

Bestow on us the favour of the Generous,and show us the kindness of the Forbearing.

O Merciful, extend Your mercy over usand spread Your blessing over us, O Generous.

Choose for us in all our wordsand select for us in all our actions.

O Lord, make it our habit to cling and devote ourselvesto the resplendent Sunna.

Confine our manifold desires to Youand grant us full and complete gnosis.

Combine both knowledge and action for us,and direct our hopes to the Abiding Abode.

O Lord, make us follow the road of the fortunateand make our seal the Seal of the Martyrs, O Lord!


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Make our sons virtuous and righteous,scholars with action and people of good counsel.

O Allah, remedy the situation of the peopleand, O Allah, make the reunification easy.

O Lord, grant Your clear victory to the onewho takes charge and empowers the Deen,

And help him, O You Who are forbearing, and help his partyand fill his heart with what will make him pleasing to You.

O Lord, help our Muhammadan Deen,and make it end mighty as it began.

Preserve it, O Lord, through the preservation of the scholars,and raise the minaret of its light to heaven.

Pardon, grant well-being, make up for our deficiency andforgive our sins and the sins of every Muslim, O our Lord.

O Lord, bless the Chosen Onewith your perfect prayer of blessing.

Your prayer is that which grants success in his businessas befits his lofty worth.

Then bless his noble family and glorious Companionsand those who have followed them.

Praise belongs to Allah by Whose praisethose with an aim completely fulfil that aim.


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POSTSCRIPT

INTRODUCING

THE DINAR

AND THE DIRHAM

by Ra’is ‘Umar Ibrahim Vadillo

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From the beginning of Islam until the fall of the Khalifate theDinar and the Dirham were the Shari’ah currency of the Ummah.

THE HISTORY OF THE ISLAMIC DINAR AND DIRHAM

In the beginning the Muslims used gold and silver by weight andthe Dinar and Dirhams that they used were made by the Persians.

The first dated coins that can be assigned to the Muslims arecopies of silver Dirhams of the Sasanian Yezdigird III, struckduring the Khalifate of ‘Uthman, radiallahu ‘anhu. These coinsdiffer from the original ones in that an Arabic inscription isfound in the obverse margins, normally reading ‘In the Nameof Allah’. From then on the writing in Arabic of the Name ofAllah and parts of Qur’an on the coins became a custom in allmintings made by Muslims.

Under what was known as the coin standard of the Khalif‘Umar Ibn al-Khattab, the weight of 10 Dirhams was equivalentto 7 Dinars (mithqals).

In the year 75 (695 CE) the Khalif Abdalmalik ordered Al-Haddjadj to mint the first Dirhams, thus he establishedofficially the standard of ‘Umar Ibn al-Khattab. In the next yearhe ordered the Dirhams to be minted in all the regions of theDar al-Islam. He ordered that the coins be stamped with thesentence: ‘Allah is Unique, Allah is Eternal’. He ordered theremoval of human figures and animals from the coins and thatthese be replaced with letters.

This command was then carried on throughout all the history


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of Islam. The Dinar and the Dirham were both round, and thewriting was stamped in concentric circles. Typically on one sidewas written the ‘tahlil’ and the ‘tahmid’, that is, ‘la ilaha illallah’and ‘alhamdulillah’, and on the other side was written thename of the Amir and the date. Later on it became common tointroduce the blessings on the Prophet, salallahu ‘alayhi wasalem, and sometimes ayats of the Qur’an.

Gold and silver coins remained official currency until the fall ofthe Khalifate. Since then, dozens of different paper currencieshave been made in each of the new post-colonial national statescreated from the dismemberment of Dar al-Islam.

THE QUESTION OF PAPER MONEY

Allah says in Surat Al’Imran:

Among the People of the Book there are some who,if you trust them with a pile of gold,

will return it to you.But there are others among them who,if you trust them with a single Dinar,

will not return it to you,unless you stay standing over them.

–Introducing the Dinar and Dirham–

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Qadi Abu Bakr ibn al-‘Arabi, the greatest authority on Qur’anicLaw, wrote in his famous ‘Ahkam al-Qur’an’ about this ayat:

‘The benefit that can be taken from this is theprohibition of entrusting the People of the Bookwith goods.’

Qadi Abu Bakr said: ‘The question concerning entrustingproperty is legislated by the text of Qur’an.’ This means that theayat is a legal judgment of absolute validity and of the greatestimportance to the Deen.

