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SOCIOLINGUISTIC RESEARCH: AFRICAN

AMERICAN VERNACULAR ENGLISH

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Simply put, the domain of sociolinguistic research is the relation between language

and society and its nature is heavily connected to sociology

Sociology as a science, deals with society and its structure, therefore studying

language from the point of view of social entities shows how speakers using

comparable language systems are able to produce similar, yet at the same time quite

distinct texts

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The social aspect of everyday language aims at describing connections between language and society and more specifically, the way one uses the system in order to act in different social situations in an everyday context.

The areas of analysis range from register in everyday settings of social interaction, such as interaction in the workplace or in the company of good friends, to dialect study of a given region, with focus on age, sex and educational background differences. The ideas that are put forward by scholars in this field involve the assumption that language cannot be studied independently from the people using it. In other words, language study must involve social context, as by doing so, one has the ability to learn about both the linguistic system itself and the society using it as well.

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Society creates culture and language is a reflection of culture - “language is

acquired in the process of learning the whole culture, to which the child is born”

“Culture influences the structure and functions of a group's language, which in turn influences the

individual's interpretations of reality”

“Language reinforces cultural patterns through semantics, syntax and naming. Grammar and the

forms of words show hierarchical importance of something to a culture”

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Since society can be reflected in langauge, “social change can produce a

corresponding linguistic change” (Trudgill, 1974: 28)

Fishman (1972) argues that sociolinguistics is a means by which “linguistics itself would be

transformed into a general science or interscience of communication”

Research: “quantitative nature” of reality (Nisbett, et al., 1987)

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Partial screening requires obtaining samples from only a small portion of a community or group, and on the basis of that, one formulating conclusions concerning the entire group.

Various strategies used in representative sampling in sociolinguistic studies have been

modified over the years in order to suite developing research. These included random sampling, quasi-random sampling, the use of the ethnographic approach and various social

networks. Therefore, arriving at ‘representativeness’ in data collection of the

targeted group would in many cases involve a merger of various approaches.

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Much of the research done by Labov (1968) was based on the ethnographic approach to varionationist sociolinguistics, which involve observation and integration with a particular community or society as was done in the study of South Harlem

Such a methodological approach requires the analyst to study language within its social context by using observation as a collection technique. Portions of this study involved such an approach; however questionnaire distribution did not conform to either ethnographic or social network approach. Nevertheless, many problems occur during random sampling as mentioned by Milroy (1987), various groups in the context of a large city will be “geographically and socially distributed amongst the population in a non-random way”

POSED QUESTIONS

How do we socioliguistically define AAVE – dialect, sociolect, ethnolect?

How are languages culturally and socially conditioned?

How do we conventionalize norms? What are the basic characteristics of AAVE?

THE ASSUMPTION

Language always occurs in context Language is context sensitive Language is always communicative Language is designed for communication THE MEANING OF A TEXT IS

CONSTRUCTED BY SOCIETY AND THE WORLD IS CREATED BY HUMAN BEINGS FOR THE PURPOSE OF MEANING.

VARIATION

The social class system, which seems to be one of the causes of communicative deficit is only one of the many ways in which human society is stratified.

Social class distinction Gender distinction Educational distinction Ethnic distinction

There exists a powerful two way relation between language and social structure” and “linguistic resources are a means which serves people to establish and perpetuate their social identity.

DIGLOSSIA

This is a situation where, in a given society, there are two (often closely-related) languages, one of high prestige, which is generally used by the government and in formal texts, and one of low prestige, which is usually the spoken vernacular tongue.

FERGUSON’S DIGLOSSIA

DIGLOSSIA is a relatively stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include a standard or regional standards), there is a very divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed variety

R.P. English – Cockney English American English – African American?

FISHMAN’S DIGLOSSIA

Diglossia could be extended to situations found in many societies where forms of two genetically unrelated (or at least historically distant ) languages occupy the H and L niches, such that one of the languages is used for religious, educational, literacy and other such prestigious domains, while another language is rarely used for such purposes, being only employed for more informal, primarily spoken domains.

The Vernacular

Vernacular refers to the native language of a country or a locality. In general linguistics, it is used to describe local languages as opposed to linguae francae, official standards or global languages. It is sometimes applied to nonstandard dialects of a global language.

Within the subcategory of sociolinguistics, the term vernacular has been applied to several concepts, leading to confusion among scholars regarding what is actually being referred to. This term had not been heard in the western world until the late 1800s. One use of the term, as exemplified by Poplack (1993) and Labov (1972), defines vernacular varieties as casual varieties used spontaneously rather than self-consciously.

Wolfram and Schilling-Estes (1998) on the other hand define vernacular varieties as nonstandard, local dialects, particularly because of the nonstandard grammatical features that they contain. They also state that there is a continuum between the vernacular and the standard.

