KERALA SOCIETY: STRUCTURE AND CHANGE

KERALA SOCIETY:STRUCTURE AND CHANGE

(SOC4 E07)

IV SEMESTER

ELECTIVE COURSE

M.A. SOCIOLOGY

UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT

Malappuram - 673 635 Kerala.

190366

School of Distance Education,Calicut University P.O.

School of Distance Education

Kerala Society: Structure and Change 2

UNIVERSITY OF CALICUT


Study Material

IV SEMESTER

ELECTIVE COURSE (SOC4 E07)

M.A. SOCIOLOGY

KERALA SOCIETY: STRUCTURE ANDCHANGEPrepared by:

Scrutinized by:Dr. Biju Vincent,Asst. Professor & Head,Dept. of Sociology,Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit, Kalady.

DISCLAIMER“The author shall be solely responsible for thecontent and views expressed in this book”

Dr. Aswathi Kunjumon,Faculty of Sociology,Sacred Heart College (Autonomous),Thevara.



CONTENTS

MODULE TOPIC PAGENO

1Social structure of Kerala:Ancient and Medieval period,and Colonial Penetration

2 Caste and social reform

3 Structural Changes in Kerala

4 Kerala Society in Twentieth

NO. OF CREDITS: 4

SOC4 E07 KERALA SOCIETY: STRUCTURE ANDCHANGE

Objectives

To familiarise the student with the social structure ofKerala

To analyse the major transformations that have taken placein Kerala

To study about the major movements that have influencedKerala society

To understand the contemporary Kerala society and itsunique features

76Century

5

35movements in Kerala

60





MODULE 1

SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF KERALA:ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL PERIOD, AND

COLONIAL PENETRATION

1.1 Kerala Society : Historiographic Trends and Approaches

1.2 Kerala under Perumal : Socio political structure, FeudalAgrarian structure, Nadu and Naduvazhi, Temple centredadministration

1.3 Medieval Society: Christian, Jewish and Islamicpresence, Colonial expansion.

Historiographical Trends

The growth of colonialism and the introduction of moderneducation helped for the emergence of modern historicalwriting in Kerala. Most of the works written during the earlyphase were more describing and the authors did not deep intothe causes of the events. While they wrote factual history ofthe modern period, they relied more upon the traditionalsources and legends for reconstructing the history of earlierperiods.

However certain works of historiographical importance hadbeen produced in Kerala in the earlier period also. The twosignificant works of the earlier period were :MooshakavamsaKavya and Tuhfat-ul- Mujahiddin. Mooshakavamsa Kavyabelongs to the ‘Kavya’ tradition of the Indian historicalwriting; it was prepared by Atula in the 11th century and isgenerally considered as the first historical chronicle ofKerala. Atula, was the court poet of Srikanta, the king of the



Mushaka or Ezhimala kingdom of North Malabar. The workis blend of legends and facts. The author relies upon legendsand traditions for recording the early history of the kingdom,but when it comes to more recent and contemporary periods,the description become more factual and historical.

The author relates the origin of the Mushaka dynasty to atraditional myth. According to this, the pregnant queen ofMahishmati escaped to Ezhimala to save herself from themassacre of the legendary hero, Parasurama. She then gavebirth to the son Ramaghata who eventually became thefounder of the Mushaka kingdom. As he was said to be bornin a mouse burrow, his dynasty got the name, Mushaka.Ramaghata is said to have built the capital city,Kolapattanam. According to the description of Atula,Srikanta is the 118th ruler of the dynasty, and some otherimportant rulers mentioned are Nandan, Vikramaraman,Ugran etc. The name of the king Nandan of Ezhimala isreferred in the sangam work also. Nandan is characterised asthe one who is involved in worldly pleasures both inMushakavamsa and in Akanananru. The most importantking of the dynasty was Vallabhan II, who founded the portsof Marahi (madayi) and Valabhapattanam (valapattanam).He is also said to have helped the Cheras in their fight againstCholas.

The Mushakavamsa Kavya has more than one thousandsongs divided into fifteen cantos. The work providesinformation about the penetration of the Cheras into theEzhimala kingdom. Atula had given the chronology of theMushaka rulers from Ranaghata to Srikanta. As he was thecourt poet, he naturally relates the genealogy of his mentorking with the Yadukula, in order to legitimise the authorityof the King. The traditional historical writing initiated by



Atula is not seen continued by the succeeding generation forreasons not clear.

Tuhfat-ul-Mujahiddin, written by Sheik Zainuddin in the 16th

century marks a new stage in the tradition of historicalwriting in Kerala. The book, in general, depicts the Portugeseatrocities on the natives of Malabar, especially on theMuslims. Following the Arab tradition of historical writing,Zainuddin gives importance to the detailed chronology of thePortuguese domination in Malabar during the 16th century.The book was first written in Arabi and then translated intoseveral foreign and indian languages. For a very long period,this work was considered as an honest guide to know aboutthe history of Malabar by many.

Sheik Zainuddin was a native of Ponnani and belonged to afamily of religious scholars. He dedicated the book to thethen Bijapur Sultan Adil Shah I. The book, Tuhfat-ul-Mujahiddin has an introduction and four parts. In theintroduction the author calls the Muslims of Malabar to fightagainst the Portuguese. The first part also reminds theMuslims that it is their duty to fight against the Portuguesedomination. The second part deals with the growth of Islamin Kerala and has a detailed description about the ports in thewestern coast.

The third part of the book is about the tolerant attitude of theHindu rulers in Malabar towards the Muslim and otherreligious communities. It then discusses the prevailingcustom, caste system, marriage system, pollution, order ofsuccession, practice of polyandry, dress, warfare etc. of thepeople of Malabar. In fact, this part provides a vivid pictureof the socio cultural condition of Malabar in the 16th century.The fourth and final part of the book discusses the growth of



the Portuguese domination in Malabar from 1498 to 1583,the year in which the work was completed.

According to Zainuddin, the position of the muslims inMalabar was far better prior to the advent of the Portuguese.He states that the Muslims were well treated by the Hindurulers. He is very much concerned about the loss of theMuslim dominance in the foreign trade between the MiddleEast and India.

Till recently, history of the ancient Kerala was written on thebasis of traditional sources made up of legends and fables,with occasional peeps into its early history. These traditionalsources constructed by the blending of oral tradition were putto writing only during the 17th and 18th centuries. In fact, allthese sources were conveniently prepared by upper sectionsof the society to legitimate in their ideological hegemony inthe society.

The most popular traditional sources of Kerala history is the‘Keralolpathi’ the oral tradition of the NamboothiriBrahmins of Kerala, compiled in different versions, in thelater times. The general assumption among the historians isthat the Keralolpathi was put in the written form not earlierthan the 17th century. Thereafter several scholars likeHerman Gundert, Chelanat Achutha Menon, ManavikraniaRaja etc. have prepared separate version of the book, but thebasic theme remaining the same. The various versions of theKeralolpathi are known in different titles like KolathunaduVazhakkom, Kozhikode Vazhakkom, Venad Vazhakkometc.

Keralolpathi states that the land of Kerala was created by thelegendry hero Parasurama, stretching from Gokarnam in the



north and Kanyakumari in the south. Parasuram is said tohave raised this land from the Arabian sea with a fling of hislegendry axe, as a part of his repentance for killing all theKshatriya kings. He then brought sixty four Brahmin familiesfrom north India and gave the newly created land to them.Thirty two Brahmin families then settled in Tulu nadu andthe remaining thirty two in the present day Kerala.

Afterwards, the Brahmins are said to have brought a Perumalfrom outside to rule the land and the people of Kerala, for aperiod of twelve years. Thirty six such perumaal convertedto Islam, abducted his throne and went on a pilgrimage toMecca. On the eve of his pilgrimage he is said to havedivided his country among his various chieftains.

The work, Keralolpathi is divided into three parts, the firstpart is called the ‘Parasurama period’ stretching a periodfrom time immemorial to 216 CE. The second part is calledthe ‘Perumal period’ covering the period between 216 and428 CE. The third and the last part is the ‘Thampuran period’from 428 to the modern times. The different versions ofKeralolpathi try to legitimise the dominance of Brahminsover the land of Kerala, their creation of the rulers and the‘give and take policy’ between the rulers and the Brahmins.The ‘Janmam’ right of the Namboodiri Brahmins over theentire land of Kerala during the medieval period was thusjustified by a popular tradition created by the Brahminsthemselves and the other sections of the society, were madeto accept it.

‘Ballads’ are narrative poems, commonly known as the‘Pattu literature’ which manifests the historicalconsciousness of the different sections of the society of aperiod which had not produced any historical literature as



such. They often depict the ideological hegemony of the eliteclasses as well. It is not possible to consider the Pattuliterature as the product of a particular period as they areinterpolated. Still inferences could be drawn about familyrelations, interclass relations, the status of gender and socialand economic conditions of the society in general.

The Ballads of Kerala are broadly divided into ‘NorthernBallads’ or ‘Vadakkan Pattukal’ and the ‘Southern Ballads’or the ‘Thekkan Pattukal’. The ‘Payyannur Pattukal’provides information about the trading activities and thesocial conditions of North Malabar in the medieval period.The ‘puthuram pattukal’ and the ‘Thacholi pattukal’comprise the main corpse of the ‘Vadakkan pattu’ literature.Though they deal with the heroic deeds of two importantfamilies of the Kadathanad region, they throw ample lightupon the rule of the then Naduvazhis or the local chieftainsand the social and cultural conditions of the society duringthe 16th and 17th centuries.

The ‘iravikutty Pillai Pattu’ and the ‘Valiya thampi Kunjuthampi katha’ belong to the Thekkan pattukal. The formerone is prepared in the background of the ‘kaniyamkulamwar’ between the Venad ruler and Tirumalai Naik of 1634.The story of the latter one is woven around the conflictbetween Marthanda Varma and the Thampis for capturingthe rule of Venad. Apart from these we have several otherworks of this genre like the ‘patapattu’ or the war songs ofthe Mappilas, the ‘Rabban Pattu’ of the jews and the‘Margamkali Pattu’ of the Syrian Christians, which provideuseful historical insights into the condition of the respectivecommunities during the medieval period.



Trubulent origin

Long long ago, Parasurama, a turbulent god like Thor ofNordic myth, flung his battle-axe far out into the heaving sea,the waters receded and the land of Kerala emerged into thesun and air. This is the age old tradition about the origin ofthe land.

There is very good evidence that the land of Keralam hasbeen shaped by a geological upheaval. Queer things are evennow happening along the sea coast. Mud banks occur alongthe sea-board from the Kotta river to Kanyakumari, the mostremarkable being those of Pantalayini Kollam, Kozhikodeand Alappuzha. These banks have been known to marinersfrom ancient times as smooth and safe anchorages even whenthe sea is rough. When the sea is calm, the banks cannot bediscovered except by surroundings of mud. But , during themonsoons, the bed of the mud at the bottom of the sea isstirred up, and the anchorage calms down as if oil has beenpoured on the waters. The mud is peculiar, dark green incolour, fine in texture and oily to the touch. The mud banksare mobile and are carried along the littoral currents. But attimes their smooth surface is disturbed by ‘mud volcanoes’or huge cones of mud and water which come bubbling upfrom below often bringing with them dead fish, roots andtrunks of trees.

The Western Ghats which form the eastern border of thestate, show definite evidence of such a cataclysm, in thegaping discontinuity of the Palakkad gap which is about 30kilometres broad. The coastal belt of the Alappuzha districtis like sandy seashore which has been extended inland.Marine fossils including coral reefs have been unearthed nearChanganacherry. Geologists therefore feel that the Arabian



Sea must have once extended right up to the foot of theWestern Ghats.

Many explanations have been offered for the name of theland, but the most plausible is probably the one which refersto this origin. The interpretation that Kerala means the landof Kera (coconut palm) is not tenable. Plausible but notwholly convincing is the reading that Keralam was originallyCheralam and meant the land of the Cheras. But Cher canalso mean ‘added’ and would give the meaning, ‘the landwhich was added by the recession of the sea.

Kerala has a continuous chain of lagoons and backwaters.They are never far from the sea, and at several places theyhave established a permanent connection with it. Thebackwaters, rivers and the canal system form a navigableinland waterway of about 1,920 kilometres which is morethan one-fifth of the total length of India’s inland waterways.The biggest of the backwaters is the Vembanad Lake whichstretches from Alappuzha to Kochi and covers an area of 79square miles. The Sasthamkotta Lake in the Kollam districtis the only major freshwater lake in Kerala. It is rather small,about 1.5 square miles, but is situated in a picturesque settingwith high hills on three sides.

Along the coast, the climate is equable, but slightly damp.The mean temperature in the midland and lowland is about90degree F. The high ranges have a cool and bracing climatethroughout the year. The state gets rainfall both form thesouth-west and the north-east monsoons. The former,between May and August is very heavy and in the highlandsas well as along the coast, it can alter the mood of thelandscape in a most dramatic way.



People

The Negrito element seems to be the earliest racial strain inthe population of Kerala as of South India in general. Thephysical characteristics are curly hair, black skin, round headand broad nose. The Uralis are the primitive artisan tribe ofWayanad, being blacksmith’s, carpenters, potters and basketmakers. Their pot making technique is very primitive sincethe potter’s wheel is not used. The pot is made by scoopingup the inside of a properly shaped lump of clay. Theycultivate ragi and rice to a small extent.

The Proto Australoids who came long after the Negritos, aredistinguished by their long head and flat nose. They arerepresented today by the Kurichiyas of Wayanad. Their chiefoccupation is agriculture, both shifting and permanentcultivation of rice being practised. The Dravidians who camestill later are represented by such communities as Nairs,Vellalas, Ezhavas etc. It is quite possible that the last grouprepresents a staggered and later migration, possibly fromSrilanka. The word Ezhava has been derived from Sinhalaand the other name of the community, Thiyya is derived bysome authorities from Dwipa which means an Island(Srilanka). Namputhiris represent the Aryan penetration tothe deep south. There has been considerable mingling ofAryan and Dravidian strains in the case of the Naircommunity because of the socially sanctioned practice ofNamputhiri males marrying Nair women. Though there hasbeen an infusion of Syrian and Arabic blood in the case ofthe Christian and Muslim communities, the basic stock isindigeneous.



Cheras

The proto history of Kerala is part of the history of trade andtrade routes in the ancient world. Spices, in the cultivation ofwhich Kerala had a monopoly for centuries were lifted firstby the Phoenicians, the most enterprising traders known toantiquity. But the monopoly in trade with Kerala changedhands successively during the centuries.

The earliest seat of the Cheras seems to have been Kuttanad,the flat, low lying country of backwaters around presentAlappuzha. This is why the Chera king always had the titleof Kuttuvan. From here, they extended their sway and shiftedtheir capital ultimately to Vanchi near Muziris in the north.

The period 825-1019 is the golden age of old Kerala. Thefounder of the dynasty was Kulasekhara and subsequentrulers used the title Kulasekhara Perumal along with theirnames, the word perumal meaning Emperor.

The state language of the Chera domains continued to beTamil for a long while, even after the spoken language hadundergone considerable differential evolution. The Tamilclassic, Pathittipathu is a cycle of about a hundred poemswritten by poets who were patronized by the Chera rulers.The variety if grains, pulses and other food crops mentionedin this work, as also of domestic utensils, agriculturalimplements and jewellery, suggests an advanced andprosperous culture. The degree to which arts and crafts andrefined ways of living had evolved is revealed by the 17thcTamil classic Chilappatikaram, which was written by IlangoAtikal, a Chera prince who was the younger brother of theruler, Cheras Chankuttuvan.



The second Chera Empire went down in the conflict with theCholas which began about 985 when Raja Raja ascended theChola throne. Both Raja Raja and his son Rajendra who cameto the throne in 1012 launched massive attacks on the Cherarealm, first overrunning its southern region and thenthreatening the capital itself. Mahodayapuram fell in theattack of 1019. This struggle, which lasted over three decadesbrought about far reaching social transformations in the landof the Cheras.

Matriarchy

Matriarchy seems to have emerged in Kerala during thishistorical crisis. The word Nair seems originally to havemeant captaincy in the army. But the protracted war led tothe differentiation of the Nair community on the basis ofmilitary service. Since it was very close to the ruling houses,the community steadily gained in social status. Brahmin(Namboothiri) youths who could marry Kshatriya womencould now marry Nair girls also. The growth of this traditionwas helped by the fact that, as is natural in immigrant groupsthere were far more men than women in the Brahmin groupsthat entered Kerala. This led to the practice of only the eldestNampoothiri male of the younger generation in the familymarrying within the community. The younger brothersmarried Kshatriya or Nair girls. But they had no propertywhich their progeny could inherit, since inheritance in theNamboothiri community was confined to the eldest sonsthrough the Namboothiri wives. As the holocaust of the warwith the Cholas consumed Kshatriya and Nair males inincreasing numbers, the high ratio of females in these groupsworked identically like the low ratio of males in Namboothirigroups to make the system of hypergamy’ more pervasive.The younger generations in such alliances could inherit



property only through their mother’s side. The depletion ofthe males also prompted women to take over theadministration of family properties with increasingconfidence and ability.

Anthropologists, especially from foreign lands even todayscherish a great nostalgia for the matriarchy of old Kerala. Butthe institution was clearly related to the feudal economy ofthe past, the big joint families depending for their viabilityon extensive possessions of land. When the winds of changebegan to blow over the region and to change the pattern ofeconomy at a steadily accelerating tempo, the joint familybecame too unweild for the times.