Entrusting wealth to non-Muslims is not allowed, butfurthermore, taking a non-Muslim as a partner outside Dar al-Islam (where we stand over them) is extremely restricted,because they might cheat or might use our wealth in forbiddentransactions.

Since paper-money is a promise of payment, can it be permittedto trust the issuers while they hold the payment (our property)outside our jurisdiction?

History has also demonstrated repeatedly that paper money hasbeen a permanent instrument of default and cheating theMuslims.

In addition, Islamic Law does not permit the use of a promiseof payment as a medium of exchange.


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WHAT ARE THE ISLAMIC DINAR AND DIRHAM?

According to Islamic Law...

The Islamic Dinar is a specific weight of gold equal to4.25 grams.The Islamic Dirham is a specific weight of silver equalto 3.0 grams.‘Umar Ibn al-Khattab established the knownstandard relationship between them based on theirweights: ‘7 Dinars must be equivalent to 10 Dirhams.’

How can I use them?

1. I can save them because they are wealth in themselves.

2. I can pay Zakat and dowry as they are requisite within Islamic Law.

3. I can buy and sell with them since they are a legitimate medium of exchange.

IBN KHALDUN ON THE SHARI’AH CURRENCY

‘The Revelation undertook to mention them andattached many judgments to them, for exampleZakat, marriage and hudud, etc., therefore withinthe Revelation they have to have a reality and


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specific measure for assessment [of Zakat, etc.]upon which its judgments may be based ratherthan on the non-Shari’i [other coins].

‘Know that there is consensus [ijma] since thebeginning of Islam and the age of theCompanions and the Followers that the Dirhamof the Shari’ah is that of which ten weigh sevenmithqals [weight of the Dinar] of gold. ... Theweight of a mithqal of gold is seventy-two grains ofbarley, so that the Dirham which is seven-tenths ofit is fifty and two-fifths grains. All thesemeasurements are firmly established byconsensus.’

Ibn Khaldun, Al-Muqaddimah

HOW TO USE THE ISLAMIC GOLD DINAR

TO SAVE

Gold and silver are the most stable currency the world hasever seen.

From the beginning of Islam until today, the value of theIslamic bimetallic currency has remained surprisingly stable inrelation to basic consumable goods:

A chicken at the time of the Prophet, may Allah bless him


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and grant him peace, cost one Dirham. Today, 1,400 yearslater, a chicken costs approximately one Dirham.

In 1,400 years inflation is zero.

Could we say the same about the dollar or any other papercurrency over the last 25 years?

In the long term the bimetallic currency has proved to be themost stable currency the world has ever seen. It has survived,despite all the attempts by governments to transform it into asymbolic currency by imposing a nominal value different fromits weight.

TO PAY ZAKAT

Zakat cannot be paid with a promise of payment

Zakat can only be paid with tangible merchandise, called inArabic ‘ayn. It cannot be paid with a promise to pay or a debt,called in Arabic dayn.

From the beginning the Zakat was paid with Dinars andDirhams. Most significant is that the payment of Zakat wasnever allowed in paper money during all the Osmanli periodright up until the fall of the Khalifate.

Shaykh Muhammad ‘Illish (1802-1881), the great Maliki Qadi,said that if you were to pay Zakat with paper-money, only itsvalue as merchandise (dayn), that is, its value as paper would be


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accepted. Therefore, its nominal value is irrelevant in paymentof Zakat.

The return to the payment of Zakat in gold and silver is anessential part of the re-establishment of Islam.

‘If the Zakat was obligatory by considering itssubstance as a merchandise, then the nisab wouldnot be stipulated according to its value butaccording to its substance and its quantity, as isthe case with silver, gold, grain or fruits. Since itssubstance [paper] is irrelevant [in value] in respectto the Zakat, then it should be treated as copper,iron or other similar substances.’

Shaykh ‘Illish

TO BUY AND SELL

The Dinar and the Dirham are the currency of the IslamicUmmah. No more hundreds of different paper currenciesdiseased with inflation.

A piece of gold is equally valid wherever you are in the world.

In the past, Muslims were able to travel throughout the Islamicworld and trade with Dinars, as they could at home. From the15th century onwards the Europeans started to introduce thebanking promissory note into Muslim lands. Paper money gaveEuropean traders an incredible purchasing power that


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overwhelmed and eventually surpassed the Muslims’superiority in world trading.

