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Lambert, Y - Religion in Modernity as a Axial Age
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7/21/2019 Lambert, Y - Religion in Modernity as a Axial Age
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/lambert-y-religion-in-modernity-as-a-axial-age 1/10
S o c i o l o g y of R e l i g i o n l 9 9 9 , 60:3 3 0 3 4 3 3
Religion
in
Modern i ty
a s
a
N ew
Axia l
A g e :
S ecu lariza tion or New F i e l i g i o u s Forms?
Y v e s
L a m b e rt*
G r m t p e d e o c i o l - o g i e i i e s
R e l i g i o n s
ettiela m o r e
C N R S - E P H E _
P a r i s
This article p r o p o s e s o g e ne ra l m o d e l o f analysis o f t h e re lo tior ts l te tween re lig ion and modcni i ty ,
it-liere
modern i ty
is conceived a s o
new
axial
a g e .
M ur l e m i ry
a p p e a r s
to
h a v e
f o u r
princ ipal
types
o f
re lig ious e ffec ts : dec line,
odofrtotion
an d re intertnetotion, c o n s e r - v a o ' v e r ea c tio n , a n d innovation. It
f noc luces
secu l ar i za t i on
a s w e l l a s n e w rcl igfotts f o m z s ,
in p a r t i c u l a r :
worl i l l istess,
deltieftifchitotiofl of
th e
ltu m o n a n d
th e
d i v i n e ,
se lflsp i r i t uo l i t y , por os c ien t if ic i t jr , p lu r o l is r n ,
a n d
rturlzilitj. Two thresltolds
of secular i tot iort
are distinguished:
ll
U
autoaomizat ion
in
r ela tio n t o
o
religious a u t h or it y a n d Ii
obont lonmenr o f any religious symbol. J c on c lu d e th a t t h e f i rst rlireslioltl h a s largely
b e e n c r o s s e d ,
bu t
n ot t h e s e c o n d
one. except in
s o m e domains
lsc ience, eooriomics l or
fo r
o n l g r
o
m inor it y
o f
t h e
populat ion.
Th is is
b e c a u s e
o f t h e adaptation
o f
th e great
religions
to
I l l- O t . ll € I l ll l t j | ,
o_ffundarnemalis t
reactions,
a nd
o f t h e s p r e a d ofnew
religious
fo rms.
I n s t e a d of a p p r o a c h i n g the
question
e lf s e c u l a r i z a t i o n directly, l will b e g i n
with
a g e n e r a l
m o d e l of analys is
of the
relations b e t w e e n religion a n d
modernity.
This m o d e l i s
based
o n a
c o m p a r a t i v e
ana lvs is
of or a l
r e lig io n s , r e lig io n s o f
antiquity,
r e l ig ions
of
s a lv a t io n , a n d
the
t r ans for r na t ions
l in lcecl to
modernity. ln
i tse l f , s e c u l o
r i za r ion
i s
not the
object of
this
work, but if w e p r o c e e d
correctlv,
it
shou ld
al low u s to eva lua te th e scope o f secu lar izat ion w i t h o u t enter ing
in to
th e
debates
a nd e m ot i on s to w h ic h th is th e sis h a s given rise in th e pa st thirty
years.
A l a rge
portion
of the
article will t h u s
h e devoted
to a n a na ly sis
of the
relation
between religion a n d tnodernitv. It c h a r a c t e r i z e s modernity a s a n e w axial
p e r i o d , r e v i e w s the
g l o b a l
an a l y s e s
of
the
r e l ig iou s c o n s e q u e n c e s of modernity,
pr es ent s a
m o d e l
of a na l v s i s a n d
s e v e r a l r e l ig iou s fo rm s typical of m o - de m itv ,
a n d
prov ides e m p iric a l illu s tra tio ns . W e s h a ll t h e n e x a m i n e th e co n c l us i o n s
w h i c h
c a n b e d r a w n from th is
analysis
a s fa r a s secu lar i za t ion
i s
co n ce r n e d a n d
c o m p a r e
t h em
to th e data o bta in e d fro m th e 1 9 8 1 a n d
1 9 9 0
W o r l d V a l u e S u r v e y s
I ’ Direct
c o r r e s p o n t l e n c e t o
‘ fi r e s
L a m b e r t ,
Groups
r le
S o c i o lo g r le t ie s
R e l ig io n s e r
t ie
lo
C N R S J S P H E ,
P a r i s -
Many
t h a n ks to A - T . L a rs o n a n d
5 .
L o - n d q u i s t ,
fo r th e
t r a n s l a t i o n of
th e F r e n c h
orieiml;
t o A . B l a s t ‘ ,
J . R u o n z
a n d
W-
H .
Simnosfor th e
a n d ,
fo r
t h e i r
o o m r n e r v s a n d r n ' t i o ' . o r u , to : F . C h r r r n p i o n ,
M .
C o h e n , K . D o b b d o e r e ,
D . H e r u ' e u » L e g e r , F .
l .ourrrion.J.-M. C ) u e e ' r o o g o . G .
l ' v l i c h e l o r , J . H u o n e , _ l ' . S n o r e r . W.
H -
S a n t o s , L.
T o m a s i .
a n a l
t h e r e f e r e e .
3 0 3
s o
ll‘
| u c u i p a g e o r u
L | \ I
I'll
r_
o
E '-
r_
1 -
:|
E
tn
no
U’
' - - .
lfl
r.-
rt-
| . l l
ch
J
E
\-I:
l ' - . ' I
II
r _ ' |
1.
_n.