The Travancore Nair Regulation of 1912 established thepatriarchal pattern of the nuclear family. The very fact thatabout thirty four thousand joint families in Travancorepartitioned their properties within two years of the passing ofthe regulation shows that the changed social and economicconditions had built up an imperative for the transformation.The Nair Service Society actively and uncompromisinglycampaigned for this change. The Cochin Nair Regulation Actof 1920 and the Madras act of 1993 extended the reform toKochi and Malabar respectively. These legislations alsoseverely discouraged ‘hypergamy’ by making it obligatoryon the part of the husband to maintain his wife and children.

As a basic economic pattern, the matriarchal system is a thingof the past in Kerala. But from old traditions, thecommunities which once had this system have inheritedstrong kinship bonds. Even today people of thesecommunities feel a sense of responsibility towards theirnephews and nieces in addition to their sons and daughters.



1.2 Kerala under Perumaal -Socio Political Structure

Once a king – a Cheraman Perumal – was walking on thebalcony of his palace when he spotted the moon splitting intotwo a joining back again. Bewildered, he consulted a fewastrologers, who confirmed that such an event had indeedoccurred and was not a mystical experience. Few monthslater, he got a few Arabic visitors on their way to Ceylon andfrom them, the king learned that Prophet Muhammad wasbehind this miracle and he was the founder of a new religion.The king did something drastic. He abdicated the thronedivvied up the kingdom and set sail to Mecca to meet thisman. He met the Prophet and converted to Islam and lived inArabia for a while. Then to spread the religion in hishomeland, the converted Perumal returned to Kerala, but hedied somewhere along the way.

Later, few of his followers reach Cranganore and it is theywho set up the first mosques, including the one atKodungallur. According to the legend, Saraf Ibn Malik,Malik Ibn Dinar, Malik Ibn Habib, Ibn Malik and their wivesand friends were responsible for establishing the firstmosques at Kodungallur, Kollam (in north, not Quilon),Maravi (matayi), Fakanur, Manjarur (Mangalore),Kanjirakattu (Kasargod), Jarfattan (Karippatt), Dahfattan(Dharmatam), Fandarina (pantalayani Kollam) and Caliyath(Chaliyan near Beypore).

Cheraman was the name of the dynasty of Chera rulers andPerumal meant, ‘the great one’. According to Keralolpathi,written in the 17th or 18th c, following various conflicts in the9th c, the representativeness of 64 settlements in Keralabrought the Perumals from outside Kerala and each one wasto rule for 12 years. This story is found in a Muslim account



recorded by Sheikh Zeinuddin as well as in the Brahmanicalnarrative, Keralolpathi.

The fascinating tale of a Kerala king meeting the Prophet wasfirst recorded in 1510 CE by the Portuguese writer DuarteBarbosa. Barbosa who would later become FerdinandMagellan’s brother in law and would join him on his triparound the world, reached Kerala in 1500 with his uncle andstayed there for five decades. Quite conversant in the locallanguage and based on his familiarity with the traditions andcustoms , he wrote the story of this Cheraman Perumal basedon what he heard. His version as, around 600 years beforeBarbosa’s time, there was a mighty lord named ChirimayPerumal, whose capital was a popular port for pepper trade.The Moors who came for trade had numerous discussionswith the King and they converted him to Islam. He went toMecca in their company and died either there on the wayback; the Malabar people never saw their king again. Barbosaalso wrote that the single kingdom which Cheraman Perumalruled was partitioned into three – Cannanore, Calicut andQuilon- with Calicut having the right of coinage.

Feudal Agrarian Structure, Nadu and Naduvazhi,Temple centred administration

The Sangam works allude to the existence of private property, but not to anything like the complex Janmi system orlandlordism that evolved itself in later years. The traditionalview that the Janmi system was created by Parasurama whobestowed all the land on the Namboothiri Brahmins is nolonger accepted. It was during the Chola- Chera war of the11thcentury A.D that the system had its origin. The war ledto the total mobilisation of the resources of the state. A newsituation arose in which the Namboothiri came to acquire a



dominant position in economic and social life. In view of thepreoccupation of large sections of society with the conductof the war and the consequent decline in their interest in theadministration of the temples, those Namboothiris who werethe trustees (Uralar) of the temples mismanaged the templeproperties and endowments and misappropriated forthemselves all the revenues there from. In the meantime, italso happened that several ordinary tenants who owned landsand properties transferred them into the NamboothiriBrahmins and the temples. They did so because the lands andproperties so transferred came to be regarded as Devaswomsand Brahmaswoms and enjoyed freedom from devastation bythe enemy forces in times of war as well as exemption formthe payment of tax to the state. In the above circumstances,the Namboothiri Brahmins came to acquire the status ofwealthy and powerful landlords or Janmis. The origin of theJanmi system is attributed to the above development and itbears a dose resemblance to the circumstances that gave birthto European feudalism in the 13th and 14th centuries. It shouldbe noted that continental feudalism was the product of thedual process of some people surrendering their landed estatesto more powerful men in return for the guarantee ofimmunity from the dangers of the times and of some othersplacing themselves and their properties under similarprotection as vassals liable to be called out for active servicein times of war or internal commotion.

Evolution of feudal polity

While the Janmi system was thus evolving itself in the 11th

century A.D. the political unity of Kerala was also breakingup. In the 19th century A.D the political unity of Kerala wasalso breaking up. In the 9th and 10th centuries, Kerala was ahomogeneous political unit with a centralised administration



under the Kulasekharas and the Naduvazhis or Viceroysexercised their powers under the effective control of thecentral government. During the later period of the CheraChola war (11th century AD) and after the centralgovernment became weak and the Naduvazhis asserted theirindependence. A number of small principalities arose on theruins of the Kulasekhara Empire. This situation persisted forseveral centuries.

At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese Kerala presentedthe picture of a feudal polity with its characteristicweaknesses. The major political powers were Calicut andVenad and their ruler’s possessed sovereign political rights.Most of the other chieftains or Naduvazhis had come withinthe sphere of influence of the major powers. In addition tothese Naduvazhis, there were a number of Desavazhis orlocal nair chieftains (Madampis) and a few Namboothirichieftains who exercised effective authority in their domains.Like the feudal barons of medieval Europe, they provided theNaduvazhis with fighting forces in times of need. Moreover,each of the principalities had also its suicide squads(Chavers) comprised primarily of mercenaries. The activitiesof these elements created conditions of near anarchy in theland.

Keralas feudal polity had also a religious character. As theDevaswoms or temples served the purpose of sanctuaries orSanketams which enjoyed protection from the attacks of theenemy in times of war, there was a regular scramble amongthe rulers for the acquisition of the right of over-lordship(Melkoyma) over temples, irrespective of the considerationwhether they were situated within their own domains or not.The Sanketam functioned almost ‘as a state within the state’with the ruling sovereign having no effective political control



over it. The Sanketams were also centres of politicalintrigues. The extra territorial loyalty of the Namboothiris asa class was also a factor which made the religious polity areality. They owned allegiance not so much to any ruler as totheir caste chief, the Azhavancheri Tamprakkal, who alonehad the authority to punish them. The Namboothiri Janmisalso enjoyed the extraordinary power of inflicting deathpenalty on their tenants. Thus on the threshold of the 16th

century Kerala was in a distracted political condition, with anumber of petty chieftains engaged in interminable quarrelsand its religious polity providing yet another cause forpotential discord.

Feudal levies and Privileges

The accounts of the Portuguese and Dutch writers of the 16th

and 17th centuries throw further light on the state of feudalpolity in Kerala. Though the Naduvazhis had vast powersthey were checked by Kuttams or local assemblies. TheNaduvazhi was thus head of a feudal aristocracy with limitedauthority. All the chieftains from the ruler to the Desavazhipossessed their own landed properties which were eithercultivated by them through their slaves or leased to Kudiyansor tenants. No regular taxes were levied in those days but theNaduvazhis had several sources of revenue. Logan in hisMalabar Manual gives a catalogue of such items or revenueand they may be reproduced here in order to emphasise theultra-feudal character of Kerala polity. Customs duties onimports, exports and transports were levied by the chieftain.He could usurp the estates of his decaying neighbouringchiefs. He had the right to force them to contribute suppliesin emergencies by having resources to violence, if need be.Fines of various kinds were very common. A succession dutycalled Purushantaram was levied from every person who



assumed charge of family property on the death of the owner.When a person died without heirs, his property lapsed to thechieftain (Attaladakkam). No one had the right of adoptionwithout the prior consent of the chief, which could beobtained on payment of a fee (Dattukazhcha). TheNaduvazhi received presents from his subjects on suchoccasions as weddings, births, funerals, opening of newpalaces etc. Women convicted of adultery were made over tothe Naduvazhi and the latter sold them to foreign merchantsand made profit out of the transaction. None could seek goldwithout paying a royalty to the chief. Fees for protectionwere levied form all strangers and dependents eg Changatam,Rakshabhogam etc. ships which came ashore could be seizedalong with the cargo in order to enrich the coffers of thechieftain. The Naduvazhi had also the monopoly of certainanimals captured in his territory under certain specialcircumstances.

A typical institution which enabled the chieftain to augmenthis revenue was the ankam, a dual fight arranged betweentwo parties, to settle an unresolved dispute. A sum of 1000panams had to be paid for getting permission to conduct theankam, with the chieftain himself acting as umpire. Thechieftain had the power to settle marriage within his domainand before the marriage was conducted the parties had to payrespects to the chieftain with presents of money and otherthings. The construction of two storeyed buildings or tiledcould not be undertaken without obtaining prior permissionwhich was granted only in rare cases. The use of palanquinsand dholies was allowed only for carrying feudal heads orchieftains. Yet another feudal custom was to take the girl tothe chieftains household with the prescribed fee and other



presents before the tali tying ceremony. The chieftain alsoconferred titles like ‘Menon’ on the members of the Naircommunity after receiving presents of money and otherarticles. The chieftain could dictate to his subjects in manymatters of detail concerning their daily routine or mode ofliving. Bracelets could be worn on both arms only by thosewho were permitted to enjoy this privilege. The same appliedin regard to using the umbrellas with handles. Those who hadnot the permission in this matter could only wear umbrellaswithout handles on their heads. The wearing of certainornaments like Mukkuthiby women required permission. Itwas the sole privilege of the chieftain to cut in a slantingmanner plantains used for preparation of curries on festiveoccasions. The chieftains enjoyed the power of life and deathin some places this was delegated to select persons for a fixedperiod, usually five years. This institution was known asTalavettiparvathyamor authority obtained by decapitation.During the five year period the person concerned couldexercise almost despotic powers within his jurisdiction. Inshort, feudalism was its worst in Kerala in the 17th and 18th

centuries. A large number of slaves were condemned toagrestic slavery with the result that they could be brought andsold like chattles by the land owning classes. They were nottreated as human beings entitled to rights and privileges. Thejanmi had the power to put them to death without beingcalled to account. This state of affairs prevailed in Keralaeven in the beginning of the 19th century when the British hadbegun to establish their political authority over the land.



1.3 Medieval Society: Christian, Jewish and IslamicPresence, Colonial expansion

Christianity

The story of the rise and spread of Christianity in Kerala ispart of the story of the blending of diverse cultural influencesand ways of life. Christianity is believed to have beenintroduced in Kerala in the first century AD, ie, threecenturies before it gained official recognition in Rome. Localtradition ascribes its origin in Kerala to St Thomas, theapostle, who is said to have landed at Maliankara, a placeadjoining Muziris in 52 A.D., converted certain Brahminfamilies and founded seven churches on the Malabar Coast.The belief in the St Thomas, tradition is universal among theChristians of Kerala, though many modern historians areinclined to regard as unreliable the evidence on which thetradition rests. In view of the extensive trade relations thatexisted between Kerala and the Mediterranean countriesthere seems to be nothing improbable in the St Thomastradition. Since its introduction, the Christian faith, thoughalien in its origin, came to be accepted as an indigenous faithand it made steady progress. The number of Christians seemsto have been reinforced in 345 A.D. by an influx of Syrianimmigrants of 400 Christians from 72 families belonging toseven tribes from Baghdad, Nineveh and Jerusalem. Cosmosindicopleustus the Byzantine monk (6th century A.D.)testifies to the existence of a Christian church in Quilon. TheChristians of the age were prominent in trade and commerceand they received several privileges and favours from thenative rulers.

During the age of the Second Chera Empire (800-1102 A.D.)the Christians were a highly favoured business community in



the land. The Teresappalli copper plate executed in 849 A.D.by Ayyan Adikal Thiruvadikal, the Governor of Venad,during the reign of Emperor Sthanu Ravi (844-855 A.D) is ahistoric document granting several rights and privileges tothe Christians of Quilon. It proclaims the spirit of religioustoleration and catholicity of outlook which characterised thecontemporary rulers of Kerala. The Christians were treatedon a footing of equality with the Hindus and assigned a placeof honour in the economic and social life of Quilon. Anotherdocument of historical importance which bears similartestimony to the tolerant outlook of the rulers is the CopperPlate Grant (1225 A.D.) issued by Veera RaghavaChakravarthi, the ruler of Mahodayapuram, to the Christianmerchant, Iravi Korthanan, granting to the latter the office ofManigramam ie, the headship of the merchants of the placein addition to several other privileges and rights.

Christianity made steady progress in Kerala and the churchbecame one of the well-established institutions in the courseof centuries. The liturgy and organizations of the church werealso subjected to diverse cultural influences during differentstages of its history. The early Christians were, in fact calledSyrian Christians because they followed the Syriac liturgy. Itmay be mentioned that Syriac is a dialect of Aramaic, thelanguage of Jesus Christ and it became the language of theMother Church of Persia with which the Kerala church hadecclesiastical communion form the 6th to 16th centuries.Consequently, Syriac became the sacred language of theKerala church as well. In course of time, Latin liturgy wasalso introduced side by side with Syriac liturgy among theChristians. It was the Christian missionaries who visitedQuilon in the medieval period who introduced the Latin ritefor the first time in Kerala. When the Portuguese established



their political influence in Kerala after 1498 AD. Latin riteemerged as a more important and permanent factor. A largecommunity of Latin Christians sprang up in Keralaparticularly in the coastal areas. A section of the Christiansthus came under the jurisdiction of the Papacy.

Towards the middle of the 17th century the power of thePortuguese declined in Kerala and was replaced by the Dutchpower. A section of the Christian church owing allegiance tothe Pope freed itself from Roman influence and becameindependent under local Bishops. Episcopal succession wassecured through the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch and thusbegan the Antiochan connection of the Kerala church. Withthe establishment of the British power the church missionsociety of London began work in the Syrian church. In theinitial stages there was a high degree of co-operation betweenthe Syrian priests and the CMS missionaries but eventuallythere was friction between the two. The CMS missionariesstarted working independently and on their initiative theAnglican Church came into existence. They concentratedtheir work among non-Christians, particularly among thelower castes in the Hindu community. Meanwhile, some ofthe Syrian priests who had come under the influence of theCMS advocated reform in the church. They pleadedespecially for the replacement of Syriac by Malayalam as thelanguage of worship in the church. This provoked oppositionfrom the Bishops and clergy of the Syrian church. Thereformers who were led by Abraham Malpan of Maramonformed a new church known as the Marthoma Syrian churchas distinct from the Jacobite Syrain Church and the RomanCatholic church of Malabar.

Thus in the course of the 19th centuries after the introductionof Christianity in Kerala the one church founded by St



Thomas branched off into different streams as the result ofthe domination of foreign churches. Eventually there cameinto existence five distinct branches, viz, 1) the Nestorianchurch confined to Trichur and Ernakulam with acongregation in Trivandrum. 2) The Roman Catholic churchspread out all over Kerala and following three differentlanguages for their ceremonies. Viz., Syriac, Latin,Malayalam. 3) the Jacobite Syrian church also known as theorthodox Syrian church. 4) The Anglican church which isnow part of the church of South India and 5) the Mar ThomaSyrian Church. There has recently been a schism in theJacobite Syrian Church, one section owing intelligence to theCatholics of the East and another to the Patriarch of Antioch.As a result of another split, the Mar Thoma Church recentlygave birth to a new denomination viz, the St ThomasEvangelical church. There are, in addition, a number ofminor missions and churches like the Salvation Army,Lutheran mission, brother mission, bible faith mission etc.each of which seeks ideological inspirations from someforeign church. It may thus be seen from the rise and growthof Christianity in Kerala that diverse cultural influences havebeen at work in moulding the organizations and liturgy of thevarious denominations of the church. The Catholic Churchhas been in recent years in the forefront of a movement forIndianization of the church and this is having its impact. TheChristians have identified themselves with the community inwhich they lived by adopting the language, customs anddress of their Hindu brethren. In fact, their social assimilationhas become a fait accompli.

Jews

The Jews living in the Kerala coast from the 1st century A.D.onwards have also written another glorious chapter in the



history of cultural confluence in Kerala. The Jewishimmigration to Kerala was the direct effect of the earlycommercial contacts with Israel. According to tradition some10,000 Jews and Jewesses came to Kerala coast in 68 A.D.in order to escape from religious persecution at home. Theylanded first at Muziris and founded a settlement. Later theymoved to such places as Parus, Mala and Pullut. The Jewishpopulation of Kerala was reinforced in course of time byfresh arrivals of immigrants when, with the spread ofChristianity, the Jews had to face severe persecution at home.The Jews, like the Christians, developed into a prosperousbusiness community with the generous patronage of thenative rulers. The famous Jewish Copper Plate Grant ofBhaskara Ravi Varman dated 1000 A.D. records the royalgift to Joseph Rabban, the Jewish chief, of certain permanentrights and privileges. This document is yet another eloquenttestimony to the policy of religious toleration followed by therulers of ancient Kerala. The Jews enjoyed a high standing insociety till the arrival of the Portuguese who persecuted themand compelled them to leave Cranganore for Cochin in 1565.Here was built the famous White Jew’s Synagogue in 1567.For centuries thereafter the Jews formed an interesting andcolourful community in Central Kerala. But the birth of theJewish State of Israel in May 1948 stirred the imagination ofthe Kerala Jews too and the vast majority of them migratedfrom the State. According to the census of 1991 there wereonly more than a hundred Jews in Kerala.