Gold was money well into this century, and for at least twocenturies before, most bonds, including governmental ones,were gold bonds. But after the First World War, since thefinancial demands of the war had led governments to printpaper money in excess, the convertibility to gold was at firstsuspended for the most part, then finally terminated.

HOW IMPORTANT ARE THE DINAR AND THEDIRHAM TO THE DEEN OF ISLAM?

Al-Qurtubi (d. 1273), one of the greatest commentators ofQur’an, wrote in his renowned Tafsir about the following ayatof Qur’an,

‘O you who believe!Obey Allah and obey the Messenger

and those in command among you. ...’

that the ayat is an order to ‘obey the Sultan with respect toseven things: the minting of the Dinar and the Dirham, fixingweights and measures, legal judgments, Hajj, Jumu’ah, the two‘Eids and Jihad.’


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The minting of the Dinar and the Dirham is therefore the firstobligation of the Sultan to be commanded and to be followed.

RELIABILITY

Gold cannot be inflated by printing more of it. It cannot bedevalued by government decree, and unlike paper currency it isan asset which does not depend upon anybody’s promise to pay.Portability and anonymity of gold are both important, but themost significant fact is that gold is an asset that is no-one else’sliability.

All forms of paper assets: bonds, shares, and even bankdeposits, are promises to repay money borrowed. Their value isdependant upon the investor’s belief that the promise will befulfilled. As junk bonds and the Mexican peso have illustrated,a questionable promise soon loses value. Gold is not like this.A piece of gold is independent of the financial system, and itsworth is underwritten by 5,000 years of human experience.

FATWA ON PAPER MONEY

Paper Money is not a legal medium of exchange.

If paper money is a debt representing a merchandise (dayn):The debt must have a definition of what is owed. But even if itis defined as a proper debt, a debt cannot be used as a mediumof exchange. Concerning paper-money as wealth entrusted tonon-Muslims, this is not allowed.


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If paper money is tangible merchandise (‘ayn):Its value corresponds only to its weight as paper. Equally wetake the value of the Dinar by its weight not by its nominalvalue.

Either way, paper money cannot be accepted as a medium ofexchange.

AN INSTRUMENT OF TYRANNY

We have heard economists saying:

‘We need a flexible currency,’ ‘We need a currency that can beexpanded or contracted according to the needs of theeconomy,’ ‘An increase in currency will quicken industry.’

These are all fallacies to justify the insolvency of the issuers ofthe notes in order to avoid their obligations to pay. There is, intruth, a great charm in the idea of being able to pay off all ourneeds, satisfy all the government expenses and to make thewhole community prosperous, just by printing a few characterson bits of paper. But when a man is capable of believing that,he will believe anything.

Another fallacy to justify theft is to say: ‘It is an emergency’ —indeed a war can influence anybody to accept what appear to besolutions. After the emergency comes the semi-emergency of acrisis, or an almost-emergency time or an almost-normal time.In every case our individual rights are no longer in our hands.


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Any failure to repay in whole or in part what is due by thepromissory note is but a form of theft.

THE RING - The trap and decay of the Khalifate

Up until the 15th century the Muslims were in total charge ofworld trading. From then on the Europeans started to take overby the power of the ring.

The ring is a simple mathematical equation, which, asmentioned by Richard Wagner in his famous opera, gives totalpower to the person who uses it, although it contains a curse:‘Whoever uses it will never be loved.’ Power was not wielded bygold, but by storing it in a guarded cave. People slaved to mineit, but were ruled by whoever possessed the ring.

This mathematical formula attached to debt and symbolicmoney destroyed the Muslim Khalifate.

This mathematical formula is what banking is all about.

The formula needs a pre-condition: the existence andacceptance of symbolic money. Then it consists of lending ‘atinterest’ symbolic money they [the banks] do not have. Bylending 20 times more than they have, all repayments of 10%become in accounting like 200% (20x10%).

We pay 10%, but they collect 200% of what they originallyhad.


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But if everyone seems to win, who is the loser? The losers are all passive holders of the currency who will sufferthe inflation originated by the money created out of nothing.That is it! Once the Muslims accepted their symbolic moneythey inadvertently authorised the magical system which gave thebanks a previously undreamed of world dominion.

The ring did not just conquer the states, its power was sofascinating, that it transformed the states into banks.

