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DOI101111j2041-5370201300058x

Document VersionEarly version also known as pre-print

Link to publication record in Kings Research Portal

Citation for published version (APA)Bowden H (2013) On Kissing and Making Up Court Protocol and Historiography in Alexander the GreatsExperiment with Proskynesis DOI 101111j2041-5370201300058x

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Download date 07 Sep 2018

BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

copy 2013 Institute of Classical Studies University of London

ON KISSING AND MAKING UP COURT PROTOCOL AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN ALEXANDER THE GREATrsquoS lsquoEXPERIMENT WITH PROSKYNESISrsquo

HUGH BOWDEN

It is widely accepted by modern scholars that at some point during his campaigns in Afghanistan Alexander attempted to persuade his Macedonian followers to accept the Persian practice of προσκύνησις (possibly but not necessarily involving prostration) that this was opposed by some Greek and Macedonian members of his court including most prominently the historian Callisthenes and that the attempt was given up It is the aim of this article to re-examine the evidence and the assumptions both ancient and modern that lie behind the episode as it is reported I will argue that

1 The words προσκύνησις and προσκυνεῖν had a range of meanings in Greek but were primarily associated with Greek ideas of Persian behaviour

2 The gestures covered by the term προσκύνησις were not exclusively or even primarily associated with the gods by Greeks

3 The depiction of Callisthenes as representing principled opposition to Alexanderrsquos actions is fictitious

4 The objection to the adoption by Alexander of lsquobarbarianrsquo practices reflects Roman prejudices rather than any concern of Alexanderrsquos contemporaries

5 The surviving literary sources do not provide reliable evidence for any lsquoexperiment with προσκύνησιςrsquo by Alexander1

The dominant scholarly approach to the study of Alexander remains Quellenforschung Scholars see their task as trying to discover which contemporary writers were the source for which element of the surviving Alexander histories and then working out what the motivations of those writers might have been and hence establishing how their testimony should be interpreted While some use of Quellenforschung is necessary in dealing with the issue of προσκύνησις this article will show that an approach to the literary evidence that recognizes more factors influencing its creation and transmission can enrich our understanding of Alexander It will show that there is good reason to doubt the historicity of the traditions about the introduction of προσκύνησις and suggest that in all probability Alexanderrsquos adoption of the practices of the Persian court were considered uncontroversial at the time and became a concern only to writers in the Roman period

1 An earlier version of this paper was delivered at a seminar in the Institute of Classical Studies in January 2010 It has benefited from the comments made there and by the readers for BICS

56 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

Proskynesis

The first set of questions that must be addressed concern the words προσκυνεῖν and προσκύνησις Almost all modern scholars follow the same view lsquoamong the Greeks [hellip] proskynesis was understood as a sacred act only to be performed before gods (or their images)rsquo2 This claim is repeated often without much examination from book to book It can be traced back to the work of J Horst whose Proskynein was published in 1932 although written some years earlier3 The period 1918-34 was one of great upheaval for the German Protestant churches in structure theology and liturgy and Horstrsquos book was a contribution to the debate about the last of these Horst was concerned with the nature of worship (Anbetung) and wanted to root any discussion of liturgy in the text of the New Testament On the basis that the word in the New Testament that corresponded to the verb anbeten was προσκυνεῖν Horst took on the task of exploring the use of that word and its cognates in the New Testament But recognizing that προσκυνεῖν was lsquoein eigentuumlmliches griechisches Wortrsquo (lsquoa peculiar Greek wordrsquo) used in both non-religious and religious contexts he widened his investigation to examine the word in Greek literature more fully4 The result is a very valuable study of the words προσκυνεῖν and προσκύνησις which whatever its impact on the German Church (which was limited by the rise of the Nazis the year after its publication and the consequent reorganization of the German churches the following year)5 was welcomed by classicists6 But Horstrsquos underlying theological motivations and his focus on the issue of worship influenced his interpretation of the evidence The claim that the lsquoceremonyrsquo of προσκύνησις was considered by the Greeks appropriate only to the gods and that for them it always had this

2 G M Rogers Alexander the ambiguity of greatness (New York 2004) 175 cf eg I Worthington lsquoAlexander the Great nation-building and the creation and maintenance of empirersquo in Makers of ancient strategy from the Persian Wars to the fall of Rome ed V D Hanson (Princeton 2010) 129 H-U Wiemer Alexander der Grosse (Munich 2005) 138 M J Olbrycht Aleksander Wielki i świat irański (Rzeszoacutew 2004) 35 F Sisti and A Zambrini Arriano Anabasi di Alessandro 2 vols (Rome 2004) II 401 E A Fredricksmeyer lsquoAlexanders religion and divinityrsquo in Brillrsquos companion to Alexander the Great ed J Roisman (Leiden 2003) 253-78 (275) S R Asirvatham lsquoOlympiasrsquo snake and Callisthenesrsquo standrsquo in Between magic and religion interdisciplinary studies in ancient Mediterranean religion and society ed S R Asirvatham C O Pache and J Watrous (Lanham 2001) 109 A B Bosworth A historical commentary on Arrianrsquos History of Alexander 2 vols (Oxford 1980-95) II 68-69 E Badian Collected papers on Alexander the Great (London 2012) 257 (original published in 1981) P A Brunt Arrian History of Alexander and Indica 2 vols (Cambridge Mass and London 1976-83) I 538 P Green Alexander of Macedon 356-323 BC a historical biography (Harmondsworth 1974) 372-73 R J Lane Fox Alexander the Great (London 1974) 321 J R Hamilton Plutarch Alexander a commentary (Oxford 1969) 150 E J Bickerman lsquoAgrave propos drsquoun passage de Chares de Mitylegravenersquo PdP 18 (1963) 241-55 (252) Feodora Prinzessin von Sachsen-Meiningen lsquoProkynesis in Iranrsquo in Geschichte der Hunnen vol 2 Die Hephthaliten in Iran ed F Altheim (Berlin 1960) 125-66 (125) (J P V D Balsdon lsquoThe divinity of Alexander the Greatrsquo Historia 1 (1950) 363-88 (374-76) has a more careful discussion) 3 J Horst Proskynein zur Anbetung im Urchristentum nach ihrer religionsgeschichtlichen Eigenart (Guumltersloh 1932) 4 Horst Proskynein (n 3 above) 2-3 5 On the historical background see K Scholder The churches and the Third Reich preliminary history and the time of illusions 1918-1934 (London 1987) 6 Eg F Schwenn review of Horst Proskynein Gnomon 11 (1935) 479-83

HUGH BOWDEN ON KISSING AND MAKING UP 57

concerned with

sense had been made earlier by P Schnabel7 Schnabel relies for this claim on passages of Arrian which will be discussed later but his conclusions will have provided support for Horstrsquos reading of the wider canon since it was προσκύνησις as a religious practice that Horst was really

A thorough re-examination of προσκύνησις as it concerns Alexander the Great should start with a fresh look at the use of the term in Greek literature In what follows we will consider the way the word was used down to the time of Alexander himself We will also consider the distinct and more problematic question of how it was understood by the surviving writers about Alexander From this two main facts will become clear First while it is certainly true that the word προσκύνησις was sometimes used to describe actions directed towards gods it is by no means obvious that this was its primary meaning Second writers of the Roman imperial period interpreted the word on the basis of their own understanding of the actions to which it referred and this understanding may not be that of the writers of Alexanderrsquos own time

The noun προσκύνησις first occurs in surviving texts in philosophical works from the fourth century in the plural8 the cognate verb προσκυνέω is rather older and the earliest surviving use of the word is in a fragment of Hipponax of Ephesus lsquoAfter waiting for the white-frocked dawn by his side you will προσκυνεῖν to the Hermes of the Phlyasiansrsquo9 The verb is used once by Aeschylus in Persae spoken by a Persian messenger describing the Persians caught in a storm after Salamis praying to earth and heaven10 Herodotus uses it eight times twice he uses it when describing the way Persians and Egyptians greet each other11 passages to which we will return In addition to this Harpagus performs προσκύνησις to his master Astyages King of Media12 Egyptians προσκυνεῖν before a colossal statue set up by Rhampsanitus13 Dariusrsquo companions do προσκύνησις to him when they acknowledge him as king14 Persian courtiers do προσκύνησις to Xerxes15 the Spartan hostages Sperthias and Boulis refuse to do προσκύνησις before Xerxes16 finally in a story of questionable historicity Xerxesrsquo companions do προσκύνησις to him before leaping off his ship to lighten the load in a storm17 It can be seen that all these examples (with the possible exception of the Hipponax fragment where the context is lost) are of Persian or Egyptian behaviour The word is used twice by Euripides also in non-Greek (in both cases Phrygian) contexts Hecabe describes how Helen received προσκύνησις in

7 P Schnabel lsquoDie Begruumlndung des hellenistischen Koumlnigskltes durch Alexanderrsquo Klio 25 (1925) 113-27 (118-20) 8 Plat Leg 887e3 Aristot Rhet 1361a36 9 Fr 37 Diehl = 47 West = 51 Degani 10 A Per 499 11 Hdt 1134 280 12 Hdt 11191 13 Hdt 2121 14 Hdt 386 15 Hdt 7141 16 Hdt 71361 17 Hdt 81184

58 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

Parisrsquo house18 and a Phrygian greets Orestes with the words προσκυνῶ σrsquo ἄναξ νόμοισι βαρβάροισι προσπίτνων19

In other fifth-century dramatic texts the word is used in a wider range of circumstances In Prometheus Bound the chorus suggest that wise men προσκυνεῖν before Adrasteia that is lsquobow to necessityrsquo20 in Sophoclesrsquo Oedipus Tyrannus Oedipus describes himself and the Thebans as suppliants who προσκυνεῖν to Teiresias21 in his Electra Orestes talks of doing προσκύνησις to the seats of his ancestral gods22 in Philoctetes Philoctetes himself talks about doing προσκύνησις to his home on the island of Lemnos and the word is used twice to describe treatment of the bow of Heracles23 in Oedipus Coloneus the messenger describes Theseus lsquodoing προσκύνησις to the earth and to Olympus of the gods at the same timersquo24 a fragment of Sophocles refers to everyone doing προσκύνησις to the man who reversed the course of the sun taken as a reference to Atreus25 In Aristophanes the word occurs twice in Plutus the eponymous god says that he does προσκύνησις to the sun and the land26 while in Vespae Bdelycleon says to Philocleon lsquoYou do not even understand that you are being mocked by the men to whom you almost do προσκύνησις You have not realized that you are a slaversquo27

Xenophon uses the term almost always to describe Persian circumstances Most frequently it refers to greeting the Persian King28 but it is also used of Orontas a Persian noble29 It is also used of honouring gods30 Isocrates uses the word once to describe Persians honouring their King31 The word is used metaphorically by both Demosthenes and Aeschines in their respective speeches on the embassy32 and twice more by Demosthenes once to describe the attitude of barbarians (ie Persians) to those who rule them33 and once in the phrase also found in Prometheus Bound of bowing to necessity34

18 Eur Tro 1021 19 Or 1507 lsquoI προσκυνῶ you king falling before you as is the custom of barbariansrsquo 20 [A] PV 936 cf Dem 2537 Plat Resp 451a4 21 S OT 237 22 S El 1374 23 S Phil 534 657 776 24 S OC 1645 25 S fr 738 Radt 26 Ar Plut 771 27 Ar Vesp 515-7 καταγελώμενος μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἐπαΐεις ὑπrsquo ἀνδρῶν οὓς σὺ μόνον οὐ προσκυνεῖς ἀλλὰ δουλεύων λέληθας 28 Xen Cyr 4413 5318 8314 (referring to Cyrus the Great) Anab 1821 (Cyrus the younger) Hell 4135 (by implication Artaxerxes II) cf Ages 134 Anab 3213 29 Xen Anab 1610 30 Xen Anab 329 (on which see below) Cyr 2419 7532 31 Isoc Paneg 151 32 Dem 19314 Aeschin 2150 In each case the term is used after an evocation of Persian kingship although the effect of this on an audience is difficult to judge 33 Dem 21106 34 Dem 2537

Τhat same phrase is used by Plato in the Republic35 and he uses the word twice more in that work once to describe appropriate behaviour towards the graves of heroes36 and once ironically to describe the respect due to a talented sophist37 In Laws he refers to προκυλίσεις ἅμα καὶ προσκυνήσεις performed by Greeks and Barbarians at the rising and setting of the sun38

From this survey we can draw some conclusions about the use of the words προσκυνεῖν in Greece down to the time of Alexander The use of the term by those who wrote about Alexander both contemporaries and later authors will be discussed later Inevitably almost all the examples come from Athens but they may be taken to reflect more general usage We need to focus on two questions what the word referred to and what it was understood to signify

It is clear that the word was not used consistently to describe a single specific gesture or action The most common assumption of what προσκύνησις involved is based on the statement of Herodotus that when a Persian greets another Persian of much higher status he does προσκύνησις to him lsquothrowing himself on the groundrsquo39 But elsewhere Herodotus describes how when Egyptians pass each other they lsquoπροσκυνεῖν by lowering the hand to the kneersquo40 a gesture that might imply some kind of bow The messenger in Oedipus Coloneus describes Theseus doing προσκύνησις to the earth and the Olympian gods at the same time41 and this same idea of the action taking in earth and sky is also found in Aeschylus and Aristophanes42 This might also point towards a bowing gesture with hand and head moving up and down rather than prostration If we turn to the etymology of the words we find a slightly different meaning Προσκυνέω must mean in origin lsquoI kiss towardsrsquo or lsquoI blow a kissrsquo This gesture is described by Greek authors but not by any earlier than Lucian writing in the middle of the second century AD But it appears visually much earlier in representations of petitioners approaching Near Eastern rulers43 A mirror pair of reliefs originally displayed on the faccedilade of the staircase leading up to Dariusrsquo audience hall at Persepolis are the most monumental examples of the scene A man stands before the King lsquoHe bends forward in a bow lifting his face towards the king and putting his hand to his lips in a gesture of respect to the kingrsquo44

Other similar depictions of the royal audience were displayed at Persepolis and the image was disseminated widely across the Achaemenid empire in a variety of media and

35 Plat Resp 451a4 36 Plat Resp 469b1 37 Plat Resp 398a4 38 Plat Leg 887e1-2 προκυλίσις is literally lsquorolling forwardrsquo 39 Hdt 1134 προσπίπτων προσκυνέει τὸν ἕτερον cf 836 40 Hdt 280 41 S OC 1654-5 42 A Per 499 Ar Plut 771 43 J A Scott lsquoThe gesture of proskynesisrsquo CJ 17 (1922) 403-04 Bickerman lsquoAgrave proposrsquo (n 2 above) 250-52 R N Frye lsquoGestures of deference to royalty in ancient Iranrsquo IA 9 (1972) 102-07 44 L K Allen lsquoLe roi imaginaire an audience with the Achaemenid kingrsquo in Imaginary kings royal images in the ancient Near East Greece and Rome ed O Hekster and R Fowler (Stuttgart 2005) 39-62 (41-42)

60 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

in a variety of contexts and it would have become familiar to Greeks especially those from Ionia as a representation of Persian ceremonial45 It is hardly likely to be a coincidence that the Greek verb προσκυνεῖν first appears in Ionian authors (Hipponax and Herodotus) from the end of the sixth century just when images of a Persian courtier blowing a kiss to the king are spreading across the territories of the empire Indeed the majority of uses of the word προσκυνεῖν in classical authors are in Persian (or more broadly lsquobarbarianrsquo) contexts Although the narrow meaning of the word might be lsquoto blow a kissrsquo it can be seen to be used in a slightly looser sense to mean lsquoto greet in the Persian stylersquo and thus to include within its range of possible meanings lsquoto prostrate oneselfrsquo46

In several of the passages referred to above the verb is used to describe worship of the gods but this can be seen as a secondary meaning One passage of Xenophon that might suggest that προσκυνεῖν had a particularly religious meaning is worth examining In Anabasis Xenophon presents a speech he claims to have given to the mercenaries he was with which aims to inspire them with memories of past victories over the Persians He notes lsquoAs evidence of them it is still possible to see the victory monuments but the greatest proof is the freedom of the cities in which you were born and raised you do προσκύνησις to no human master but to the godsrsquo47 Xenophon is here clearly referring back to the episode in Herodotus where the Spartans Sperthias and Boulis are told to prostrate themselves and assert in response that it is not their custom to do προσκύνησις to men48 Τhe Spartans in Herodotus make no mention of the gods and it is clear that in both passages the contrast being drawn is between the freedom of the Greeks and the enslavement of the subjects of the Persian King In this context Xenophonrsquos additional remark about the gods should be understood as a gesture of lsquoconventional pietyrsquo warding off divine envy rather than a significant statement about Greek religious practice To prostrate oneself before another human being is not to blaspheme but to show oneself a slave as Aristophanes indicates49

We might contrast this use of the word by Xenophon with another incident Xenophon describes how he himself had made a short speech

Just as he said this someone sneezed and the soldiers on a single impulse did προσκύνησις to the god Xenophon said lsquoIt seems to me men that since when we were speaking about our salvation an omen from Zeus the Saviour appeared we should vow to make a thank-offering for our salvation as soon as we reach friendly

45 Allen lsquoLe roi imaginairersquo (n 44 above) 46-62 Examples include sealings from Daskyleion in western Asia Minor dating probably to the reign of Artaxerxes I (465-4243 BC) for which see D Kaptan The Daskyleion bullae seal images from the western Achaemenid empire (Leiden 2002) 46 On the looseness of the meaning of proskynein see H Bolkestein Theophrastosrsquo Charakter der Deisidaimonia als religionsgeschichtliche urkunde (Giessen 1929) 31 47 Anab 3213 48 Hdt 71361 49 Ar Vesp 515-7 See P Briant Alexander the Great and his empire a short introduction (Princeton 2010) 124-25

territory and that we also vow to sacrifice to the other gods as much as is in our powerrsquo50

Xenophon is here offering a characteristically detailed exegesis of the sneeze which we can pass over the idea that a sneeze was a good omen goes back to Homer51 What is interesting for our purposes is that the spontaneous response of the soldiers to a sneeze is προσκύνησις It is clear from Athenaeus that this was a widespread practice52 it was an automatic response to a sneeze equivalent to the practice of saying lsquoBless yoursquo The similarity extends to the fact that saying lsquoBless yoursquo is in form a religious act although usually there is no conscious religious motivation in saying it What is not clear is what Greeks actually did on these occasions It is hardly likely to involve prostration or indeed to be an action that a Greek would be worried about doing spontaneously under any circumstance Above all the story is evidence that not all uses of the word προσκύνησις refer to solemn actions

Clearly προσκυνεῖν was used to describe worshiping gods and reverencing sacred objects and places but equally clearly this is a derivative meaning in the classical period The earliest example of the gesture of blowing a kiss being explicitly described as a greeting to a god comes in Lucianrsquos essay On the Dance and even here it is made clear that the action was not considered primarily a religious act Lucian contrasts the elaborateness with which Indians greet the sun each morning and evening by dancing with the Greek assumption that lsquothe prayer is complete if we have kissed our handrsquo53 What Lucian is objecting to is the habit of greeting the sun merely as one would a casual acquaintance In so complaining he is overstating the case a little since such relatively casual greetings to the gods were not abnormal54 It has long been accepted by scholars of Greek religion if not by historians of Alexander the Great that there was not in classical Greece a separate set of gestures reserved for the gods that could not be used towards mortals55 When the term προσκυνεῖν is used to describe worship of gods it does not necessarily refer to blowing a kiss but it may indicate a certain extravagance of action or excessiveness of reverence that in a Greek mind would characterize the behaviour of a Persian And it is this Persian characteristic that is the primary meaning of the word rather than anything more specific Attempts to come up with a simple description of the form and implication of προσκύνησις although attractive are inevitably oversimplifications which lead to oversimplified interpretations of the stories about it56

50 Xen Anab 329 51 Hom Od 17541-5 52 Athen 266c 53 Lucian de saltat 17 οὐχ ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς τὴν χεῖρα κύσαντες ἡγούμεθα ἐντελῆ ἡμῶν εἶναι τὴν εὐχήν 54 W Burkert Greek religion archaic and classical (Oxford 1985) 75 lsquoA cult image or sanctuary must always be given a friendly greeting ndash a chaire ndash even if one is simply passing by without any reason or else the gesture of a kiss may be made by raising a hand to onersquos lips a short simple prayer may always be addedrsquo 55 J D Mikalson Ancient Greek religion (Oxford 2005) 27 cf G Sissa and M Detienne The daily life of the Greek gods (Stanford 2000) 166-78 56 One of the best attempts is that of J Roisman lsquoHonor in Alexanderrsquos campaignrsquo in Roisman Brillrsquos Companion (n 2 above) 279-321 (291) although it suggests more of a religious context for the gesture than the evidence supports

62 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

Having established this we must still address the fact that the surviving Alexander historians use the term somewhat differently Arrian associates the words προσκυνεῖν and προσκύνησις with Alexanderrsquos desire to be recognized as son of Ammon rather than Philip57 and has Callisthenes distinguish between kissing (φιλεῖσθαι) as the appropriate way to greet a man and προσκύνησις which does not involve any touching as appropriate for gods58 He clearly understood the action to involve prostration referring to Alexanderrsquos companions lsquostanding uprsquo (ἀναστάντα) after performing it59 and having Leonnatus describe a Persian doing it as lsquoabjectrsquo (ταπεινός)60 This interpretation of the word is absolutely clear in authors writing in Latin who use unambiguous phrases such as lsquoipsum salutare prosternentes humi corporarsquo61 and lsquohumi iacentium adulationesrsquo62 It is not clear from Plutarchrsquos use of the words what he thought the term meant or implied beyond the fact that it was the cause of indignation to lsquothe best and oldest of the Macedoniansrsquo63 but it seems likely that he shared Arrianrsquos understanding It follows that when these authors writing in the first and second centuries AD found references to προσκύνησις in their sources they will have assumed that it referred to the act of prostration and interpreted the episodes in that light We should therefore now turn to their accounts of the events

Narrative Structure and Moral Messages Arrian Anabasis 47-14 and Plutarch Alexander 48-55

The discussion of Alexander and προσκύνησις in the surviving ancient accounts is restricted to two stories one involving a substantial debate on the subject is found in Arrian and Curtius64 the other in which a cup is passed round and a kiss bestowed in Arrian and Plutarch65 As we will see some modern scholars have rejected the first of these as fiction but accepted the second as historical and taken it as essentially reliable in detail Plutarch names the original source Chares of Mitylene and there is a tendency to assume that Arrian and Plutarch essentially copied his work66 But this underestimates the extent to which stories about Alexander might be adapted to suit the authorsrsquo own purposes or might have been altered in the transmission As we will see later Charesrsquo story was in origin a story about a boorish courtier not about Alexander In order to assess the stories fully we should start by considering that for authors of the surviving accounts the προσκύνησις episode was part of a broader structure and that they discussed it in ways that worked within the broader context To understand the προσκύνησις stories properly therefore we need to understand their position in the narratives

57 Arr 499 58 Arr 4103 59 Arr 4123 60 Arr 4122 61 Curt 856 lsquoto greet him by prostrating themselves bodily on the groundrsquo 62 Livy 9184 lsquoacts of worship by men lying on the groundrsquo 63 Plut Alex 542-3 64 Arr 4105-122 Curt 855-22 65 Arr 4123-6 Plut Alex 54 66 Eg Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) II 88

Both stories focus on the figure of Callisthenes and are linked to accounts of Callisthenesrsquo subsequent arrest and death In both Plutarch and Arrian the death of Callisthenes is told at the end of a sequence of stories the killing of Cleitus Alexanderrsquos subsequent remorse and his being comforted by the philosophers Anaxarchus and Callisthenes the stories about προσκύνησις then the lsquoPagesrsquo Plotrsquo the implication of Callisthenes in it and his subsequent imprisonment and death The sequence in Plutarch follows directly from a story with similar themes the arrest and trial of Philotas while Arrian starts from the account of the mutilation of Bessus67 It is a normal part of Plutarchrsquos method to group together stories with a similar theme but this is not Arrianrsquos usual approach68 and the sequence requires closer attention

The careful construction and the position of this sequence of stories lsquoat the midpoint of the Anabasisrsquo69 has been noted by scholars as has the fact that the stories are mostly not based on Arrianrsquos principal sources Ptolemy and Aristobulus70 But while it has been noted that the stories illustrate lsquostock themes of rhetoric and moralizing philosophyrsquo71 the implications of this for the reliability of the individual episodes and especially for the stories about προσκύνησις have not been fully appreciated

It would be a mistake to assume that all the elements of Arrianrsquos Anabasis were taken directly from earlier narrative sources The notion that Arrian was choosing between his favoured sources Ptolemy and Aristobulus on the one hand and an alternative lsquovulgatersquo narrative tradition on the other is at best an oversimplification72 Stories about Alexander occur in a number of non-narrative moralizing works from the period of the Roman Empire written in both Latin and Greek73 If we look at the stories that the authors of these works choose to pick out and also how they combine different stories we will get a better understanding of the place of Alexander in the popular imagination at the time that the surviving Alexander historians were writing That image will have had its impact on those writers

67 Important discussions of the sequence in Arrian are Brunt Arrian (n 2 above) II 532-44 Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) II 45-47 calling it lsquoThe Great Digressionrsquo 68 Arr 481 and 4144 both draw attention to the chronological displacement 69 P A Stadter Arrian of Nicomedia (Chapel Hill 1980) 83 70 Brunt Arrian (n 2 above) II 534-7 71 Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) II 45 72 Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) I 20 gives this impression lsquoThere is material from historians other than Ptolemy and Aristobulus which strikes Arrian as memorable and not unconvincing and he has included it under the heading of tales told about Alexander (ὡς λεγόμενα μόνον)rsquo (my italics) But see Bosworth Commentary II 49 (on Alexanderrsquos adoption of Persian dress Arr 474) lsquoArrian is reshaping a standard exemplum for his own purposes without necessarily referring to any specific historical sourcersquo E J Baynham lsquoArrians sources and reliabilityrsquo in The Landmark Arrian ed J Romm (New York 2010) 325-32 (329-30) lists the Greek historians mentioned in Arrianrsquos Indica (a list that does not include Cleitarchus) and suggests that this list represents the range of Arrianrsquos sources for the Anabasis Brunt Arrian (n 2 above) II 537 appears more cautious lsquoIt is plain that the ldquovulgaterdquo [hellip] consists of a variety of traditions or fictionsrsquo 73 D Spencer The Roman Alexander reading a cultural myth (Exeter 2002)

