International Journal of Psychology 25 (1990) 795-812 North-Holland

795

CULTURE AND WORK ALIENATION WESTERN MODELS AND EASTERN REALITIES

Rabindra N. KANUNGO * McGill University, Montreal, Can&

h s paper argues that the existing theoretical explanations of work alienation and corrective management practices developed in the Western world have Limited cross-cultural applicability. This argument is supported f i s t by identifying the cultural bias inherent in the Western explanatory models of alienation and then by indicating how such a bias fails to adequately explain work alienation and its opposite work involvement phenomena in Eastern societies Like India. Finally, the paper probes into the role of some critical indigenous variables responsible for the development of alienation among workers in India. The case of Indian workers provides an illustrative example of what is needed for alienation research in a developing country context: to avoid the folly of uncritically accepting the Western explanatory models and to encourage the discovery of indigenous explanations.

The phenomena of work alienation and its opposite involvement play a central role in determining the social and economic climate of contemporary societies. Understanding the nature of the phenomena, the way they develop, their causes and consequences, is of paramount importance for improving the quality of work life and organisational effectiveness. Realizing the importance of the phenomena, numerous studies have been done by social scientists in the last three decades (see Kanungo (1982) for a critical review). However, most of these studies have been conducted in the developed Western countries. These studies have given rise to theoretical explanations or models of worker aliena- tion and corrective practices that fit Western cultural norms and therefore have limited applicability for developing Afro-Asian and Latin American countries. Research on alienation in these developing countries that are based on the western models can be meaningful only when the limitations of these models are recognized and avoided.

Author's address: RN. Kanungo, Faculty of Management, McGill University, 1001 Sherbrooke St. West, Montreal. Que.. Canada H3A 1G5.

0020-7594/90/$03.50 Q 1990 - Elsevier Science Publishers B.V. (North-Holland)

196 R N. Kanungo / Culture and work alienation

Furthermore, alienation research in the developing world becomes more meaningful and useful when explanations of the phenomena are sought in terms of variables indigenous to the cultural context in which the research is carried out.

The purpose of this paper is twofold. First it attempts to identify the cultural bias inherent in the Western explanatory models of alienation by identifying certain critical common features of the models and indicating how these features are totally inadequate in explaining work alienation or involvement among workers belonging to the developing nations. Second, the paper probes into the role of some critical indige- nous variables in the development of alienation among workers in India in order to provide an example of what is needed for alienation research in a developing country context. Thus the paper highlights the significance of discovering indigenous explanations of alienation phe- nomena in a given country and points out the problems associated with the uncritical adoption of the Western models to explain the phenom- ena in a developing nation.

Critical features of the Western explanatory models

Theoretical explanations of worker alienation were first proposed by Marx ([1844] 1932) and then by Weber (1930). The conceptual models proposed by them formed the basis of much of the later thinking on the subject among both the empirically oriented behavioural scientists and practical oriented organisational change agents. According to Marx, if workers sacrifice their needs and interests and surrender their free will or control over what they do at work, they may experience alienation. Mechanization of the production process and the increased supervisory control over workers’ behaviour and wages observed in the capitalist system forces workers to sell their labor for survival, and to surrender their right to engage in spontaneous, free, and self-directed production activities and thus creates alienation of labor.

Following Marx, most social scientists have assumed that the ab- sence of worker autonomy and control in the work place is a necessary and sufficient condition for labor alienation. Such an assumption is based on an uncritical acceptance of Marxian views regarding labor and the essence of human nature. But the validity of this assumption has been questioned on the ground that the essential nature of human

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beings and the role of labor in a worker’s life, as conceived by Marx, does not hold true in all parts of the world. In light of the current behavioural and motivational theories, the Marxian emphasis on worker autonomy and control appears both ‘humanistic’ and ‘individualistic’ in orientation. Like many assumptions in humanistic psychology (such as Maslow’s (1954) need hierarchy notion), Marxian emphasis on autonomy and control suffers from problems of empirical validation and strong cultural bias (see Kanungo (1982) for details).