And the states became banks

This convenient method of ‘coining credit’ was soon discoveredby the governments and they issued their own promissory notesin payment of their expenses; a resource all the more useful,because it was the only mode in which they were able to borrowmoney without paying interest, their promises to pay on demandbeing, in the estimation of the holders, equivalent to money inhand. The governments, incapable of containing their ownexpanding deficits, then created the legal money. The law oflegal tender established that all money issued by the issuingauthority must be accepted by force in payment of any debt.


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Real Profit = 200%

1 Dollar

20 Dollars

x 20

2 Dollars 10% nominal interest

The legal money abolished the contractual law thatguaranteed the freedom of the people to choose and imposedon the citizens an artificial currency with a legal valueestablished by the government.

THE RETURN TO GOLD

In the beginning there was gold

then paper was issued as a promise to pay in gold

and finally the issuers broke their promise and transformedpaper into a non-redeemable official note.

We should now reverse the process...

governments should freely convert their currency,

and finally eliminate all paper currency.


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=

=

MONEY, A COMMODITY OR A SYMBOL?

Until the beginning of the 20th century the most popular anduniversal medium of exchange was gold and silver coins.

Currency was considered to be as flexible as any othermerchandise. People responding to their own particular needsdemanded the coins and also offered them, thus their marketvalue was established daily.

Today money is represented by pieces of paper as non-redeemableofficial notes whose quantity can be increased at will.

This symbolic money originated from private contracts orpromises to pay issued by goldsmiths and later by banks.

The debate that divides the defenders of gold and silver andtheir adversaries is not new, it has been going on for more thanthree centuries.

TWO VIEWS:

1) Money is a symbol and not a commodity:

•‘It is the denomination of the currency of the moneythat men regard in bargaining, not the quantity ofsilver. It is the public authority upon the metal thatmakes it money.’ (Nicolas Barbon, 1696)

•‘Money is a symbol of a thing and represents it.’(Charles-Louis de Montesquieu, 1748)


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•‘Money is the symbol of all commodities.’ (François-Veron de Forbonnais, 1776)

• ‘All monetary functions which are usually performedby gold and silver coins, may be performed aseffectively by a circulation of inconvertible noteshaving no value but that fictitious and conventionalvalue... they derive from law.’ (John Fullarton, 1848)

2) Money is a commodity and not a symbol:

• ‘Silver and gold, coined or uncoined, though they areused for a measure of all other things, are no less acommodity than oil, tobacco, cloth or stuffs.’

(Josiah Child, 1689)• ‘Money is not a mere symbol, for it is itself wealth; it

does not represent values, it is their equivalent.’(Guillaume-François Le Trosne, 1777)

• ‘Gold and silver have value as metals before they aremoney. The coins which today have a merely idealdenomination are in all nations the oldest; once upona time they were all real, and because they were real,people reckoned with them.’ (Fernando Galiani,1803)

• ‘The false definitions of money may be divided in twomain groups: those which make it more and thosewhich make it less, than a commodity.’

(Wilhelm Roscher, 1858)


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SOME COMMON FALSE OBJECTIONSTO GOLD & SILVER AS A MEDIUM OF EXCHANGE

In any debate about gold and silver, certain objections arerepeatedly raised by opponents of monetary freedom, eventhough those objections have been refuted many times before.Some of these objections are:

•There is not enough gold.•Russia and South Africa, since they are the principal

producers, will benefit.•Gold is subject to undesirable speculative influences.•Gold will produce instability in prices.

The first objection, that there is not enough gold, is based upona misunderstanding of the price of gold. It assumes that thepresent exchange ratio between a weight of gold and notes is theexchange ratio that must prevail when the gold is made amedium of exchange. Such is obviously not the case. To put itsimply, lower prices under gold currency will eliminate thenecessity for larger sums. One could buy a suit that costs 400paper units with 20 gold equivalents at a different exchange ratio.

The second objection, concerning Russia and South Africa, isequally groundless. It could be considered an advantage, in thesame way oil or a fertile soil could be, in comparative terms.The amount of gold already taken out of the earth in the lasttwo thousand years is already superior to the known butunminted reserves of Russia and South Africa. The unmintedreserves of Russia are estimated to be about 250 million ounceswhich is less than what the United States already has in minted


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reserves. The demand for gold as a medium of exchange willrelease the existing hoardings, a process which is already invogue in most central banks.