64 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

Valerius Maximus provides a helpful starting point for analysis74 One of his exempla concerns men killed by Alexander

Alexanderrsquos bad temper almost deprived him of his place in heaven for what stood in the way of his ascending there except Lysimachus thrown to a lion Cleitus run through with a spear and Callisthenes ordered to be killed so that he paid back his three greatest victories with the unjust killing of the same number of friends75

As we have seen both Plutarch and Arrian include the deaths of Cleitus and Callisthenes in the same sequence of stories Neither mentions Lysimachus presumably since both were well aware that Alexander did not actually kill him However the story that Alexander shut Lysimachus in a cage with a lion was repeated often76 Several writers make similar connections between the three men named by Valerius Seneca mentions Cleitus and Lysimachus in the same paragraph of his de Ira77 Lucian in Dialogues of the Dead refers to the death of Cleitus alongside a conflation of the stories about Callisthenes and Lysimachus78 Justin links the stories of Lysimachus and Callisthenes79 Arrian comments that he recounted the events leading up to the death of Callisthenes alongside the story of Cleitus and Alexander lsquoconceiving that they were more at home in the narrative herersquo80 In thus linking these examples of lsquoAlexanderrsquos acts of hybrisrsquo81 he (like Plutarch) is following a well-established pattern

Valerius Maximus has another passage on Alexander that is relevant here

The virtue and fortune of king Alexander became uncontrollable through three very clear stages of insolence for out of disdain for Philip he adopted Jupiter Hammon as his father tired of the customs and manners of Macedonia he assumed Persian dress and practices out of scorn for the mortal condition he emulated divinity He was not ashamed to conceal his nature as a son a citizen and a mortal man82

74 See D Spencer lsquoldquoYou should never meet your heroes helliprdquo growing up with Alexander the Valerius Maximus wayrsquo in Philip II and Alexander the Great father and son lives and afterlives ed E Carney and D Ogden (New York 2010) 175-91 75 Val Max 93ext1 lsquoAlexandrum iracundia sua propemodum caelo deripuit nam quid obstitit quo minus illuc adsurgeret nisi Lysimachus leoni obiectus et Clitus hasta traiectus et Callisthenes mori iussus quia tres maximas uictorias totidem amicorum iniustis caedibus uicto reddiditrsquo 76 Eg Plut Demetr 273 Sen de clem 1251 And see below 77 Sen de ira 3172 78 Lucian Dialogi mortuorum 144 with its reference to λέουσι συγκατακλείων πεπαιδευμένους ἄνδρας (lsquolearned men locked up with lionsrsquo) At 36 Lucian has Diogenes point out lsquoCleitus and Callisthenes and many othersrsquo preparing to tear Alexander to pieces 79 Just Epit 1533-16 80 Arr 4144 τούτοις μᾶλλόν τι οἰκεῖα ὑπολαβὼν ἐς τὴν ἀφήγησιν 81 Stadter Arrian (n 71 above) 83 82 Val Max 95ext1 lsquoAlexandri regis uirtus ac felicitas tribus insolentiae euidentissimis gradibus exultauit fastidio enim Philippi Iouem Hammonem patrem asciuit taedio morum et cultus Macedonici uestem et instituta Persica adsumpsit spreto mortali habitu diuinum aemulatus est nec fuit ei pudori filium ciuem hominem dissimularersquo

These three lsquostages of insolencersquo are very much the subject of Arrian and Plutarchrsquos narrative sequences Arrianrsquos version starts with his disapproval of Alexanderrsquos un-Greek (βαρβαρική) mutilation of Bessus and his regret at Alexander being seduced by the luxury of the Medes and the Persians83 His account of the quarrel with Cleitus focuses in particular on Alexanderrsquos supposed rejection of Philip in favour of Zeus as his father and again emphasizes how Alexanderrsquos behaviour was becoming more un-Greek (βαρβαρικώτερον ndash the word is used twice in the episode)84 Finally all three themes come together in Callisthenesrsquo speech in opposition to προσκύνησις where Callisthenes argues that Alexander should receive honours appropriate to a man not a god that Alexander should be considered as the son of Philip and that προσκύνησις is an act that Persians and Medes are used to but that is humiliating for Greeks85 Arrian uses the lsquoGrand Digressionrsquo to address the accusations made against Alexander in passages such as that in Valerius and to deflect their impact partly by drawing universal conclusions from them about the importance of self-control86 and partly by emphasizing Alexanderrsquos compensating virtues87 Plutarch who does not include a speech by Callisthenes in his account puts these three charges against Alexander into the mouth of Cleitus88 But these climactic events are not the only ones where the influence of the moralizing tradition is visible the same themes are visible in the accounts we have from Arrian and Curtius of the lsquomutiny at Opisrsquo89 Although the two accounts are rather different both lay stress on accusations that Alexander preferred barbarians to Macedonians90 and Arrian has Alexander in a speech counter the suggestion that he did not see Philip as his father91

By referring to the lsquovirtue and fortunersquo (lsquovirtus ac felicitasrsquo) of Alexander Valerius is pointing to a very well established topos for moralizing discourse Plutarch wrote a two-book work The Fortune or Virtue of Alexander the Great92 addressing the question of how much of Alexanderrsquos success should be put down to virtue and how much to fortune93 Arrian generally avoids this way of looking at Alexander but he is not totally immune to the vocabulary commenting on Alexanderrsquos rapid defeat of the Indians under Oxicanus that they were defeated by Alexander and Alexanderrsquos fortune94 Curtius also in his obituary of Alexander debates the question coming down firmly on one side lsquoit must be said however that while he owed much to virtue he owed more to fortune which he alone of all mortals

83 Arr 474 84 Arr 48 85 Arr 4112-9 86 Arr 475 491 87 Arr 492 496 88 Plut Alex 506-511 89 Arr 78-11 Curt 10212-43 90 Arr 782 7116 Curt 10227 10311-14 91 Arr 792-5 92 Mor 326d-345b 93 In Plutarchrsquos Life of Alexander Fortune (τύχη) is not always beneficial On the one hand the site of the battle of Issos was a gift of Fortune (204) but at other times Alexander has to fight to overcome τύχη 267 582 94 Arr 6162

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had under his controlrsquo95 This is not an isolated remark Curtius uses the word fortuna 128 times in his work indicating that the question of the role of fortune (or luck) was the lens through which he observed Alexanderrsquos career

What this analysis demonstrates is that there were not two discourses about Alexander in one of which historians sought out what was reliable in earlier historical writings while in the other moralists took these stories and adapted them to suit the message they were trying to communicate96 Rather there was one single discourse and moralizing tales found their way into the histories as often as historical narratives found their way into moral writings This should not be surprising the most sober of our surviving narratives those of Plutarch and Arrian were written by authors steeped in the philosophical tradition

Transferable stories and contested narratives

It is clear that Alexanderrsquos career and episodes within it could be used to make a range of often contrasting moral points In retelling the stories writers would polish them up removing context that got in the way of the central point But such stories could be polished to such an extent that all that was left was an aphorism and these floating aphorisms could be deployed in multiple ways An example is a half-line from the Iliad supposedly quoted in the context of Alexanderrsquos claims to divinity (or the rejection of such claims) In his Life of Alexander Plutarch illustrates what appears to be Alexanderrsquos vacillating understanding of his paternity by referring to a letter to the Athenians where Alexander supposedly called Philip lsquothe man then called my lord and fatherrsquo and adding that later when Alexander was injured he said to his friends lsquothis is blood that is flowing not ldquoichor such as flows in the veins of the blessed godsrdquorsquo97 Here Alexander himself is using the quotation to show that he made no claims to divinity ndash and Plutarch tells the story twice more in Sayings of Kings and Commanders and in On the Fortune of Alexander the Great98 But the same line is attributed by Diogenes Laertius not to Alexander but to the philosopher Anaxarchus Anaxarchus appears in Arrian and Plutarchrsquos accounts of the aftermath of the killing of Cleitus where he is presented in a negative light as encouraging Alexander to think of himself as above the law This is contrasted with the more measured and sober approach of Callisthenes But according to Diogenes Laertius Anaxarchus was a force for moderation and good philosophy

He succeeded in diverting Alexander when he had begun to think himself a god for seeing blood running from a wound he had sustained he pointed to him with his finger and said lsquothis is blood not ldquoichor such as flows in the veins of the blessed godsrdquorsquo99

95 Curt 10535 96 Contra eg A J S Spawforth lsquoThe court of Alexander the Great between Europe and Asiarsquo in The court and court society in ancient monarchies ed A J S Spawforth (Cambridge 2007) 82-120 (89) who contrasts lsquothe anecdotal tradition about Alexander on the one hand and [hellip] the primary Alexander-narratives on the otherrsquo 97 Plut Alex 283 quoting Iliad 5340 ἰχώρ οἷός πέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν 98 Plut Mor 180e 341b 99 D L 960