Similar approaches have been made to define vernacular culture: Cheshire (1982) sees vernacular culture as a non-standard or counter culture that is expressed through participation in particular activities or clothing styles, whereas Edwards (1992) defines it as a local culture determined by the connectedness to a certain neighbourhood.

SPEECH COMMUNITY

Speech community is a concept in sociolinguistics that describes a more or less discrete group of people who use language in a unique and mutually accepted way among themselves

Exactly how to define speech community is debated in the literature. Definitions of speech community tend to involve varying degrees of emphasis on the following: Shared community membership Shared linguistic communication

The underlying concern is that members of the same speech community should share linguistic norms. That is, they share understanding, values and attitudes about language varieties present in their community. While the exact definition of speech community is debated, there is a broad consensus that the concept is immensely useful, if not crucial, for the study of language variation and change.

Labov (1972) claims that it is not defined by any marked agreement in the use of language elements, so much as by participation in a set of shared norms - CONVENTIONS

DIALECTOLOGY

As defined by Ferguson and Gumprez “those varieties that initially and basically represent divergent geographic origins are known as dialects”

DIALECT

a) variety of a language that is characteristic of a particular group of the language's speakers

b) regional speech patterns, but a dialect may also be defined by other factors, such as social class or age – Social Dialects or Sociolects

Standard Dialect:

a dialect that is supported by institutions and documented (published grammars, dictionaries, and textbooks that set forth a "correct" form).

BASIC CONCEPTS

Ethnolect is a variety of a language spoken by a certain ethnic/cultural subgroup and serves as a distinguishing mark of social identity.

Idiolect is the language or speech of one individual at a particular period in life

Jargon is professional vocabulary, words used by a specific group or profession

Slang is colloquial language peculiar to a particular group or class.

Creole is a language derived from other existing languages that becomes the primary language of the people who speak it.

Pidgin is a language composed of two or more languages created for the purpose of communication, usually around trade centers, between people who do not speak a common language. It is never a person's primary language

Regionalism is a linguistic term for a word, expression, or pronunciation favored by speakers in a particular geographic area

EBONICS

Originally intended to refer to the language of all people descended from enslaved Black Africans.

In the 1990’s it began to be used in reference to AAVE asserting its independence from English

Linguistics prefers the term: Afro American Vernacular English

ROBERT WILLIAMS „Ebonics: The true language of black folks”

"the linguistic and paralinguistic features which on a concentric continuum represent the communicative competence of the West African, Caribbean, and United States slave descendant of African origin. It includes the various idioms, idiolects, and social dialects of black people" especially those who have adapted to colonial circumstances. Ebonics derives its form from ebony (black) and phonics (sound, the study of sound) and refers to the study of the language of black people in all its cultural uniqueness

THE CONTREVERSY

Oakland Ebonics controversy - school board passed a controversial resolution recognizing the legitimacy of Ebonics as a language.

Ebonics is treated as an African language. Speakers of Ebonics should qualify for federally-

funded programs traditionally restricted to bilingual populations

RESULT: The African American language systems "have origins in West and Niger-Congo languages and are not merely dialects of English.

THE RESPONSE "The systematic and expressive nature of the grammar and

pronunciation patterns of the African American vernacular has been established by numerous scientific studies over the past thirty years. Characterizations of Ebonics as 'slang,' 'mutant,' 'lazy,' 'defective,' 'ungrammatical,' or 'broken English' are incorrect and demeaning" "There is evidence from Sweden, the U.S., and other countries that speakers of other varieties can be aided in their learning of the standard variety by pedagogical approaches which recognize the legitimacy of the other varieties of a language. From this perspective, the Oakland School Board's decision to recognize the vernacular of African American students in teaching them Standard English is linguistically and pedagogically sound"

-the Linguistic Society of America

ORIGINS OF AAVE

Dialect Hypothesis

the idea that modern AAVE is derived from incorrectly learned English

Creole Hypothesis

the idea that modern AAVE derived from a hybrid of English and West African languages

DIALECT HYPOTHESIS

African slaves, upon arriving in the United States, picked up English very slowly and learned it incorrectly, and that these mistakes have been passed down through generations

CREOLE HYPOTHESIS

Modern AAVE is the result of a creole derived from English and various West African Languages. Slaves, who spoke many different West African languages. To be able to communicate they developed a pidgin by applying English and some West African

This pidgin was passed on to future generations, and as soon as it became the primary language of it's speakers it is classified as a creole. Over the years AAVE has gone through the process of decreolization and is beginning to sound more like Standard English.