7/21/2019 Lambert, Y - Religion in Modernity as a Axial Age
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/lambert-y-religion-in-modernity-as-a-axial-age 2/10
3 0 4 S O C I O L O G Y
or
asuoton
(V/ 'VSs), a n d th e 1 9 9 1 In te r na t i o na l
S o c i a l
S u r ve y P ro gra m m e
( I S S P )
s u r v e y
dedica ted to
re l ig ion.
O bv io u s ly , o u r c on c l u s i on depends,
in par t
o n th e
ways
in w h i c h w e def ine
m o d e r n ity ,
r e l i g i o n ,
a n d
s e c u l a r i z a t i on .
Without
w i s h i n g
to
e n t e r into
th e
debate
o n
these
qu e s t i on s ,
I
will
exp l a i n
m y
definitions
with
th e
a im
of
c lar i fy ing m y a ppr o a ch a n d i nd icat ing
th e
l im i ts of m y analysis. F or re l ig ion , l
un d e r s t a n d
it
in th e m o s t
c o m m o n sense
o f a
group , o rg a n i z a tio n , o r institution
c on s i d e r i n g
i tsel f a s
s u c h . T h i s ex c lu des “secu la r
re l ig ions“
bu t
does n o t p r e v e n t
u s
f rom
f i nd ing
a
rel ig ious
d i m e n s i o n
present
in s u c h ideologies. M o r e
precise ly ,
I
will co n s i d e r re l ig ious a n y prac t ice
or bel ie f
w h i c h
refers
to a superernp i r i ca l
reality, i .e. , a
reality radically
e x c e e d i n g the objective limits of n a t u r e
a n d
m a n ,
p r ov i d e d
t h a t
t h ere i s a
s y m bo l i c re la t ionsh ip
between
m an a n d th is real i ty ;
“o b j ec t i ve” is used in
th e sense of th e
scient i f ic process
w h i c h character izes th e
point
of
v i e w of
th e
s oc i a l sc iences. This definition al lows u s to d e a l
with
“pa r a l l e l
bel iefs
w h i c h
are
c u r r e n t l y
i nc rea s ing in
im p o r ta n c e
( t e l e p a t h y ,
ast ro logy, f o r tu n e
te l l ing ,
sp i r it ism ,
c o s m i c
consc iousness, energies,
n e a r
d ea t h
exper iences , a n d
so
o n). T h e y
refer
to a s upe r e m p i r i ca l real i ty , a n d t h ey will be
c o n s i d e r e d a s
r e l ig iou s
if they include
a
symbolic
relationship with
m a n , which
is
th e
case
of
sp i r i t i sm
b u t n o t of ast ro logy , which will
be
c on s i d e r e d
a s
parare l ig ious. F or secular izat ion, Peter Berger ‘s ( 1 9 6 ? ) def in i t ion s e e m s to b e
th e
m o s t
r e l e v a n t
to
o u r
purpose, a n d I will operat ional i ze it by d is t ingu ish ing tw o
th resho lds
o f
sec u la r i z a t io n :
(1 )
an
a u t o n o m iz a t io n
in re la tio n
to ‘ r e lig io u s
a u t h o r i t y w h i l e
re l ig ious
s y m bo l s
r e m a i n
sa l ien t a n d (Z) a n a b a n d o n m e n t o f
rel ig ious symbols.
MODERNITY A S
A
NEW
AXIAL
PERIOD
S e v e r a l historians a n d p h ilo s o ph e rs h a v e
s t ressed the
ke y ro le that
certain
per iods
in his tory h a v e played in
d e v e l op i n g
t e c hn i qu e s , po l i t i c a l st ruc tu res , o r
w o r ld v iew s w h i c h were to d o m i n a t e
th e
f o r e g r ou n d of th e n e x t c e ntu rie s o r
m ille n n i a
before
being,
in
t u rn ,
ques t ioned,
t h e n
rep laced , or
altered
a nd in se r-
te d
in to
n e w s y s t e m s . “ M a n
s e e m s to
h a v e
started
aga in from
scra tch f ou r
t i m e s ,
K a r l
]aspers
wr ote
(1 9 54 : 3 ? -3 8 ):
with th e
Neolithic
age,
with
th e
ear l ies t
civilizations, with
the e m e r g e n c e
of
the
g r e a t
e m p ir e s ,
a n d with modernity. E a c h
of these ax i a l t u rns p r od u c e d a
g e n er al re s h a pin g
of th e “sym boli c f ie ld , to
u s e
Pierre
Bourd ieu ’s t e n n , a n d a grea t
rel ig ious
c om m o tio n w h ic h le d to
disappear-
a n c e s , redef init ions, and
emergences.
E a c h period f inal ly led to new rel igious
c o n f i g u r a t i o n s , respec t i ve ly : o r a l
ag r ar i an
r e lig io n s , r e lig io n s of antiquity,
re l ig ions o f
s a l v a tio n (tm iv e r s a lis t r e lig i on s ) ,
m o d e r n changes. Of
th e
rel ig ions o f
a n t iq u i ty , o n ly
J uda ism a nd
H i n d u i s m
s u r v i v e d
th e
preced ing
a x ia l
age,
a h e i t
great ly c h a n g e d
a n d
keep ing
t yp i ca l l y
pre - un iversa l i s t
tra its (a t
lea s t u p to
m o d e r n i ty ) :
a
large n u m b e r o f
p ro h ib it io n s , im p o rta n t
d o m e s tic
r i tes,
t rans-
m is s i on
by d esc en t. W e
m a y
a s s u m e
that m o d e r n it y
also stands
a s a
m a j o r
s o
ll‘
| u c u i p a p e a t u
u l-
tr-
r_
o
E '-
u
t-
:|
Ii
tn
on
U’
' - - .
U
r.-
rt-
| . l l
o
J
E
\-I:
l’-J
_.
r _ ' |
_
_n.