Islam

Like Christianity and Judaism, Islam also found a home inKerala during the period immediately following the birth ofthe faith. The early commercial relations between Kerala andthe Arabs must have paved the way for the foundation for the



spread of Islam too. the Arab traders seem to have introducedthe Islamic faith at Muziris in the 8th century itself. The firstmosque in Kerala, like the first church was established atCranganore (Muziris). The religion of the prophet madegradual progress, thanks to the patronage of local rulers.According to a tradition current in Kerala, the last of theChera employers, (Cheramam Perumal) became a convert toIslam and left for Mecca and this event helped the spread ofIslam in Kerala. It may, however be noted that there is nohistorical evidence in support of this tradition.

In the course of centuries, Islam spread to other parts ofKerala, and Muslims are today, next to the Hindus the mostinfluential community in the State. The patronage of theZamorins (Rajas of Calicut) particularly helped the Muslimsto become a major force in the public life of North Kerala. Astone inscription in the Munchunti Mosque at Kuttichira inKozhikode records a permanent grant of property by aZamorin to the mosque in the 13th century and bears evidenceof the Zamorin Raja’s patronage of Islam. The Zamorin’snavy was manned by Muslims. The Kunjali Marakkar’s, theadmirals of the Zamorin’s fleet, have immortalisedthemselves in Kerala history by their heroic fight againstPortuguese colonialism. The services of the Muslimcommunity were so indispensable to the Zamorins that theyeven issued an edict that, in order to get sufficient number ofMuslims to man their navy, one or more male members ofthe families of the Hindu fisherman should be brought up asMuslims. Apart from providing proof of the tolerant policypursued by the Zamorins, this also accounts for the relativelyhigh proportion of Muslims in the population of theKozhikode and Malappuram Districts.



Colonial Expansions

The advent of the Europeans marked the beginning of a newepoch in the history of Kerala.It put Kerala firmly on thepolitical map of India.The arrival of Vasco-da Gama atKappad near Calicut in May 1498 inaugurated the Da GamaEpoch in the history of Asia.It was an epoch of Europeandomination over Asiatic countries.It lasted for more than fivecenturies (1498–1947). No event during the middle Ages hadsuch a far-reaching repercussions on the civilised world asthe opening of a sea route of India, says the CambridgeHistory.

Portuguese

Portugal, though a small and insignificant country in themiddle ages, played a significant role in the medieval historyof Kerala. Their landing/anchoring at Kozhikode symbolisedthe beginning of a new dawn in the commercial history of theland. The Portuguese advent to Kerala was motivated byseveral factors. Their main aim was to find out a new routeto India. The desire for Malabar spices in general and Pepperin particular attracted the Portuguese to Kerala. Pepper, theblack gold was the cheapest and most useful of spices andMalabar as the land of pepper brought them to the MalabarCoast. With this was added the desire of maritimeexploration. However their immediate objective was theextension of trade. Later they had the imperialistic aim ofbuilding a Portuguese empire in India. The politicalcondition of Kerala suited their desire. There was bi centralauthority in the land. Kerala was fragmented by a number ofchieftains who were fighting with one another forsupremacy.



Vasco-da Gama was sent by Dom Mannual the Portugueseking on July 8, 1496 at the head of an expedition. He reachedCalicut on May 20, 1498 and was well received by theZamorin and his subjects with traditional hospitality.Gamamet the Zamorin as the representative of the king ofPortugal,‘ the most powerful of the Christian sovereigns inthe West’.He expressed the king’s desire to enter in to acommercial treaty with the Zamorin to procurespices.However the Zamorin turned down the request as heinsisted payment of customs duty.There up on Gama leftCalicut and reaching Kannur entered into a commercialtreaty with the Kolathiri.He returned to Lisbon in 1499 wherehe was given a hero’s welcome.

Vasco-da Gama came for a second time to Kerala, this timeto avenge the Zamorin.The Zamorin although agreed to paycompensation for the Portuguese loss, refused to expel theArabs from Calicut.Thereupon Gama bombarded Calicutport and destroyed the Arab merchant fleet.Returning toKochi where his demands were met. Gama sailed back toPortugal in 1502.Da Gama’s departure was followed by abitter conflict between Kochi and Calicut.The Zamorinemerged as the leader of the resistance to Portuguese.In thisstruggle, the Portuguese sided with the Cochin Raja and theZamorin was forced to withdraw.When Albuquerque came,he patched up the differences with the Zamorin by the treatyof 1513.The Portuguese were granted permission to erect afort at Calicut. In the meanwhile, the Portugueseheadquarters in India was shifted from Kochi to Goa.Thiswas the beginning of the end of Portuguese imperialism inKerala.Albuquerque’s successors were weak andcorrupt.Although Vasco da Gama came for a third time asPortuguese viceroy, and scored a victory over Kolathiri and



the Zamorin, he passed away at Kochi.His successorsManezes and Sampaygo were not able to make any mark,paving the way for Portuguese enterprise to decline.

Dutch

The Dutch were the first Protestant nation of Europe toestablish trade contacts with Kerala.Established in 1592, theDutch E.I. Company dispatched missions to the local rulersto secure trade privileges.Van Hagen the Dutch Admiral hadconcluded a treaty with the Zamorin (November, 1604) toexpel the Portuguese from India.It also secured them tradefacilities at Calicut.The treaty is important as the firstpolitical agreement entered in to between the Dutch and anIndian power.The treaty was renewed in 1608 and the Dutchwere given freedom of trade in the Zamorin’s domain. Thetreaty of 1610 stipulated to pay customs duty to theZamorin.The 1625 agreement gave the Dutch permission tobuild a factory in the Zamorin’s domain.Similar treaties weresigned with Purakkad(1642), Kayamkulam and Venad(1662) to have warehouses in the respective domains andmonopoly of pepper trade.Thus by the early decades of the17th Century the Dutch had emerged as a serious rival to thePortuguese.

Like the Portuguese, the Dutch contact produced resultsbeneficial to Kerala.They revived Kerala trade.New productsand scientific techniques of cultivation were introduced.Theygave encouragement to coconut cultivation on commercialbasis.They promoted indigo and paddy cultivation.Newindustries like salt farming and dyeing wereintroduced.Although they never built seminaries or colleges,the memoirs, letters and accounts left by the Dutch men likeVisschier, Nieuhoff and Van Rheede are of inestimable value



for the reconstruction of Kerala history. The greatestachievement of the Dutch in the cultural field was thecompilation of HORTUS MALABARICUS, a monumentalbotanical work on the medicinal plants of Kerala.It wascompiled under the patronage of the Dutch governor VanRheede.With this project were associated such stalwarts likeMathaeus the Carmelite monk; Appu Bhat, Ranga Bhat andVinayak Bhatt, the three G.S. Brahmins and Ithi Achan (IttiAchutan), an Ezhava physician. It took many years tocomplete the work and it was finally published fromAmsterdam between 1678 and 1703 in 12 volumes.

The English and The French

Following the footsteps of the Portuguese and the Dutch, theEnglish and the French came to Kerala mainly forcommercial purposes, but later had political ambitions.Theybuilt up and consolidated their rule in the land and began torule over an empire vaster than the American colonies.

Ralph Fetch was the first Englishman to reach the shores ofKerala (1583). Capt. Keeling who followed him concluded atreaty with the Zamorin in 1615 in order to expel thePortuguese from Malabar.During the last days of Portugueserule (1635-35), the English secured access to all PortuguesePorts in Kerala and they began to export pepper to Englandfrom 1636. In 1644, the English obtained permission fromthe king of Venad to build a factory at Vizhinjam.In 1664,the Zamorin granted them permission to erect a factory atCalicut.In 1684 the Rani of Attingal gave them permission tobuild a factory at Anjengo substantially increased Englishinfluence.Fort Anjengo soon became the most importantEnglish possessions on the West Coast, next only to Mumbai.



Along with building their influence in South Kerala, theEnglish took steps to safeguard their interests in NorthKerala.With the permission of the Kolathiri,they set up afactory at Thalasserry(1694).When the English companieswere united in 1702,Thalassery along with Karwar, Calicutand Anjengo became the affiliated factories ofBombay.When English had to face opposition from thenatives who raided the company’s warehouses and inflictedheavy damages (1704-05),the English built a fort atThalasseri in 1708 and secured monopoly of trade in pepperfrom Kolathiri.

The French too entered Kerala with the purpose oftrade.They arrived near Thalassery in 1725 and occupiedMahe.They had already established their superiority overPondicherry,and Mahe was captured as per the directions ofPandy Governor.With this a new European power also cameto the Kerala Coast to take part in the struggle for power –The French East India Company.



MODULE 2

CASTE AND SOCIAL REFORM MOVEMENTSIN KERALA

2.1 Caste and British Interventions

2.2 Major social reform movements in Kerala-SNDP andBackward class movements

Education and Social transformation- Role of ChristianMissionaries

2.3 Caste and Class transformation, Caste in contemporaryKerala

2.1 Caste and British Interventions

Prior to the coming of the British, caste had grown into apowerful social institution, with the dominance of Brahminsat the top of its hierarchy. The Hindu kings also upheld thisinstitution with the help of their civil power. With the adventof the British as the political head of the society, thetraditional form of the caste started taking a different shape.

The British brought with them their own traditional form ofgovernment which was quite different from that of the Indianmonarchical system. As prudent foreigners, the British weremore interested in consolidating their power over a strangeland and people rather than initiating reformative changes inits peculiar institutions such as ‘Caste’. They introduced asystem of education which did not demand of the learners



any change of caste or religion. The policy of comparativenon -interferencefollowed by the British made the lowercastes revolt against the Brahmin supremacy. Growth ofmodern industrial organisation and the rapid spread ofurbanisation further altered the social situation. Thissituation made it inevitable for people of different castes,classes and religions to live in close congregations in cities.

The East India Company of the British obtained fromthe Mughal rulers some commercial privileges in thebeginning of the 17th century. It tightened its political holdover the whole of India within 7 to 8 decades. Afterconsolidating their power the British introduced throughoutIndia uniform legal, legislative and judicial systems. TheBritish transferred the judicial powers of the caste councilsto the civil and criminal courts which affected the authority

which the Panchayats had held over the members.Questions of assault, adultery, rape and the like were takenbefore the British courts for decision. In civil matters such asmarriage, divorce, caste based occupational disputes,disputes between husband and wife, parents and children etc,the intention of British was to be guided by the caste customs.But in actual practice various decisions of the High court’svirtually set aside the authority of the caste. Some of thelegislations which the British introduced shook the integrityof the caste system are The Caste Disabilities Removal Actof 1850, The Special marriage Act of 1872, and the HinduWidows Remarriage Act of 1856.

The spread of English education also exposed Indiansfor the first time to the Western world. The popular westernideas and values such as “liberty, equality and fraternity”,democracy, rationalism, individualism, women’s liberation,secularism, humanitarianism etc made their inroads into



India. These ideas had deeply influenced the westerneducated Indians. The people who had hitherto been thetargets of atrocities, deprivation, exploitation andhumiliation could now voice their protest by asserting theirrights. Increasing influence of science and technology addedgreater strength to the growing awareness of the masses.

2.2 Major Social Reform Movements in Kerala – SNDPand Backward Class Movements

From 1812 until almost the close of the century, thoughpolitical life was characterized by inactivity and societypresented an outward calmness, subversive forces wereforming and developing. This current of socialtransformation gradually led Kerala into the mainstream ofpolitical struggle for freedom and responsible government inthe 20th century. The important outcome of this ferment wasthe awakening of the masses especially the lower orders inthe Hindu society, against social injustice and evils. Thisawakening found articulation in Kerala towards the lastquarter of the 19th century. A number of socio-religiousreform movements, which were also the earliest democraticmass movements in Kerala, took shape. On the whole, thesemovements were peaceful and non-violent, though there wasan undercurrent of militancy in them. These movements wereof the utmost significance, because Kerala had, for centuries,tolerated the caste system in its most oppressive form. Therigid caste system and irrational caste taboos existed in sucha heinous way that the lower orders were not only'untouchable' but ''unapproachable'' as well. In Malabar,despite the advent of direct British rule and the resultantseparation of the caste system from the administrativemachinery, social status and economic competence of theindividual was still determined by his position in the caste



hierarchy. In the princely states of Kochi and Travancore, thehold of the caste system was even more suffocating. Until the20th century, governmental positions were denied to lowercastes and non-Hindus.

One of the most important social reform movements wasspearheaded by Shri Narayana Guru, the great Hindu saintand social reformer. The Guru was born in 1856 in theEzhava Community which had a status far below that of theNamboodiris. He fearlessly criticized and campaignedagainst the rigours of the caste system, the Brahminhegemony and the numerous social disabilities of theEzhavas and other lower castes. Soon Shri Narayana Gurubecame the rallying point for the Ezhavas and Thiyyas tounite and organize. The Shri Narayana Dharma ParipalanaYogam (SNDP), literally the society for the propagation ofmoral teaching of Shri Narayana came into being on 15thMay 1903. Within a short period, the Guru and Yogam drewtowards them a brilliant band of dedicated workers, includingthe poet Kumaran Asan, whose efforts constitute an eloquenttestament to what a community, submitted to centuries oftyranny, can do and achieve through unity, realism andorganism.

Shri Narayana was, however, no sectarian philosopher andleader. A programme of action founded upon such sublimehumanism and social purpose was not destined to remainconfined to one caste only; it soon became the philosophy ofHindu reformation, encompassing all castes, including theBrahmin. The Nair’s also felt the need for reform.Throughout the medieval period and until well into the 19thcentury, the Nairs had a pre-eminent role in Kerala. By themiddle of the 19th century, however, this dominance startedwaning. Institutions like the Sambandam (non-legal



marriage) and the matrilineal joint family system, which hadensured the strength of the Nair community earlier, nowbecame productive of many evils. The impact of the marketeconomy, the disappearance of traditional military training,the absorption of new values through the new system ofeducation, the self-consciousness being generated among thelower castes and their cry for equality and privileges - allthese factors brought about a decline of Nair dominance. Thesense of decline gave an impetus to the spirit of reform thatexpressed itself in the work of religious men like ChattambiSwamikal, in literature, on the press and later in legislativeenactments in respect of marriage, inheritance, propertyrights etc. Ultimately, the movements crystalized in thefoundation of the Nair Service Society in 1914. The impulseto change was not confined to the Ezhavas and otheruntouchables and the Nairs only. As a matter of fact invarying degrees, it affected every caste in Hindu society aswell as the Christians and the Muslims.

Vaikom Satyagraha

A movement had set on foot to demand admission of thecertain sections of the people, the so called“unapproachable’s” banned from appearing in public roadsadjacent to the famous temple at Vaikom. Conservativeopposition was trotted out with obstinate determination. Thefeeding of Brahmins inside the temple was regarded as animportant offering to the deity, and uninterrupted custom waspleaded by those who opposed the movement. It wascontended that if the 'Avarnas' were allowed to come into theapproach roads the temple priests would be polluted and thetemple consequently defiled. The forward section resolved totry the methods of 'Satyagraha' and several individuals, alarge number of whom being Nayars and other caste Hindus,



organised a "Jatha" to lay their grievance before MaharaniSethu Lakshmi Bai, the Regent of Travancore. A resolutionwas moved in the Legislative Council demanding theopening of the temple roads to the 'Avarna' Hindus. But itwas thrown out by a majority of twenty-two against twenty-one votes. A little after this Mahatma Gandhi visited Vaikomin Meenam 1100(Ch. era-1924), interviewed severalorthodox Brahmins and others, and explained the movementas one which was calculated to remove social injustice andto advance the cause of humanity. Public opinion in the statewas so favourable that the government threw open theapproach roads to the 'Avarnas'. "I call it a bed-rock offreedom", said Mahatma Gandhi, "because the settlement isa document between the people and the state constituting abig step in the direction of liberty in one respect at least". Thecourse of events in Vaikom led to similar attempts inSuchindram and Thiruvarppu.

Guruvayur Satyagraha

The famous Guruvayur Satyagraha is a memorable episodein the history of the national movement. With the blessingsof Mahatma Gandhi the Kerala Provincial CongressCommittee decided to begin Satyagraha before the famoustemple at Guruvayur with effect from 1st November, 1931.It was a movement for temple entry and abolition ofuntouchability. The Satyagraha began accordingly under theleadership of Sri. K. Kelappan. Among the Kerala leadersother than Kelappan were Mannath Padmanabhan, A.K.Gopalan and N.P. Damodaran. Guruvayur began to attractthe attention of all India. There were certain untowardincidents during the early period of the Satyagraha. Theyserved to heighten the tension in the minds of the people whowere in sympathy with the movement. After the movement



had run its course for about ten months, Kelappan entered ona fast before the temple on September, 21, 1932. The fastelectrified the atmosphere. On October 2, 1932 Kelappanbroke his fast in response to Gandhiji's wishes. There after areferendum was held among the Hindus to find out theirviews on the question of temple entry. More than 77 percentof the Hindus expressed themselves in favour of templeentry. The Guruvayur temple was thrown open to Harijansonly in 1946. Though the Satyagraha did not immediatelyresult in the opening of the Guruvayur temple to all Hindus,the movement helped to create a strong public opinion in thecountry in favour of temple entry and abolition ofuntouchability.