LINGUISTS ON AAVE "In line with evolving trends within the larger

community, linguists use 'African American English' instead of 'Black English' for the English of African Americans, a continuum of varieties ranging from the most mainstream or standard speech to the most vernacular or non-mainstream variety.

Labov (1972) first started referring to it as 'Black English vernacular.' African American Vernacular English is simply the most recent variety of that term, the one most widely used among linguists . . .."

WILLIAM LABOV (1998) "It is proposed that AAVE consists of two distinct components:

the General English [GE] component, which is similar to the grammar of OAD [Other American Dialects], and the African-American [AA] component. These two components are not tightly integrated with each other, but follow internal patterns of strict co-occurrence. . . . The AA component is not a complete grammar, but a subset of grammatical and lexical forms that are used in combination with much but not all of the grammatical inventory of GE."

William Labov, "Coexistent Systems in African-American English," in The Structure of African-American English, ed. by S. Mufwene et al., Routledge, 1998

PATOIS

(1) An informal term for a dialect, especially one that is considered to have a low status in relation to a standard variety of a language.(2) The slang or jargon of a particular social group.

ARGOT

‘Secret’ languages used by certain social groups, originally to prevent outsiders from understanding their conversations.

The term derives from the 1600s les argotiers, given to a group of thieves at that time.

Argots are mainly versions of other languages with a part of its vocabulary replaced by words unknown to the larger public.

VOCABULARY

AAVE does not have a vocabulary separate from other varieties of English. However AAVE speakers do use some words which are not found in other varieties and furthermore use some English words in ways that differ from the standard dialects.

A discussion of AAVE vocabulary might proceed by noting that words can be seen to be composed of a form (a sound signal) and a meaning. In some cases both the form and the meaning are taken from West African sources. In other case the form is from English but the meaning appears to be derived from West African sources.

EXAMPLES West African Form + West African Meaning: bogus  'fake/fraudulent' cf. Hausa boko, or boko-boko 'deceit,

fraud'. hep, hip  'well informed, up-to-date' cf. Wolof hepi, hipi 'to open

one's eyes, be aware of what is going on'.

English Form + West African Meaning: cat  'a friend, a fellow, etc.' cf. Wolof -kat (a suffix denoting a

person) cool  'calm, controlled' cf. Mandingo suma 'slow' (literally 'cool') dig  'to understand, appreciate, pay attention' cf. Wolof deg,

dega 'to understand, appreciate' bad  'really good'

LOAN TRANSLATIONS

Another interesting set of vocabulary items are called loan translations or "calques". In such cases a complex idea is expressed in some West African language by a combination of two words. In AAVE these African words appear to have been directly translated and the same concept is expressed by the combination of the equivalent English items

bad-eye  'nasty look', cf. Mandingo, nyE-jugu 'hateful glance' (lit. 'bad-eye')

big-eye  'greedy', cf. Ibo. anya uku 'covetous' (literally 'big-eye').

PHONOLOGICAL FEATURES

Consonant Cluster Simplification, or Reduction

Final Consonant Simplification, or Deletion Final and Post-vocalic -r Variation [ð] > [f] in Word/Syllable-final Position [ð] > [d] in Word/Syllable-inital Position [ð] > [v] in Word/Syllable-medial Position -l Deletion or Reduction, in Word/Syllable-

medial or Word/Syllable-final Position

THE DENTAL FRICATIVE

de, dey and dat – the, they that tin, tink – thin, think froat, souf – throat, south bruvah - brother

The sound l and r

When they do not occur at the beginning of a word l and r often undergo a process known as "vocalization" and are pronounced as uh. This is most apparent in a post-vocalic position (after a vowel). For instance 'steal', 'sister', 'nickel' become steauh, sistuh, nickuh. In some varieties of AAVE (e.g. in the Southern US), r is not pronounced after the vowels o and u. The words door and doe, four and foe, and sure and show can be pronounced alike.

Nasalized vowels:

When a nasal (n or m) follows a vowel, AAVE speakers sometimes delete the nasal consonant and nasalize the vowel. This nasalization is written with a tilde ( ~ ) above the vowel. So 'man' becomes mã.

STRESS

AAVE s from some other varieties in the placement of stress in a word. So, where words like police, hotel and July are pronounced with stress on the last syllable in standard English, in AAVE they may have stress placed on the first syllable so that you get po-lice, ho-tel and Ju-ly.

SYNTACTIC FEATURES

Copula Deletion, or Variation They Possessive It Expletive Multiple Negation Aspectual Verb -s Suffix Pronominal Apposition Perfective done Stressed, or Remotive, been Aspectual be Future be

THE VERB BE

Standard English uses a conjugated be verb (called a copula) in a number of different sentences. (This may occur as is, 's, are, 're, etc.) In AAVE this verb is often not included. The frequency of inclusion has been shown to depend on a variety of factors

EXAMPLES In future sentences with gonna or gon:

I don't care what he say, you __ gon laugh.