7/21/2019 Lambert, Y - Religion in Modernity as a Axial Age
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R E L I G I O N IN M O D E R N I T Y a s A N E W
A X I A L
n ot 3 0 5
c ha l l e n g e
to establ ished
re l ig ions a s
well
a s
a p o t e n t i a l source of
re l ig ious
i n n ov a t i on , especia l ly if
it i s
a b o u t to be
rad ica l i red
a n d
general ized, a s
G i d d e n s
argues ( 1 9 9 1 ) . In add i t ion ,
th e
hypothesis of
m o d e r n i ty
a s a ne w a x ia l t u r n leads
u s
to co n s i d e r v e r y l on g - te r m effects; th is enables u s to perform
c o m p a r a t i v e
research ,
a n d
proposes
a n
i n t e rp re t a t ion
a c c o u ntin g n ot o n ly fo r
re l ig ious
d e clin e , b u t
also fo r r ev iv a ls ,
m u t a tio n s , a n d in v e n tio n s .
T h e
c o n c e p t
o f “ ax i a l age has been used to refer to on e h i s to r i ca l per iod:
th e e m e r g e n c e of u n i v e r s a li s m , ph i lo so ph y , grea t re l ig ions, ear ly sc ience
(see,
e .g ., ] a s pe r s 1 9 5 4 ;
Bellah
1976:1050;
E i s e n s t a d t
1 9 3 6 ; Hick 1 9 3 9 :
Z 1 - 3 5 ) . This
is e s p e c i a l l y true of
the sixth
to
fifth
c e n t u r i e s
B C E ,
which w e r e a l tey
stage
in
this p r oce s s (Deutero-Isaiah, the
e ra
of P e r i c l e s , U p a n i s h a d s , ]ain, B u d d h a ,
C o n f u c i u s , L a o - T re) , o f w h i c h Chr is t i an i t y a nd ls lam are offspr ings.
T h i s
a g e i s
cons idered
a s a x i a l
bec au se w e c o n tin u e to
be
it s
heirs ,
par t i cu lar ly t h r o u g h
the
g r e a t religions. However t h e r e i s no r ea s o n that
w e
cannot a lso c o n s i d e r the
N e o l i t h i c age, th e ear l iest c iv i l i za t ions,
th e great
e m p ire s, a n d
m o d e m i t y
a s s u c h
ax i a l
a g e s ,
s ince
t h e y
to o m a r l : a
g e n e r a l
reshaping o f c o lle c t iv e th o u g h t.
T h e re fo re , o u r
definition o f “ax ia l
age (o r a x ia l
p e rio d ) s h all inc lude
these
f o u r
ages. At
it s
beginning,
a n
axial age is a kind of cinematic fa d e ; it is mar l - ted by
critical m o m e n t s
of
c ris is a n d sh i f ts of thought which l ead to a r e s h a p i n g of the
s y m b o lic field which c r ea t es a
n e w
period
of
stability. T h e s e critical p h a s e s v a r y
in d u ra tio n fro m , fo r
e xa m p l e , a t h o us a n d
years fo r
universal ism
( f rom th e
s ix th
c e n t u r y
B C E
to
th e
e m e r g e n c e
o f
I s l a m )
to
severa l
m ille n n i a fo r
th e
Neolithic
a g e
(from its f i rst e m e r g e n c e to its e v e n t u a l global
e x pa n sio n a n d
t riu m p h ) .
]aspers,
w h i l e
in
fa c t c o n s id e rin g
m o d e r n it y
a s being a n e w ax i a l per iod ,
r e g ar d e d the
turn t aken
by modernity
in
the nineteenth century a s the harbinger
of
a
p r obab le s e c o n d axial period“ (]a sp e rs 1 9 54 : 38). H e h e s i t a t e d
b e c a u s e
globalisation w as
not
y e t
a
w i d e s p r e a d
phenomenon
w h e n h e first wrote this in
1 9 4 9 , although
w e
c a n
a s s u m e
that this is the c a s e t o d a y .
] a s per s
identified
modernity with
four
fundamental distinguishing f e a tu re s :
m o d e r n
s c i e n c e
a n d
t e c h n o l o g y , a craving for f r e e d o m , the e m e r g e n c e
of
the m a s s e s o n the historical
stage
(na t io na l ism ,
d e m o c ra c y , s oc ia lis m , s oc ia l m o v e m e n t s ) ,
a nd
global isat ion.
W e fin d it
r e l e v an t
to
a dd
to th is lis t th e p r i m a c y of reason (a
po i n t
t h a t ]aspers
implicitly i n c l u d e s in th e
f ou r
fea tures) ,
th e d ev e lo pm e nt
of c a pita lis m , a n d
functional differentiation (the r ise
of the modern s ta te , a nd
P ar s on s ' s
a n d
Lu h m a n n ’ s
c o n c e p t
o f
di f ferent iat ion
o f
th e
spheres o f act iv i ty
in society) .
This notion of
axial
a g e h as not
b e e n utilized
by s o c io lo g is ts to a n a l y z e
m o d e r n i ty .
H o w e ve r A rp éd S r a k o l cza i a n d
Lasz lo
Fi istos ( 1 9 9 6 ) refer to th e
“ a x i a l a g e , a n d
t h e y
use
th e
c o n c e p t of “ a x i a l m o m e n t ” in
wa y s that
are
r e l e v an t
to
th is
analysis. T h e y
def ine
th is not ion
a s
fo l lows: “An
a x i a l m o m e n t
occu rs
w h e n e v e r
there i s
a global
col lapse of th e establ ished order o f
t h ings ,
including the political
s y s t e m ,
the s o c ia l o rd e r of e v e r y d a y life, a n d the
s y s t e m
of
beliefs
—
a v e r y rare e v e n t — — a nd
a
m a j o r s p i r i t u a l rev i va l .