Temple Entry Proclamation

In Travancore the movements for the mitigation of theseverities of caste, if not its total abolition, have beenpopular. The teachings of Sree Narayana Guru gave amomentum to the forces which were generated by theextension of western education among the masses and thetolerant policy pursued by the State in recognising thelegitimate claims of the backward communities. Thepromulgation of the Temple Entry Proclamation was areform of far-reaching importance, not only to the teemingmillions of Travancore but a momentous act of emancipationand hope to the whole of India. The Proclamation runs asfollows: "Profoundly convinced of the truth and validity ofour religion, believing that it is based on divine guidance andon all-comprehending toleration, knowing that in its practiceit has through out the centuries, adapted itself to the needs ofchanging times, solicitous that none of our Hindu subjectsshould, by reason of birth or caste of community, be deniedthe consolations and the solace of the Hindu faith. "His



Highness the Maharaja had earlier in his reign commandedthe appointment of a committee to examine the question ofTemple Entry for the 'Avarnas' to find out the extent of thedemand for reforms, to ascertain the attitude of the Savarnacastes, to examine the question in the light of the Hinduscriptures and formulate proposals as to the lines on whichthe reform might be effected. The committee expressed theirconsidered opinion that a Parishad of learned persons, wellversed in the theory and practice of Hinduism, should besummoned, and that the reform might be effected by the rulerwith their approval. They also suggested certain methods bywhich the rigour of the custom excluding the Avarnas fromthe temple might be softened. But the Maharaja did notbelieve in half measures. With an outlook which no Indianmonarch had been able to entertain for a couple of thousandsof conservative years, His Highness the Maharaja Sree ChitraThirunal affixed the Sign Manual to the momentousProclamation. It was on the eve of the Maharaja's birth dayin 1112(1936 A.D.) that the edict was promulgated. TheProclamation was received throughout India with delight andadmiration. It was welcomed by the whole civilised world.To the Hindus it was matter of pride and fresh hope. Therepercussions of the Proclamation were so great that theChristians and Muslims were so great that the Christians andMuslims were equally warm in giving it a hearty reception.Dr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyer referred to the day of theProclamation as a unique occasion in the history of India andspecially of Hinduism. Gandhiji expressed the hope that "allother Hindu Princes will follow the noble example set by thisfar-off ancient Hindu State." The Prime Minister of Madrasdescribed the Proclamation as the "greatest religious reformin India after the time of Asoka". The Maharaja gave the



biggest charity that any ruler could give to his subjects inopening the doors to every class and creed.

Channar Revolt (1813-1859)

Chananr revolt is also known as Channar lahala or Maarumarakkal Samaram, by Nadar women in TravancoreKingdom for the right to wear upper body to clothes andcover their breasts. During that time, the lower caste womenwere not allowed to wear clothes that covered their breastsand this uneasiness made large number of Nadar embracedChristianity and started to wear ‘long clothes’. In the year1813 colonel John Munro issued an order grantingpermission to women converted to Christianity to wear uppercloth, yet they still denied. And in 1859, under pressure fromMadras governor Charles Trevelyan, King of Travancoreissued a proclamation the right for all Nadar women to covertheir breast, but they were not allowed to cover in the styleof higher class women. Later the challenge was supported byAyyankali during 1915 – 1916, and attains the permission.

Aruvippuram Consecration by Sree Narayana Guru[1888]

Aruvippuram is a village in the southern district ofThiruvannathapuram in Kerala. The lower caste people donot have the permission to worship gods, as the idols wereconsidered as the gods of upper caste people. Sree NarayanaGuru defied Brahmanical tradition of installation of deity asit was the right of Brahmins, where he established a Sivatemple at Aruvipuram by installing a rock from the NeyyarRiver. This represented the self determination of the lowercaste people to fight against caste rigidity and upper caste



domination, which also paved the way for uprootingcenturies old system of Kerala. In continuation of theAruvippuram, Guru established several temples in variousparts of Kerala, where lower people were permitted. Theincident also inspired the Guruvayur and Vaikomssatyagraha of 20th century.

Villuvandi agitation by Ayyankali

In 1865, Travancore saw a new order from Britishgovernment which give the right for all sections of society toride in wheeled vehicles. But avarnas/low castes were deniedfrom travelling in roads meant for kings and higher castes(rajaveethi). Ayyankali acted against this discrimination bypurchasing Bullock cart and he rode the bullock cart fromVenganoor. He chose road as a medium for his agitation as itrepresented the idea to use public space. He emphasised theright to travel, right to trade and self-respect which willeventually promote economic development and socialbenefits. The Aruvippuram incident inspired Ayyankali toact against the social evil, which discriminated upper andlower castes. The idea of Villuvandi, as it was generally usedby king and rich people marked the protest of Ayyankaliagainst the discrimination, and it represented the idea offreedom.

Malayalai Memorial (1891) – G.P Pillai & SankaraMenon)

It was a petition submitted to the Maharaja of Travancore(Sree Moolam Thirunal) which was signed by 10028 personsbelonging to all castes and creed (Hindu, Christian and



Muslim) to draw the attention to the exclusion of educatednatives from the higher grades of public services. Thepetition pleaded a fair quota for the natives for governmentappointments. But the government attitude was unhelpfuland outsiders continued to be appointed. Nevertheless theagitation served its purpose namely to arouse politicalconsciousness of the people. It also symbolised theemergence of the new educated middle class as a force to bereckoned with.

Ezhava Memorial (1896)

Malayali memorial was mainly a high caste sponsored(especially nairs) petition, which mainly focussed the plightof the educated upper class people. This made the Ezhavas totake their own action to gain their rights. Dr Palpu, whodenied Medical services in Travancore under took masspetition strategy and it was signed by 13,176 members ofEzhava community. This document was known as Ezhavamemorial.

Kallumala Samaram/Perinad Lahala

It is an agitation that took place at Perinad and nearbyvillages by Pulayar community. The agitation was a suddenuprising against the upper classes dictum to the minoritycastes to not use the public roads, denying the right toeducation, prohibiting century to temples and denyingwoman to wear gold or metal ornaments. Ayyankalipersuaded Pulaya women in south Travancore to wear uppergarments and throw away the bead necklaces which theyused for covering the breasts from time immemorial whichwas considered as a symbol of slavery. A public meeting wasconvened by Ayyankali in 1915 at Perinad, to throw away



their traditional ornaments and the meeting was attacked bycaste elites. This was a turning point in the history of Keralareformation, as the agitation marked the ability ofdowntrodden sections to act against caste barriers.

Education and Social Transformation – Role of ChristianMissionaries

The beginning of western education in Kerala may beassociated with the work of Christian missionaries. It was theprotestant missionaries who took the initiative in this regard.A Prussian missionary by name Ringletaube was active inTrivandrum- Nagercoil area during the period 1806-16. Heset up schools where free instructions was given in reading,writing and arithmetic to all poor children, irrespective ofcaste or creed. But the most illustrious name connected witheducational work in this area was that of Dr. Mead of theLondon Mission Society. From the time of his arrival in 1817till his death in 1873 he devoted his whole time toeducational work. He established several schools includingindustrial schools and also encouraged female education.

The Christian missionaries were active in other parts of thestate also. As early as 1813 the Syrian priests had set up acollege or seminary in Kottayam for training priests. TheCMS missionaries who worked among the Syriansintroduced here several branches of secular instruction. Theyalso set up in Kottayam a Grammar School in 1821 and theirwives set up a few Girls school in Kottayam and adjoiningarea to promote female education. Among the early CMSmissionaries of Kottayam the names of Bailey, Baker andFenn deserve special mention.



In the Cochin area the first school was started atMattancherry by the English missionary Rev.J.Dawson in1818 with the aid of a grant received from the Government.English education began in the Malabar area with theestablishment of a school each at Kallayi in Calicut in 1848and at Tellicherry in 1856 by thr Basel Evangelical Mission.

The fine example set by the Christian missionaries indifferent parts of the state gave the necessary incentive to thegovernment to enter the field of education. In 1817, RaniGouri Parvati Bai, with the assistance of her Diwan Col.Munro, introduced a system of free and compulsoryeducation under state control. Malayalam primary schoolswere set up in all parts of the state and guardians of childrenbetween the ages of 5 and 10 were enjoined under law to sendtheir children to school. Men with suitable qualificationswere appointed as teachers and paid salaries from the statetreasury. This was a clear recognition of the principle that thecost of education was charge on state funds. In 1834 duringthe reign of Swati Tirunal the first English school was startedat Trivandrum with Mr.J.Roberts of the CMS mission,Nagercoil as Headmaster. This was done at the invitation ofthe Maharaja. In less than a year Robert’s School was takenover by the Government and became “His Highness theMaharaja’ Free School”. In 1866 it was raised to the statusof a college. In the Cochin and Malabar areas also we findprogress on similar lines. In 1845 was opened the EnglishHigh school at Ernakulam, the nucleus of the MaharajasCollege of later days. Dr. Gundert, the founder of the BaselMission in Malabar, was also the Government Inspector ofSchools for Malabar and South Canara. The Brennen Schoolat Tellicherry started in 1862 under the auspices of the Baselmission with an endowment of Rs.12000 by Mr.Brennen, the



master Attendant at Tellicherry, was later taken over by theGovernment and run as the Government Brennen College.

The foundations of English education in Kerala were thusfirmly laid. A chain of colleges and schools came to be setup, in due course. Whereas these institutions served the causeof general education, the need for staring institutions offeringcourses of studies in specialized branches of knowledge wasalso left. This led to the establishment of institutions offeringprofessional and technical courses as well as those devotedto the promotion of oriental studies and fine arts. Among theearliest of such institutions to be started in the respectivefields mention may be made of the Law college, Trivandrum(1874), the Ayurveda college, Trivandrum (1889), theSanskrit college, Trivandrum (1889), the Engineeringcollege Trivandrum (1939), the Swati Tirunal Academy(now college of Music-1939), the medieval collegeTrivandrum (1951), the Agricultural college, Trivandrum(1955) and the Vetinary college , Trichur (1955). In lateryears more institutions came to be started in the above fieldsin order to cater to the increasing demand for professionalsand specialists.

2.3 Caste and class transformation

The social composition of Kerala is significant since it hasdetermined the sociological foundation of Kerala politics.The traditional four-fold division of society (Chaturvaranya)is not applicable to Kerala. Numerous sub castes have grownaround the major castes. Prominent castes like the Nayarsand Ezhavas do not fit into the traditional caste division.Although the Scheduled Castes and tribes may have certaincommon characteristics and on this basis can be demarcatedfrom other groups they lack the cultural homogeneity to be



considered a social unit. Inter-caste hostility is often greateramong them since some of them receive better opportunitiesof modernisation and earn greater social mobility. Themembers of the lower castes, unwilling to leave their caste,however low it may be, tried to improve their status byadopting the cultural patterns of the higher castes. In socialchange the caste association has greater significance than thecaste itself. Castes and sub-Castes remain even now the basisof social and political action. Kerala may be described as acommunal museum. Communities, advanced and backwardas well as large and small have made up the Kerala society.Many factors such as religious revival and rivalry, economiccompulsion, spirit of modernisation, etc. contributed tomental stir which took the form of social reform movements.

The religion and society of Kerala has also changedgreatly over the centuries. Here, over two thousand yearsago, the Tamil speaking people developed a fairly advancedcivilization independently of the Aryan north. During thisperiod, Kerala remained a part of an area sharing the samelanguage and cultural activities. The entire South India wasreferred as to 'Tamilakam' by the Sangham works as well ascontemporary foreign accounts. Gradually Keralites brokeaway from the Tamilians, a process undoubtedly encouragedby their geographical situation. In the course of centuries wedeveloped our own culture, in the process extensivelyabsorbing Aryan elements from the north, as well as Araband European elements from the west. These influencesaffected the language and religion of the Keralites.

A silent revolution was taking place in the socio-religious system of Kerala during the last phase of theSangham Age. It was a landmark in the formation of theagrarian society of Kerala. The simple tradition of the tribes



became extremely complex as the people migrated to theother parts and turned in to settled agriculturists. The rapidincrease of the new ideologies with the emergence ofBuddhism, Jainism, Brahmanism, Christianity and Islamshook their tradition and became extremely complex. In thewake of socio-economic transformation, the heterodoxreligious ideologies themselves underwent major changesand got reconstructed more or less in idioms of pre-existingtradition.

The formation of organised Brahmin settlements inKerala in the ninth century must have been the result of aslow process of migration from time to time. Usually thewhole of Kerala was covered by a network of templecentered Brahmin settlements. A combined administration ofknowledge, institutional support, division of labour andideology was essential for the formation of such settlements.The Brahmins had great knowledge and this enabled them tobe a dominant community in Kerala. People governthemselves and others through the production of knowledge.The Nambootiris (Kerala Brahmins) gradually gotdominance as the advisory committees of the Kings. Thefinal stage of Brahmin domination coincides with the rise ofKulasekharas. They were the patrons of Brahmanism inKerala. Large numbers of temples were constructed andNamboodiris became powerful and influential. TheBrahmins attained a position of primacy in social andreligious matters. Manipravalam works testify to thedominant position of the Brahmins in contemporary Keralasociety.

The final stage in the development of society is marked bythe emergence of class and state. Initially, the state emergedout of gross inequality in the distribution of produce. Later it



was dominated by those who managed to obtain the greaterportion of land, labour and other basic sources of subsistence.Unequal distribution culminated in unequal access to thesources of livelihood.

At the beginning of the twelfth century, the land ofKerala was governed by dozens of Naduvazhies under afeudal system which went by Brahmanical codes of morality.A self-regulating social system organised in terms ofcommunities prevailed and managed the affairs. The higher-ups in the hierarchy monopolised the juridical-politicalmatters by tradition. The juridical conventions and theadministration of justice were primarily based on Sastraicjurisprudence institutionalised as ‘Desamaryada‘ or localconventions. Since the Brahmins were the hegemonic groupwith enormous economic and cultural control, their VedicSastric-Puranic adaptation constituted the chief tradition ofwisdom for representing the socio-political processes. Thetechnologies that are derived from knowledge are used byvarious institutions to exert power over people. There is alink between knowledge and power.

An important characteristic of the Hindu society ofKerala was the observance of the caste system which madethe social life of the vast majority of the people miserable.This social stratification is a particular form of socialinequality. The caste system that had stratified communitieson the basis of inequality was part and parcel of the economicpattern of Hindu society in the pre-colonial period. Theprimitive communist society of Kerala was replaced by asystem which divided the society into castes. First in to threeor four then it became dozens and scores. Religion had beena central factor in the culture of Kerala since the beginning



of its formation. As an ideology, religion played an importantpart where the caste system progressively established here.

Caste based social order was the creation of the age-oldHindu religion. Caste is not the growth of a single age or evena few centuries. It assumes different characteristics atdifferent times. Caste structure goes out of inter-relationshipsbetween groups. The institution of caste based socialstratification was a major effect of the sastric-puranic modeof representation of the hereditary social division of labour.

In the division of labour, superior castes werespecialising in honourable, lucrative jobs and inferior castesin humble, menial jobs. Division of means was doneaccording to the status and need of each caste. In thisdispensation all caste groups received their portion of thematerial benefits. Thus carpenters, smiths, barbers, washermen, ploughmen all got their share of the produce to helpthem stay alive, at a reduced rate. Inter dependence was theessence of separateness in the caste system. Here caste andoccupation went together and a man was born not only intohis caste based profession but also into his employer's handsas well.

The institution of caste evolved gradually during thepost-Sangham period. Though the caste system in Kerala hadsome peculiarities of its own it was the version of Brahmin-centered Varna- caste system that prevailed elsewhere inIndia. Kerala has its own peculiarities in the evolution ofclass-caste society. Only one of the four Varna - theBrahmins-had become part of Kerala Hindu society. Manyof the ruling families belong to the next one the Kshatriyacaste. But the bulk of the people who carried on the warfare,the professions of Kshatriya were drawn from outside this



caste. The traditional warriors of Kerala, in historical times,are non-Kshatriyas.

The third caste Vaisya is totally absent from the castehierarchy of Kerala. The nonexistence of any caste whosetraditional occupation is trade in the Hindu society of Keralais significant. The people who perform the function of Vaisyacaste-the Jews, the Muslims and the Christians-were outsidethe Kerala Hindu society even in historical times. At thesame time there were minute divisions of caste and sub-castefor each minor occupation.

The caste rules operated in the most irrationalmanner. The triple defilement practices of untouchability,unapproachability, unseeability were observed by people atall levels of Hindu society. Though the Savarnas did notpermit the low caste Hindus to approach them withoutfeeling themselves polluted, no such distance pollution wasassociated with the Christians and Muslims; but their touchwas considered polluting.

There were externally identifiable castes significanttoo. The style (mode) of clothing, the shape and position ofthe tuft of hair and the differing style and material of theornaments functioned as the caste marks of the bodies. Theclothing of Keralites even in the beginning of the twentiethcentury was prescribed by customs with striking differencesbased on caste and sub-caste identity. Clothing functioned asa sign-system to signify caste of the individual. One wouldwear a cloth to on one's waist strictly limiting the lower endabove the knee-joint or up to the knee-joint or above theankle or stretching down the ankle.



The nineteenth and early twentieth century was agreat turning period which changed the face of Kerala farmore than did the preceding thousand years. A new era set inKerala which witnessed the emergence of the society quitedifferent. Kerala experienced an intellectual revolution orrenaissance during this period which totally changed theoutlook of the people. Religious, cultural and ideological aswell as economic issues lead to important dimensions andconflict in the social order. This period witnessed theformation of a consciousness about the identity of Kerala inall areas of social endeavour. The nature, direction andmomentum of these changes constitute the basis for theintroduction of an alternative system of beliefs and re-structure of social institutions.

Rise of the New Professional Classes

It would be interesting to assess the changes that have takenplace in the personal life of the Keralites in recent years. Thedisruption of old social institutions like the joint family , thematrilineal system, the Janmi system etc has helped theaverage Keralite to acquire a new dignity of his own anddevelop a fresh outlook. He is no longer enamoured of landedproperty or the unwieldy mansion known as Nalukettu. Hehas come to have faith in the benefits of higher educationwhich opens up new avenues of employment. Even theyoung men and women of the socially backward sections inthe community have taken to higher education and this hasenabled them to secure jobs in government service and publicundertakings. The learned professions have also attracted thenew generation of educated young men and women in largenumbers. This has led to the emergence of new professionalclasses who wield considerable influence in public life. Their



interests cut across the conventional barriers based on casteand religion. They constitute the new elite in Kerala society.

Caste in Contemporary Kerala

The Hindu society in Kerala is today organised on the basisof the caste system. The caste system had its origin in Keralaby about the 8th century A.D. when the influx of the Aryanimmigrants reached its peak. The social and economicchanges brought about by the Chola-chera war of the 11th

century A.D. strengthened the basis of the caste system. TheNamboothiri Brahmins who were at the apex of the castehierarchy attained a position of primacy in social andreligious matters. Jainism and Buddhism had practicallydisappeared and Hindu society came to be organised on thebasis of castes and sub-castes.

The most striking feature of the society that emerged beforelong was the predominance of the upper castes and therelatively subordinate position occupied by the lower castes.The works of the Portuguese, the Dutch and the Britishwriters throw light on the social organisation of Keraladuring the period from the 16th to the 19th century. It may besee that the Brahmins stood at the top of the social hierarchyand among them the Namboothiris occupied the highest rank.There were also other Brahmin castes like the Tulu Brahminsand the Gouda Saraswath Brahmins who came from outside.The Kshatriyas who constituted the ruling class were kept bythe Namboothiris under their effective control. The Nairs andTiyyas (Ezhavas) constituted powerful sections of the Hinducommunity. The Nairs being the martial class were the moreinfluential of the two. They moved about the land with swordin hand. Being famous for their fidelity, they were employedby the Portuguese as Changatam (suicide squads) for



protecting their lives and properties. In the Portuguese periodthey were not addicted to drink but by the time of Buchanan’svisit in 1800-1801, the position had changed. KunjanNambiar who composed his Thullal works in the preceedingcentury makes specific references to the drinking habit of theNairs. The Tiyyas had toddy tapping as their mainoccupation, but like the Nairs, they too received militarytraining. The Kammalas (artisans), the Mukkuvas (fisherfolk) and several other castes like the Pulayas, the Parayasand the Kuravas occupied a low position in society and weresubjected to all kinds of social disabilities.

The caste rules operated with the utmost rigour. The uppercastes like the Brahmins, the Kshtariyas and the Nairsobserved them strictly as otherwise they would have beentreated as outcastes and sold to Christians or Muslims underroyal orders. The evils of untouchability unapproachabilityand unseeabililty were observed in the most irrationalmanner. The members of the lower castes had to keep adistance from the higher castes according to a prescribedschedule. Thus the Pulaya had to keep a distance of 60 ft.from the Nair while the Namboothiri would consider himselfpolluted even if he is seen by a pulaya or Nayadi. The failureon the party of the members of the lower castes to make wayfor those of the higher would have invited even the deathpenalty.

The upper castes (savarnas) like the Brahmins, theKshatriyas, the nairs etc. enjoyed several immunities andprivileges which were denied to the lower castes. Politicalpower and authority in the land lay concentrated in the handsof the former. The existence of royal families who hadmatrimonial connections with Kshatriyas, Nairs etc. and whoeventually leaned heavily on the Brahmin officers who were



imported from outside for assistance in the discharge of theirduties, helped the upper castes to get themselves entrenchedin positions of authority.

It was the special privilege of the Brahmin judges, Vaidikar,as they were called, to give judgements in all important cases.The law administered by them was not equalitarian in anysense. While the Brahmins enjoyed freedom from deathpenalty, the members of the backward castes were given thispunishment even for such ordinary offences as theft, killingof cows etc. The lower a person’s rank in the social scale, themore severe the punishment meted out to him. Trampling todeath under an elephant, blowing from the mouth of a cannonand hanging (chithravadham) spread over three days were thecommon punishments imposed on the members of the lowercastes even for ordinary offences. An Ezhava or Pulayacondemned to death for any crime was hanged while a Nairplaced in similar circumstances was beheaded. Trial byordeal (Satya Pariksha) was common in both criminal andcivil cases. The type of ordeal to which a person wassubjected depended on his caste status. Ordeal by balance(Tukku) was reserved for the Brahmins, fire for Kshatriyasand poison for Sudras. A famous instance of trial by ordealis the Kaimukku or ordeal of boiling ghee in the Suchindramtemple intended for Namboothiri women found guilty forsexual offences. This was the position in regard toadministration of law at the time of the British conquest ofKerala. Though British rule tended to liberalise the penalcode to a certain extent, the Naduvazhis and the upper castescontinued to enjoy their position of predominance as the



policy of the British government was to sustain them as theprops of their power.

The members of the lower castes (Avarnas) orbackward communities, as they came to be called, had noplace in the counsels of the state. They could hold no officeunder the Government either in Travancore or Cochin. Therewere also manifold restrictions in regard to their dress,ornaments, mode of conveyance, use of domestic vessels,manner of construction of houses etc. Individuals amongthem who wanted to enjoy privileges in these matters had tomake payments to the Sarkar or to the Naduvazhi and obtainlicense. This arrangement led to a series of inequitableimposts which imposed an intolerable burden on themembers of the backward communities.

In fact, the dichotomy between the Savarnas and theAvarnas continued to be the bane of Hindu society and stoodin the way of the advancement of the backward classes.Hindus of one caste lived in complete segregation form theirbrethren belonging to other castes. The Avarnas were deniedaccess to temples, schools and places of public resort andthere even restrictions on their freedom to walk along thepublic roads without fear. The practice of pollution waswidely observed. Inter dining was held in terror. It is alsoworth mentioning that much more than the barriers of castewhich stood in the way of social mobility, there were inter-sub-caste barriers among the Nairs and also among each ofthe backward communities like the Ezhavas which tooprevented the members of the various castes from acting inunison and harmony as homogeneous communities. Therewas neither inter-dining nor inter marriage between thevarious sub caste. Moreover, some of the avarnas who were



high in the social scale practiced untouchability in relation tothe Pulayas and other scheules castes. Thus paradoxical as itmay seem, the Harijans were being denied entry into thetemples owned by the Ezhavas who themselves had thegrievance that they were being denied entry into temples bythe upper caste Hindus.

The social science in Kerala, in fact, presented manymore such paradoxes. One such glaring paradox was thatwhile a non Hindu like a Christian or Muslim was not barredentering into approach roads to temples or admission toschools, those Hindus who by accident of birth happened tobe born in the low castes, were kept out of these places andsubjected to social humiliation. To make the irony complete,those Hindus who converted themselves to Christianity orIslam immediately got these privileges conferred on themwithout demur or protest from among the upper caste Hindus.It is not surprising that under such circumstances a largenumber of conversions took place in Kerala from among thebackward castes in the Hindu society to Christianity andIslam and the prestige of Hinduism suffered heavily evenamong these who were born within its fold. SwamiVivekananda who visited Kerala in 1892 observes as followsabout this phenomenon in a letter to one of his friends, “if abhangi comes on as a bhangi he would be shunned as theplague, but no sooner he gets a cupful of water poured uponhis head with some mutterings of mantras and gets on hisback a coat, no matter how threadbare he comes into theroom of the most Orthodox Hindu – I do not see tile man whothen dares refuse him a chair and a hearty shake of hands.Irony can go no further’. It is significant to note that SwamiVivekananda felt so disgusted with the caste taboos of theHindus that he called Kerala the ‘mad house of India



MODULE 3

STRUCTURAL CHANGES IN KERALA

3.1 Matriliny in Kerala and its changes, Transformations infamily, Marriage, Taravadu, Inheritance, Succession anddescent

3.2 Land reforms and structural changes

3.3 Legislations and social change

3.1 Matriliny in Kerala and its changes, Transformationsin family, Marriage, Taravadu, Inheritance, Successionand descent.

A distinctive feature of the social organization of Kerala tillrecent times was the prevalence of Marumakkathayam or theMatrilineal system among certain castes and communities. Itinvolved inheritance and succession through the sister’schildren in the female line. The antiquity of the system hasbeen a theme of controversy among scholars. The traditionalview propagated by the Brahmin aristocracy and expoundedby the authors of the Keralolpathiis thatMarumakkathayamis of hoary antiquity and thatMakkathayam or the patrilineal system of inheritance wasunknown to ancient Kerala. As opposed to this is the viewthat Makkathayam was the system of inheritance prevalentin ancient Kerala and that Marumakkathayam came intovogue at a later period of Kerala history under the impact ofsome compelling forces. The fact that succession to the



throne among the early Cheras and the Kulasekharas ofMahodayapuram was from father to son is cited as evidencein support of this view. P.T.Sreenivasa Iyengar, author of theHistory of the Tamils, is categorical thatMarumakkathayamwas unknown in Kerala till the tenthcentury AD. K P Padmanabha Menon has expressed the viewthat the Marumakkathayamsystem was nonexistent in Keralatill the thirteenth century and that it came into vogue in thefourteenth century in response to the challenge of certaincompelling circumstances. The fact that Friar Jordanus ofSeveric (early fourteenth century) is the first foreign travellerto mention the existence of the system and no other foreignobserver before him has alluded to it is adduced as evidencein support of this contention. The observations of FriarJordanus are as follows. “In this India, never do even thelegitimate sons of great kings or princes or barons inherit thegoods of their parents but only the sons of their sisters forthey say that they have no surety that those are their sons; butit is not so with the sister, for whatever man may be thefather, they are certain that the offspring is of their sister andis consequently truly of their blood”. Prof. ElamkulamKunjan Pillai who too believes in the later origin ofMarumakkathayam accepted the view of P.T.SrinivasaIyengar that the system was unknown in Kerala till the tenthcentury, but he agreed with the substance of PadmanabhaMenon’s view that it was the product of certain compellingcircumstances.

As distinct from the two extreme views given above, there isalso a compromise view which suggests thatMarumakkathayam must have been the system of inheritanceand succession prevailing in ancient Kerala and that it musthave been in a state of suspended animation during the period



of the ascendancy of the patrilineal Brahmin caste till itstaged a revival at a later period. A.L.Bashim has givenexpression to a similar view. He says, “In the early days ofthe Chera Kingdom of Kerala inheritance was through themale line but about the twelfth century a matrilineal systembecame regular , according to which the heir to the thronewas the son not of the king, but of his eldest sister. Thissystem called Marumakkathayam, continued in Cochin andTravancore until very recent times, both for royal successionand the inheritance of estates. Perhaps it existed in Kerala atan early period, but was dropped by the upper classes for awhile under Brahmanical influence, to be reviewed in thecourse of the centuries.

Family/Tarawad

The family or tarawadin the matriarchal society was a jointfamily consisting of all the descendants of a commonancestress in the female line. The mother and all her children,all grandchildren by the daughters, all her brothers and sistersand the descendants on the sister’s side lived together in thesame home sharing a common kitchen and enjoying all theproperty and after her death, they shared her property incommon with one another. Though every one of the membersof the matriarchal family had the right to maintenance fromits property, none was entitled to partition. The consent of allthe members of the tarawadwas essential for effectingpartition.

Though the joint property belonged in law to the females,they were considered as incapable of family management andhence the eldest male member of the family called karanavanwas vested with the right of managing the family property.The Karanavancould not, however alienate the family



property except with the unanimous consent of the juniormembers or the Anantaravans.The junior members had noproperty of their own and they succeeded to thekaranavasthanamor managership of the family by seniority.In case the Karanavanmismanaged the tarawadproperty, thejunior members could initiate legal proceedings and havehim removed from the managership.

A disquieting aspect of the joint family underMarumakkathayamwas the undue influence exercised by theAmmayi, that is, the Karanavan’swife, in the affairs of theTarawad. It should be noted that her children, through herhusband, namely, the Karanavan, had no legal claim to hisfamily property and still her will prevailed with the latter infamily matters. This led to a lot of dissatisfaction among thejunior members and the Ammayicame to be viewed withsuspicion as the cause of all tensions in the Tarawad. Veryoften she appropriated for herself and her children whateverlittle gain the Karanavangained from the management of theTarawadproperty and the Anantaravans naturally resentedthis. In addition, there was also the complaint that theKaranavanincurred the displeasure of several juniormembers of the family also because he was partial to themembers of his own Tavazhi(branch) that is, the children ofhis direct sisters. As a result of these factors the joint familybecame a hot bed of troubles and intrigues. In view of theinternal tensions, the joint family system failed to workharmoniously and there began the clamor for the reform ofthe Marumakkathayamlaw of inheritance.

Plural Traditions of Family in Kerala

Regional variations of mutual power rankings, Namboothiriand Nayar communities enjoyed dominance in the Kerala



social structure. Besides these two dominant communities,Kerala had many Christian and Muslim communities andseveral intermediate and lower ranking caste, as well as tribalcommunities which were outside the caste system. It was theconcentration on the dominant Nayar caste and theirmatriliny that contributed to the perception of Kerala societybeing predominantly matrilineal was not restricted to Nayars;it was practiced by a large number of castes and communitiescovering more than half of the population (Saradamoni,1999).

While matriliny existed in many Hindu caste groups, severaltribal groups and some Christian and Muslim groups, thepatrilineal family was the norm among large Christianreligious groups, while among Muslims both patrilineal andmatrilineal family norms existed.

Kurichiyan

Kurichiyan, traditionally a matrilineal hunter gatherergroups, were agriculturists scattered over the Kannur,Wayanad and Kozhikode districts of the state. The traditionalKurichiyan joint family is referred to as ‘mittom’ withreference to the large courtyard in front of a complex ofbuildings for dwellings and other purposes, where all familyceremonies taking place. Each ‘mittom’ has its own Kulam,a grouping of people descended from a common ancestress.A Kulam is further divided into two segments known asbandhu and panthi and kulams coming within the samesegment being sister kulams and forbidden to marry amongstthemselves.

Thus moiety exogamy and prescriptive marriage betweenpanthi and bandhu are crucial in the social organization of



the Kurichiyan and the shaping of its family norms. When afamily grows too large for joint living, or new property isacquired new households came up but they were stillattached to the ‘mittom’for all ritual and ceremonial purposesuntil these new dwellings installed all dieties and enshrinedthem. Those dwellings that thus acquired independencebecame erupuras or attara of the original ‘mittom’, althoughthey may also be referred as ‘mittom’.Once a child reachesthe age of five, she/he can be send by the Karanavarto livein any of the erupuras and the adults too may be circulatedbetween erupuras to meet labor requirements(Menon V. ,2012).

A common pool of property for the members was maintainedby ‘mittom’. The lands were held jointly by the members ofthe mittom, but the legal rights were vested in theKaranavar.The women’s role was mostly in the privatedomain, but their role in production and men’s dependenceon them to maintain the social organization and conventionsof their society was undeniable and unchallenged(Menon V., 2012).

Christianity and Muslim Family Traditions

The modern beginnings of most of the families are associatedwith a legendary patriarch, a sort of founder of the family. itis noticed that most of the families in this phase gotassociated with the Dutch or British in a peculiar way whilebeing under the suzerainty of the local king. The SyrianChristians readily imbibed western traits more expeditiouslythan the local Hindus(Kurian, 2004).

In North Malabar and in coastal towns of Malabar generally,the Mappilas followed the Marumakkathayam system of



inheritance, though it was opposed to the precepts of Quran,but a man’s self - acquisitions usually descended to his wifeand family in accordance with the Mohammedan Law ofproperty. This combination of two systems often led to muchconfusion and troubles in Muslim Join families. This practiceof matriliny was ascribed to the orders or Raja of Chirakkaland seemed to have been further encouraged by the exampleof the Bibi of Arakkal, the only Muslim royal family andhead of North Malabar Mappilas.

Reforms of the Laws of Inheritance and Marriage

It has already been mentioned that a movement for the reformof the law of inheritance had been started by the juniormembers of the Marumakkathayamfamilies who revoltedagainst the autocratic powers exercised by the Karanavan inthe tarawad. In the Travancore area of the state themovement received the staunch support of the Nair servicesociety. In 1083 Kollam era (1907-08) in response to thegrowing public opinion the Government of Travancoreappointed a committee of officials and non-officials to gointo the whole question. A bill was introduced in thelegislature by the government and passed into law as Act of1912. This measure is known as the first Nair Act. It did notprovide for partition of Nair Tarawads, the shares beingcalculated per capita. On the other hand, it granted half of theself-acquired property of a male to his sons and the other halfto his nephews.

The first Nair Act only embodied a compromisebetween two conflicting views instead of meeting thedemands of the agitationists in full. Hence the agitation forthe reform of the Marumakkathayamlaw continued unabated.A non-official motion introduced in the Travancore



Legislature in 1916 in order to amend the Nair Act (1912) byproviding for Tavazhi partition was lost owing to theopposition of the Government. However, the second Nair Actpassed in 1925 provided for the partition of Nair tarawads,the share being calculated per capita and deprived thenephews of all claims to the properties of their uncles. TheNair Act was followed by the Ezhava Act and the NanjandaVellala Act providing for similar changes in the law ofinheritance in respect of the two communities. The Nair Actof 1925 and the other measures that followed prohibited thepractice of polygamy. Thus as a result of progressivelegislation vast sections of the Hindu community inTravancore became Makkathayisand the old Hindu jointfamily system broke up.