Weber’s treatment of the concept of work alienation is very similar to that of Marx. Both believed that the individuality or personal worth of workers is determined by their labor, and that alienation results from working conditions that deny the expression of individuality. But Weber went a step further in asserting the historical antecedents of work alienation. Study of the Protestant religion convinced Weber (1930) that the ethical system of Protestantism trains people to be individualists and to believe in the goodness of work. Principles within the Protestant faith, such as ‘God helps those who help themselves’ or ‘Work is its own reward’, promote in people a high degree of indi- vidualism, a craving for intrinsic rewards and industriousness. Like Marx, Weber emphasized the freedom to make one’s own decisions, to assume personal responsibility, and to prove one’s worth through achievement at work, and saw loss of individuality as the necessary condition of work alienation.

Translated into motivational terms, both Marx’s and Weber’s em- phasis on the individuality of the worker imply that if the work setup cannot provide an environment that satisfies the needs for individual autonomy, responsibility, and achievement, it will create a state of alienation in the workers.

Most contemporary formulations of work alienation, in both the psychological and the sociological literature have followed the Marxianpeberian models (for an exhaustive review, see Kanungo 1979, 1981, 1982). Almost all of the formulations emphasize lack of intrinsic need satisfaction as the basic condition for work alienation. The exclusive emphasis on intrinsic need satisfaction as a precondition for worker involvement (or for better quality of working life) reflects a strong cultural bias in the Western models. This was initiated by Marx and Weber through their observation of individualistic societies in which the need for personal achievement, control, and autonomy are considered to be people’s most central and salient needs.

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The same emphasis persists in the works of contemporary Western organisational theorists. For instance, after reviewing the current psy- chological literature on job involvement, Rainowitz and Hall (1977: 284) conclude that, among other things, job-involved workers believe strongly in the Protestant Ethic, have strong growth or intrinsic needs, and have stimulating jobs that give them a high degree of autonomy and control. Similarly, contemporary organisational sociologists believe that workers experience alienation when they engage in job activities that are not rewarding in themselves, that do not express their unique abilities and potentialities nor permit control, but are simply instru- mental in satisfying extrinsic needs such as for money, security etc. (Blauner 1964; Seeman 1959; Shepard 1971).

Another line of sociological research in the area of ‘individual modernity’ tends to echo the above viewpoint. Inkeles and Smith (1974) consider an individualistic orientation one major characteristic of ‘modernity’. Other recent studies (e.g. Orpen 1978) have shown that ‘modernity’ implies acceptance of Protestant work-ethic ideals and an emphasis on intrinsic work values. In contrast, ‘ traditionality’ implies familism (a form of collectivistic orientation), limited personal aspira- tion, and less emphasis on intrinsic work values. Using the dichotomy of ‘modem versus traditional‘, Inkeles and Smith (1974) have argued that development of ‘modernity’ characteristics among workers is es- sential for the effectiveness of work organisations.

To summarize, Westem models of work alienation rest on two basic premises. First, work-alienating attitudes are formed as a result of past socialisation training that does not emphasize Protestant Ethic norms. Second, alienation at work stems from a lack of intrinsic need satisfac- tion on the job.

If one accepted these premises, it would imply that many Third World countries would be doomed to suffer from mass work alienation, because these countries neither subscribe to the Protestant Ethic norms nor consider intrinsic need satisfaction to be the main purpose of work behaviour. The Western models of work alienation therefore would argue that the only hope for these countries would rest on changing their ways through incorporating Western work ideologies such as Protestant Ethic norms into their socialisation process and adopting job-design and participative leadership concepts that emphasize intrin- sic need satisfaction of workers in the work place (Hackman and Oldham 1976; Herzberg 1968; Lawler and Hackman 1971).