.
. .
S u c h a per iod
h a ppe n e d
in th e f i rst c ent u r ies (col lapse
of
th e R o m a n republ i c a n d rise
of
s o
ll‘
| u o | i p a p a o 1 u
in
rt-
u
o
E '-
u
1-
:|
Ii
L l l
no
U’
' - - ,
lfl
1. -
rt-
| . l l
o
J
E
\-I:
I ’ - . ' I
_.
t _ ' |
1.
_n.
7/21/2019 Lambert, Y - Religion in Modernity as a Axial Age
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3 0 6
soctotosr or R E L I G I O N
Christianity), in the fifth-seventh
c e n t u r i e s
( c o l l a p s e of the R o m a n E m p i r e
a n d
rise of I s l am ) ,
in
th e f i f teen th -s i x teenth centur ies ( the w a n i n g o f th e
M i d d l e
A g e s , Rena issance , a n d P r o te s t an ti s m ) ,
a n d
finally th e tw o majors
stages
o f th e
d i s s o l u t i on of abso lu t is t
pol i t i cs
a n d th e traditional E u r o p e a n s oc i a l
order ,
E n l i g h t e n m e n t
a n d s oc ia lis m .
T h u s ,
th a t w h ic h
t h e y
choose
to
def ine
a s a n
a x i a l m o m e n t cor responds to ke y phases
t h a t
o c c u r within a n a x i a l age. F or
e x a m p l e ,
th e rise o f C h r is t ia n i ty a n d of Islam
are
tw o ke y
phases of
th e
prev ious
a x i a l age
( u n i v e rs a l is m ) , a n d th e f i f teen th -s i x teenth cen tur ies , th e E n l ig h te n -
m e n t , a n d social ism (o r m o r e ac c u r a t e l y th e rise of i n d u s t r i a l soc ie ty) are th e
three ke y phases of
modernity.
N o n e t h e l e s s , l
b e l i e v e
that it is u s e f u l to employ
the term
“axial
moment“ to d e f i n e s u c h phases
within
a n axial p e r i o d .
In a v ery s c he m a tic fa s hio n w e c a n therefore
per iod
ire m o d e r n ity . It begins
with th is a x ia l m o m e n t
o f
th e
f i f teen th -s i x teenth
centur ies , w h i c h i s n ot o nly
th e b eg in n in g
o f
w h a t histor ians
c a l l
“ the m o d e r n a g e , “ bu t also t h a t o f m o d e m
sc ience , a n d of th e birth o f
cap i ta l ism
a n d th e
b ou r ge ois ie . B u t
m o d e r n it y o n l y
b e c o m e s a m a j o r p h e n o m e n o n a t th e en d
o f
this per iod
with
th e
E n l ig h t e n m e n t ,
th e
E n g lis h a nd , especia l ly , th e A m e ric a n a n d
F r e n c h R e v o lu t io n s , th e birth
of
scientific method a n d thought, a n d the birth of industry ( s e c o n d axial
moment).
The third axial moment s h o u l d include the
development
a n d
triumph
of i n d u s -
trial
s oc ie ty a nd
of cap i ta l i sm ( n in e t e e n t h - m id - t w e n t ie t h
c e n t u r i e s ) ,
firs t in
E n g la nd , a n d t h e n
t h r o u g h o u t
Eu rope
a n d North A m e r i c a ,
th e d e v e l o p m e n t
o f
s o c i a lis m ,
th e
building
o f
th e
na t i o tns ta te ,
th e
spread
o f
na t i o na l i sm
a n d
c o l o n i a l i s m to it s breaking
point
with th e two
w o r l d
wars , a n d finally,
d ec o lo n isa t io n ,
global isat ion
and ,
in th e W es t, th e tr iu m p h
o f
d e m o c r a c y , of th e
affluent s o c i e t y ,
a n d
of the w e l f a r e s ta te . Modernity also r e s u l t e d in the Cold
‘ W a r
a n d
the threat of
n u c l e a r
destruction.
The
1 9 6 9 5 a re often c o n s i d e r e d a s a
turning point: the
beginning
of the so-called post-industrial, post-fordian
s o c i e t y , the
information or
kn ow le dg e s oc ie ty , a nd the
beginning of the moral
r evo l u t i o n .
E v e r s i n ce , th e ter t ia ry
sector
has b e c o m e inc reas ing ly d o m in a n t ,
intangible factors of
product ion ( in form at ion, c o m m u n i c a t i o n ,
a n d kn ow le d ge )
a n d
ne w
te c h n o lo g ie s (c o m p u te rs
a n d
e lec t ro n ic s )
h a v e
b e c o m e
m o r e
i m p o r -
t a n t ;
a n d th e
f a m ily is
b e c o m i n g l e s s a n d l e s s
t rad i t iona l .
ln
a dd i t i o n ,
global -
isat ion i s c o m p le te , th e m id d le class i s get t ing m o r e a nd m o r e po w er fu l , n e w
p r o ble m s (unemployment a n d
pollution)
a n d
n ew s oc ia l m o v em e nts
(feminism,
reg iona l ism , ecology, etc. ) are emerg ing , a n d f inal ly ,
C o m m u n i s m
has col lapsed.
A re w e still in
th e era
o f
m o d e r n ity
o r in p o s t m o d e r n it yl I
share
th e o p i n i o n
of
Anthony
G i d d e n s
( 1 9 9 1 ; 3 )
w h o w rite s
that
“ r a t h e r t h a n
ent er ing
a per iod o f
p o s t -m o d e r n i s m , w e a re m o v i n g
in to
on e in which th e
co n s e q ue n ce s
of
m o d e r n it y are b e c o m i n g m o r e radical i red
a nd
un iversa l i red t h a n before.
In fact ,
that w h i c h i s supposed to def ine p o s tm o d e m ity i s fa r f rom f e a tu r i n g these
fundamentally
n e w
traits that c h a r a c t e r i s e a n axial
turn, but
could constitute
a
n e w “a x ia l m o m e n t
(a s Sralcolczai th i nks)
t h a t c o u l d be e x p l a i n e d in
t e r m s
o f
genera l ised,
rad ica l ized, a n d r e fle x iv e m o d e rn ity . T h e h a llm a rk of p o s t m o d e m i t y
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R E L I G I O N
[ N
M O D E R N I T Y as
A
N e w
A X L A L soc 3 0 ?
i s
th e “ d is q u a l if ic a t io n o f ‘great
narratives“:
grea t re l ig ions, grea t ideologies
(nationalism , C o m m u n i s m , fasc ism), and th e ideology o f e n d l e s s p r o g r e s s .
B u t
th is o n l y al lows u s to di f ferent iate ourse lves f rom
th e
pr ior phase (a x ia l m o m e n t)
of
m o d e r n it y,
a n d it is par t ly
re fu ted
by new f o r m s of na t i o na l i sm a n d by
re l ig ious
f u n d a m e n t a l i s m .
T h e re la tiv iz a t io n
o f
sc ience
a n d
t e c h n o l o g y
is
n o t
new, bu t i s inc reasing prec ise ly
b e c a u s e
th e e x c e s s e s and dangers
o f
th e former
are b e c o m i n g
d r am at ica ll y
th r e a te n i n g (n u c le a r th re a t, pollution). O ne c ou ld
c o n t i n u e a n d sh ow t h a t th e o t h e r features at t r ibu ted to p o s tm o d e rn ity
are
th e
logical extension of trends
within
modernity,
a s are the nuclear threat
a n d
pollution:
the
detraditionalization of
the
life-world, the anthauthoritarian
revol t , h e d o n i s m ,
n e w
s oc ia l m o ve m e nts , a nd above
all ,
i nd i v i dua l i z a t i o n . T h e
s a m e e v e n h o ld s t r u e fo r th e selec t ive r e tu r n to c er ta i n t rad i t ions , o n ce
m o d e rn it y
h a s prevai led
over t radi t ion,
or fo r
th e
repeated c la im to
local
ident i t ies, w h i c h is
a react ion
aga ins t
globa l iza t ion.
S o
I agree with
Becltford’s
cr i t ic ism
(1996:
3 0 4 ? )
of
th e c o nc ept
of postmuderni ty.
ln spite of
a ll
of th is , l r e m a i n open to th e
hypothesis
that w e shou ld
be
o n
th e edge of s o m e form of p o s t m o d e r n it y. a t least in a d ee ply n ew m o m e nt in
modernity, b e c a u s e the r isk of i r r ep ar ab le pollution a n d , a b o v e all, of
n u c l e a r
des t r uc t i o n i s
th e
m o s t
d r a m a t ic
a nd th e m o s t ra d i c a l fate w e c a n i m a g i n e
i n s o f a r as the v e r y survival of
the
human spec ies is
a t
s take ; this actually is a
f u n d a m e n t a l l y n ew t ra i t .
Besides,
if w e co n s i d e r
m od e r n i ty
a s a ne w a x ia l per iod,
w e
c a n n o t
kn ow
wh e r e
w e
are
in
th is
process,
s o m u c h th e m o r e
a s
m o d e r n it y
invo lves
p e r m a n e n t c h a n g e , e v en c h an ge a t a n
accelerated
pace, s o t h a t
it
m i g h t
n o t be fo l lowed
by
a
phase
of stabi l i za t ion , a s was f o rm e r ly
th e
case. T h u s ,
it
c o u l d
create
s o m e
kind o f
p e r m a n e n t t u r n . A n y w a y , s ince a n
ax i a l
turn i s a
cinematic f ade in
which
older
f o r m s
c a n c o e x i s t
for
c e n t u r i e s
with
n e w
fo rm s
o r
s u r v i v e by a d o pt ing
ne w form s ,
it
w o u l d
be very
difficult, w h i l e w e are on th e
i n s i d e of this f ade , to distinguish the decline
of
modernity
from
the birth of
p os t m od e r n i ty .
At present , w e d o n o t h a v e
th e
necessary dis tance to resolve
th e
mat te r ,
bu t in a n y
case, w h e t h e r w e
are
in
pos tmo-dern i ty , late m o d e r n it y,
hypermodernity,
or whatever
other term
o n e
might
c h o o s e , it d o es
not
c h a n g e
anything concerning
our method of a na l y s i s .
GLOBAL
ANALYSES
O F THE
DISTINGUISHING
RELIGIOUS
F E A T U R E S O F MODERNITY
T h e intent o f th is sec t io n i s to rev iew
th e
var ious
c l a i m s
t h a t h a v e
been
m a d e c o n c e r n i n g
th e
effects o f m o d e r n it y
o n
re l ig ion a n d
th e tr a n sfo rm a tio n s
t h a t are tak ing place in
re l ig ion.
l will n o t
a t t e m p t
to link these
analyses
in a
sys tem at ic w a y , a s
t h a t
i s
th e
task
of
th e
fo l lowing
sec t ion.
“
I a m re as on ably
s u r e , “ s a id B - e lla h
( 1 9 7 6 : 39),
that “even though w e
m u s t
s p e a k
from the
midst of
it ,
th e m o de rn
s i tua t i o n represents a stage o f rel ig ious
d e v e l o p m e n t
in m a n y
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R E L I G I O N
IN M O D E R N I T Y A S
AN E W A X I A L
A C ‘ - E
329
s ec u la r a nd
t ha t
only one i s predominant ly
religious. Unfortunately,
they
do n ot
give
th e
re lig ious cha racte ris ti cs of these
di f ferent
v a l u e types.
T h e
f ac to r
analyses o f cor respondences
between
r e lig io u s v a r ia b le s a lways
point to th e ex is tence o f th ree d i f f e r en t fo c a l areas
w h i c h w e
c a n
ca l l :
(1 )
confessing
C h r i s t i a n i r y
a cco r d i n g
to
Dietrich
B on hoe f f e f s
def in i t ion
( fo l lowing
Keri-tofs 1 9 8 8 ) , w h i c h is to say th e Christianity
of faith in
G o d ; (2) c u l t u r a l
Christianity
( i .e. , a
quest ion of
ident i ty ) ,
m e a n i n g
little persona l
in v o lv e m e n t ,
r i tes of
p a s s a g e ; a nd
(3 ) secu la r h u m a n i s m
( L a m b e r t
1 9 9 6 ) .
lt i s s ig n ific a n t t h a t
th e n otio ns of “persona l G o d , “spi r i t , l ife fo rc e , “ a n d n o n b e l i e f in G o d are
respectively linked to
the
three focal ar e as
(agnosticism
c o m e s s o m e w h e r e
b e t w e e n
the l as t two). lt i s also worth noting that
th e
less p e op l e
b e l i e v e
in G o d
in a country, the
less
th e God they b el iev e in is a p e r s o n a l God, a n d the less God
i s im p o r ta n t in their l i ves. Confess ing Chr is t i an i t y i s p r e d o m i n a n t in
th e
Uni t ed
States, I re land,
I ta ly, a n d to
a lesser
e x t e n t
in
Por tuga l . Confess ing Chr is t i an i t y
a n d culttual Christianity
are o n
e q u a l
fo otin g in C a n a d a ,
S p a i n ,
G r e e c e ,
L u xe m b ou rg , a n d C i e n n a n y .
T h e m a jo rity
of th e
Fr e n ch ,
Belg ians, Eng l ish , a nd
D u t c h are d i v i d e d between c u l t u r a l Christianity a nd s ec u la r h u m a n i s m . T h e
Scandinavian countries, w h e r e Christianity is m o r e a civil religion, a re l a rge ly
dominated by
cultural Christianity.
A
general
evaluat ion o f secular izat ion
It
appears
t h a t
th e firs t
rhreslwld
o f
secu lar izat ion
w as large ly
crossed
in
th e
W e s t
with
th e c om in g
o f m o d ern i ty ,
a t three di f ferent
levels.
(a )
T he m a cro l e v e l .
States a f fi rm ed
their a u t o n o m y
in re la t ion to
re l ig ious
institutions,
e v e n
while they kept a civil religion (the United S t a t e s ) or a link
with a p a r t i c u l a r
d e n o m in a t io n
(Anglicanism
in
E n g l a n d , L u t h e r a n i s m
in
S w e d e n ) .
Political
pa r t ies did
the
s a m e , e v e n
when
they kept a
religious
l a b e l
( C h r is t ia n » D e m o c r a t ).
O p po s ite a tte m p ts h a v e
fa i led politically (the
M o r a l
Majority).
At
th e g loba l leve l , th e soc ia l
bon d
rests f i rst with d e m o c r a c y a nd
h u m a n r ights,
a n d
n o t
wi t h
re l ig ion.
In
E u r op e ,
th e
c u r r e n t
t e n d e n c y
i s
on e
of
a
we a k e n i n g re la t ionsh ip
between
th e s ta te a nd th e c hu rc h in th e c o unt r ies t h a t
w e r e
m o s t linked
to
a
denomination,
a n d
of a strengthening
relationship
in the
c a s e of laicity a n d , a b o v e
all, in the case
of
the former communist c o u n t r i e s .
F o r
ins tance,
th e C a t h o l i c c h u r c h has
been
disestabl ished
in S p a i n
a n d
P or t u g a l ;
S w e d e n
is ending
the automatic affiliation
of n e w b o r n s
with Lutheranism (when
th e parents d id
n o t express th e
desire
fo r a
d iffe re n t d e n o m in a t io n ). O n
th e
c o n tra ry , in F r a n c e , th e le g itim a c y o f C a t h o l i c schools
i s
n o
l on g e r ques t ioned,
publ ic schools
are m o r e open to
re l ig ious
c u l t u re , representat ives f rom th e m a i n
rel ig ions
a nd
d e n o m in a t io n s
are m e m b e r s
o f
th e
N a t i o n a l
C o n s u l t a t i v e
E t h i cs
C o m m i t e e
(b io e th ic s ), n o t to
m e n t io n Mit ter rand ’s
state f u n e r a l in
Paris's
N o t r e - D a m e
C a t h e d r a l ;
in
th e
fo rm e r c om m u n is t
coun t r ies ,
th e
c h u r c h e s
c a n -
n o t re c ov e r a n author i tar ian
o r
m on op o lis t ic
role,
a s P o l a n d e v i d e n ce d
w h en th e
s u o | i
p a p e o q u i
or ]
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3 3 0 socrotoor
or
R E L I G I O N
lef t w on th e
elec t ions.