...as long as i's kids around he's gon play rough or however they're playing.

Before verbs with the -ing or -in ending(progressive):I tell him to be quiet because he don't know what he __ talking about.

I mean, he may say something's out of place but he __ cleaning up behind it and you can't get mad at him.

Before adjectives and expressions of location:He __ all right. And Alvin, he __ kind of big, you know?She __ at home. The club __ on one corner, the Bock is on the other.

Before nouns (or phrases with nouns)He __ the one who had to go try to pick up the peacock. I say, you __ the one jumping up to leave, not me.

TENSE

Some past events are conveyed by placing been before the verb.

Sentences equivalent to standard English perfects may be conveyed by the use of done

Events that occur habitually or repeatedly are often marked by be

EXAMPLES

He been married. He done eat his dinner. In Ricky Bell be steady steppin in them

number nines.

NEGATIVES

AAVE has a number of ways of marking negation. Like a number of other varieties of English, AAVE uses ain't to negate the verb in a simple sentence. In common with other nonstandard dialects of English, AAVE uses ain't in standard English sentences which use "haven't".

Negative inversion

EXAMPLES

I ain't step on no line. I said, "I ain't run the stop sign," and he said,

"you ran it!" I ain't believe you that day, man. Ain't no white cop gonna put his hands on me. Can't nobody beat 'em Can't nobody say nothin' to dem peoples! Don' nobody say nothing after that. Wasn't nobody in there but me an' him

SOCIAL IMPACT Bryan McLucas (1996)

I believe that this idea illustrates the rift that exists between black culture and white America. Each side believes that the other is excluding it. From a linguistic standpoint, whites are excluded -- for the most part -- from AAVE. This is good for African-Americans because it creates a culture for them with which they can identify. African-Americans also want for their culture to be accepted by mainstream society, but unfortunately, whites don't usually get a chance to immerse themselves in that culture to study it in the same way that Irving studied the German culture. Without first-hand exposure, whites, to some degree, are going to be uncomfortable around this culture and be less willing to accept it. There is a continual push-pull among African-Americans who want to belong to both the smaller group and at the same time be accepted in the larger. This idea not exclusively a group goal, but is even expressed on the individual level as shown in this interview. The language that the individual associates him or herself with seems to play a key role as to which group the individual wishes to belong. Speakers of SE identify with mainstream America, speakers of AAVE with the black culture created in opposition of the mainstream culture. Bi-dialectal people, like Irving, identify with the black culture almost exclusively, but seem to use SE as a tool or "weapon" within the mainstream society. Irving doesn't seem to accept standard English as anything other than a necessity. He doesn't believe that SE is an integral part of himself, but rather an extension of his ability to communicate with others. Standard English really is a weapon to Irving, and a weapon that he wields proficiently.

OUTCOME

Linguists maintain that there is nothing intrinsically wrong with AAVE as a variety since, like all dialects, AAVE shows consistent internal logic and is used earnestly to express thoughts and ideas

Linnes (1988) talks of the diglossic situation Labov - distinct variety of English spoken by African

Americans Farrison (1970) argued that there were really no

substantial vocabulary or grammatical differences between the speech of blacks and that of other English dialects

CAN YOU UNDERSTAND AAVE?

Yo, watup dawg!  He John homeboy, nome sayin', yo?...an' he be flickin cuz he so g'd up an' I ain't takin it little, yo. He be straigh' frontin' an' he be lunchin' lately so I gotsta regulate his ass, yo.  Man, I ain' outta dis game, cuz  dayam, dat bitch be hella thick, yo. But  I'm stayin shy, nome sayin,  cuz  I ain't neva did ax 'er she be his bitch.  Man, dat g be thumpin!   We rollin'.   You down widit, yo?

Foo, she ain't nuttin but a g'd up rat, aw 'ite, yo? Shiiee, dawg,,,He got nuttin' on you fo sho  but dat nigga twis' yo punk ass up and fill it wif holes den he be lunchin' YO, dawg.  Less roll, yo.

TRANSLATION

Hi, what's up?  That guy is John's friend, and he's looking very fashionable and cool, but he is a faker and his behavior has been out of control lately, so I really need to set him straight.  I'm not afraid of competing with him because the girl I like is really cute, so I think she's worth it.  I'm being a little reserved, though, because I haven't asked her if she is his girlfriend.  Your car is really cool.  Let's go!

You are crazy because that girl is nothing more than a dolled up whore from the hood.  He doesn't have anything on you, but he will kick your ass and then shoot you.  Let's go.

Reading

John R. Rickford (1999) „African American Vernacular English”. Blackwell Publishers Inc.

THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION