KAZAKHSTAN - IREX · The Eurasian Media Forum annual conference, chaired by the president’s eldest daughter, convened in April. According to its website, the forum “facilitates

MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX 2010216

“The year of 2009 could be called legislatively regressive,” said Diana

Medvednikova Okremova. “The world community unanimously stated that

the laws adopted invalidate all attempts of Kazakhstan to reconcile itself with

democratic states, [and] that these laws discredit the state in the eyes of the

global community—even more so in view of its OSCE chairmanship.

KAZAKHSTAN

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INTRODUCTION

IIn 2009, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) selected Kazakhstan to assume

the rotating chair for 2010. As the first former successor state of the USSR to have this honor, Kazakhstan

had potential momentum for a new democratization. Citizens anticipated the enhancement of democratic

reforms and legislative amendments in the sphere of civil society and media development.

Instead, this year proved disappointing for civil activists and media practitioners. Just before taking the

OSCE chairmanship, Kazakhstan adopted two laws on Internet regulation and on recognition of private

life immunity. The first law equates the Internet with mass media (with all the disadvantages as written

in Kazakh law), while the second law provides for up to five years of imprisonment for the publication

of “illegally collected information” on a person’s private life. In addition, the state reshaped restrictive

amendments into, as journalists described it, a “patched” law on mass media.

“The year of 2009 could be called legislatively regressive,” said Diana Medvednikova Okremova. “The world

community unanimously stated that the laws adopted invalidate all attempts of Kazakhstan to reconcile

itself with democratic states, [and] that these laws discredit the state in the eyes of the global community—

even more so in view of its OSCE chairmanship. Yet the laws were adopted. It is worth noting that no serious

consequences in relation to these have been recorded so far.”

various media-related protests and large media forums colored the year also. The politicized manslaughter

trial of human rights advocate Evgeny Jovtis served as a rallying point for proponents of enhanced civil

rights. The Eurasian Media Forum annual conference, chaired by the president’s eldest daughter, convened

in April. According to its website, the forum “facilitates the professional development of the Eurasian

media and promotes international public understanding of Eurasian issues,” among other goals. During

discussions of Internet regulation at this meeting, members of the “For Free Internet!” movement picketed

near the forum. Almost all of them were arrested. The delegate from Respublica, Evgeniya Plakhina, rushed

the conference hall and told the international delegates of the legislative changes described above.

In a positive development, 2009 saw the convening of the second annual Media Kurultai, a professional

conference for media, NGOs, and officials. This was an important step for the dialogue between the

authorities and media; it allowed the NGOs to describe their work and challenges, and the problems of

Kazakh-language media were spelled out for the first time.

KA

ZAK

HSTA

NOVERALLSCORE:1.44

KAZAKHSTAN


Annual scores for 2002 through 2006/2007 are available online at http://www.irex.org/programs/MSI_EUR/archive.asp

KAZAKHSTAN AT A GLANCE

MEDIA-SPECIFIC

> Number of active print outlets, radio stations, television stations: Print: 937 total, 5 main daily papers, 6 other main weeklies; Radio: 4 main stations, over 40 total; Television Stations: 14 local cable networks

> Newspaper circulation statistics: Top three: Vremja (private, Russian language), Karavan (private, Russian language)

> Broadcast ratings: Top four television stations: Khabar Tv, Kasakh Tv (Kazakhstan 1), KTK (Kazakh Commercial Tv), El-Arna

> News agencies: Kazinform (state-owned), Interfax Kazakhstan, KazTAG, Kazakhstan Today

> Annual advertising revenue in media sector: $60 million (2007, video International Analytical Center)

> Internet usage: 2,300,000 (2008 est., CIA World Factbook)

GENERAL

> Population: 15,399,437 (July 2009 est., CIA World Factbook)

> Capital city: Astana

> Ethnic groups (% of population): Kazakh 53.4%, Russian 30%, Ukrainian 3.7%, Uzbek 2.5%, German 2.4%, Tatar 1.7%, Uygur 1.4%, other 4.9% (1999 census, CIA World Factbook)

> Religions (% of population): Muslim 47%, Russian Orthodox 44%, Protestant 2%, other 7% (CIA World Factbook)

> Languages (% of population): Kazakh 64.4%, Russian (official) 95% (2001 est., CIA World Factbook)

> GNI (2008-Atlas): $96.24 billion (World Bank Development Indicators, 2009)

> GNI per capita (2008-PPP): $9,690 (World Bank Development Indicators, 2009)

> Literacy rate: 99.5% (male 99.8%, female 99.3%) (1999 est., CIA World Factbook)

> President or top authority: President Nursultan A. Nazarbayev (since December 1, 1991)

1.36

1.24

1.47

1.49

1.44

1.14

1.74

1.40

1.35

1.11

1.43

1.34

1.68

1.39

1.90

1.44

1.25

1.77 1.

85

1.51

2001

2008

2009

2010

2001

2008

2009

2010

2001

2008

2009

2010

2001

2008

2009

2010

2001

2008

2009

2010

MEDIA SUSTAINABILITY INDEX: KAZAKhSTAN

SUST

AIN

AB

ILIT

Y

OBJECTIVES

UN

SUST

AIN

ABL

EM

IXED

SYS

TEM

NEA

RSU

STA

INA

BILI

TYSU

STA

INA

BLE

UN

SUST

AIN

ABL

EA

NTI

-FRE

E PR

ESS

Unsustainable, Anti-Free Press (0-1): Country does not meet or only minimally meets objectives. Government and laws actively hinder free media development, professionalism is low, and media-industry activity is minimal.

Unsustainable Mixed System (1-2): Country minimally meets objectives, with segments of the legal system and government opposed to a free media system. Evident progress in free-press advocacy, increased professionalism, and new media businesses may be too recent to judge sustainability.

Near Sustainability (2-3): Country has progressed in meeting multiple objectives, with legal norms, professionalism, and the business environment supportive of independent media. Advances have survived changes in government and have been codified in law and practice. However, more time may be needed to ensure that change is enduring and that increased professionalism and the media business environment are sustainable.

Sustainable (3-4): Country has media that are considered generally professional, free, and sustainable, or to be approaching these objectives. Systems supporting independent media have survived multiple governments, economic fluctuations, and changes in public opinion or social conventions.

FREESPEECH

PROFESSIONALJOURNALISM

PLURALITY OFNEWS SOURCES

BUSINESSMANAGEMENT

SUPPORTINGINSTITUTIONS

Annual scores for 2002 through 2006/2007 are available online at http://www.irex.org/programs/MSI_EUR/archive.asp

219

journalists, bloggers, and the public into a social force. The

more pessimistic panelists said that acknowledging a social

group, or speaking of any real level of solidarity, would be

premature. “I think that to mention blogs as a type of civil

journalism is too early. This is a crowd of disconnected users,

who prefer gossiping or cursing, rather than fighting for

their rights. And the existing movement ‘For Free Internet!’

is perceived by many as technically illiterate and noisy, rather

than a real social force,” panelist Yaroslava Naumenko said.

At the end of the year, official applications from bloggers and

other citizens registered online, in accordance with the newly

adopted law on the Internet, surprised local officials.

The Ministry of Culture and Information still issues licenses,

and according to Naumenko, “television broadcast licensing

remains a closed and corrupt sphere in Kazakhstan.” During

2009, the license competitions committee conducted just

one contest, distributing 18 FM radio channels in large cities

and four regional radio channels. After the contest, the

government suspended issuance of frequencies pending the

transition to digital broadcasting. However, the panelists

are not convinced that the moratorium can hold out until

digitization takes place. As panelist Beisen Kuranbek stated,

likely this limitation would be released first, as happened in

Russia, and frequencies would be “unfrozen.”

Kazakhstan’s approach to digital conversion has raised many

questions and objections, according to the panelists. The state

has repeatedly referred to an absence of radio frequencies,

but an air of secrecy surrounds government allocations.

Even the members of the frequency distribution committee

have no information on the availability of frequency bands.

Panelists also questioned the concept development and the

main stages of program implementation (such as creation

and maintenance of multiplexes, purchase of set boxes,

and training of personnel). The state-owned Arna-Media is

entrusted with those responsibilities.

According to panelist Sholpan Zhaksybaeva, executive

director of the National Association of Television and

Radio Broadcasting Companies of Kazakhstan (NAT), “the

holding consisting of Kazteleradio, other public channels,

and newspapers will not promote the interests of non-state

broadcasters. Any enterprise, whether it is public or private,

tends to gain profit. Since it is obvious that Arna-Media will

not gain profit from its own media companies, its whole

profit will be gained from private and non-state media

companies exclusively.”

Zhaksybaeva also lamented the lack of citizen input in the

conversion process and the related possible consequences for

private media. “There has been no public discussion on the

transition to digital television in Kazakhstan. It is presented

OBJECTIVE 1: FREEDOM OF SPEECh

Kazakhstan Objective Score: 1.49

Legal provisions regulating mass media activities in

Kazakhstan are controversial. The constitution supports

freedom of speech, but law enforcement is based on other

key legislation that restricts this freedom. Authorities can

detain journalists and sentence them to imprisonment,

based on the criminal code; a civil code provides broad

opportunities for officials to ruin media companies; and an

administrative code empowers authorities to close media

companies and confiscate their property. According to the

panelists, if 20 percent of all norms protect freedom of

speech, 80 percent threaten it.

“Everything is relative; we can compare the situation with

even more closed and totalitarian regimes in our region and

see that our situation is still more or less free. But if we speak

about true freedom and mechanisms of its protection, the

tremendous gap between Kazakhstan and countries with

developed democratic institutions becomes obvious,” panelist

Tamara Kaleeva said.

Kazakhstan has legal norms that place responsibility on

officials to refrain from obstructing professional activity and

providing false information. But according to the panelists,

journalists did not take advantage of these provisions in 2009,

nor did they attempt to lobby for adoption of the law on

access to information1 to protect broadcast journalists. “In

2009, Kazakhstan started developing a new information law.2

Officials indicate this law is going to be progressive; however,

NGO experts involved in the bill’s development are less

certain,” panelist Olga Kaplina said.

Practically speaking, Kazakhstan has no social mechanisms

to protect freedom of speech. The panelists expressed the

belief that freedom of speech is an abstract value for civil

society, and the wider public is not ready to fight for it. When

authorities manage to suppress media freedoms, citizens

just vote against biased media with their remote controls,

switching to foreign television through cable or satellite.

Panelist opinions were split on the development of the

online protest group “For Free Internet!” Some of the more

optimistic panelists believe that this civil movement, which

emerged in response to the law on Internet, helped unify

1 The Law on access to information is included in the state plan until 2014. Public discussion is conducted around broader access to information, rather than around access to socially important information in journalism. Within the frame of the projects supported by the international organizations, officials went to foreign countries to become familiar with European practice. However, despite this investment, a quality law has still not been developed.2 http://www.medialawca.org/document/-1833

KAZAKHSTAN


Kazakh law treats media businesses like any other type of

business, without providing any preferences or imposing

any additional requirements, according to the panel. Several

years ago, media companies received a customs break on

the importation of media equipment. This privilege allowed

media companies to import expensive equipment, although it

quickly became obsolete and needed frequent replacement.

Later on, this critical privilege was canceled, and despite

lobbying from NGOs and business associations, a return

looks unlikely. “The customs benefit for media companies

is crucial. After all, media equipment must be replaced

more frequently, as opposed to, for example, vehicle repair

equipment,” panelist Gulnara Asanbaeva said.

Recently, the state applied a zero vAT rate for media

enterprises, which stirred up controversy and provoked

different reactions from various outlets. In autumn 2009,

an anti-crisis council of media managers5 was established

to unite large media companies. The council applied to

the government to return the zero vAT rate. Some media

NGOs objected: The president of the Kazakhstan Association

of Newspaper Publishers, Sergey Mirolyubov, stated that

such a privilege could indirectly cause growth of salaries of

mass-media partner companies.6 Private media companies

with relatively low revenue also objected, since payments

other than vAT impact their bottom line. They argued that

large media companies that also had a zero vAT rate would

get additional power, and could force small media companies

out of business.

5 http://www.internews.kz/newsitem/13-10-2009/9220 \6 http://izdatel.kz/community/interview/1176121810-sergejj-miroljubov-gazetam-nuzhno.html

as a small technical innovation. Not a single dialogue took

place between the state, broadcasters, civil society, and the

public, outside of the conference of NAT Kazakhstan ‘Digital

Broadcasting: Technical Revolution and the Interests of Society.’

The public’s lack of awareness will facilitate easy repression of

any dawning of non-state television in Kazakhstan.”

Aside from the issues they identified around future

digitization, the panelists said that the current practice of

frequency band allocation is problematic. They charged

that a contest conducted in April was fraught with multiple

violations, many centering around TOO Elorna Tynysy, a

newly established company viewed as pro-government. TOO

Elorna Tynysy received all 18 frequency bands, and according

to the panelists, it is affiliated with the television and radio

company Era,3 which obtained frequency bands despite

violations last year. The panelists took special note that the

company obtained its license for broadcasting two weeks

before the formal contest for frequency bands allocation.

Technically, the company obtained its frequency band legally,

since other contenders failed to prepare their documents to

the correct specifications (some applicants failed to number

the pages of their proposals, others failed to bind the pages

properly, etc). Criteria such as experience, the company’s

reputation, and the high quality of broadcasting content in

other cities were not taken into consideration as important

factors, panelists claim.

Kostanai Tv, a very reputable company with five years

of operational history, lost the 2009 competition based

on formalities. The contest committee includes only two

representatives of civil society: one is a representative of

NAT, which protects the interests of its members; and one

usually represents a government-owned NGO.4 Only the NAT

representative can present objections—which typically do not

carry any weight. NAT and other media organizations have

attempted and failed so far to remove the licensing function

from the Ministry of Culture and Information and facilitate a

transparent process for issuing frequency bands.

For now, cable and satellite television appear to present

more development opportunities. Media companies can raise

signals to Yamal, Intelsat, or Sputnik satellites. In addition,

a foreign television channel, K+, broadcasts via satellite to

Kazakh territory.

3 There are rumors that the television station Era actually belongs to the prime minister, Masimov Karim. According to panelists, the management composition in the new company Elorna Tynysy matches Era. Therefore, the fact that this company got its frequency band was not just coincidental. That is why Masimov Karim is against the proposed version of “Concept for transition to digital broadcasting,” according to which withdrawal of the frequency band is possible.4 The composition of the contest committee is determined by the ministry.

LEGAL AND SOCIAL NORMS PROTECT AND PROMOTE FREE SPEECH AND ACCESS TO PUBLIC INFORMATION.

FREE-SPEECH INDICATORS:

> Legal and social protections of free speech exist and are enforced.

> Licensing of broadcast media is fair, competitive, and apolitical.

> Market entry and tax structure for media are fair and comparable to other industries.

> Crimes against journalists or media outlets are prosecuted vigorously, but occurrences of such crimes are rare.

> State or public media do not receive preferential legal treatment, and law guarantees editorial independence.

> Libel is a civil law issue; public officials are held to higher standards, and offended parties must prove falsity and malice.

> Public information is easily accessible; right of access to information is equally enforced for all media and journalists.

> Media outlets have unrestricted access to information; this is equally enforced for all media and journalists.

> Entry into the journalism profession is free, and government imposes no licensing, restrictions, or special rights for journalists.

221

roughed up one of print house staff members, three staff

members were taken away, and several staff members were

locked in the building of the print house and denied access to

lawyers or members of the media. Copies of Golos Respubliki

were removed from the printing press and taken away.

Adil Soz reported that this incident was perpetrated by the

Finance Police.

The authorities favor “quieting down” journalists with legal

tactics. In early January 2009, authorities detained Ramazan

Esergepov, the editor-in-chief of Alma-Ata Info, straight from

an Almaty hospital, with no regard for his health condition.

The authorities deemed Esergepov’s publication of the article

“Who rules the country—president or NSC?” a criminal

act, invoking the provision against “illegal collection and

dissemination of information containing state secrets” and

“abuse of power.” The court found him guilty and convicted

him to three years in prison. Appeals failed.

By law, there should not be any advantages for either state

or independent media. However, in practice, public/state

media and private media companies linked to key politicians

enjoy considerable advantages. According to panelist Erjan

Suleimenov, “Dariga Nazarbaeva [the eldest daughter of the

president] has media holdings that distribute products at very

low prices, and related enterprises enjoy privileged tax rates.”

Naumenko agreed and provided another example. “State

newspapers receive tremendous amounts of money, and this

information is not available to the general public. Let’s say

in Pavlodar, where the average salary is KZT 30,000 [$200],

a journalist from Zvezdy Priirtyshiya received KZT 100,000

[$675] before the crisis, and a column writer who wrote brief

articles once every two weeks received KZT 70,000 [$475]. In

state newspapers, the rates are even higher. Of course, the

work of journalists should be compensated, but not from

the pockets of taxpayers. Some of these journalists go on

assignments all over the world, eating well at the expense of

taxpayers, but they write incoherent materials that nobody

needs. This is the shame of Kazakhstan’s journalism.”

Suleimenov said that the state uses multiple mechanisms to

weaken private media. “Everybody is equal before the law.

But in practice, the conditions that private media companies

operate under, in terms of obtaining licenses and frequency

bands, channels of official information, and subsidies for state

media, kill private outlets,” he said.

Other perks of state media include steady funding streams,

the continuing practice of forced subscription to state

periodicals, a greater share of advertising revenue, privileged

access to information, opportunities for plum assignments,

and state awards.

Detailed content regulation (on the basis of language, for

example) is another feature that separates media enterprises

from other businesses. For these reasons, the panelists

evaluated this particular indicator fairly low, and agreed

that despite the appearance of legislative equality between

media and other businesses, media outlets face unique

obstacles in practice.

Threats and attacks against journalists seen in recent

years did not subside in 2009. Such incidents are not

generally investigated, and if an active investigation is

declared, the case will usually remain unsolved. One official

strategy is to portray attacks on journalists as unrelated

to their professional activity, even when connections are

obvious. Kazakhstan’s monitoring of free speech, such as

that conducted by Adil Soz International Foundation for

Protection of Freedom of Speech for many years, describes

various such cases in 2009. In one example from Adil Soz:

“On September 22, unknown assailants beat the journalist

and human rights activist Ainur Kurmanov near his house.

He was hospitalized with serious head and hand injuries.

Doctors evaluated his condition as medium grave. His

colleagues believe the attack was planned with the purpose

of intimidation and was related to human rights protection

and professional activity of the journalist.”7

In another example, authorities found no connection with

professional activity in the murder of Sayat Shulembaev, a

journalist with the video information portal Stan.Tv who was

killed in his apartment in December 2009. However, some of

his colleagues stated that they believe that he was targeted

because of his work.

In 2009, bloody fighting erupted between law enforcement

organizations, including the National Safety Committee (NSC),

the finance police, and the Office of the Public Prosecutor.

Journalists who covered this fighting faced raids, threats,

and other forms of pressure, yet it is clear that none of

these violations were recorded. Attacks on camera crews and

photographers also grew common, yet authorities did not

investigate or initiate proceedings.

Sometimes, law enforcement bodies treat journalists

aggressively as well. Panelists recalled that when staff of Stan.

Tv covered mass riots in Sary Arka, police destroyed their

equipment. A public apology from the head of the police

station settled the case.

Adil Soz monitoring reported another incident on September

24. Unknown intruders broke into the print house Kometa

S, which prints Golos Respubliki (Voice of the Republic,

a pseudonym for the troubled weekly Respublica). They

7 www.adilsoz.kz

KAZAKHSTAN


speech and creative work, it is intolerable to criminalize and

deprive of freedom those people who publicly expressed

their opinions and beliefs. Collection of billions and millions

of tenge for moral damage compensation should not be

acceptable in a society that respects the right for freedom of

opinions and convictions.”

The statement demanded from the government and the

president several immediate measures:

• For the Parliament: Decriminalize defamation, regulate

amounts of moral damage compensation, and restrict

judicial suspension and closing of media to exclusive cases

only as provided for by the Constitution;

• For the Supreme Court: Summarize the practice of judicial

decisions on protection of personal non-property rights to

be in line with constitutional rights for freedom of opinion

and conviction, freedom of speech, and creative work;

• For the Office of Public Prosecutor General: To initiate

review of cases against journalists sentenced to prison for

performing their professional duties, as well as citizens

criminally punished for public presentation of their

opinions and convictions.

In addition to charging journalists under defamation laws,

authorities use other laws and legal cases to punish critical

journalists as such opportunities arise. One 2009 case involved

Tohniyaz Kuchukov, a journalist from Vremya, and another

involved the human rights activist Evgeniy Jovtis.10 Public

opinion was split regarding the guilt of the accused and the

fairness of the court’s decision; some considered the sentence

related to imprisonment fair, while others believed that the

police saw an opportunity to put a troublesome journalist

and human rights activist behind bars. Panelist Shoplan

Zhaksybaeva said, “Guilt has not been proven in the case of

Jovtis. Everything depends on who is accused. In a similar

case, the son of large construction company director got into

a car accident in Almaty and three students were killed. He

escaped abroad, and the case gradually faded.”

Kazakh law formally provides for public access to official

information. However, officials have many loopholes through

which they can dodge compliance. For example, they might

refer to official, professional, and state secrets, which

10 The accused were involved in similar car accidents with pedestrians while they were driving, and in both cases the victims died. Law enforcement practice in these cases normally follow this pattern: upon public forgiveness of the representatives of the suffered party and upon payment of compensation, the sanction in the form of imprisonment is not applied. The court usually suspends the sentences, or sometimes closes the case. Yet when Evgeny Jovtis got into such a situation, after official forgiveness from the mother of the person who died, the sister and uncle were assigned as official representatives instead. The Kuchukov trial occurred at the same time. Both were convicted.

With regard to libel and defamation law and court cases

involving the media, Kaleeva noted that officials enjoy

greater legal protection than regular citizens. Kazakh

law has several provisions that protect the honor of the

president, prime minister, judges, and law enforcement

bodies. Defamation is a criminal offense, while the civil code

provides liability for damaging honor, dignity, and business

reputation. Procedurally, the criminal code provides that the

claimant should prove his or her claims, while in the civil

code, equality of the parties is established.8 Legislation does

not take into account the initial source of information or a

quote. Regardless of the original source, media companies are

always accused or are co-defendants.

Criminal and civil pressure on Kazakh journalists increased in

2009. Three times more defamation cases were recorded in

2009 than in 2008, with some cases involving huge amounts of

claims against journalists and media outlets and some resulting

in prison terms. Examples include a lawsuit against Respublica

filed by BTA-Bank that led to a KZT 60 million ($400,000)

judgment for the plaintiff; the trial of TOO Tengizneftstroy

against Uralskaya Nedelya and journalist Lukpan Akhmedyarov

that resulted in an award of KZT 70 million ($466,000) for the

former; and a lawsuit filed by a subsidiary director of copper

giant Kazakhmys against the editor of Nashe Vremya for

KZT 1 million ($6,700). Regarding this last case, panelists said

that it was written based on strict documentary evidence of

established environmental law violations.

Naumenko said that Internet writers likely will be targeted

next. “With amendments introduced into the law on Internet

regulation, a blogger could, in principle, be convicted just

by presenting a printout of a disagreeable comment to the

court. I am confident that pretty soon we can expect to see

bloggers on trial.”

According to Kaleeva, the situation in the regions is in no

way more liberal. She said that even a regular citizen can

be charged. For example, Alpamys Bekturganov, an aksakal9

from West-Kazakhstan oblast, was convicted and sentenced

to a year in prison for a press conference speech in which he

spelled out regional problems.

In August 2009, in a show of solidarity, more than 30

leading media companies and media organizations from

Kazakhstan’s journalism community presented a statement

against the unjustified toughening of judicial standards

towards journalists. The statement read in part: “…Judicial

decisions contradict fundamental values of Kazakhstan

society. In a country that declared the right to freedom of

8 According to amendments to Criminal and Civil Codes as of 20089 Aksakals, or elderly men, in Kyrgyz and Kazakh traditions symbolize wisdom and knowledge and demand cultural respect.

223

the MP statements had little effect. However, there is always

a danger that the suggestion could be taken up by officials

with more influence.

OBJECTIVE 2: PROFESSIONAL JOURNALISM


Objective coverage is an unrealizable dream for journalists

in Kazakhstan, according to the panelists. Asanbaeva said

that people who are tired of the propaganda glorifying

Kazakhstan found on Khabar television channel, for example,

or in Kazpravda, joke that they would really like to live in

such a remarkably successful country. Almost all media outlets

exhibit an inclination towards either the state or towards

the opposition. As Kaleeva said, “The political engagement

of media owners, and the economic dependence of editors

on the state budget or on opposition financing, deprive the

public of objective coverage.”

Panelists agreed that the media clearly do not refer to

several sources. Often, pieces are presented without even

one source, with just the opinion of a journalist, and in some

publications, the journalist just introduces minimal changes

into press releases. This can be attributed partially to laziness

and low professionalism, panelists said, but some journalists

rationalize their careless approach by blaming the difficulties

in obtaining information from several sources and the limited

circle of experts on certain matters. Panelists understand

that these excuses, while not acceptable, have an element of

truth. Key official sources, including the majority of ministers,

prime ministers, and the president of the country, are

closed from access. Ministers became even more inaccessible

are protected by law. The law on state secrets is applied

extensively; newspaper editor Ramazan Esergepov received a

three-year jail sentence in August 2009 under its terms.

In fairness, it should be noted that journalists do not

always employ all legal methods at their disposal to access

information. For instance, although Evening Taldykorgon

fought with local authorities to gain access to socially

important information, no media companies or journalists

initiated trials to enable access to closed information,

according to Adil Soz.

Often akimats (local government officials) deny access to

information for regional private media companies, openly

stating absolutely illegal reasons to deny private outlets

information. On one hand, the legal illiteracy of local officials

is obvious; on the other hand, such cases demonstrate a

deepening trend of centralization of authority.

Legislative restrictions on information access also obstruct

investigative journalism. The sale of special equipment, such

as concealed cameras, is under strict control of the state. Last

year, a young boy found with a video camera hidden in a pen

was convicted and detained for violation of these provisions

of the law.

Nonetheless, new technologies are making access to

pre-cleared information easier. “The development of

electronic government tools in Kazakhstan improved

information access for journalists. Sites of public organizations

are updated fairly regularly,” Kaplina said.

Opportunities to subscribe to foreign press materials are

limited only by financial resources and editorial priorities.

Tougher copyright regimes and recent staff reductions result in

many regional and national newspapers publishing digests of

reports from international media. The Internet presents more

opportunities to access free video materials. A majority of

websites are accessible, but the main provider, Kazakhtelecom,

blocks some of them (e.g., Live Journal). Lack of knowledge

of foreign languages, especially among older professionals, is

another barrier to the use of foreign media sources.

Admission to the occupation is unrestricted. A journalist is not

required to obtain any special license; no bodies are tasked

with certifying journalists. However, the editorial line of a

journalist’s parent organization influences his or her inclusion

into the pool of reporters covering certain officials.

This sphere has seen some disturbing developments with

regard to entrance, though. In particular, some notorious

MPs suggested introducing mandatory psychiatric exams

for journalists to be permitted to work. Fortunately, such

proposals did not elicit much response. As Kaleeva noted,

the status and the image of the parliament is so low that

KAZAKHSTAN

JOURNALISM MEETS PROFESSIONAL STANDARDS OF QUALITY.

PROFESSIONAL JOURNALISM INDICATORS:

> Reporting is fair, objective, and well sourced.

> Journalists follow recognized and accepted ethical standards.

> Journalists and editors do not practice self-censorship.

> Journalists cover key events and issues.

> Pay levels for journalists and other media professionals are sufficiently high to discourage corruption.

> Entertainment programming does not eclipse news and information programming.

> Technical facilities and equipment for gathering, producing, and distributing news are modern and efficient.

> Quality niche reporting and programming exists (investigative, economics/business, local, political).


specially produced films during judicial proceedings about

groups of accused people who were called criminals even

before court decisions had been made; these people were

denied the presumption of innocence.

Another example is the treatment of a murder case of a

woman with three children in Astana. Law enforcement

bodies were still carrying out the investigation when an

MP appeared on the air, named the murderer, declared

him guilty, and demanded the death penalty for him. A

media chorus supported the MP’s assessment, and only one

journalist from Astana raised the possibility of the accused

person’s innocence and that the court had failed to present

indisputable evidence of his guilt.

Self-censorship was already intense in Kazakhstan, but

the toughening stance of law enforcement practices has

increased the pressure on journalists. “Self-censorship is a

major problem for journalists in Kazakhstan,” Kaplina said.

“very often the owners of media demonstratively punish

those journalists who fail to obey internal secret rules,

to teach them a lesson. Thus, in Uralsk, TDK-42 television

channel director Likpan Akhmedyarov asked an oblast akim

an ‘inconvenient’ question. After that the owner arranged a

demonstrative investigation into [his] television company and

blamed the journalist, accusing him of exposing the whole

team [to repercussions].”

A journalist who writes objectively, openly, and without

censorship about key problems of society, about real political

and economic processes, and sometimes even about social

and cultural issues, faces serious risks. Punishment could be

a prison sentence for slander; paying millions in fines for

the damaging honor, dignity, or business reputation; or

disciplinary action by the outlet’s owner. Owners, grasping

the extent of co-responsibility for their content, try to play

safe. According to panelists, often conflicts and controversy

happen inside editor’s offices, when the editors censor

materials or change them significantly. The journalists of

Liter/Akyn many times challenged the editor-in-chief because

of censorship. However, the owners did not support the

protest of the journalists.

In another example, imprudent management by Tv-Art,

a Karaganda television company, led to its closure and a

warning to other media. On June 10, a court decided to

block this channel’s transmission and to annul its registration.

During an on-air SMS chat, where the audience sent messages

from their mobile phones, a text appeared in the Kazakh

language containing a call for international dissent. The

management of the channel cited a technical error, as the

moderator did not know the language and did not follow

instructions on clearing any questionable messages with

the management. The company disciplined the moderator.

to journalists after Nazarbaev’s speech last year, when

he denied the economic crisis and accused “incompetent

members of the government and irresponsible journalists” of

disseminating such rumors.

The panelists also discussed the problem of turnover in

journalism and the need to develop mentorship programs.

On television, and especially at Kazakh-language channels,

journalists tend to be rather young, new to the profession,

and completely ignorant of ethical standards and principles

of balanced journalism. As panelist Beisen Kuranbek stated,

“A journalist older than 35 in the leading Kazakh-speaking

television companies is already a dinosaur. The trend toward

hiring young, glamorous journalists resulted in the rupture of

editorial traditions. The journalists lack basic knowledge; they

support their owner’s objectives without question. Before, we

called such journalists ‘shameless.’”

Although the professional community has not adopted a

general code of journalistic ethics, the media sector has

drafted various documents, such as the Declaration of Moral

Essential Principles of Kazakhstan Journalism and the Ethics

Code of Kazakhstan Journalists. The documents were signed

and adopted by several media companies, but they have

neither formal nor practical effect.

Several panelists said that they believe that these efforts are

just another attempt by authorities to apply more pressure

on journalists. According to the panelists, some international

organizations may have been misguided in their advocacy

for ethics initiatives for Kazakhstan. Their first step was

to develop projects to promote ethical standards, and the

second step was to lobby for their adoption among media

companies and journalists. The organizations also did not

factor in the lack of media freedom, and started imposing

ill-fitting versions of ethical standards and institutions based

on the model of European media, which enjoy greater

freedom. All these attempts failed because journalists were

not on board.

According to the panelists, it is unnecessary to adopt ethical

standards in order to protect the rights and dignity of regular

citizens. As Kaleeva stated, “First of all, regular citizens

are not interesting for media. News subjects are mostly

high-ranking officials, and they are protected from criticism

from the part of media by various legal mechanisms. Second,

such cases as coverage of HIv-infected children and similar

problems are made by specially trained journalists quite

ethically. There is not a single case recorded in relation to

violation of the rights of children or parents.”

At the same time, 2009 brought examples of scandalous

violations of ethical standards in terms of judicial and criminal

current events coverage. Khabar television transmitted

225

which earlier had a reputation for unruliness. The website then

dropped coverage of political scandals and prohibited topics.

The Ministry of Culture and Information has tried to meet

the requirements of various media by disseminating a list

of topics “recommended for coverage” on a weekly and

monthly basis. For instance, adoption of abandoned children

is the most recommended topic at the moment.

Interestingly, Kazakh-language media permit critiques of

international relations in a historical sense: Soviet history in

these periodicals is a very popular topic and practically always

is described as “genocide” and occupation of Kazakhs by

Russian imperial authorities. The Russian-speaking media, as a

rule, do not refer to the recent historical past or the Soviet era.

Panelists questioned the wording of the indicator assessing

pay for journalists. Kaleeva argued that officials of different

ranks receive much higher salaries for their work, but this has

not prevented corruption, and independent journalists lack

enough power to even have opportunities to profit illegally.

Some panelists, however, did find a correlation between

pay and corruption. “Journalism salaries are inadequate in

all regions,” Antonenko observed. “The practice of gifts,

selling of air time, and ordered materials flourishes. Salaries

in state-owned and private media are about the same, but in

the first case, the reporter is protected from possible troubles

related to professional activity.”

In 2009, for many journalists and other specialists, salary rates

fell—both in state-owned and private media companies. Some

companies turned to layoffs. The unexpected devaluation of

the Kazakh tenge by almost 25 percent in several days hurt

the financial standing of most media companies, especially

private ones. Royalty payments, upon which many media

outlets depend to boost incomes, fell as well, and influential

politicians cut back on their funding of media outlets. Even

state-owned outlets that receive significant sums of money

from the state budget were affected by the economic crisis.

According to expert observations, leading media outlets,

including the television and radio companies Khabar and

Kazakhstan, reduced managements considerably. The owner

of Karavan proposed an alternative to his staff: either reduce

staff by 30 percent or reduce salaries by the same amount.

The journalists agreed to reduce their salaries, provided that

all staff members could keep their jobs. Channel 31, after

selling its main holdings to a Russian company, reduced its

staff almost by 70 percent.

Kaplina noted, “The crisis equalized average salaries in the

sector with that in other fields. The journalism profession

is no longer considered a highly paid one, which caused an

outflow from the profession.” However, panelists said that

the economic crisis affected partner professional spheres, too;

However, the supervisory body demanded the channel’s

closure. According to Beisen Kuranbek, this case forced

many regional television companies to halt interactive

communication and all types of live chats.

Sharp self-censorship and other repressive tactics prevent

journalists from covering the most important events and

topics in the country. According to Asanbaeva, with most

media outlets, “news content does not differ from the

official interpretation of events.” The most urgent economic,

political, and international problems remain beyond the

scope of attention of most media outlets. For example,

the Kazakh government is rumored to have sold a million

hectares of land to the People’s Republic of China, yet the

media are silent on this topic. The media has paid scant

attention to the economic crisis.

Kazakh law does not provide a clear enough definition

of the topics that should be closed to the public, or what

constitutes “socially important” information. The understood

list of universally prohibited topics is broad, however. All

information related to the president’s family is secret; media

are prohibited from writing about his illegitimate children

or his health, or adultery by the president’s family members.

Panelists mentioned various sanctions towards Megapolis,

which published material about scandals involving Goga

Ashkenazi and the president’s son-in-law.

The information related to Rakhat Aliev, the president’s

former son-in-law, has become an especially prohibited topic

in Kazakhstan. According to the panel, only on channel K+,

which broadcasts via satellite from abroad and on YouTube,

is it possible to mention his name. Kazakh websites are

programmed to omit his name automatically, whether

authors are presenting positive or negative information

about him. In addition, there have been attempts to jam

K+ channel’s signal. Thus, according to Adil Soz monitoring

results, “from October 26, the website of K+ [www.kplus-tv.

net], with direct Internet broadcasting from Hot Bird satellite,

appeared to be inaccessible for Kazakhstan’s population

using the services of Nursat and Kazakhtelecom providers.

According to its owners, the site was blocked after its

television signal was blocked from Yamal-20011 satellite.

But journalists can never be sure whether a given topic might

suddenly become closed for discussion. Thus, when an accident

involving exploding ammunition occurred in Arus, it turned

out that shooting footage and presenting this news would

involve disclosing state secrets. It is dangerous as well to bring

up prohibited topics in casual social networking sites on the

Internet. For instance, after adoption of the new Internet law,

authorities began monitoring the Internet site www.Zona.kz,

11 www.adilsoz.kz

KAZAKHSTAN


A majority of large television and radio companies have

continued their technical modernization despite the economic

crisis. Channel 7 was equipped in 2009 according to the most

advanced multimedia standards. State-owned channels, with

solid investments from the state, also continue to be able

to upgrade their equipment. This past year, state-owned

television channel Kazakhstan purchased 18 remote trucks;

some were transferred to its regional branches.

In order to compete with the well-equipped regional offices

of the largest television and radio companies, local stations

also need to upgrade their facilities. Even small private

regional television and radio companies, which naturally

do not have much money to buy remote broadcasting

equipment, manage to find cheaper, yet effective

alternatives, working with municipal services to craft their

own mini mobile stations.

Specialized journalism is practically non-existent, with the

possible exception of economic news. The crisis stirred

up interest in economic journalism even more, and some

international organizations have supported the development

of economic journalism. While not fully developed as a

genre, economic news became an integral part of all news

on television and in some specialized periodicals. Otherwise,

opportunities for journalists to specialize are limited by lack

of funds to hire and support development of specialized staff,

and by political factors such as restricted access to public

information and the wide range of prohibited topics.

Current conditions do not support the development of

investigative journalism at all, according to the panelists.

Asanbaeva noted that under the investigative journalism

heading in a legal newspaper, a reader finds official press

releases with slight adjustments. Furthermore, programs

are designed based on the will of the owners, commercial

profit, and the whims of channel management. “As a result,

almost no quality children’s programs, education programs, or

documentaries are produced. The only sector well covered in

media is economics,” Kaplina said.

OBJECTIVE 3: PLURALITY OF NEWS


The number of media companies in Kazakhstan, both private

and state-owned, is rather significant and continues to grow.

However, whether or not Kazakh media adequately addresses

the needs of certain social groups is questionable.

Some panelists said that the Internet is quickly filling any

gaps on that front. Kaplina commented, “There are indeed

many media companies in Kazakhstan. The launch of SMS

thus, a significant number of journalists who left for public

relations jobs were forced to return to journalism.

Regional journalists, as a rule, receive less pay. Distinctions

exist among media outlets as well as internally, as payment

is made on an individual basis using a merit-based

system, rather than by seniority. Also, the gap in income

depending on language persists: Russian-speaking journalists

traditionally receive higher pay than their Kazakh-speaking

colleagues. The disparity is related primarily to the fact

that Kazakh-language media receive a lesser share of

advertisements. State efforts to support Kazakh-language

media and align incomes have failed. However, the career

development prospects of Kazakh-speaking journalists are

much stronger than those of Russian-speaking journalists.

Some panelists described a more positive scenario. According

to Beisen Kuranbek, journalists in his area of Taldykorgan are

well compensated. “On average, salaries in other professions

are about KZT 25,000 [$165], while in our television and

radio outlet, the average salary is about KZT 55,000 [$365]. In

addition, a good journalist can receive additional payments

up to KZT 100,000 [$665] as a bonus for extra work,” he said.

The trend away from news and toward entertainment

continued in the past year. The largest television channels

canceled a significant number of information analysis

programs. For example, by 2009, only two news programs

(one in Russian and one in Kazakh) remained at Channel 31,

RNR closed its Reporter program, and some companies even

took a two-month break from news programs. Meanwhile,

television and radio company Khabar and other news

programs in state broadcasting did not reduce news programs

but significantly increased the volume of its entertainment

programs. News programs return lower ratings and are

unprofitable. Suleimanov noted, “A drop of public interest in

news occurred in September. This was recorded not only by a

Gallup survey, but also by the research-analytical organization

OIK. The president had publicly denied the economic crisis in

the country. The population understood the lack of usefulness

of such news; it is like a weather forecast that never comes

true. Does it make any sense to watch it?”

State policy to support Kazakh-language broadcasting

also resulted in more entertainment programs. With

the amendment introducing language percentages and

monitoring, Kazakh-language programs must be broadcast

during prime time. But often they are endless concerts

and other “traditional” and often low-quality products.

Kazakh-produced entertainment programs are not very

popular; the only exception is the music contest Eki Elduz (Two

Stars), which mimics a Russian program. Other programs that

copy Russian programs receive poor ratings; Russian-produced

entertainment programs are much more popular.

227

types of extremist ideologies. Behind these moves, panelists

see the intent of state structures to force cable networks to

include in their packages such television channels as Khabar

and Kazakhstan.

In general, access to domestic and foreign media is still

unrestricted, aside from financial limitations and language

limitations. There have been exceptions, including the

blocking of Life Journal and satellite channel K+. Officials

claim that they have nothing to do with these cases. For

example, in the case of the television channel Kazakhtelecom,

officials blamed “unknown hooligans.”

State media simply express the official point of view and do

not act in the public interest. Furthermore, despite significant

state subsidies, they do not broadcast enough educational

programs, and there is no state children’s channel or even a

state channel with a notable segment devoted to children’s

programming. During 2009, media advocates spelled out

repeatedly the need for a separate educational channel, but

this has not materialized.

Kazakhstan has seven active news agencies: Kazakhstan

Today, Kaz Info, Kaz TAG, Interfax, www.vesti.kz, www.

gazeta.kz, www.inform.kz, and Ria-News (Russian; registered

locally). Foreign news agencies include Associated Press and

Reuters. Only Ria-News, Associated Press, and Reuters video

provide video materials. Most agencies work on a subscription

basis, but the prices are not affordable for all media

companies. The active development of electronic government

resources also cost news agencies business.

news distribution from KazTag news agency is a positive

development in 2009… Every year, the users of social

networks such as Twitter and Facebook grow. In Kazakhstan

in 2009, several portals were created that post news and

blogs and are essentially social networks, such as kaztube.kz,

yvision.kz, and nur.kz.”

In addition, mobile networks have begun to develop news

services, and though they are not yet widely in demand.

Information service packages are including brief versions

of news.

However, officials have shown a willingness to block websites.

Naumenko gave one example: “Blocking of the blog platform

livejournal.com, due to the blog of disgraced relative

Nazarbaev Rakhar, is another shame for the country and

evidence of narrow-mindedness of officials.”

Diana Medvednikova Okremova was another of the panelists

with a more negative assessment. “There are very few sources

of information and they are not objective,” she said. “The

Internet is still expensive, not all have access, and sites often

are blocked. Television channels offer polluted journalism.

But the main issue is that society is often not even interested

in what is happening politically. Few people know what

stands behind certain media, who finances them, and for

what; people are not interested. They are consumed by social

problems: paying their mortgages, keeping their jobs, and

bringing up children.”

Cost remains a major hurdle for many. After a jump

in inflation in spring 2009, newspaper prices went up

significantly. Specialized media were the first to be closed

during the crisis. They are practically absent now, while glossy

periodicals flourish. The expense of cable television, Internet

access, and print periodicals force citizens to buy cheap

Chinese satellite dishes that provide pirate signal reception

with a strange package of channels, including NTv, DTv,

some regional Russian channels, Turkmen channels, MTv, and

fashion channels.

Although the conventional knowledge was that cable

television usually develops in large cities, studies show a

different picture. In Almaty slightly more than 60 percent of

households are connected to cable, but in small cities such

as Aktau or Atyrau, 90 percent of the population watches

cable television. Despite the high prices of cable broadcasting,

viewers must switch to those services because they cannot

receive signals through regular antennas.

Currently, cable television has become more problematic,

as legislative initiatives are underway to influence cable

packages. The Ministry of Culture and Information has

already started to control content, under the pretext of

protecting people from pornography, terrorism, and other

KAZAKHSTAN

MULTIPLE NEWS SOURCES PROvIDE CITIZENS WITH RELIABLE AND OBJECTIvE NEWS.

PLURALITY OF NEWS SOURCES INDICATORS:

> A plurality of affordable public and private news sources (e.g., print, broadcast, Internet) exists.

> Citizens’ access to domestic or international media is not restricted.

> State or public media reflect the views of the entire political spectrum, are nonpartisan, and serve the public interest.

> Independent news agencies gather and distribute news for print and broadcast media.

> Independent broadcast media produce their own news programs.

> Transparency of media ownership allows consumers to judge objectivity of news; media ownership is not concentrated in a few conglomerates.

> A broad spectrum of social interests are reflected and represented in the media, including minority-language information sources.


and Ukrainian remain on state channels, but their political or

economic impact is negligible. Minority-language media exists

only to perpetuate the desired image that Kazakhstan is a

model of ethnic friendship. Other social minorities have few

opportunities to express their interests in the media.

OBJECTIVE 4: BUSINESS MANAGEMENT


Most media companies in Kazakhstan are focused on politics,

not making money, and few outlets are profitable. According

to the panelists, “no more than 20 percent of private media

companies in Kazakhstan are economically independent.”

Local media outlets, and especially television, are more likely

to turn a profit. Each region has private television and radio

stations and newspapers that enjoy a near-monopoly in terms

of audience coverage and advertisement volume. Examples

include Taldykorgon’s main newspaper, Talgykorgon; Otrar’s

Rabat, which now sponsors Tv Otrar and is an example of

a highly effective enterprise; and Novy Vestnik, which is

published in Karaganda by a former citizen who now lives

in Canada. Novy Vestnik is profitable to the extent that

its owner does not intend to close his troublesome but

very profitable enterprise. Some radio stations report high

income, such as Russian radio, Europe+, and Radio NS. Their

cumulative share in the advertising market is 77 percent.12

A small number of television channels do not receive

subsidies from shareholders and owners. They include STv

(former Rakhat channel), which minimized its costs for

media content production; and STS (formerly Channel 31),

because costs for producing media content and advertising

competition have changed.

Preferential treatment for state media companies especially

hinders private large media enterprises. Public media

companies affect the overall advertising market by offering

heavy discounts, and private outlets cannot compete.

Suleimenov provided an example: The annual budget of

the state television channel Kazakhstan in 2009 amounted

to about $60 million—comparable to the entire advertising

market—while the annual budget of the television channel

Khabar (half-owned by the state) made up about $40 million.13

According to TNS Gallup monitoring results, the advertising

market grew 3.6 percent in 2009. Advertising revenue is the

biggest source of revenue for private media enterprises.

Private media outlets still may receive state money based

12 www.tns.-global.kz TNS Gallup Media Asia13 According to video International, in 2009, total advertisement market in Kazakhstan made up of $80 million.

Media companies do not always acknowledge materials

obtained from news agencies; reference is made only in

scandals or in political news, when media companies would

like to reduce risk by pointing to another outlet as the

primary source.

A new information portal, Bnews (http://www.bnews.kz/),

was created last year. Positioned primarily as a business news

agency, it publishes information on other sectors as well,

and offers both print and video news. However, the panelists

consider it rather one-sided and government-leaning.

Some media companies had to reduce or stop producing

their own programming as a result of the 2009 economic

crisis. The television channel Turan Turkistan, for example,

stopped producing news. Practically all radio stations either

removed news from the air completely or replaced it with

news from agencies.

At the same time, some regional television channels were

able to continue producing some news programs facilitated

by regional news-sharing initiatives (described in Objective

5). In principle, for the regional television channels, news

is the only unique product; regional companies try to

differentiate themselves from the news of large national

channels and to speak more to local populations and

their problems. Still, all regional stations reduced their

own programming in the past year. A majority of them

dismissed news journalists and hired Internet researchers as

replacements. These staff members collect news briefs from

the Internet resources at minimal cost. Radio stations can no

longer be considered media outlets, panelists said, as most of

their airtime is filled with music.

According to a majority of the panelists, even specialists in

the media sphere cannot always guess media ownership.

Ownership information is not accessible anywhere in official

channels, and rumors spread broadly. The origin of the

many media entities owned by Dariga Nazarbaeva or her

ex-husband Rakhat Aliev is not clear. However, the readers

of newspapers usually can guess ownership based on the

interests advocated.

As Naumenko stated, “Citizens in Kazakhstan do not know

who owns media companies. As a rule, [companies] are not

registered by the true owners or firms, and there are no

laws that would require disclosure of the actual founders.

Moreover, Nazarbaev’s family most often owns resources—

although this is impossible to confirm—or large financial-

industrial groups, which keep media to lobby their interests

exclusively.”

Kazakhstan has some minority-language periodicals,

including in Uzbek, Korean, and Uigur. These newspapers

are funded fully by the state. Programs in German, Korean,

229

process, and network agencies won. Arna-Media and video

International are the largest network agencies. Due to the

fall in the market, agencies developed so-called “anti-crisis

packages” to stimulate small and medium business. TNS

Gallup research identified several general trends: the

volume of advertisement dropped considerably for all media

companies, but especially for print and radio; the diversity

of advertisement messages decreased in all media; and the

average advertisement output did not change significantly.

Large advertising agencies are still reluctant to operate

in the regions. The process of market centralization and

monopolization at the regional level is hindered due to poor

knowledge of local media influence and a lack of reliable

ratings and research.

Additionally, regional advertisement agencies are not

always professional. One panelist described a shocking

advertising campaign against alcoholism. On huge billboards

in Taldykorgon, a child is shown with visible physical

development problems and the headline “Mother, why

am I a monster?” But for the most part, large agencies

work creatively and professionally. There are wonderful

examples of advertisement campaigns as well, including those

addressing social topics such as combating drug addiction and

reducing child abandonment.

Article 9 of Kyrgyzstan’s law on advertising stipulates,

“advertisements in television and radio programs…

should not exceed twenty percent of the total volume of

broadcasting per day, except for scrolling script [tickers].” For

print periodicals, there is no such threshold for the volume

of advertisement. Article 8 of the law indicates that “…

subject matter should be determined by print periodicals

on tenders to cover specific social-political problems, but

accepting state subsidies is fraught with serious consequences

that lead to dependence on the authorities. State media

companies receive huge amounts of money, and an even

greater share of the advertisement market and public

relations budgets. According to Kaleeva, “Income sources are

diversified; however, advertisement income is not sufficient.

Income from the state limits editorial independence.”

The television channel Kazakhstan once did not show any

advertisements, since 100 percent of all costs were covered by

state subsidies.

Given the overall reduction of advertising revenue,14 many

media companies again returned to such services as private

advertisements, condolences, or announcements on private

events. The television channel KTK continued to invest in

cinema production in 2009. This year, that experience was rather

successful: the series Kara—Champion was produced for KZT 30

million ($200,000) and brought KZT 50 million ($330,000).

For the regional television channels, traditional concerts

brought significant money. According to Kuranbek, as soon

as he was assigned as the manager of Jetysu Television he

stopped showing the concerts, but letters flowed, asking to

return them to the air. There were even calls from the local

“white house” with the same request. “It turns out that this

is our ethnic tradition,” Kuranbek said. “In addition, these

concerts bring some money to the company.”

Print media suffered the most from the jump in inflation and

the economic crisis in general. Apart from income from sales

and subscriptions, state subsidies provide the biggest portion

of revenue for newspapers. Both private and state print media

companies compete for state funds. Often in such contests,

the most effective and popular private periodicals win.

Advertising agencies in Kazakhstan are quite developed. The

advertising market of the country before the economic crisis

was considered to be the third among CIS countries (after

Russia and Ukraine). In 2009, the advertising market fell by 18

percent compared to 2008. According to the data from TNS

Gallup Media Asia during “Media Kurultai-2009,” print media

and radio suffered the most. Even with the downturn, the

total volume of the advertising market was $471.6 million.15

According to the panel, the advertising market in the largest

cities underwent a period of division and weeding out of

non-professionals. The economic crisis only intensified this

14 Total volume of advertisement costs, according to official price lists, reduced by 18.3%. Maximum reduction of budgets occurred in press. www.tns.-global.kz TNS Gallup Media Asia15 Evaluation of the market was presented by TNS Gallup Media Asia and includes four spheres: television, radio, print media, and outdoor advertising.

KAZAKHSTAN

INDEPENDENT MEDIA ARE WELL-MANAGED BUSINESSES, ALLOWING EDITORIAL INDEPENDENCE.

BUSINESS MANAGEMENT INDICATORS:

> Media outlets and supporting firms operate as efficient, professional, and profit-generating businesses.

> Media receive revenue from a multitude of sources.

> Advertising agencies and related industries support an advertising market.

> Advertising revenue as a percentage of total revenue is in line with accepted standards at commercial outlets.

> Independent media do not receive government subsidies.

> Market research is used to formulate strategic plans, enhance advertising revenue, and tailor products to the needs and interests of audiences.

> Broadcast ratings and circulation figures are reliably and independently produced.


TNS Gallup has more or less established audience surveys,

and most media companies, public and private, perform

marketing studies regularly. However, during the discussion

at the annual Eurasian media forum, a TNS Gallup

representative said that investing in the publication of study

results does not make sense, because media do not buy or use

them to plan their programs. (There are some exceptions; for

example, Channel 31 forms its broadcasting program based

exclusively on popularity ratings.) It is more likely that for

most media outlets, such studies are symbolic. For example,

at Khabar television, the economic program Your Entrance

has one of the lowest ratings among all its programs, and a

psychological talk show draws a large and stable audience,

according to the survey. Yet the economic show remained

and the psychological show was canceled.

No organization audits the circulation of print media.

Panelists doubted the reliability of the circulation figures

published by leaders of the print market, and in particular

of Karavan.16 The lack of reliable data was cited as one of

the reasons that almost 30 percent of advertising companies

turned from print journalism to websites. However,

Naumenko had the opposite view. “Advertisers do not

demand true figures. In this respect, online periodicals

can provide some perspective, but unfortunately, Kazakh

advertisers treat those with skepticism because the Internet

audience is still small,” he said.

In 2009, media companies with established online social

networks (e.g., Otyrar-Tv in Shymkent and radio station NS)

started using Internet resources to study their audience.17

Many regional media even formed some “pools of readers”

to assess and to adjust their broadcasting.

OBJECTIVE 5: SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS


In 2009, the number of trade associations did not change.

Kazakhstan has two television and radio broadcasting

associations: NAT, which has been active for many years as a

membership organization; and the Association of Television

and Radio Broadcasters of Kazakhstan (ATRB). Some panelists

described ATRB as an organization existing only on paper,

16 This is the old title, at the moment the title of the newspaper is in the form of a slogan that starts from Karavan word; the change of the title did not cause changes of the staff and the strategies of this periodical.17 See more details in the following Internet sources: Kazakhstan television channels in social networks. http://www.internews.kz/newsitem/02-12-2009/9810; Kazakhstan radio stations in social networks. http://www.internews.kz/newsitem/07-12-2009/9856; Kazakhstan newspapers in social networks. http://www.internews.kz/newsitem/10-12-2009/9916

independently. Print periodicals distributed by subscription

should indicate thematic area of the periodical in the

condition of subscription.” The legislation prohibits only

advertisement of alcohol products, breast milk substitutes,

tobacco products, and certain restricted goods and services.

Non-governmental media companies receive funding from

the state to support implementation of public information

policy. In 2009, 44 newspapers, 46 magazines, 19 television

channels, three radio stations, and one news agency received

state funds. Half of those receiving state funds are private,

including some large and well-known newspapers such

as Vremya, Izvestiya Kazakhstan, Moscow Komsomoletz

in Kazakhstan, Komsomolskaya Pravda in Kazakhstan,

and regional media including small outlets such as Alva (a

television channel in Zyryanovsk, East-Kazakhstan oblast).

State subsidies often allow smaller media to survive; however,

local administrations often consider subsidies carte blanche to

interfere with the news and editorial policy of private outlets.

At the same time, procedures for allocating state funds

are not transparent. Private media companies usually

win competitions that offer scant production funding,

which results in poor-quality programs. Taking this into

account, along with the pressure from the authorities that

accompanies state subsidies, many media companies stated

that they would not compete for state funding in 2010.

Marketing studies are more popular today; even some

regional media companies now pursue this research.

However, there are very few research organizations that

provide quality marketing studies and consulting services.

Academics from various local universities—and even some

people and institutions that have no familiarity with survey

methodologies at all—try to fill the empty niche of market

research experts and sociologists. Most often, they employ

primitive surveys conducted by asking people in the street.

Medvednikova described cases in which media outlets spent

considerable amounts for marketing studies and were left

disappointed. “Study results were absolutely obvious, at

the level of common sense, with no practical ideas on what

should be changed. There are no reliable research agencies

that would be trustworthy; they are corrupt and will provide

the results they believe are desired.” Kaplina also noted, “It is

impossible to calculate incomes, and the agencies sometimes

provide made-up figures.”

Regarding print research, Naumenko commented, “Few

periodicals conduct marketing studies and identify their

group of readers. It is unclear why. Most likely it is because

state newspapers receive their money anyway, and private

newspapers will receive money from their founders—

oligarchs—while others will be closed.”

231

participated in lobbying for a bill advancing the interests

of journalists and media owners, and in campaigns to

protect oppressed journalists Lukpan Akhmedyarov and

Ramazan Esergepov. However, as panelists stated, these were

just first steps by the organization, which for many years

existed in name only. In many respects, the union is still

pro-government and does not meet the requirements for a

real trade union.

Kazakhstan lacks self-regulatory bodies for the journalism

community. Interest in this issue is growing in Kazakhstan’s

journalism and legal circles, though, with journalists mostly

supportive of the notion amid skepticism from the government.

Media NGOs constitute the broadest and most active network

for protection of the rights of journalists and freedom of

speech in the country. The Media Alliance of Kazakhstan was

established in early 2009, including about 10 Kazakh NGOs

from different regions. Its purpose is to develop the media

sphere of the country, to enhance professionalism, and to

strengthen legal support of journalists. In addition, the public

foundation Institute of Media Standards was established in

2009, providing strategic management training programs for

media leadership.

The publicly funded Adil Soz International Foundation for

Protection of Freedom of Speech, Medianet, Media-Center,

and Media Life are active in cities and in the regions. Media

NGOs provide legal advice to journalists and editors. However,

few journalists and editors actually apply for advice and

support, despite the pressure and risks they face. Suleimanov,

coming from his own experience with judicial proceedings as

a co-defendant in a slander lawsuit, assumed that journalists

often do not apply for legal advice since they are fearful of

acting apart from their company’s management.

but last year it did convene a conference for journalists, and

the government designated it as the civil society structure

to develop and strengthen media outlets. Also recently

established are the Kazakhstan Association of Newspaper

Publishers and a professional association of Internet

publishers that has not yet begun operations.

Panelists described a case that resulted in some criticism of

NAT. In 2009, ART was facing closure and the withdrawal

of its license and frequency. ART’s journalists asked NAT for

help in starting a campaign to protect the staff and company

and to draw nationwide attention to its plight. Other media

outlets stood ready to support the campaign. It appears that

NAT did reach out to the head of the station to help, but

the owners deferred, believing that the station would be

saved anyway. When those hopes proved false, the owners

attempted to mobilize the campaign with NAT, but it was too

late. ART’s journalists later blamed NAT management, saying,

“We trusted you and paid our membership fee, and you did

not protect us and we lost our jobs.”

Internews Network has proven valuable in supporting news

distribution across Kazakhstan. Internews helped to organize

regional television companies to devise a pilot satellite-based

news sharing pool beginning in autumn of 2009. This

initiative began spontaneously when Taldykorgon media

shared with other local networks its footage of a fire. Then,

during a gas crisis, regional companies came to appreciate

footage-sharing arrangements when colleagues in Astana

provided simultaneous translation from government officials

commenting on the problem. Each regional television and

radio company provides coverage from at least one local

news item per day, which is believed to have regional reach.

In addition, Internews publishes relevant Russian material,

facilitating inter-regional integration and providing citizens

with more exposure to local news. Panelists said that this

cooperative effort has resulted in improved news coverage.

According to the panelists, Kazakhstan has a limited union

presence. “Unfortunately, human rights lawyers have not

managed to establish a trade union. Journalists appeared to

be passive in this regard. There are no specialized unions of

bloggers and journalists,” Naumenko said.

Although not a union, a club of editors-in-chief was

established in 2009. Some panelists referred to the trade

union of television and radio company Jetysu as the only

positive example of Kazakh unions. Jetysu’s union monitors

labor rights and provides support to members in difficult

situations. Members pay membership fees—a sign of their

trust in the union.

The Union of Journalists in Kazakhstan intensified its

activity in the past year, after a long dormancy. The union

KAZAKHSTAN

SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS FUNCTION IN THE PROFESSIONAL INTERESTS OF INDEPENDENT MEDIA.

SUPPORTING INSTITUTIONS INDICATORS:

> Trade associations represent the interests of private media owners and provide member services.

> Professional associations work to protect journalists’ rights.

> NGOs support free speech and independent media.

> Quality journalism degree programs that provide substantial practical experience exist.

> Short-term training and in-service training programs allow journalists to upgrade skills or acquire new skills.

> Sources of newsprint and printing facilities are in private hands, apolitical, and unrestricted.

> Channels of media distribution (kiosks, transmitters, Internet) are private, apolitical, and unrestricted.


In 2009, in an extraordinary development for students

and teachers of journalism, a ministry grant established

professional multimedia studios at the Kazakhstan Institute

for Management, Economics, and Strategic Research

(KIMEP) and at Kazakhstan State University (KazSU). These

advanced facilities could significantly change the character of

professional training of students.

Traditionally, potential employers have skeptically viewed

graduates of journalism departments. Graduates are assumed

to be poorly trained and unprepared for the professional

world, while teachers blame the outdated equipment. Many

panelists expressed concern that trainers themselves lack

understanding of how to operate modern equipment; the

overwhelming majority of trainers are not technically adept

and have never worked in practical journalism.

In addition, more journalists are trained in universities than

the field can employ. According to the panelists, annually

about 500 journalists graduate, but at a time when many

professional journalists are losing their jobs, the chances are

slim for newcomers to find good positions. The absence of

mentorship programs, the low entry-level salaries, and the

difficult and risky nature of journalism cause high turnover

rates among young journalists.

Existing journalism academic programs need to be analyzed

critically and reformed, according to the panelists. KIMEP

and UNESCO have launched a pilot effort with this mind,

aimed at the convergence of economic journalism, political

communication, and online technologies. Other NGOs also

have turned their attention to university journalism students:

Dessenta started training students from eight regional

universities with a grant from the European Commission.

At the end of 2009, based on an order from the education

ministry, an evaluation of chairs and departments of

journalism training programs was carried out.18 According

to the results, the five top institutions included Almaty State

University, KazSU, LN Gumilev Eurasian National University,

KIMEP, and Kostanai University.

The panelists said that practicing Kazakh journalists have

sufficient opportunities to attend seminars, conferences,

and other training programs, both through international

organizations and with the support of companies. In 2009,

short-term training sessions were conducted on subjects such

as linguistic issues; social topics including HIv/AIDS, domestic

violence, alcoholism, and drug addiction; environmental

journalism; and training for lawyers of media entities. Adil Soz

received grants from the state for the second year for the legal

education of journalists. The Soros Foundation-Kazakhstan has

18 A total of 23 universities train journalists in the country.

supported more training programs on economic journalism,

and Internews held training programs for managers and

program directors to aid in addressing the economic crisis.

The panelists identified only the journalism school Medianet

as working systematically and providing different types of

training to journalists. These programs are not academic ones,

and so do not provide any status to graduates. Some media

companies, which are seriously concerned by the shortage of

qualified personnel, also run practical “journalism schools” to

quickly train young professionals. Panelists gave higher marks

to residential training programs, believing their format to be

ideal—the whole journalist team being trained along with

the management, rather than journalists alone, since they

lack decision-making power.

However, the panelists cited a shortage of multimedia

training opportunities, especially given that many donor

organizations that have been working in this area have

curtailed training programs. (Panelists pointed to Internews as

an exception; it has offered regional training for journalists.)

Many organizations conduct trainings that do not meet

professional standards, panelists added, and some managers

are more inclined to pay for training of their advertisement

and ratings specialists than technical crews.

Printing enterprises are subject to political factors. For example,

the weekly Respublica has been forced to use pseudonyms such

as Golos respubliki (Voice of the Republic) and Moya respublika

(My Republic) in order to be printed. According to a February

20, 2010 report by RFE/RL, Respublica’s editors think that the

government has ordered printers not to offer their services

to the weekly. On the other hand, state-favored print houses

receive numerous benefits: preferred orders of glossy expensive

magazines, state orders for printing particular products, etc.

Panelists claimed that print houses allow periodicals to provide

false circulation statistics.

Media distribution channels are not totally free. Half of the

country’s television transmitters belong to the state, and

Kazakhtelecom enjoys a 70 percent share of the ISP market. In

2009, the authorities did not allow cable television providers

to show the film Borat,19 which was being broadcast on MTv.

One cable operator had to cite “technical difficulties” for

its failure to show the film, while the owners of other cable

networks did not comment. Given the coming digitization,

an even deeper monopoly might become possible, as media

observers anticipate that multimedia platforms will belong to

the state.

19 The 2006 Sacha Baron Cohen film Borat: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan was perceived as a humiliating derision of Kazakh culture. There were no official opinions, but this film was secretly blocked from distribution in Kazakhstan.

233

List of Panel Participants

Bejsen Kuranbek, director, Jetysu Television, Taldykorgan

Diana Medvednikova (Okremova), director, Northern

Kazakhstan Legal Media Center, Astana

Erjan Sulejmenov, general director, Media Standards

Institute, Almaty

Galija Azhenova, director, Public Center of Expertise, Adil

Soz International Foundation for Protection of Freedom of

Speech, Almaty

Gulnar Asanbaeva, associate professor, Kazakhstan Institute

for Management, Economics, and Strategic Research, Almaty

Olga Kaplina (Groznaja), project manager, Internews

Network, Almaty

Sholpan Zhaksybaeva, executive director, National

Association of Television and Radio Broadcasting Companies

of Kazakhstan, Almaty

Tamara Kaleyeva, president, Adil Soz International

Foundation for Protection of Freedom of Speech, Almaty

Vjacheslav Abramov, director, MediaNet International Center

for Journalism, Almaty

The following participants submitted a questionnaire but did

not attend the panel discussion.

Andrej Antonenko, news manager, TAN Tv, Almaty

Yaroslava Naumenko, blogger and journalist, Almaty

Moderator and Author

Gulnara Ibraeva, chair, Social Technologies Agency, Bishkek,

Kyrgyzstan

The Kazakhstan study was coordinated by, and conducted

in partnership with, Social Technologies Agency, Bishkek,

Kyrgyzstan. The panel discussion was convened on January

12, 2010.

KAZAKHSTAN

Documents

KAZAKHSTAN - IREX · The Eurasian Media Forum annual conference, chaired by the president’s eldest daughter, convened in April. According to its website, the forum “facilitates