In a n y case, the r e i s
n o
c l e a r
re la t ionsh ip
b e t we e n th e
d e n o m in a t io n a l sy stems
a n d th e
re l ig ious states,
with
th e
m o s t i n teres t ing
e xa m p le be in g th a t o f
th e S c a n d in a v ia n c o tm trie s , w h i c h
h av e v e ry
lo w
levels o f
C h r i s t i a n re l ig iosi ty
( Lam be r t 1 9 9 6 ) .
lb)
T he
me so
l e v e l .
With
respect
to
schools
a n d e d u c a t i on ,
diverse
s i tuat ions
exist .
S o m e t i m e s
schools fo l low
a
re l ig ious a u th o r i ty whi l e nonethe less al ign ing
their p r og r a m s with n at i on a l n o r m s ,
s o m e t i m e s t h ey
are
a u t o n o m o u s . H o w e v e r ,
m o s t
of ten they dispense a
rel ig ious
e d u c a t i o n ( e x c e p t
in
th e c a s e s of
la ic i ty
o r
laic
p illa rs ). A s
fo r
cu l tu re , in
th e
g e n e r a l
sense o f
th e arts, i n te l l e c tu a l l i fe,
a n d
th e m e d i a , w e kn ow t h a t th es e s ec to rs a re fo r th e m o s t par t a u t o n o m o u s with
relation
to re l ig io us institutions.
(cl T he ind iv idua l
level.
If w e
were
to judge by
th e degree
o f a u to no m y
t h a t
those
w h o be lo ng
to a re l ig ion
give t h e m s e l v e s (accord ing
to
th e
surveys ] , we
c a n s e e th a t in s t itu t io n a l secu lar izat ion i s
st rong
o n a n i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l a s w el l .
This
does n ot , h o we v e r , p r e v e n t
i n d i v i d u a l s f rom tak ing into a c c o u n t ,
in th e ir
o w n
w a y ,
th e posi t ions
o f
th e i r re l ig ious author i t ies .
F u r th e r m o r e ,
w e no t e a
strong de s i re to d e s e c u l a r i z e
s o c i e t y (| lervieu l.eger
1 9 9 3 )
within fundamem
talist, evangelical, P e n t e c o s t a l ,
a n d
charismatic g r o u p s , but a s w e h a v e noted,
their r e a c h
is ,
with the
exception of
P o l a n d ,
rather
limited.
What a b o u t th e s e c r m d t l rresholdi C o n t r a r y to th e
p r e c e d i n g
one , th is
th r e s ho l d has been crossed
on l y in
a
limited m a n n e r
e xce p t , f o rm e r ly , in
th e
c o m m u n i s t
c o unt r ies
and ,
today ,
in
c er ta i n
spheres
a n d
a m o n g
th e
y o u t h
of
s o m e c o u n trie s , a lth o u g h it depends in p ar t o n th e definition o f
th e
re l ig ious.
Besides, th e idea t h a t rel ig ion
w o u l d
t end to d isappear with m o d ern iz a t io n has
declined,
if not d i s a ppea r ed .
(al T he m a c ro level. Only s e v e r a l states h av e re m o v ed all
r e l ig iou s
r e fe r enc es
from their constitutions
( F r a n c e ,
for example). On the contrary, E a s t e r n
E u r o p e a n countries
a n d R u s s i a , which h a d largely c r o s s ed
the threshold
on a
v e r y
host i le
n ot e ,
are
re t u rn ing e i the r t o w a rd th e firs t
on e
a fte r th e col lapse
o f
C o m m u n i s m , o r tow ard th e
m o r e
b e n e v o l e n t
o r
n e u t r a l second on e .
W e
e v e n
c a n
observe
t h a t
re l ig ion
has
played
a n
im p o r ta n t
role
in
rebu i ld ing
th e
civil
society
a n d th e state
in
severa l
coun t r ies ,
e sp ec ia lly P o la n d (C a s a n o va
1 9 9 4 - ) -
(b) T he
mes o
level. A m o n g th e spheres o f activity,
o n l y
s c i e n c e a n d
e c o n o m i c s
h a v e clearly
passed this threshold, but this d o - e s
not
n e c es s a rily m e a n
t h a t
re l ig ion
has
been
rejected in
i tself.
H e a l t h a nd s oc ia l
serv ices
h a v e m o r e
o r
l e s s
crossed th is
th resho ld
ac c or d i n g
to
th e
c o u n t r y and , a s w e
k n o w , on l y
in
th e
case of laicity o r
pillariration,
a s i s th e case with schools. C u l t u r e f u n c t i o n s
large ly
a u t o n o m o u s l y
in
re la t ion to re lig io n , kn o w in g th a t re l ig ious cu l tu r e
has
its proper
p lace within th e sphere of c u l t u re .
(c ) T h e i nd iv idua l level. W e h a v e n o t e d
tw o
o p po s ite te n d en c ie s s ince th e
1970s
t h a t di f ferent iate
th e
oldest
f rom th e
y ou n g e s t
generat ions (L a m b e rt 1 9 9 3 ,
1 9 9 6 ; L a m b e r t
a n d
Voyé
1997) :
o n on e h a n d , a n in cre as e in th e percentage o f
th e
nonre l ig ious ,
a n d a decrease in th e bel ie f
in
G o d ,
l e s s in th e United States,
s o
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R E L I G I O N
I N M O I J E R N I T Y as A n e w
A X I A L
n o t 3 3 1
m o r e so
in E ur o pe
(with a m a j o r ity of no nre l ig io us
y o un g
in
F r a n c e ,
G r e a t
Br i ta i n , a n d
N e t h e r l a n d s ) ;
o n th e o t h e r
h a n d , a
stabi l i ty
in
bel ie f in m i r a c l e s
a n d
in
a n
after l i fe,
a spread o f NR »/ls, a nd a bov e
al l ,
a
growth in para l le l beliefs,
se l f -sp i r i tua l i ty , loosely organised groups, be l iev ing w i t h o u t b e lo ng ing
( D a v i e
1 9 9 5 ) ,
s u c h
that
a p p r o x i m a t e ly
one-third
of
th e
no nre i ig io us
h a v e
in fa c t
re l ig ious o r parare l ig ious
beliefs.