Diogenes is writing after Plutarch but the line turns up earlier in the elder Senecarsquos first Suasoria Here we have a similar story but with a different tone and a different philosopher According to Senecarsquos story Alexander was beginning to require respect as a god and was then wounded and Callisthenes lsquoseeing the blood marvelled that it was not ldquoichor such as flows in the veins of the blessed godsrdquo and Alexander avenged this witticism with a spearrsquo100 It is not profitable to ask which is the true version quite possibly there was no such incident at any time But once a good story has sprung into being it can be adapted to any situation

A further problem faced by scholars trying to reconstruct the events of Alexanderrsquos reign which was perhaps an incentive for later writers to be inventive with the tradition is the fact that disagreement over the historicity of some episodes starts very early The most entertaining illustration of this is provided by Plutarch when he discusses the historicity of Alexanderrsquos meeting with the queen of the Amazons Plutarch names five historians including Onesicritus and Cleitarchus who claim that the meeting happened and nine others who say that the story was a fiction including Ptolemy Aristobulus and Chares So the story was circulating from very early on Plutarch comments

And it is said that many years afterwards Onesicritus was reading aloud to Lysimachus who was now king the fourth book of his history in which was the tale of the Amazon at which Lysimachus smiled gently and said lsquoAnd where was I at the timersquo101

The fact that Plutarch introduces this story with the word λέγεται (lsquoit is saidrsquo) means of course that even this illustration of the tendency of historians to prefer what makes a good story to what actually happened may itself be only a good story

Another illustration of the problem is provided by Arrian discussing the death of Callisthenes He notes

Callisthenesrsquo fate is variously reported Aristobulus writes that he was dragged about in chains wherever the army went till his health broke and he died According to Ptolemy he was first tortured and then hanged So we see that even the most trustworthy writers men who were actually with Alexander at the time have given conflicting accounts of notorious events with which they must have been perfectly familiar Many other details of this affair have been handled by other writers too in a most confusing and contradictory manner ndash so I can do no better than leave the story as I have told it102

Modern scholars have been less prepared than Arrian to keep an open mind103 but his recognition of the fact that Alexanderrsquos short life was contested probably even before he had finished living it is something that should be borne in mind at all times

100 Seneca Suas 15 101 Plut Alex 462 102 Arr 414 103 Eg Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) I 100 lsquoThere is no doubt that Ptolemyrsquos is the correct versionrsquo Cf Badian Collected papers (n 2 above) 259

68 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

Callisthenes and προσκύνησις

As has been noted the stories about the lsquoexperiment with προσκύνησιςrsquo that survive in the sources all involve the figure of Callisthenes and cannot be detached from the stories told about him Both Plutarch and Arrian introduce their accounts of episodes relating to προσκύνησις with explicit reference to Callisthenesrsquo role104 Any discussion of these stories needs therefore to start with a consideration of the presentation of Callisthenes in the surviving sources

Callisthenesrsquo presence in Alexanderrsquos court is generally recognized as being due to his role as lsquoofficial historianrsquo for Alexander and in this role he was criticized in antiquity for excessive flattery105 However as we have seen in the early imperial period he came to be depicted more as a philosopher who delivered precepts of wisdom to Alexanderrsquos courtiers106 The image of the philosopher in the court of the tyrant telling truth to power was an established one in Greek literature Solon with Croesus and Simonides with Hieron are the most notable examples107 It remained significant in the Hellenistic period up to and beyond the time of Plutarch and Arrian108 Callisthenes as the nephew of Aristotle will have seemed a good candidate for the role even if both the tone of his history and the nature of his character as depicted by contemporary sources suggest that he would not have played it very well

One aspect of Callisthenesrsquo character mentioned a number of times is his inability to behave appropriately at symposia Plutarch says that he often refused invitations lsquoand when he did go into company by his gravity and silence made it appear that he disapproved or disliked what was going onrsquo109 He goes on to talk about an occasion when Callisthenes ἐπὶ τοῦ ποτηρίου (lsquoas the cup was passed to himrsquo) was instructed first to make a speech in praise of the Macedonians and having done that to great acclaim was then asked to make a speech in criticism of them which he did so thoroughly that he was henceforward hated by the Macedonians110 A further story is reported twice in Plutarchrsquos Moralia111 and also in Athenaeus Athenaeus has the fullest version

But the sophist Callisthenes according to Lynceus of Samos in his Reminiscences and Aristobulus and Chares in their Histories pushed aside the cup of unmixed wine when it came to him at Alexanders symposium and when somebody said to him

104 Plut Alex 542 Arr 4105 105 Eg PHerc 1675 (= Philodemus FGrH 124 T 21) Polyb 1212b (citing Timaeus) Str 17143 Fragments and testimonia gathered as FGrH 124 discussion L Pearson The lost histories of Alexander the Great (New York 1960) 22-49 106 Just Epit 1536 (praecepta [hellip] virtutis) Seneca Suas 15 107 Hdt 129-33 Xen Hiero [Plat] Ep 2310e5-311b6 provides a longer list cf V Gray Xenophon on government (Cambridge 2007) 31-32 108 O Murray lsquoPhilosophy and monarchy in the Hellenistic worldrsquo in Jewish perspectives on Hellenistic rulers (Berkeley 2007) 13-28 (esp 16 26) 109 Plut Alex 532 110 Plut Alex 533-4 111 Plut Mor 454e 623f

lsquoWhy donrsquot you drinkrsquo he replied lsquoI donrsquot want to be in need of one of Asclepiusrsquo cups after drinking from one of Alexanderrsquosrsquo112

Since both stories about προσκύνησις found in the Alexander historians are set at symposia and since Chares mentioned as a source for Athenaeusrsquo anecdote is also named by Plutarch as a source for his story about προσκύνησις the existence of stories like this is very significant We should consider that story not simply in the context of προσκύνησις but in the wider context of court etiquette

Charesrsquo story

Chares of Mitylene was Alexanderrsquos εἰσαγγελεύς This term usually translated as lsquochamberlainrsquo is used by Herodotus and Diodorus to refer to a role in the Persian court113 Chares therefore owed his position to Alexanderrsquos development of an elaborate court and while as we have seen he records other stories hostile to Callisthenes there is no reason to suppose that he would have deliberately wanted to tell stories that depicted the adoption of Persian court practices as a bad thing Both Plutarch and Arrian record versions of a story involving Callisthenes a cup and a kiss Plutarchrsquos version is as follows

Chares of Mitylene says that once in the symposium Alexander after drinking handed the cup to one of his friends and he on receiving it stood and turned towards the hearth and when he had drunk first did προσκύνησις then kissed Alexander and then returned to his couch As all the guests were doing this in turn Callisthenes took the cup while the king was not paying attention but chatting to Hephaestion and after he had drunk went forward for the kiss but when Demetrius surnamed Pheido said lsquoMy King donrsquot kiss him ndash he is the only one not to do προσκύνησιςrsquo Alexander declined the kiss at which Callisthenes exclaimed in a loud voice lsquoSo I depart the poorer by a kissrsquo114

Arrianrsquos version of the story introduced by the phrase lsquothe following story has also been written downrsquo is almost identical115 However he makes no mention of the hearth and he adds the detail that Alexander passed the cup lsquofirst to those with whom the issue of προσκύνησις had been agreedrsquo116 Quite elaborate theories have been built on the reference to the hearth117 but it is clear that neither Plutarch nor Arrian recognized any significance to it118 Because Arrian links this story closely to that of the debate the nature of the occasion in his version is a little difficult to judge (see below) As Plutarch

112 Athen 10434d 113 Hdt 3842 Diod 16473 114 Plut Alex 543 115 Arr 4123-5 ἀναγέγραπται δὲ δὴ καὶ τοῖόσδε λόγος 116 Arr 4123 πρώτοις μὲν τούτοις πρὸς οὕστινας ξυνέκειτο αὐτῷ τὰ τῆς προσκυνήσεως 117 Hamilton Plutarch Alexander (n 2 above) 150 lists examples 118 Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) II 89 Badian Collected papers (n 2 above) 258-59

70 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

tells it however we have an account of something that simply happened ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ (lsquoin the symposiumrsquo) that is in the course of a normal eveningrsquos drink 119

We should recognize that Charesrsquo story belongs to a particular genre that is of stories set at symposia that reveal the character of the host or of a guest (or both) ndash often because of their unmannerly or disorderly conduct120 An obvious early example of the genre is the story of Hippocleides at the palace of Cleisthenes of Sicyon reported by Herodotus121 Like the moralizing stories discussed earlier these stories would not have been tied to specific narratives but could have circulated in collections Lynceus of Samosrsquo Apomnemoneumata (lsquoReminiscencesrsquo) might well have been of this kind And like those and other stories they may end with some kind of a punchline Although Herodotus embeds his account of Hippocleidesrsquo behaviour in his general narrative it is clear that the story circulated because of Hippocleidesrsquo remark οὐ φροντὶς Ἱπποκλείδῃ (lsquoHippocleides doesnrsquot carersquo) In the same way Charesrsquo story has a punchline it ends with Callisthenes saying loudly (μέγα φθεγξάμενον) according to Plutarch lsquoI depart poorer by a kissrsquo The phrase is essentially identical in Plutarch and Arrianrsquos versions122 Like Hippocleidesrsquo remark this would have been easily recognized as a foolish and boorish thing for Callisthenes to say a kiss from the king was a considerable benefaction and so to make light of not receiving one was to insult Alexander This is worth exploring further

In the fourth century it was certainly the case that the bestowal of a kiss on a favoured courtier was recognized as a practice normal in Persian courts123 However there is no suggestion that it was seen by Greeks as particularly problematic or lsquobarbaricrsquo124 Plutarch and Arrianrsquos readers would have recognized the bestowal of a kiss as a sign of honour and therefore Callisthenesrsquo remark as rudeness Roman emperors from Augustus onwards established court protocols that included the daily kiss bestowed on the emperorrsquos amici to mark their status125 In his Panegyricus Plutarchrsquos contemporary Pliny draws attention to the value placed on receiving a kiss from Trajan126 Whether or not kissing was a part of Macedonian court etiquette before Alexander is not clear (see below) In those courts where it was used it is clear that it was valued by courtiers precisely because it broke

119 Plutarchrsquos reference (Alex 551) to Hephaestion claiming that Callisthenes had promised to perform προσκύνησις and then reneged indicates that Plutarch knew the story of the debate in which there is an important element of pre-planning It is not proof of pre-planning in Charesrsquo story which clearly ends with Callisthenesrsquo departing comment For the opposite view Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) II 88 but see the discussion below 120 G Paul lsquoSymposia and deipna in Plutarchrsquos Lives and in other historical writingsrsquo in Dining in a classical context ed W J Slater (Ann Arbor 1991) 157-69 121 Hdt 6129 122 Plut Alex 543 φιλήματι τοίνυν ἔλασσον ἔχων ἄπειμι Arr 4125 φιλήματι ἔλαττον ἔχων ἄπειμι 123 Xen Cyr 1427 Ages 55 124 Xenophon tells the story of Agesilaus declining to kiss the young Megabates and thus leaving him feeling insulted but the story is told to show Agesilausrsquo self-control (enkrateia) he is physically attracted to Megabates so by refusing to kiss him he is resisting his sexual impulses (Ages 54-6) 125 L Friedlaumlnder Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire 4 volumes (London 1908-13) I 89-92 IV 58-60 J Paterson lsquoFriends in high places the creation of the court of the Roman emperorrsquo in Spawforth Court and Court Society (n 96 above) 121-56 cf Suet Tib 342 Otho 61 Dio 59271 126 Plin Pan 231 242

down the barrier between subject and monarch for those privileged enough to be allowed to kiss the king In that sense it did the opposite to what Roman writers and many modern scholars have believed was the purpose of προσκύνησις that is to create a distance between king and everyone else

If we return to Charesrsquo story in the light of this discussion it becomes clear that as Plutarch and Arrian report it there is something rather odd about the train of events The problem lies with the act of προσκύνησις itself As we have seen the word was used refer to actions ranging from a response to a sneeze up to prostration It is not clear what is being referred to in the story as we have it Plutarch and Arrian start from the assumption that the courtiers were asked to do something that Callisthenes might reasonably object to and modern scholars have naturally assumed that it refers to a formal action that Alexander wanted to introduce into court protocol (whether or not this involved prostration) In the context of a symposium for Alexanderrsquos friends to stand up drink from a cup then perform a gesture associated with greeting or bidding goodbye to the king and then receive a kiss and resume their place is meaningless It has been suggested that Alexander was requiring his friends to engage in an action that emphasized the distance between them and him (προσκύνησις) and then rewarding them by a gesture that emphasized closeness (kissing)127 but it is not obvious what this would achieve when it took place in a symposium rather than a public context One way of explaining this would be to suggest that at a symposium all kinds of games might take place and that the performance of προσκύνησις was simply that a performance ndash Greeks acting like Persians There is no suggestion that there were any Persians present this was Alexander amongst his friends If it were a game Callisthenesrsquo refusal to play would fit with the picture of him as someone who was a poor guest at symposia but would hardly represent a principled stand against tyranny In the light of the earlier discussion of the malleability of the stories that make up our narratives about Alexander we should consider a more radical explanation for why the story we have takes the form it does

As we have seen this story is part of a sequence linking the death of Cleitus to the death of Callisthenes and it occupies an identical position in the sequence in the narratives of Plutarch and Arrian The sequence of stories focuses on Alexanderrsquos failings and these failings are voiced by the two victims of the events described Cleitus and Callisthenes It is reasonable to suppose that this sequence had been constructed earlier to illustrate Alexanderrsquos moral weakness and was adopted by both Plutarch and Arrian In either case this would mean that the two authors are not in fact drawing independently on Charesrsquo text The sequence includes an occasion when Callisthenes is depicted publicly speaking in opposition to προσκύνησις this is referred to briefly by Plutarch128 and presented in detail by Arrian129 and Charesrsquo story is an addendum to that We have also seen that stories involving Callisthenes were modified and rewritten to present him as standing up for freedom against tyranny It is quite possible that these two processes have been at work in this case In that case it may be that Charesrsquo story was not originally about προσκύνησις at

127 E A Fredricksmeyer lsquoAlexander the Great and the kingship of Asiarsquo in Alexander the Great in fact and fiction ed A B Bosworth and E J Baynham (Oxford 2000) 136-66 (156-57) 128 Plut Alex 542 129 Arr 4105-126 Discussion is below

72 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

all Rather it was a story about Callisthenes failing to perform some other act as part of a symposium We have already noted a rather similar story attributed to Chares in which Callisthenes declined to drink from the cup that was being passed around130 it is not impossible that a writer looking for a story about Callisthenes standing up to Alexander transformed the reluctance to drink into a refusal to perform προσκύνησις Even if that is not the case Chares was clearly the source of a number of anecdotes about Callisthenes any one of which might have been adapted to fit its new role

Whatever may have been the original version of the story it is in any case difficult to see it as part of any lsquoexperiment with προσκύνησιςrsquo Προσκύνησις understood to refer to the way Persians behaved when they came into the presence of the King was a formal action performed in public situations The cup-and-kiss story takes place in a more informal private setting where Alexander is apparently only with his Macedonian and Greek friends No-one other than Callisthenes is presented as objecting to whatever action they are asked to perform It gains its relevance from being told immediately after a story where Callisthenes is presented as arguing against the introduction of προσκύνησις It is to that which we should now turn

The Debate

Both Quintus Curtius Rufus and Arrian describe an occasion when a philosopher in Alexanderrsquos court advocates the introduction of προσκύνησις Plutarch clearly knew this story too since as we have seen he refers to it in introducing the cup-and-kiss story from Chares A certain amount of scepticism has been expressed about the historicity of the story although it has had its defenders131 The outline of the story is that one person with Alexanderrsquos encouragement but in his absence makes a speech arguing that Alexander had achieved such great things surpassing Heracles and Dionysus that he deserved like them to be worshipped as a god Callisthenes then makes a speech opposing this which angers Alexander but pleases the Macedonians present As a result Alexander sends a message to say that he will not require προσκύνησις from his Greek and Macedonian courtiers Then on Alexanderrsquos return the Persians present perform προσκύνησις and one of them is mocked by one of Alexanderrsquos Macedonians angering the king

Although the two historians are clearly describing the same thing and presumably drawing on a common original there are some differences between the versions Some of the names are different Curtius attributes the opening speech to Cleon of Sicily while Arrian puts it in the mouth of Anaxarchus132 These choices are determined by the writersrsquo broader aims Curtius is drawing a clear contrast between Greeks who are presented as corrupt flatterers133 and the upright Macedonians Arrian is following a tradition also found in Plutarch that presents Anaxarchus and Callisthenes as rival philosophers

130 Ath 10434d 131 See Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) II 77-78 for the state of the debate More recent scholarship has tended to follow Bosworth and to accept its historicity eg M Faraguna lsquoAlexander and the Greeksrsquo in Roisman Brillrsquos companion (n 2 above) 99-132 (118) Roisman lsquoHonorrsquo (n 56 above) 319 132 Curt 8510 Arr 4105 133 Curt 857-8

constantly at odds with each other134 We have already seen that the quotation from Homer about ichor was attributed by different authors to each of these two men with opposite intentions so their rivalry was an established literary topos As with other such stories it was malleable Plutarch presents Callisthenes as tactful and gentle and Anaxarchus as rough and aggressive135 Arrian in contrast makes Anaxarchus the gentler136 and Callisthenes the more uncouth137 Similarly different names are given for the Macedonian who mocked the Persian performance of προσκύνησις Polyperchon in Curtius Leonnatus in Arrian This element of the story could also float freely from the rest of the debate Plutarch who as we have seen chooses not to describe the debate in his narrative attributes the mockery to Cassander and places the story in Babylon shortly before Alexanderrsquos death138

The two versions set the debate in somewhat different circumstances Curtius emphasizes that it took place at a major event to which Persians were especially (and by implication unusually) invited139 In contrast Arrian sets the story at a symposium140 Regardless of whether or not the story has any basis in historical reality Curtiusrsquo public occasion makes more sense as a place where προσκύνησις might be performed141 Arrianrsquos decision to move the events to a symposium is easy to understand on the basis that he sees the debate and the cup-and-kiss incident happening during the same single event When retelling that story he says nothing about its context but refers to lsquothose with whom the issue of προσκύνησις had been agreed (ξυνέκειτο)rsquo142 This is clearly a reference back to the introduction to the account of the debate where he notes that lsquoit had been agreed (ξυγκεῖσθαι) between Alexander and the sophists and the most notable of the Persians and Medes in his circle to introduce discussion of this topic at a symposiumrsquo143 This is evidence of Arrianrsquos willingness to adapt the stories he found to make a more satisfying narrative structure It also suggests that he was aware that the stories he introduces with phrases like lsquoτοῖόσδε κατέχει λόγοςrsquo (lsquothe story goes something like thisrsquo) and lsquoἀναγέγραπται δὲ δὴ καὶ τοῖόσδε λόγοςrsquo (lsquoa story something like this is recordedrsquo)144 had possibly been altered in the telling and could therefore be further altered by him

When we examine the terms of the debate itself however we have to recognize that it could not have taken place in Alexanderrsquos own time The argument of Anaxarchus in

134 Plut Alex 52 E N Borza lsquoAnaxarchus and Callisthenes academic intrigue at Alexanderrsquos courtrsquo in Ancient Macedonian studies in honour of Charles F Edson ed H Dell (Thessaloniki 1981) 73-86 135 Plut Alex 522 5 136 Arr 497-8 137 Arr 4101 138 Plut Alex 742-3 139 Curt 859 140 Arr 4105 ἐν πότῳ 141 Badian Collected papers (n 2 above) 258 notes that in Arrian lsquothe stage-setting is left a little defective as the logos is worked into his main narrativersquo 142 Arr 4122 143 Arr 4105 Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) II 88 assumes that there were two distinct occasions each involving pre-planning an unnecessarily complicated interpretation 144 Arr 4105 4122

74 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

Arrian is that Alexander has proved himself worthy of divine honours since his achievements are greater than those of Dionysus and Heracles (who were themselves respectively Theban and Argive and therefore less worth honouring than a true Macedonian) and that προσκύνησις was the appropriate form of divine honour to pay to Alexander145 Cleonrsquos speech in Curtius was written earlier and is fuller clarifying the argument as presented in Arrian146 He implies that it was commonly accepted that Dionysus and Heracles were mortals who went on to become gods (and Callisthenes in his response implies that this deification happened only after their deaths) He also implies that the Persians performed προσκύνησις to their kings because they were worshipping them as gods147 We have seen in the first part of this article that Greeks (and by implication Macedonians) in Alexanderrsquos time understood that προσκύνησις in Persia was not a form of worship and that it was also not a peculiarly religious action for Greeks either Furthermore in the story προσκύνησις is taken to mean prostration (hence the mockery of the Persians who performed it by Polyperchon or Leonnatus) and it is clear that this would not have been expected of leading Persians let alone of Alexanderrsquos companions But we should also consider the claim that Dionysus was a mortal who was subsequently made a god This would not have been considered the standard story for fourth-century Macedonians The central theme of Euripidesrsquo Bacchae first performed in Macedonia some seventy years earlier was that Dionysus was not a mere mortal148 Alternative traditions about Dionysus that may have circulated in Macedonia throughout the fourth century and later associated with the poems of Orpheus refer to his destruction as an infant by the Titans and subsequent rebirth ndash making him even less like a mortal149 To argue that Alexanderrsquos situation paralleled that of Dionysus would not have made obvious sense to an educated fourth-century audience or even an uneducated one

Callisthenesrsquo speech in response also includes arguments that would not have made sense in the fourth century BC Here it is Arrianrsquos version that is longer as his Callisthenes demonstrates a more developed theological understanding claiming as a significant part of his argument a clear distinction between the cult of gods and heroes lsquoDifferent honours are given to different gods and indeed different ones to heroes which are distinct from those of the divinityrsquo150 A recent study of Greek practice in the period does not support the idea that gods and heroes received different forms of cult151 Nor is

145 Arr 4106-111 The mention of the city of origin of Heracles and Dionysus not mentioned in Curtius looks like a typical example of Arrian adding an erudite detail to give more weight to his account or show off his familiarity with Greek traditions cf 2161-6 331 146 Curt 8510-12 147 Curt 8511 lsquoPersas [hellip] reges suos inter deos colerersquo 148 Eur Ba 20-22 ending ἵνrsquo εἴην ἐμφανὴς δαίμων βροτοῖς lsquoSo that I may appear clearly as a god to mortalsrsquo 149 The story Plut Mor 996b-c M L West The Orphic poems (Oxford 1983) 82-94 argues that the story was part of the poem on which the text of the Derveni Papyrus is a commentary 150 Arr 4113 151 G Ekroth The sacrificial rituals of Greek hero-cults in the Archaic to the early Hellenistic periods (Liegravege 2002) 341 lsquoThe worshippers sacrificed and ate just as in the cult of the gods The heroes cannot be understood as a category ritually isolated from the godsrsquo Cf A Verbanck-Pieacuterard lsquoHeacuteros attiques au jour le jour les calendriers des degravemesrsquo in Les Pantheacuteons des cites des origines agrave la Peacuterieacutegegravese de Pausanias ed V Pirenne-Delforge (Liegravege 1998) 109-27 (119 127)

Arrianrsquos choice of terms appropriate references to lsquothe divinityrsquo (τὸ θεῖον) start to appear in Greek inscriptions only around 200 BC152 All of this suggests that the arguments were composed well after Alexanderrsquos death

Now some of these difficulties have been recognized by those scholars who defend the historicity of the debate Badian comments

The set debate on deification which the ancients seem at least some centuries later to have accepted as the true account obviously cannot be as readily accepted by modern scholars It reads too much like a pamphlet153

Bosworth while claiming that there was a lsquohistorical corersquo notes

In Curtius the sentiments voiced are clearly anachronistic rhetorical platitudes of the early Empire [hellip] Arrianrsquos material is more Hellenistic in flavour and could well echo the contemporary debate on the propriety of deifying a living man [see below passim] The source (or sources) is beyond identification154

But the substance of the argument in Arrian is identical to that in Curtius Anaxarchusrsquo speech is an abbreviated version of Cleonrsquos while Arrianrsquos Callisthenes develops his argument at greater length than Curtiusrsquo but that argument makes the same two points that it was inappropriate to offer to men the same honours as are offered to gods and that it was wrong for a Macedonian to adopt the habits of the Persians Any lsquoHellenistic flavourrsquo in Arrianrsquos version is more that of the second sophistic than of an earlier period

It can be suggested that the early imperial period also offered a potential specific model for Curtiusrsquo depiction of Callisthenes as a guiltless philosopher killed by a tyrant the younger Seneca forced to commit suicide by Nero As with Callisthenes in the surviving sources Senecarsquos death was the result of his being implicated in a plot against the ruler155 Curtius also suggests that Callisthenes had been at least earlier in their relationship a moderating influence on Alexander156 as Seneca was on Nero157 Comparison has been drawn between the style of Curtius and of the elder Seneca158 If

152 Eg IMag 100a16 IG IIsup2 9943 153 Badian Collected papers (n 2 above) 260 He goes on to argue somewhat puzzlingly that the fact that the lsquoπροσκύνησις affairrsquo was not included by Ptolemy and Aristobulus lsquoserves [hellip] to underline its importancersquo and concludes that lsquothe least we must accept from the tradition is that Callisthenes reminded Alexandermdashwho surely did not need remindingmdashthat προσκύνησις for Greeks implied deification and that this would be thought offensive to at least some Greek sentimentrsquo 154 Bosworth Commentary (n 2 above) 77-78 Despite the mention of a lsquocontemporary debatersquo Bosworth cites very little fourth century evidence for one See T S Brown lsquoAlexander and Callisthenesrsquo AJP 70 (1949) 225-48 (242) lsquoThe arguments used suggest Roman influence [hellip] In all probability there never was a debate over deification in Alexanderrsquos courtrsquo 155 Tac Ann 1548-65 156 Curt 8822 157 Eg Tac Ann 132 5 158 E J Baynham Alexander the Great the unique history of Quintus Curtius (Ann Arbor 1998) 27-30

76 BICS-56-2 ndash 2013

Curtius was writing under Vespasian159 then Seneca whose last thoughts were written down and widely circulated160 would have been a representative of lsquogravitas [hellip] et prompta libertasrsquo161 (lsquoseriousness and readiness to speak freelyrsquo) to which Callisthenes could be compared

As we have also seen the story attributed to Chares finds its place in the narrative as a support for the story of the debate rather than as reliable independent evidence for opposition to προσκύνησις162 We must therefore accept that since the arguments from which the debate is constructed in our surviving sources could not have been made in Alexanderrsquos own time the debate cannot be taken as historical However it is entirely understandable as a piece of writing put together to dramatize the issue of the appropriateness of offering divine honours to mortal rulers ndash a debate that was a lot more significant in early imperial Rome than it would have been in the classical or Hellenistic Greek worlds

Προσκύνησις in Imperial Rome

Concern about προσκύνησις is visible most clearly in relation to the activities of Gaius although it was an issue both before and after that163 Accounts of his reign refer to a number of incidents where senators did προσκύνησις to him164 Most of the evidence refers to one incident but the fact that Claudius formally forbade προσκύνησις suggests that it was an established practice under Gaius165 Modern scholars have tended to discuss this evidence in the context of Gaiusrsquo desire to be worshipped as a god but Seneca associates it more with emulation of Persian kingship and therefore an attack on liberty166 In fact the same association of προσκύνησις with both notions of the Persian style of kingship and claims of divinity is found both in ancient discussions of Gaius and in the arguments in the debate in the Alexander historians suggesting a quite precise point of origin for the debate story as we have it167

159 On the date of Curtius there is no scholarly agreement J E Atkinson A commentary on Q Curtius Rufusrsquo Historiae Alexandri Magni Books 3 and 4 (Amsterdam 1980) 19-57 argues that he wrote under Claudius Baynham Unique history (n 158 above) 201-19 prefers Vespasian 160 Tac Ann 1563 161 Curt 8513 162 Badian Collected papers (n 2 above) 258-60 recognizes the problem but his solution (that Chares made up his story as propaganda against Callisthenes) does not convince 163 Dio has stories involving Nero (6343) and Domitian (67134) By the time Dio was writing the practice appears to have been taken for granted Herodian 3118 Antonyrsquos attempt to offer a crown to Julius Caesar was depicted as including prostration Cic Phil 285-6 164 Suet Vit 2 Dio 59241 5927 cf Tac Ann 632 Philo Leg 116 165 Dio 6054 166 Sen Ben 2121-2 lsquout mores liberae civitatis Persica servitute mutaretrsquo Cf eg A A Barrett Caligula the corruption of power (London 1989) 150-51 J M Roldaacuten Caliacutegula El autocrata inmaduro (Madrid 2012) 282-84 167 Pompeius Trogus who wrote before Gaiusrsquo reign associates προσκύνησις with Persian monarchy but not divinity if he is accurately summarized by Justin (1271)

Conclusion

Alexanderrsquos Macedonian companions were at no time required to prostrate themselves in front of Alexander and there is no doubt that they would have been outraged if they had been asked to do so But it is clear that this was never proposed On the other hand there were many aspects of Persian court life including the comfortable and luxurious clothing and the large-scale feasting that they were happy to take part in ndash not least because this was not so different from the life of the Macedonian court under Philip168 The idea of an lsquoexperiment with προσκύνησιςrsquo ndash an experiment that failed and was not repeated ndash is an invention of the later tradition It was inspired by distaste amongst writers of the Roman imperial period for what they took corrupting Persian practices to involve A set-piece literary debate based on principles and assumptions that would not have been accepted in the fourth century BC was combined with an adapted symposium story that originally had a completely different message to create the episode we find in Arrian and Plutarch In this article I have deconstructed the evidence and placed the individual pieces into their wider contexts to demonstrate that in the form it comes down to us it reflects the prejudices of the periods after Alexander rather than the historical reality of his own time This reassessment of the episode has wider implications The story can no longer be taken as good evidence for Macedonian resentment of Alexanderrsquos adoption of aspects of Persian court practice More importantly it cannot be used as evidence about Alexanderrsquos supposed desire for worship or recognition of his lsquodivine sonshiprsquo169 Indeed it tells us rather more about the way that the figure of Alexander was being used in the Roman debate about the divinity and the autocratic power of the emperor170 The issues raised in the discussion of the episode including the nature of Alexanderrsquos kingship the functioning of his court and the question of how far his aims and his understanding of his role changed in the course of his campaign are important ones But the result of focusing on a made-up story is that serious discussion of these issues remains distorted and obscured Kingrsquos College London

168 Cf Plut Alex 39-40 There are indications that wearing Persian dress might be considered a privilege bestowed by Alexander Plut Alex 315 cf Diod 19145 Spawforth lsquoThe court of Alexanderrsquo (n 99 above) 92 notes lsquoTwo striking characteristics of Alexanderrsquos reign his interest in the appearances of power and his imitation of the Persian royal court can be situated on a larger trajectory rooted in his fatherrsquos ldquoMacedonian revolutionrdquorsquo Cf D Kienast Philipp II von Makedonien und das Reich der Achaumlmeniden (Munich 1971) 169 As for example Fredricksmeyer lsquoReligion and divinityrsquo (n 2 above) 274-78 where προσκύνησις is discussed under the heading lsquoAlexander the Godrsquo 170 For a very brief discussion see Spencer Roman Alexander (n 73 above) 178-80

04-bowden-03_corr-04pdf

blank page

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ltFEFF004200720075006700200069006e0064007300740069006c006c0069006e006700650072006e0065002000740069006c0020006100740020006f007000720065007400740065002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e007400650072002c0020006400650072002000620065006400730074002000650067006e006500720020007300690067002000740069006c002000700072006500700072006500730073002d007500640073006b007200690076006e0069006e00670020006100660020006800f8006a0020006b00760061006c0069007400650074002e0020004400650020006f007000720065007400740065006400650020005000440046002d0064006f006b0075006d0065006e0074006500720020006b0061006e002000e50062006e00650073002000690020004100630072006f00620061007400200065006c006c006500720020004100630072006f006200610074002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020006f00670020006e0079006500720065002egt DEU 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 ESP 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 ETI 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 GRE 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 HEB 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 HRV (Za stvaranje Adobe PDF dokumenata najpogodnijih za visokokvalitetni ispis prije tiskanja koristite ove postavke Stvoreni PDF dokumenti mogu se otvoriti Acrobat i Adobe Reader 50 i kasnijim verzijama) HUN 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 ITA 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 JPN ltFEFF9ad854c18cea306a30d730ea30d730ec30b951fa529b7528002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020658766f8306e4f5c6210306b4f7f75283057307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a30674f5c62103055308c305f0020005000440046002030d530a130a430eb306f3001004100630072006f0062006100740020304a30883073002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee5964d3067958b304f30533068304c3067304d307e305930023053306e8a2d5b9a306b306f30d530a930f330c8306e57cb30818fbc307f304c5fc59808306730593002gt KOR ltFEFFc7740020c124c815c7440020c0acc6a9d558c5ec0020ace0d488c9c80020c2dcd5d80020c778c1c4c5d00020ac00c7a50020c801d569d55c002000410064006f0062006500200050004400460020bb38c11cb97c0020c791c131d569b2c8b2e4002e0020c774b807ac8c0020c791c131b41c00200050004400460020bb38c11cb2940020004100630072006f0062006100740020bc0f002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e00300020c774c0c1c5d0c11c0020c5f40020c2180020c788c2b5b2c8b2e4002egt LTH 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 LVI 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 NLD (Gebruik deze instellingen om Adobe PDF-documenten te maken die zijn geoptimaliseerd voor prepress-afdrukken van hoge kwaliteit De gemaakte PDF-documenten kunnen worden geopend met Acrobat en Adobe Reader 50 en hoger) NOR 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 POL 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 PTB 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 RUM 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 RUS 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 SKY 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 SLV 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 SUO 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 SVE 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 TUR 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 UKR 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 ENU (Use these settings to create Adobe PDF documents best suited for high-quality prepress printing Created PDF documents can be opened with Acrobat and Adobe Reader 50 and later) gtgt Namespace [ (Adobe) (Common) (10) ] OtherNamespaces [ ltlt AsReaderSpreads false CropImagesToFrames true ErrorControl WarnAndContinue FlattenerIgnoreSpreadOverrides false IncludeGuidesGrids false IncludeNonPrinting false IncludeSlug false Namespace [ (Adobe) (InDesign) (40) ] OmitPlacedBitmaps false OmitPlacedEPS false OmitPlacedPDF false SimulateOverprint Legacy gtgt ltlt AddBleedMarks false AddColorBars false AddCropMarks false AddPageInfo false AddRegMarks false ConvertColors ConvertToCMYK DestinationProfileName () DestinationProfileSelector DocumentCMYK Downsample16BitImages true FlattenerPreset ltlt PresetSelector MediumResolution gtgt FormElements false GenerateStructure false IncludeBookmarks false IncludeHyperlinks false IncludeInteractive false IncludeLayers false IncludeProfiles false MultimediaHandling UseObjectSettings Namespace [ (Adobe) (CreativeSuite) (20) ] PDFXOutputIntentProfileSelector DocumentCMYK PreserveEditing true UntaggedCMYKHandling LeaveUntagged UntaggedRGBHandling UseDocumentProfile UseDocumentBleed false gtgt ]gtgt setdistillerparamsltlt HWResolution [2400 2400] PageSize [612000 792000]gtgt setpagedevice