The third objection, that gold is subject to speculative influenceand therefore too unstable to be used as a medium of exchange,is also false. During the 1970s, gold became a major hedgeagainst inflation. The run-up in gold prices from $35 to $850per ounce came as a result of fears about the value of paper-money and developing international crises. People who objectto gold because it is speculative confuse cause and effect. Thereal speculation is provoked by an irredeemable paper-moneysystem and people who logically want to protect themselvesfrom it.

The fourth objection says that gold will produce instability inprices. Comparing prices in gold in the U.S. in 1833 with 1933,just prior to the abandoning of the domestic gold standard, theindex of wholesale commodity prices increased only 0.9 percentin one hundred years! Since then the index had increased350% by 1971, when President Nixon, declaring internationalbankruptcy, announced that no more gold would be given inexchange for dollars. In the last twenty years the index has goneup around 400%.

Gold is therefore stable and fit to be money, and history hasshown us that there is no money more unstable or unfit thanpaper-money.


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THE EFFECT OF THE DINAR AND THE DIRHAM ON BUSINESS

Paper-money, which does not render any service except inexchange for something productive, is made artificiallyproductive by interest.

On the other hand, every genuine enterprise, like the use of ahouse or a manufacturing process, can only be productive bythe services rendered to society.

Interest competes and wins over genuine enterprises profitableto society. The genuine business has to pay the interest out ofthe profit from a genuine service to society, but the bank makesprofit out of the interest through the artificial expansion of themoney lent.

The final result is that the higher the interest rates the greaterthe destruction of ‘less competitive’ businesses.

THE EFFECT OF THE RETURNOF THE DINAR AND THE DIRHAM WILL BE:

The shift of capital investment from the most ‘speculative areas’to the more productive areas.

As a result a new landscape associated with the Dinars and theDirhams will re-emerge, that is, the world of Islamic Trading.


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A new re-start for trading will come about through therestoration of two of its most representative but lostinstitutions:

the market-place which will replace supermarketsand

the caravans which will replace monopolistic distribution

And the return of the guilds, that is, associated independentintelligent work-teams, in which the relationship

master/apprentice will replace employer/employee

THE EFFECT OF THE DINAR AND THE DIRHAM ON REAL ESTATE

Today you want to buy a house and a bank will offer you amortgage. This is how the ring distorts the operation:

The annual rent of a house is 10% of its value, but, the samemoney is offered by the bank at 5%, which consideringinflation is a bargain!

Why would the bank be so generous, when it could rent thehouse and obtain the house plus a higher 10% return?

This is the paradox of the ring. Out of that 5% interest thebank will make a 100% profit with the mathematics of the ring.


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The borrower thinks that the interest is better than paying therent, the bank makes a higher profit out of expanding money —who loses?

— All the holders of the newly inflated currency by its loss ofvalue (inflation).

A house can be rented, it is a hireable merchandise.

Money cannot be rented, it is a non-hireable merchandise.

Profit and rent come only from real services to society — this isthe end of speculative economy and the beginning of realprosperity to society. This is because investment will have to bedirected towards real services, instead of being drawn by theartificial profit of the ring which like a parasite lives off realservices.

Without the mortgage, housing prices will simply find a newstability established by the equilibrium between the offer and anew demand based on what people can really pay.

‘Money is something which it is not permissible tohire.’

(Imam Sahnun, in the great Madinan text,‘Mudawwana al-Kubra’, 12:46)


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THE DINAR AND DIRHAM IN CONTEMPORARY USAGE

The Islamic Mint is now minting the Islamic coins in fivedifferent countries, while gold is used as a medium of exchangeby thousands of people in at least 60 countries. In order tofacilitate trading between these people, Islamic Mint createdthe first Islamic Wakala. This traditional form of contractingbetween a wakil (agent) and a muwakkil (principal) usingmodern telecommunications will replace the usurious bankingsystem as a system of payment.

The e-Dinar — www.e-dinar.com

The e-Dinar is a payment system that supports the IslamicWakala using digital technology. It allows the Islamic Wakala tosell Islamic Dinars and Dirhams over the internet and to set upaccounts for users of the coins, thus enabling their use as money.It offers all the services of the Wakala via internet and networksthe growing number of wakala institutions world-wide.

‘Money is any merchandise commonly accepted as amedium of exchange.’

Imam Malik


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Documents

Letter to an Arab Muslim by Shaykh Dr Abdalqadir as Sufi