Cochin was also powerfully influenced by this windof change and several pieces of legislation were passed witha view to amending the laws of inheritance and marriage. TheCochin Nair Regulation of 1095 Kollam Era (1919-20)imposed restrictions on the powers of the Karanavanandfacilitated partition of joint families. It legalized customarymarriage and declared the wife and children as being entitledto maintenance by the husband or the father. The provisionsof the regulation applied to non – Nair husbands also. Theresult was that all husbands including Namboothiri were nowlegally bound to maintain their wives and children, if any.The Regulation also prohibited polygamy and anticipatedcentral legislation by several decades. The measure has beenhailed as a milestone in the annals of Marumakkathayam asit fulfilled all the legitimate aspirations of the progressivesections of the Nair community.

The Cochin Nair Act of Kollam Era 1113 (1937-38)which superseded the Regulation of 1920 retained the main



provisions of the latter and introduced more progressivechanges with a view to doing away with the evils of the jointfamily system. The Act brought about the completedisruption of Marumakkathayam as an institution and freedthe members of the joint family from the shackles of theautocratic Karanavan. The wife and children of a husband orfather became the legal heirs of his property. Every memberof a Nair family (tarawad) could now claim his share of theproperties by demanding individual partition. The Act of1113 repeated the earlier prohibition on polygamy and alsoprohibited the marriage of a female less than 16 years of ageand of a male less than 21 years of age.

The Government of Madras also enacted legislativemeasures with a view to changing the laws of inheritance andsuccession in Malabar in response to public opinion. TheMadras Marumakkathayam Act of 1993 allowed partition oftarawadproperty and legalized inheritance from father toson. The partition could also be affected without the consentof the Karanavan, if the majority of the members wantedpartition. The Act applied to all the Hindus of Malabarincluding the Namboothiri of Payyannur Gramam whofollowed the Marumakkathayam system. An amendment tothe Act of 1933 which was passed in 1958 conferred the rightof individual partition on the members of theMarumakkathayam families.

Legislative measures were passed simultaneously tobring about the change from Marumakkathayam toMakkathayam in the case of the Mappilas of North Kerala.The Mappila Marumakkathayam Act of 1933 conferred onthe members of the Mappila Marumakkathayam families theright to claim the partition of their tarawads. The propertywhich they acquired as a result of the partition was thereafter



to be governed by the Shariat law. It may also be mentionedthat the Shariat law passed by the Central legislature in 1937was made applicable in 1949 and with this the Muslims inMalabar area who had followed Marumakkathayam alsocame to be governed by the patrilineal law of inheritancewhich the Muslims followed all over the world.

An important piece of legislation which affected thelife of the Namboothiris also deserves mention. The MadrasNamboothiri Act of 1933 changed the law of inheritancegoverning the Namboothiris of Malabar. Every member of aNamboothiri Illam, whether male or female, could get anequal share in the family property under its provisions. Thejunior members of the Namboothiri families also got the rightto marry within the caste and thus the children of all juniormembers of an illam became the legal heirs to the property.

Legislative measures passed by the Indian parliamentafter independence has included those affecting the law ofinheritance among all classes of Hindus. The HinduSuccession Act which came into force in 1956 provides for auniform system of succession for all Hindus with respect tointestate succession (i.e., inheritance of property of personswho die without having made a will). The Act gives equalright to man and woman in regard to inheritance of propertyand it applies to all persons governed by theMarumakkathayamlaw as well. It may also be mentioned thatunder the same Act the law relating to Hindu marriage hasalso been modified so as to make monogamy compulsory forall classes of Hindus.

Mention may also be made in this connection of theKerala Joint Hindu Family System (Abolition), Act 1975passed by the Kerala Legislative Assembly. The last among



the legislative measures of its kind, it has ensured thedisintegration of the traditional matrilineal system ofinheritance and ushered in the patrilineal (Makkathayam)system which is in vogue among progressive societies allover the world.

3.2 Land reforms and structural changes

Land Reforms prior to Independence

The series of land reforms introduced in the three areas ofKerala by the respective Governments have also played avery important role in ushering a new socio-economic order.Land reforms intended to redress the grievances of the tenantwere introduced from the 19th century onwards. InTravancore the Pattamproclamation of 1040 Kollam Era(June 1865) enfranchised Sarkar Pattam lands, conferredproprietary rights on the holders of Pandaravakalands andprotected the tenants form the threat of arbitrary eviction.The Royal Proclamation of 1042 Kollam Era (1867) wasanother significant measure which defined the rights andobligations of tenants and landlords. The proclamation wascodified as the Janmi Kudiyan Regulation of 1077 KE (1896)and later amended by Regulation LII of 1108 KE.(1932)which conferred full proprietary rights on the Kudiyanssubject to payment of Janmikaram.

In Cochin a royal writ or titturam issued in 1038 KE. (1863)prevented eviction of Kanamtenants of more than 12 yearsstanding. The Tenancy Act of 1090 (1915) granted fixity oftenure to those who took Kanamsbefore 1885 and alsoprovided for payment of compensation to the tenants for theimprovements effected by them. The Cochin Tenancy Act ofKE.1113 (1938) which superseded the above Act granted



security of tenure in respect of Kanamscreated between 1885and 1915 and imposed further restrictions on eviction oftenants.

In the Malabar area where evictions bad led to agrarian unrestland reforms was a dire necessity. The Malabarcompensation for Tenants Improvement Act of 1930therefore contained elaborate provisions to confer security oftenure on several categories of tenants and enabled theaggrieved parties to approach the courts of law for fixationof fair rent. The Act was amended in 1945, 1951 and 1954 toprevent eviction and safeguard the interests of the tenantsmore effectively.

Land Reforms in Kerala since Independence

After independence the place of land reforms in Kerala wasaccelerated. The main objectives of the new land reformlegislation in Kerala, as elsewhere in India, were obligationof intermediaries and redistribution of land. The firstobjective was sought to be achieved by tenancy reformsinvolving security of tenure, fixation of fair rent andconferring ownership rights on the erstwhile tenants. Thesecond objective was incorporated in legislative enactmentsimposing ceiling on holdings and providing for redistributionof land in excess of the ceiling.

3.3 Legislations and social change

The Kerala Agrarian Relations Act, 1960 was the first unifiedlegislation which embodied the broad principles of landreform as laid down in the Five year Plans. Severalprovisions of this Act were struck down by the High Court.This led to fresh legislation.



The Kerala Land Reforms Act, 1963 was passed in 1963 andpartly put into force on April 1, 1964. However, theprovisions in this Act relating to the compulsory abolition ofintermediary right and enforcement of ceiling were notbrought into force on that date.

The Kerala Land Reforms Act, 1969 involved some radicalamendments to the Act of 1963. This Act conferred fullownership on the tenants in respect of the lands in theirpossession and brought them into direct relationship with theState by the abolition of all intermediary rights. It wasimplemented from January 1, 1970; it conferred security oftenure on all tenants except a few categories. The otherobjectives of tenancy reform viz; fixation of fair rent and theright of the tenants to purchase land in their possession werealso achieved as a result of these enactments.

Ceiling on Holdings

The Agrarian Relations Act, 1961 imposed a ceiling onexisting holdings. It was fixed at 15 acre of double croppaddy land or its equivalent. The act exempted Governmentlands, private forests, plantations etc from the purview of thisprovision. While most other provisions of the Act wereimplemented, the ceiling provisions were kept in abeyance.

The Land Reforms Act, 1963 which superseded the AgrarianRelations Act raised the ceiling limit, increased thecategories exempted and made it clear that transfers of landeffected after December 18, 1957, whether in contravention,of the ceiling provisions or not, could be disregarded. Noattempt was made to implement the ceiling provisions in thisAct.



The Kerala Land Reforms Act, 1969 altered the limits andleases of ceiling once again, this time to reduce the limit andtake away many of the exemptions. It was brought into forcewith effect from January 1, 1970. With effect from the date,no person is entitled to own or hold or possess under amortgage lands in the aggregate in excess of the ceiling limit.The ceiling has been fixed at 5 standard acres in the case ofan adult unmarried person or a family consisting of a solesurviving member and ten standard acres for a familyconsisting of two or more members (increased by onestandard acre for each member in excess of five). Exemptionshave been taken away except in the case of rubber, tea andcoffee plantations, private forests and patently non-agricultural lands and lands belonging to religious andeducational institutions.

Ownership Conferred to Kudikidappu

A major landmark is the conferring of ownership ofKudikidappu on the hutment dwellers. A large number hasbenefited from this measure. Thus the series of land reformsintroduced in Kerala since the latter half of the 19th centuryhave had as their cumulative effect the disruption of theJanmi system. This has helped in accelerating the pace of thesocial and economic progress of the state.

The land reform Act aimed at giving option to the homesteadtenants (Kudikidappukar) to purchase form their land owners3 cents of their homestead in a city or major municipality, or10 cents in a panchayath area. The Kudikidappukar wereexpected to pay only 25 percent of the market value of theland for such purchases and only half of it if the land ownerwas in possession of land in excess of the ceiling area. Outof this purchase price, one half was to be subsidized by the



government and the other half was payable by theKudikidappukar in 12 equal annual installments. The area ofland covered by the allowed disposals has been estimated as21,522 acres and the average area received per Kudikidappuhousehold works out to 0.08 acre.

New Values

The foregoing survey of the social and economic changesthat have taken place in Kerala would show that the pictureof the society that we get today is basically different fromwhat it was at the beginning of the century and in the earlierperiod. Even at the turn of this century Kerala society wasdominated by the ideas of casteism and feudalism and theupper classes like the Namboothiris and the Nairs enjoyed aprivileged status. They set the pace in cultural and social lifeand the lower castes had to submit thoroughly to theirdictation. It was considered a matter of prestige to ownlanded property. The larger the size of the property a personowned, the greater was the prestige he commanded insociety. Untouchability,polyandry,polygamy,Marumakkathayam and such other institutions developedunder the control exercised by the landed aristocracy. Vastsections of people were deprived of the opportunities for self-expression and self-development in society.

The above position has now completely changed. Thecommon man of Kerala has liberated himself from theshackles of feudal serfdom and caste domination. The oldinstitutions which stood in the way of the social andeconomic progress of the people have crumbled down. TheMarumakkathayam and the Janmi systems have disappearednot only under the impact of the progressive forces that havebeen at work in society but also as a result of the progressive



legislative measures introduced by the Government. ThePrestige value associated with caste and land has become athing of the past. The end of royalty too helped to hasten thepace of social change. Members of royal families who oncelived in ivory towers have taken to learned professions,government jobs, commerce or industry. At the same time,members of several backward castes and communities thathave been following traditional occupations have now takento learned professions and callings and industrial andcommercial pursuits. The spread of education and new andliberal ideas and the right to vote have infused into thebackward communities a new sense of self confidence andconsciousness of their strength. The caste system having thuslost its old vitality, society has come to be divided oneconomic and professional lines. These new professional andeconomic classes with their own special interests havereplaced the caste –ridden landed aristocracy as the architectsof Kerala’s destiny. In this group, should come theGovernment officials, the lawyers, the doctors, thebusinessmen, the Journalists, the peasants and the factoryworkers, irrespective of the caste or community to whichthey belong. Thus a new and dynamic society based on newvalues and incentives is being built upon the tottering edificeof the decadent society of the past. It can confidently beexpected that the will of the people as expressed through ourdemocratic institutions will sustain the new order from thethreat of disintegration or subversion in the years to come.



MODULE -4

KERALA SOCIETY IN TWENTIETH CENTURY

4.1 Nationalist and Workers movements, Peasantmovements, Library movement

4.2Tribal movements and ecological movements

4.3 Demographic trends in Kerala- Migration , Ageing andtrends of Birth and death rates;

Health care in Kerala; Consumerism and new life style

4.1 Nationalist and Workers movements, Peasantmovements, Library movement

Nationalist and Workers Movements

With the arrival of Mahatma Gandhi at the leadership ofIndian National Congress, the national movement all over thecountry received a new awakening. He was successful inrallying all sections of population against the British throughthe non-violent means of non-cooperation. He tried to bringthe Muslims and Hindus under one banner through theKhilafat Movement. The activities of Congress were livelyonly in Malabar and Kerala. The decision taken in theNagpur session of Indian National Congress to reorganizestates on linguistic basis and to include the native stateswithin the purview of the states helped in bringing all regionstogether. An all Kerala Congress session was held atOttappalam in April 1921. A special feature of the sessionwas that people from Malabar, Cochin and Travancore joinedtogether in this. The workers of Kerala welcomed thedecisions of the Nagpur session of the Congress. One of the



resolutions of the Nagpur session was to request parents notto admit their children to schools run by the BritishGovernment or receiving Government grants. The otherresolutions included Lawyers should stop practice,Foreignclothes should be boycotted, only Swadeshi articles shouldbe used, and Prohibition and removal of untouchabilityshould be given importance.

Indian National Congress had decided to boycott the SimonCommission when its numbers disembarked in Bombay inFebruary 1928. Organizing protest meetings and hartals inthe nooks and corners of Kerala, people took to propagatinganti-Simon Commission sentiments. The World Depressionof 1929 had affected our country also. The price ofagricultural products in Kerala fell steeply. But the Britishdid not make any compromise about collecting rent and taxfrom the peasants. Peasants and small landlords sufferedunder financial problems. Starvation and unemploymentplunged the country into terrible fear. There was unresteverywhere.

Civil Disobedience

The national leaders were engaged in remarkable anti-imperialist activities by raising anti-British sentiments andthus bringing the people together. The Salt Satyagraha heldin 1930 under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi brought theIndian minds together. In Kerala too, strong programmes ofpropaganda were organized as part of Salt Satyagraha. Abatch of volunteers under the leadership of K. Kelappan tookout a procession from Calicut to Payyanur on foot to breakthe Salt Law. Another group under the leadership of T. R.Krishnaswami Iyer too went there. The processionsproceeded accepting greetings of people on route. The style



of the struggle underwent a change following the arrest of theMahatma on 5thMay. The police brutally suppressed thesatyagrahis who came to break the Salt Law at Calicut beachon 12th May. Mohamed Abdul Rahiman Sahib, P. KrishnaPillai, R.V. Sharma, T.R. Krishnaswami Iyer and K.Madhavan Nair were sentenced to rigorous imprisonment.Civil Disobedience continued all over Malabar. Anti-Britishsentiments grew strong through the manufacture of salt,processions, public meetings and picketing. Attempts wereon from the 1930's to link locally arising issues and theNational Liberation Struggle. Karshaka Sanghams had beenformed in most places in Malabar in order to take up thepeasants' problems in the villages. Workers were organizedin the field of industrial labour. Consciousness of the rightsand consciousness of freedom grew simultaneously as aresult of this. The Railway Strike of July 1928 had very goodresponse in Kerala as well. Such struggles inspired theworkers in the field of small scale industries. The CivilDisobedience Movements of 1930-1932 created awakeningamong the workers. The workers of the CommonwealthWeaving Mill started a strike on March 5th1931 followingreduction of their wages. The workers of Feroke Tile Factorystruck work in February 1935. Similarly the workers ofCalicut Cotton Mill staged a strike on 11th November 1935.Struggles for rights gained in strength. Organized strugglesbecame widespread. Anti-British sentiments were aflame.August 9th1942 witnessed programmes of protest all over thecountry raising the slogan of 'Quit India'. Every street sawprocessions and every street corner, public meetings. Bannedpamphlets were distributed and courts and educationalinstitutions were boycotted. Protest took a violent turn incertain parts of Malabar. The Registry Office and railwaystation of Chemancheri were burned. Many were punished



after being accused of making bombs in the KizhariyurBomb case. The peasant revolts in Kayyoor in 1941 andKarivalloor in 1946 were popular expressions of the protestagainst landlordism and imperialism. The Punnappra-Vayalar Revolt of 1946 was an indication of the growth ofthe strong process of democratization under the leadership ofworking class against imperialism.

Peasants Movement

The peasant struggle in Malabar was originally started by theMuslims, but was later carried on by the Nayars and theTiyyas. There was a special reason why the struggle wasstarted by the Muslims. They had come to enjoy temporaryownership of land when, during the Mysorean rule, theHindu Janmis fled the country to escape religiouspersecution and forcible conversion. When Malabar cameunder the British rule, the Janmis rushed back to retrievetheir lost land with the British government and its law courts.Thus the Mysorean rule had already prepared the ground foragrarian discontent among a sizeable section of the peasantryby disturbing the then prevailing social structure. The Britishrule tended to deepen the discord still further.

The Moplah uprisings which had begun in 1836 andcontinued to recur at irregular intervals culminated in a massinsurrection in 1921, known as the Moplah Rebellion. Theperiod 1926-30 witnessed the most active and vocal phase ofthe struggle. The governor's refusal to give assent to theMalabar Tenancy Bill introduced in the Madras LegislativeCouncil in 1924 and passed in 1926 amidst severe protests,drew the ire of the entire peasantry in Malabar.



The progress of the peasant struggle during the years 1935-40 was closely bound up with the emergence of the KarshakaSangham as a strong peasant organisation. The KarshakaSangham fully exploited the prevailing discontent among thepeasants and their opposition to the janmis and thegovernment, in organising its activities. Massive peasantconferences at the village, taluk and regional levels,processions of peasants and youths singing revolutionarysongs and shouting reverberating slogans were more or lessregular features of the programmes of the KarshakaSangham.

Following the first Chirakal taluk peasants' conferenceorganised at Parassinikkadavu in November 1936 at whichthe Chirakal taluk Karshaka Sangham, the first talukKarshaka Sangham in the whole of Malabar, was formed,numerous peasant conferences were organised at the village,taluk and regional levels throughout Malabar including theKasaragod taluk which was then part of South Karrara.During the short period of five months between January andMay 1939, as many as thirty-three village conferences wereorganised. The astounding growth of the Karshaka Sanghamduring this period has also been noted by Jeffrey accordingto whom, by the end of 1938, the All-Malabar KarshakaSangham had a paid up membership of about 30,000-5,000in Kasaragod taluk, 10,000 in Chirakal and the remainder inthe rest of Malabar, mostly in Kottayam and Kurumbranadtaluks.

As a result of these agitations and unrest, the MalabarTenancy Act of 1930 was amended in 1951 on the basis ofthe recommendations of the Tenancy Committee of 1940,But many of the provisions such as depositing of one year'srent as advance by the Verumpattam tenants, eviction of



tenants by the janmis on a number of grounds, and failure ofthe Act to protect the landless homestead tenants, made thepeasants even more furious.

The rise to power of the Communist party in 1957 after thereorganisation of the states in 1956 was a dreamcome-true tothe peasantry of Kerala. Immediately after assuming power,the ministry passed the Kerala Stay of Eviction ProceedingsAc t of 1957, suspending all evictions. This was a prelude toa drastic piece of land reforms legislation, the KeralaAgrarian Relations Bill, which was passed in the Assemblyin 1959.

The Kerala Stay of Eviction Proceedings Ac t of 1967 andthe Kerala Land Reforms (Amendment) Act of 1969 is astanding monument to the irrepressible spirit and untiringefforts of the peasantry. The Act of 1969 abolished at onestroke, both tenancy and landlordism in Kerala and gaveoption to the homestead tenant to purchase his homesteadfrom the janmi or landowner on easy terms, and conferredownership of the tenanted lands on the cultivating tenant. Italso empowered the government to take possession of thesurplus land by ceiling laws and distribute it among the landless agricultural labourers and land' poor peasants. These atemajor landmarks in the history of land reforms in Keralawhich radically altered its agrarian structure.

Library Movement

The library is an institution in the modern sense of the termhad its origin in Kerala in the early 19th century. TheTrivandrum Public Library, one of the oldest in India, was



started in 1829 by the then British Resident Col.EdwardCadogan, the grandson of Sir Hans Sloane, the founder of theBritish Museum. The Public library at Ernakulam wasfounded in 1870, that of Kottayam in 1882 and of Quilon in1933. Eventually public libraries sprang up in importanttowns and villages. The library movement grew as a popularand democratic movement in the Travancore area of Keralawith the formation of the All Travancore GrandhasalaSangham in 1945. It had at its inception 47 libraries on itsrolls. The Sangham in collaboration with the Governmentundertook the task of rejuvenating many old libraries andorganizing new ones. The Sangham which was reorganisedas the Kerala Grandhasala Sangham (Kerala State LibraryCouncil) has more than five thousand libraries affiliated to itand receiving financial assistance. It now functions under theprovision of the Kerala Public Libraries Act 1989, withDistrict and Taluk level councils and functioning under it.

Apart from the public libraries mentioned above, there aresome notable libraries of high standing or culturalimportance. Of these the Oriental Research Institute andManuscripts Library under the Kerala University atKariavattam deserves special notice. It has a manuscriptssection which has rendered yeomen service to the cause oforiental research by bringing to light a series of raremanuscripts including the dramas of Bhasa. The uniquecollection of 40000 palm leaf manuscripts kept here is a starattraction to scholars. There is a rare palm leaf manuscriptwhich contains the whole of the Ramayana in pictures. It isabout five centuries old and is inscribed in stylus. Thedepartment of History, Calicut University has also a smallmanuscripts library which contains palm leaf documentsincluding those of the Keralolpathi and the different versions



of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata as well as a fewcopper plates, bamboo manuscripts and estampages ofinscriptions. In addition, there are also other notable librarieslike the Sri Chitra Tirunal Grandhasala, Trivandrum and theUllur Memorial Library and Reading Room, Trivandrum.The former is an old institution which has a collection of rarebooks in Malayalam. The latter arranges a series of lectureson topics of literary and cultural interest for the benefit of thepublic.

4.2Tribal movements and ecological movements

Muthanga Land Struggle

In 2001, the shocking death of 32 Adivasis from starvationforced the Adivasis in Wayanad to renew their struggle forland. One of the reasons cited for the starvation deaths amongthe Adivasis was the lack of land for cultivation. Resultantly,a new organization - the Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha(AGMS) was formed. On August 30, 2001 the agitatorsgathered in the capital city of Thiruvananthapuram and begana campaign with the slogan “Right to live in the land one isborn.” After several weeks of protest, a seven-pointagreement was reached with the then Chief Minister, AKAnthony, who promised to give 5 acres of land to eachAdivasi family. Even after 45 days, when the governmentfailed to abide by the agreement, AGMS protestorsencroached into the Muthunga Wildlife Sanctuary inWayanad on January 5, 2003. The government didn’t payany attention to the protesters until February 17, 2003, whena large contingent of police forces entered the forest andbegan evicting the protesters violently without any warning.In the ensuing battle, several hundred tribals were injured,one Adivasi was killed and a policeman died. Such criminal



injustice and brutality by the police had been unheard of inKerala’s recent history. Thus, a mammoth struggle thatbegan with a long pending demand for the Adivasis’ right toland became a short one that lived for only 44 days, brutallysuppressed and brought to a halt using police force.

Although the Muthanga land struggle has completed adecade, the AGMS continues to lead many other landstruggles across the state. The Adivasis’ dream of regainingtheir land turned out to be a horrid experience, as many ofthem who took part in the struggle were falsely accused inseveral cases. For the past eleven years, many of them havebeen trekking once in every month to Kochi, for the routinehearings in various cases. Acute poverty and joblessnesshave reduced them to skeletons and have paralysed theirmorals. Out of the more than 70 accused in many cases, 22have already died. Meanwhile, the court cases drag on andon without any meaningful end in sight.

Aralam Farm Protest

With the rising demands of the tribals for their rightful land,the Kerala Government signed an agreement with the StateFarms Cooperation of India in June, 2004 to use the 3,060hectares of the Central State Farm in Aralam for theresettlement of the Adivasis. The rehabilitation process wasto incorporate the tribals of Kannur and Wayanad districtsinto the project. However, in 2006, the Left Democratic Front(LDF) came up with the plan of establishing an ecotourismproject on the farm to exploit it for tourism purposes. It alsodecided to exclude the Adivasis from Wayanad district fromthe rehabilitation agreement. The delay in the process ofrehabilitation and the exclusion of the tribals from Wayanadinstigated a fresh movement by the Adivasis. Thousands of



Adivasis encroached into the farmlands and stated livingthere, which put the State Government under pressure to startthe process of distribution of title deeds. The rehabilitationplan promised each eligible family one acre of land, alongwith basic facilities like drinking water, roads,transportation, schools and electricity. But even after twoyears, the promise of basic facilities remained unfulfilled andled to the death of 14 people in the farm. The government’soffer to provide employment also saw no progress. Today,the community’s primary demand is five acres as alternateland and the inclusion of Adivasi areas in Kerala in the FifthSchedule of the Constitution. But, the Government does notseem to be very keen to alleviate the pains of the strugglingAdivasis in the Farm.

Tribal Land Struggles in Kannur

The Adivasi land struggles in Kannur (a district located inthe northern part of Kerala) that began in 1999 were led byAdivasi Vimochana Munnani, an Adivasi organisation at theforefront of several land movements in Kerala. Themovement was started by 9 landless Adivasi families whooccupied 9.25 acres of land in Thiruvonappuram in thePeravoor region of Kannur. They encroached into the land asa result of the Government of Kerala capturing it toimplement the Kerala Land Reforms Act, 1970. OnDecember 22, 1999 representatives of Adivasi, Dalit andseveral other organizations took part in a convention held inPeravoor. During the convention a formal resolution waspassed for a land seizure movement whereby, the protestorswould attempt to recapture surplus land, reserve forest land,government project lands and lands of large landowners.However, recently, the AVM’s orientation towards therevolutionary people’s movement in Kerala has come under



the scanner of the Home Ministry of India. The CentralGovernment had in fact sent a watch-list to the StateGovernment to closely observe their activities. AVM’s namealso appeared in that list and now, their activities are beingclosely monitored by the State Government and the police.

Chengara Land Struggle

The agitation at Chengara in Pathanamthitta district began onAugust 4, 2007, when 300 families from various parts of thestate converged on the rubber estate owned by HarrisonMalayalam Plantations Ltd. The agitators alleged that thecompany was in possession of much more land than theactual extent under the government’s lease. Their demandwas five acres of land for cultivation (later reduced to oneacre) and Rs 50,000 as financial assistance per family.During the more than two-year long protest, lack of food,scarcity of water, absence of medical facilities and hostileweather conditions led to the death of 13 people. After 790grueling days, the agitation was settled during a discussionbetween the then Chief Minister, V S Achutanandan, LahaGopalan (leader of the Chengara Land Struggle) and othersof the Sadhu Jana Vimochana Samyukta Vedi (SJVSV) – theorganization that led the land struggle. Oommen Chandy,who was then the Leader of the Opposition in the KeralaState Assembly, also participated in the talks. As a part of thesettlement, 1,432 out of the 1,738 families that had startedliving on the rubber plantation were enlisted for receivingfinancial assistance to build houses. However, thedistribution of land amongst the various tribes and castes wasuneven. Some received one acre of land, while othersreceived only 25 cents. The SJVSV also alleged that theChengara Package had been accepted under pressure, as CPI(M) leaders had been intimidating and paying off their



activists. Despite bitter allegations of betrayal andconspiracy by the ruling and opposition parties, the Chengaraland struggle was a success. The Chengara agitation waswithdrawn in two schedules in October, 2009 and August,2011following an agreement by which the ST, SC andbackward community people were to get one acre, half anacre and 25 cents of land respectively per family. However,the lands allotted to most of these families were uncultivable.

Arippa Bhoosamaram

In 2009, the Kerala Government decided to set aside 21.54acres of the 90 acre Arippa Revenue Forest in Kulathupuzhavillage for the beneficiaries of the Chengara Package. Theremaining 68.46 acres was kept aside for institutionaldevelopment. On December 31, 2012 around 1,300 Adivasis,Dalits and landless poor encroached into the remaining landin Arippa Forest and began their protest by building shantiesand living there. The protestors claimed that a part of theforest was surplus revenue land meant for redistributionamong the landless tribals. Under the banner of Adivasi DalitMunetta Samiti (ADMS), the agitators raised the slogan “Wedo not want 3 cents of land; all we want is land forcultivation.” Among the protesters were people who hadtaken part in the historic Chengara land struggle and weregiven title deeds, but found themselves cheated, when theyrealized that the land allotted to them was neither fit forcultivation nor was it suitable for habitation. After one and ahalf year of relentless struggle, a discussion was called by theChief Minister of Kerala with the representatives of theAdivasis and the Dalits protesting in Arippa, which endedwithout reaching any final decisions. The suggestion by theChief Minister, Oommen Chandy, to give 3 cents of land toeach protester was summarily rejected by the representatives.



At the moment, the protesters are living in the Arippa Forestin shanties to press their demand of land for cultivation. “Theauthorities are interested in giving land only to big corporatefirms and encroachers. A move is now on to provide fouracres of land to every encroacher of public land but the sameGovernment is asking the poor people to be satisfied withthree cents,” said an office-bearer of the Arippa agitationcouncil.

Puyamkutti Land Struggle

Some 218 Adivasi families had been residing in the 939 acresof the Uriyampetty forests in Puyamkutti. In order toevacuate the Adivasis from the biodiversity rich forests in theWestern Ghats, the State Government made an agreementwith them that in place of the forest land, the Adivasis wouldbe given financial assistance and fertile land for agriculture.However, the promised 545 acres of land meant for Adivasirehabilitation actually is in the possession of Kerala ForestDepartment, which does not want to let go off the prime land.To get their right due of land and proper rehabilitationpackages, the Adivasis came down to the streets of the KochiDistrict Collectorate and began their protests. The Adivasishave been caught in the infinite loop of bureaucraticprocedures, and the inaction of the government hasinvigorated them into strengthening their protests.

Adivasi Welfare Forum

The Adivasi Welfare Forum in Kerala has been undertakinga relay protest strike in Pottanachira for land for the Adivasis.In 2002, protestors encroached into the Jersey Farm inPottanachira demanding land titles for 24 acres of excessland in the farm. When the LDF government did not pay heed



to the agitators, the protest slowly died down. However, thedistrict Panchayat’s decision to convert the 24 acres of landinto a high-tech farm caused the AWF to renew its protests.On January 25, 2013, when the Deputy Collector came to thefarm to collect evidence, the AWF protested by erectingmore shanties at the farm site. Currently, while the Adivasisare fighting for land, the villagers and farm employees havebegun a counter protest at the farm junction.

Perinchamkutty Land Struggle

On February 10, 2012 a batch of government officials arrivedat the Perinchamkutty Adivasi Colony with a mighty policeforce, and proceeded to mercilessly beat up the residents andto forcefully evacuate them from their huts. 62 Adivasis ofall ages and genders were arrested and imprisoned. Thegovernment’s reasoning for the violent evictions was “illegalencroachment into government land”. The Adivasis werereleased months later, and in protest against the wrongfuleviction, they gathered in front of the District Collectorate onOctober 1, 2012 and began a non-violent, indefinite protest.Under the direction of the Adivasi Bhoomi AvakasaSamyukta Samiti (ABASS), they submitted a list of thelandless Adivasis residing in Perinchamkutty. Accordingly,the District Collector of Idukki selected 161 Adivasis for theland distribution scheme and promised to allot an acre of landto each family. However, in the last two years, thegovernment has not met with its promise. So far, 7 peoplehave died in the struggle to reclaim their lands, but thegovernment has still not reached a consensus onrehabilitating these innocent people. Meanwhile, theprotesting Adivasis have reiterated their demand for land andhave decided to intensify their struggle till they achieve theiraim.



Ecological Movements

Silent Valley Movement of Kerala

In the 1970 s the State Government decided to construct aHydro Electric Project in Silent Valley in Kerala. The damsite included some 10,000 hectares of pristine forests whichis the habitat to innumerable number of flora and faunaincluding the lion tailed macaques, horn bill etc. The monkeycould survive only in silent Valley because of its particularnature of diet. Voluntary organizations like the Kerala SastraSahitya Parisad picked up the issue. They tried to educate thepublic about the evils of deforestation. In 1979, the KeralaGovernment finally decided to drop the plan and protect theecosystem of the area. Later, the State Government declaredSilent Valley as a National Park in 1985. Perhaps it was thefirst time in the history of the State, a ‘man vs monkey’situation culminated in ‘man and monkey’ situation.

The Mullaperiyar Dam Issue

The Mullaperiyar dam in Kerala was constructed over theriver Periyar in the year 1895. The dam was constructed withrubble and lime surkhi. The life span is 50 years. However,after 111 years of its existence, the State of Tamil Nadu hasdemanded for the raising of water level in the dam. The pleawas to meet rising demand for water for the agriculturalfields. Apprehensive about the safety of the dam, the KeralaGovernment did not accept this proposal. The dam is situatedat a place which has high seismic potential. So the people ofKerala living in the down stream areas of the Dam startedagitations demanding reconstruction or decommissioning of



the Dam. The matter was brought to the attention of theSupreme Court.

Gwalior Rayons and Pollution in the river Chaliyar

The Gwalior Rayons factory at Mavoor was situated by theriver side of Chaliyar. The factory producing synthetic yarnwas accused of polluting the environment beyond repair. InDecember 1998, Rahman, the leader of agitation, who laterdied of Cancer, marched to the factory along with 7,000villagers behind him. In 1999, many villagers werehospitalized after inhaling sulphur dioxide gas leaked fromthe factory. Kerala’s human rights groups called for theboycott of Grasim products. Finally, the ‘man or machine’situation was decided by closure of the plant in 2000. This isanother success story of people’s science movement in thestate.

Movement against Endosulfan

The villagers of Padre village of Kasaragod district in Keralahad been fighting against the usage of endosulfan, in thecashew nut plantations of the Plantation Corporation ofKerala in and around the village. Since the method of usagewas aerial spray, the toxic pesticide poisoned almosteverything on the surface and beneath the earth includingwells and fresh water ponds. It was raining hazardouspesticides in Kasargod rather than mountain dew water. Thepractice had been continuing for decades since 1976. Newborns were born crippled, retarded and less than human.Those who could take birth normal were cursed to live ascary life, if death does not beckon them early enough. Menwould never take their bride from the villages. No man would



send their daughter married to the villages. Finally the nozzleof death was closed after 25 years in 2001. Centralagriculture ministry banned the chemical in Kerala since. Itwas possible only through the concerted efforts of the localpeople, the general public of the state, NGOs and the mediaalike. It was an ‘end or endosulfan’ situation.

Plachimada agitation against Coca Cola

A 40-acre plot at Plachimada of Palakkad District, Keralawas the site of the unit of Hindustan Coca-Cola BeveragesPvt. Ltd since 1998-99. Every day 15 million litres of groundwater was extracted by Coca Cola at free of cost. Bottlewashing involves the using of chemicals and the effluents arereleased without treatment contaminating the surface water.The area was already short of fresh water supplies. As a resultof over exploitation of ground water, the situation worsened.The foul smelling slurry waste was sold as fertilizer to theunsuspecting farmers who were already suffering from watershortage. The struggle against the Plachimada Plant of CocaCola was launched in 2002, which demanded the closure ofthe Coca-Cola Factory.

Industrial Pollution at Eloor, Kochi

In 1999, international NGO Greenpeace declared the Eloorindustrial area one of 35 Global Toxic Hotspots. The Periyarriver carried the entire brunt of effluents from the factories.In August 2004, the Supreme Court Monitoring Committeethreatened Kerala State Pollution Control Board officialswith contempt of court proceedings. It served closure orderson 32 industrial units and ordered over 100 more to tightenup hazardous waste disposal. Periyar Malineekarana Virudha



Samiti was among many environmental groups whichprotested against large scale pollution in the area.

Haritha Keralam Programme

The objective of Haritha Keralam Programme was to growone crore trees outside the forest area with the help of all the999 Grama Panchayats of the State. The aim of theprogramme was to reduce and control environmentalpollution to a certain extent.