T h e balance
depends
u p on
th e
status w e give to
these
p ar a l l e l
be lie fs a n d n e w re l ig ious
f o r m s . It i s
th e s a m e in th e fo rm e r
c o m m u n i s t
countr ies, where th e return
to
religion
is
more
lim i ted
than it f irst
seemed to be a nd w he re
th e
nonre l ig ious r e m a i n
a
m ajorit y in Russia,
th e
f o r m e r
E a s t Germany, a n d
B u l g a r i a ,
but w h e r e
t h e s e p a r a l l e l h-cl iels
a n d n e w religious
fo rm s a re s p r e a d i n g a s well.
We
c a n
then conclude that, for the first threshold,
t h e r e
a l r e a d y ex is ts a
w i d e s p r e a d s e c u l a r i z a t i o n a n d it is progressing. F o r the s e c o n d threshold, s e c u l a r -
i za t ion i s l im it e d
to
s om e s ta te s, s ph ere s, turd subpopula t ions , n o tin g th a t , o n an
i n d i v i d u a l l eve l ,
it depends
u p o n th e sta tu s a nd im p o r ta n c e o f th e
pa ra l le l
bel iefs, th e
sel f -sp i r i tua l i ty , th e seeker
spi r i tua l i ty ,
th e
loose
networks ,
k n o w i n g
that
th e
spread
o f NRL/ls
r e m a i n s a v e r y m i n o r p h e n o m e n o n , e x c e p t if
w e
include
the New
Age-type n e b u l a .
The
problem i s b es t
illustrated by
the c a s e
of
Dutch
youth ( ] a n s s e n
1 9 9 3 ) , of
whom,
according to
a 1 9 9 1 national s u r v e y ,
only
3 9
p erc e nt be lo ng to a re l ig ion ,
bu t 16
p e r c e n t c a n be
qua l i f i ed
a s being
influenced
by
New
Age
o r
E a s t e r n
r e l i g i o n s , l3 p e r c e n t
a re d o u b t e r s , 1 6
p e r c e n t
are
only
pray ing ,
a n d
a
m e r e
8
pe r ce n t
are
n o n b e li ev e r s . S u r p r is in g l y,
B 2
pe r ce n t
pray at le a s t s om e tim e s a n d , a m o n g
the
nonchurchgoers,
p r a y e r
is
the m o s t
pers is tent
re l ig ious
e l e m e n t bu t o n ly in
a ra t h er
p s y c ho l og i c a l a nd m e d i ta t iv e
wa y : to g iv e s tre n g th , to
a c c e p t
th e inev i tab le
s u c h
a s th e death o f a re la t ive , a s a
re lease or as a time to p on de r, in keeping with a
primarily
im p e r so n a l concept of
the divine. Do t h es e findings
point
to
a
s t ag e of r e l ig iou s decomposition, to
a
minor form of religiosity (a
vague
b ac l - td
top,
comforting beliefs], or to the s e e d s
o f
possible
reconf igura t ions?
A re
a ll of th e p a ra lle l b elie f systems rel ig ious? If
w e
keep
o u r tw o
cr i ter ia to def ine
th e re l ig ious (a
s u p e r e m p ir ic a l
rea l i ty
a n d
a
s ym bo lic
r e l a t i o nsh i p
along
with
it},
w e
will
t h e n
e x c l u d e
a s t ro lo gy
a n d
n u m e r o l o g y for
i ns tance , bu t n o t
th e bel iefs
a n d pract ices o f
th e
D u t c h y o u t h ,
e xce p t a fe w of
t h e m .
W h a t e v e r
th e
c a s e m i g h t be , w e are lef t to
w o n d e r
w h e t h e r
o r
n o t w e m i g h t
be in
the
middle of a n evolution t o w a r d a third threshold
that
w e c o u l d define a s
“pluralistic secularization, in
which religion h a s the
s a m e a s c e n d a n c y u p o n
s o c i e t y
and
life a s a n y other movement or i d e o l o g y ,
but
c a n a l so play a
role
outs ide o f its spec ific
f u n c t i o n
a n d
h a v e
a n
i n f l uenc e outs ide of th e c irc le o f
believers
a s a n e t h i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l resou rce , a s
l a m e s
Beclr fotd
stressed
( 1 9 8 9 )
a s
it i s
i l lustrated
here
in
th e case
o f
“ m a jo r
causes. O n c e aga in ,
th is
seems
possible o n l y if re l ig ion c a n respect
individual a u t o n o m y
a n d d e m o c r a tic
pluralism. We c a n also
mention
a g a i n C a s a n o v a ’s a n a ly s is , which i l l u s t r a t es this
n e w public role of
religion,
but w e
would
b ala n c e h is stress on “deprivatiration”
s o
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3 3 2
socro t -my
o r R E L I G I O N
with
h is ow n
observat ions c o n c e r n i n g
th e
con d i t i on s fo r th is role:
th e
a c c e p -
t an c e
o f
plura l ism
a n d
of
f u n c t io n a l d i ff e re n t i a tio n .
T h i s
ne w th resho ld
w o u l d
cor respond
to a
step
beyond th e
c o nf l i c ts that were
lin ke d to th e
long
a n d
di f f icu l t redef init ion
o f rel igion ‘ s
place in moderni ty .
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5.
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J9:l23-
Jl I-
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