4.3 Demographic trends in Kerala- Migration, Ageingand trends of Birth and death rates;Health care inKerala; Consumerism and new life style.

Migration from Kerala to the other states in India andcountries outside has now become so rampant that its impactis felt in every aspect of life in the state (Zachariah et al.,2001). Migration has brought in profound impact on thesocio-economic, political and cultural aspects of the state inthe past 40 years. Though the state enjoyed a tradition ofhaving trade relations with West and Arab world, dating backto periods even before the birth of Christ, the population ofthe state had a non-migrating nature. Literature indicates thatthe people of the state lead a contented and peaceful lifeunder the patronage of local rulers and this factordiscouraged them from venturing out of their stateboundaries. However, under the reign of Britishers, thesituation began to change and they permitted the emigrationof Indian labour to countries like Sri Lanka, Burma, Fiji,Malaya, Singapore etc. to work in their plantations andfactories. Until the beginning of World War II, Kerala was anet-in-migration state, as it attracted labour force and tradersin large numbers from the neighbouring area, mainly the



Madras Presidency. In earlier periods, migration of Keralitesto other parts of India were mostly confined to people fromMalabar area, which was the part of Madras presidency andwhere living conditions were less favourable than in theprincely states of Travancore and Cochin (Joseph, 2001)

After World War II, followed by Indianindependence in 1947, the educated natives (Keralites)started to venture out to other parts of the country especiallyto the cities like Delhi, Bombay, and Calcutta etc. in searchof new avenues. The lack of employment opportunities andexpansion of education in the state compelled the educatedto move out in search of new horizons. So one can say thatsince 1947 the state became a major source of net out-migration.Based on the analysis of census reports, Joseph(2001) points out that till the end of nineteenth centuryKeralites were basically home-bound people, followingsimple mode of life and following the social constraintsimposed by the society. But with the passage of time, theforces of constraints weakened and the economy of the stateentered into a new trajectory of development and “migrationalso ensued as a concomitant to the process of development”(ibid). Though the number was not by and large high at thebeginning, but the upward social mobility and the economicstability of these families became an element of inspirationfor others in moulding their lives.

As mentioned earlier, prior to independence, emigrationfrom Kerala was confined to countries like Malaya, Burma,Singapore etc. But the oil boom that started in the Arabcountries during the early 1970s ended up in large-scale



emigration of Keralites to these countries, which can becounted as the beginning of a new saga in the history of thestate. Kerala entered into an age of extensive emigrationduring the 1970s and “most sections and communities inKerala, except the poorest, the most educated, and yes, themost affluent, have participated in the migration process”(Nair, 1986).The decline in growth rate during the 1970s wascontributed to partly by decline in fertility and partly by netout-migration. Kerala has been a net out-migration Statefrom the 1930s, and the rate of net out-migration reached itspeak during 1981-91 (Kerala Development Report, 2005). Atpresent, “Kerala is becoming too much dependent onmigration for employment, sustenance, housing, householdamenities, institution building and many other developmentactivities” (Zachariah and Kannan, 2002).

Growth in the number of Emigrants from Kerala, 1998-2011

Year ofSurvey

No ofEmigrants (in

million)

Percentageincrease

1998 1.36

2003 1.84 35.29

2008 2.19 19.02

2011 2.28 4.11

Source: Compiled from various Kerala Migration SurveyReports 1998, 2008 & 2011, CDS



Demographic profile of Kerala

The state of Kerala, located in the south-west part of India inits present form, was formed in 1956 as part of the linguisticreorganisation of the Indian States by merging the threeMalayalamspeaking regions. It has a land area of 38,863 sq.km, stretching 580 km in length and 30-130 km in breadth.While in terms of area, Kerala forms only 1.1 per cent ofIndia, its population (as of Census 2011) of 33.4 millionaccounts for 2.76 per cent of India’s population. Accordingto the recent census reports the state ranks ninth position interms of population in the country. When it comes topopulation composition, about 52 per cent of state’spopulation is constituted by females and the remaining 48 percent by males. Population density in Kerala is 840 personsper sq. km, one of the highest in the country.

One of the characteristic feature of Kerala’s demographicstructure is the total fertility rate (1.8 per woman) which isbelow the replacement level (2.1 per woman). State’sdemography is also skewed in favour of women, whichaccording to the latest census was measured as 1084 femalesper 1000 males. It can be observed that throughout the censusperiod, the proportion of the population was always in favourof females rather than to males. Kerala’s unique settlementpattern and wider infrastructure development makes itdifficult to see the differences between urban and rural areasand there is a strong rural-urban continuum in all along thestate. Of the total population, urban dwellers figures to 15.9million which is about 48 per cent of the whole populationand rural populace constitute 17.5 million.



Population size and decadal growth rate

CensusYear

Population in Million Decadal growthRate

Kerala India Kerala India

1901 6.36 238.9

1911 7.15 252.09 11.75 5.75

1921 7.80 251.32 9.16 -0.31

1931 9.51 272.92 21.85 11.00

1941 11.03 318.66 16.04 14.22

1951 13.55 361.09 22.82 13.31

1961 16.90 439.23 24.76 21.64

1971 21.35 548.16 26.69 24.80

1981 25.45 683.33 19.24 24.66

1991 29.09 843.39 14.32 23.86

2001 31.84 1027.02 9.42 21.54

2011 33.39 1210.19 4.91 17.64

Source : Census reports

The table above represents the total population and decadalpopulation growth experienced by the state of Kerala andIndia during the period 1901 to 2011. It is interesting to notethat over the last century, both the populations of India andKerala doubled itself by five times with the state having aslight upper edge over the country in the overall increase.



Age wise distribution of Population in Kerala

The notable strives achieved by the state in demographicparameters has brought in a number of concerns andchallenges along with it. The changes in the fertility andmortality rate over the time has significantly affected the agestructure of the state.

Age composition of Population in Kerala 1951-2011

CensusYear

Agegroup1-14

Agegroup 15-59

Agegroup60+

TotalPopulation

1951 52.15(38.48)

79.08(58.35)

4.29(3.17)

135.52

1961 72.05(42.60)

87.12(51.54)

9.86 (5.8) 169.03

1971 85.95(40.26)

114.25(53.52)

13.28(6.2)

213.48

1981 89.01(34.97)

146.43(57.53)

19.1 (7.5) 254.54

1991 86.74(29.78)

178.74(61.42)

25.61(8.8)

290.99

2001 82.96(26.10)

201.82(63.38)

33.35(10.5)

318.41

2011 78.31(23.47)

213.47(63.97)

41.93(12.57)

333.72

2026 69.88(18.76)

69.88(18.76)

68.04(18.26)

372.54



Source: Census reports

Table gives us a picture of the transitions across different agegroups over the last six decades. From the table, it is evidentthat the decline in the birth rate has significantly reduced theproportion of children to the total population. The proportionof the children in the total population has reduced from 42.6per cent in 1961 to 23.47 per cent in 2011. Higherconcentration of population in the working age group isconsidered to be a stimulus for the economic growth andfinancial gains and this scenario as termed as ‘windows ofopportunities’, which finally results in the demographicdividend. Currently, the state holds a favourable situationwith a high proportion of working age population, but it isevident that with decreasing fertility and increasing lifeexpectancy, the population is undergoing ageing and itsrepercussions are being experienced in the state. The share ofthe 60+ population has also increased four times and theprojections show that in near future state is going to witnesssimilar demographic situations that of developed countrieslike Japan, Germany etc.

Demographic Transition in Kerala

It can be observed from the above graph (Figure 5) that allthe three vital demographic parameters (i.e., CBR, CDR andIMR) show a declining trend from 1951 to 2011, with IMRexperiencing a significant decrease. Infant mortality ratesshow a rapid decline from 120 deaths in 1951 to 12 deaths asper the recent SRS reports (2015). This can be attributed toimproved health services, increase in institutional deliveries,higher immunisation coverage, greater awareness andtechnological advances. During the same period death ratedecreased by 18 points from 25.1 in 1951 to 7 in 2011. The



immediate or the proximate causes for the decline in fertilitywere the increase in the age at marriage and the increasedadoption of family planning measures especially sterilization(Zachariah, 1994). Various studies conducted indicate thatfemale literacy, socio-economic changes, increasedpreference and performance of family planning programmeetc. as the factors contributing to this decline (Pillai, 1983 &Zachariah and Kurup, 1984).

With respect to Kerala, one of the striking features of thestate’s demographic transition is its achievement withoutadequate economic backing (State Human DevelopmentReport, 2005). It is interesting to note that most of theEuropean and other developed countries had achievedmaximum economic growth and development at the time oftheir transition.The first glimpses into the demographictransition were brought out by the study done by the Centrefor Development Studies, in 1975 for the U.N Department ofEconomic & Social Affairs. The study revealed that Keralathe high levels of literacy and educational attainments alongwith the spread of health facilities in rural areas had resultedin a sharper decline in the rates of infant mortality andmortality in general. The State Human Development Report(2005) remarked that the State attained these remarkableachievements in demographic transition within a shortperiod. The fact that in Kerala, social development hadpreceded economic development drew the praise andattention of researchers across the world and this pattern ofdevelopment, later on, came to known as ‘Kerala Model’ ofdevelopment.



Health Care in Kerala

Kerala, the southernmost state of India, has attractedinternational attention for its outstanding achievements inpopulation health despite its economic backwardness. Thisparadox, often referred to as the ‘Kerala Model ofDevelopment’, has been studied since the 1970s, and hasbecome an ideal model of development for many poorincome countries in the world. Yet, since the 1990s, thestagnant economy and a wave of globalization has affectedthis once-praised state, and have forced Kerala to confrontnew challenges.

The health care system is considered to be the principal factorfor attaining the high level of health status in Kerala. Fromthe formation of the state, health care provision was one ofthe governments’ top priorities, and the system wasdeveloped in a way that incorporated both western andtraditional medicine that was accessible to the people

In addition to the facilities run by the public sector, theprivate sector plays a major role in health care provision inKerala, providing the majority of allopathic facilities andbeds. Although the number of allopathic facilities run by theprivate sector was 704 in 1978, it increased to 4,288 in 1995,accounting for 75.8% of the allopathic facilities in the state.Between 1986 and 1996, the number of beds in the publicsector grew from 36,000 to 38,000, a 5.6% increase, whilebeds in the private sector grew from 49,000 to 67,500, a37.8% increase. As for human resources, although Keralahas a relatively high number of allopathic doctors (30,318 in2000, or approximately one doctor per 1,000 population),86.4% of them work in the private sector.



Historically, services were provided privately even beforethe foundation of the state, in institutions such as missionhospitals. However, the recent trend of the burgeoningprivate sector is predominantly driven by for-profitenterprises. Major factors for this trend may be described asthe gap between the needs of the people and the quality ofservice the public sector can provide. Technologydevelopment and the aging society have raised the cost forhealth care, whereas the economic growth in Kerala haslagged behind other states in India, causing a fiscal deficit inthe state budget.

Until the late 1970s, the share of health expenditure in thetotal state budget had been consistently higher than those inthe rest of India. For example, yearly average healthexpenditure accounted for 10.45% of total revenue in Keralaand 8.3% in all India in 1960-65. However, it became 9.07%and 9.54% respectively in 1985-90. Furthermore, althoughhealth expenditure on salaries for health personnel increasedin the 1990s, capital spending for infrastructure of facilitiesdecreased.

An initial meeting on public and private cooperation in healthwas held in January 2003 with the aim of creating a betterhealth care system in a reciprocally beneficial manner. Untilthen, the private sector was very reluctant in negotiating withthe public sector because they were afraid of being unfairlyregulated. Under these circumstances, the government mustcarefully craft a system with minimal, but necessary,regulations over the private sector. Such acceptableregulations would include registrations of health carefacilities and the number of health personnel, andaccreditation of hospitals with a certain level of standard.



In addition, the government of Kerala has formed a taskgroup to create radical health policy changes and the result,The Health Vision Kerala 2025, will be published in 2004.By creating a new health care system incorporating theprivate sector, the government may be able to choose anoption to gradually reduce its role as a health care provider,and concentrate on providing preventive care and beingfinancially responsible for those in need. One strategy for thisis to restructure the health insurance system in a way thatprovides financial risk protection for all or a large proportionof the population. Although several social or privateinsurance schemes currently exist in India, they merely cover3% of the population, a majority of which is in high- ormiddle-income brackets. Given this fact and the peculiarsituation of Kerala, where people live longer, presumablywith costly chronic diseases along with relatively smallfinancial resources, an innovative process, including trials ofcommunity-based health insurance programs incollaboration with NGOs, will be necessary to achieve itsgoal.

Consumerism and New Life style

Kerala is one of the smallest states in the Indian union. Itsarea 38,863 square kilometres is just 1 per cent of the totalarea of India. Kerala as a unique model of developmentbecause it has been able to achieve exceptional socialdevelopment in such areas as health, education, and even thedemographic transition, despite low economic developmentand low per capita income. The population distribution ofKerala according to religion is about 56.20 per cent Hindu,24.7 % Muslim and 19 % Christian. At present the state isadministratively divided into 14 districts, which in turn are



divided into 63 Taluks, 152 Blocks, 1532 Villages, 978Grama(Village) Panchayats, 53 Municipalities and 5Corporations. The preference of Kerala is changing. Changesin the pattern and trends are striking and obvious and becomeso prominent in the last two decades. Kerala’s highconsumption and low economic growth relative to the rest ofIndia raises interesting questions about the reasons behindincreasing consumption in Kerala.

The process of urbanization in Kerala has placed the stateamong the most urbanized places in India. As marketsconcentrate in and around urban canters, things are moreaccessible to the urbanites. This in turn exercised its impacton the consumption habit of the people. Kerala societyreceived some unforeseen changes in its socio-economicenvironment due to large scale migration of gulf countries.The oil boom in the West Asian countries from the seventiesled to a massive boom in migration. The economicconsequences of migration and migrant remittances havefound an increase in the household income of Keralites andchanges in income distribution. Conspicuous consumptionhas become the hallmark of an emigrant, especially a Keralaemigrant. The present Kerala economy is often described asa money order economy. The total remittance in Kerala in2011 was estimated to be approximately 55,000 crorecompared with 43,228 crore in 2008. The economy wasunable to take full advantage of the growth in consumptionexpenditures despite a potential increase in productivecapacity by way of savings generated from the remittanceinflows. Market led globalization indicates the emergence ofthe free market (Aimaq, 2003). This produces consumers all



over the world with an extensive range of products andservices that were not easily available before (Niello, 2003).Another reason for the growth of consumerism isgovernment policies. In the then socialist countries, forinstance production of consumer goods was restricted by thestate. In order to encourage industry the government of Indiainitiated liberalization policies. These policy measures had abearing on the advancement of consumer durable goods.Developments in the modern communication technologies(social media and internet) and the transport facilities causethe development of the society to a consumerist culture.Apart from government policies, the role of advertisementand media is very important. Consumerism is heavilydependent on advertising and the advertising is booming.Media is not only the mirror of society but also an instrumentof social change. The KSSP study reveals that the influenceof Tele Vision, Radio, Newspapers and Journals on Keralasociety is very high. The unyielding use of advertisement ofproducts compels the consumers to buy them without payingmuch attention to the absolute utilitarian aspects of theproduct. Television advertisement target women, youth andchildren, for they are the prime decision makers when itcomes to the purchase of household items. Aging populationand frequent divorce have led to segmentation of householdsinto smaller units which lead to further structural increase inconsumption. Exposure to outer world, pressure fromneighbours and friends, credit card, social prestige, madcraze for new products, growing middle class, influence ofwestern culture and style of living etc are other factors.



Kerala has been undergoing an unprecedented consumptionboom and increasing standard of living. (Ibrahim, 2002).Thestate ranks at the top among Indian states in per capitaconsumption expenditure though its rank in terms of percapita Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) is relativelylower. With only 3.4% of the country’s population, itaccounts for 10% of the total consumption. The value ofconsumer articles flowing into the state is estimated to be inthe range of 50-60 billion Indian rupees. For the past twodecades, Kerala’s market has been witnessing thedomination of Multi-National Corporations with theirbranded products and services compared to other states in therural sector.

There is a significant increase in the level of consumption ofboth food and non-food commodities. During the last fewincreasing use of packaged foods are seen in 2011. No widerural urban disparity in the consumption of food items.Majority of the household in Kerala shifted their purchasefrom local market to super and Multi nationals. Eating outhabits of the people has also changed substantially. Theproportion of food expenditure is 21% in 2001 whichincreased to 26% in 2010. The consumption of beef, mutton,chicken and fish has increased during the last three decades.The consumption of household goods and commodities aregrowing and changing rapidly in India. According to NSSOsurvey (2008-09), consumption of household durable goodsin Kerala is four times the national average. Changing lifestyle, income, social prestige, better health and standard ofliving led to the changing consumption pattern of non-fooditems. The proportion of non-food expenditure was 39.8% in



2000 which increased to 44.3% in 2010. The percentageincrease in food and non-food expenditure in rural arearemains more or less the same in both periods, but in urbanarea the increase is more in favour of non-food items. NowKerala is regarded as the hottest market for consumer goods.Nearly two thirds of homes have Mixer and gas connectionand nearly one third have a refrigerator. But the effects ofconsumerism would be seen essentially in the social andeconomic spheres of life. Demonstrative and luxuriousconsumption has resulted in heavy financial commitment forthe people. Unable to pay back the loan taken fromindividuals and financial institutions, many are driven tosuicide. Unlimited consumption causes exploitation ofnatural resources and environmental problems in the form oflimited resources and in the form of pollution.

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Documents

KERALA SOCIETY: STRUCTURE AND CHANGE