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Limitations of the Western models

This position taken according to Western models is not tenable on two grounds. First, one can argue that satisfaction of intrinsic needs at work may be a suflicient, but not a necessary, condition for work involvement. Work involvement does not necessarily depend on job characteristics that allow for satisfaction of needs for control and autonomy. It must be emphasized that workers have a variety of needs, some more salient than others. The saliency of the needs in any particular person is determined by his or her past socialisation in a particular culture, and is constantly modified by present job conditions. Different groups of people, because of their different socialisation training or cultural background, may develop correspondingly different need-saliency patterns. They may value extrinsic and intrinsic job outcomes reflecting those diverse factors. A specific set of needs (e.g., growth needs, such as self-esteem and autonomy) may be salient in one group of workers, but not in another group. This may result in different self-images in the two groups and, consequently in different job expec- tations in the two groups. A group of workers that considers control and autonomy to be the core of their self-image may get involved in jobs that are perceived as offering opportunity for exercising control and autonomy. Predictably, they may become alienated from jobs that are perceived as providing little freedom and control. However, such job characteristics may not be a crucial consideration in the detennina- tion of the job involvement or alienation of some other groups, which may view security and social solidarity needs as the core of their self -image.

Also, we should not overlook differences in people’s self-concepts. The industrially developed societies of the West may socialize their citizens to believe that all that counts in one’s life is to have individual liberty or freedom. Workers belonging to these societies may feel, therefore, that working life is of little worth without freedom and control. In the developing societies however, economic and social security often are considered more important to life than are freedom and control at the work place. Thus, workers in these societies may find work very involving if it guarantees such security, but may not care very much for freedom and control in their jobs. In these societies, people may value equality more than liberty as the guiding principle of working life. The data from Inkeles and Smith’s (1974) study of six

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developing countries (Argentina, Bangladesh, Chile, India, Israel, and Nigeria) seem to provide indirect support for this contention and to contradict the commonly held notion among organisational theorists that assembly-line and large-scale production factory systems neces- sarily create worker alienation.

The second reason for the nontenability of the Western models lies in the faulty assumption that Protestant-Ethic-type socialisation train- ing is the only appropriate way to achieve greater work involvement and consequent industrial development. Moreover, it must be pointed out that socialisation of the Protestant Ethic variety is not the only type of training that increases work involvement. Any type of training through which people realize that their work role can fulfill their salient needs will increase work involvement. This can be illustrated by com- paring Eastern and Western cultures.

First, let us consider the socialisation process in many Western cultures. These cultures value individualism and promote in their members greater saliency of autonomy and personal achievement needs. The Protestant work-ethic in such cultures trains people to believe that work can satisfy these salient needs, and can provide opportunities for the expression of one’s individuality. Therefore, work should be valued as being good and central to one’s life.

In contrast, consider socialisation in many developing countries. Cultures in these countries promote in their members a sense of collectivism and saliency of social and security needs. In these cultures religious preaching about achieving universal brotherhood of mankind and religious practices advocating the value of sacrificing self-interest for the benefit of others have a different socializing influence. People in these cultures develop a belief in the centrality of work not because work can promote personal achievement, but because it can fulfill the collectivist goals of brotherhood and sharing in life. The Hindu reli- gion, for example, encourages a form of work ethic that considers work as central to one’s life, but maintains that it must be performed as duty in the service of others (family members, friends, relatives, even strangers), and not for one’s own personal achievement. Social scien- tists (e.g., Mehta 1976, 1978) have noticed the presence of this desire for collective rather than individual success among Indian workers. Those workers who believe that work can achieve a sense of collecti- vism and also fulfill salient social and security needs might therefore show the same level of work involvement as a Protestant. In Chinese

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society, the influence of Confucianism has created an altruistic set of values directed toward achieving common good rather than individual achievement. ‘Chinese cultural tradition fosters the internalization of self-discipline and self-restraint. These traits imply the moral obligation of one’s deferential compliance with parents, elders, and other senior’s wishes ...‘ there is always moral commitment to the collective goal which strives at excellence, dedication and involvement, notwithstanding how resentful or onerous the task is to the individual’ (Chao 1988: 3). Similar collectivist orientation with emphasis on familism, in group loyalty, and affective reciprocity forms the basis of worker involvement in many developing countries in Africa and Latin America.

The above examples demonstrate that people belonging to a non- Western culture tend to develop different salient needs as a result of being influenced by different cultural and group norms. The socialisa- tion training in any given culture that emphasizes the instrumentality of work roles in satisfying people’s culturally determined salient needs is primarily responsible for the development of work involvement.

Search for indigenous factors

If Western explanatory models of alienation are inadequate in the context of developing nations because of cultural difference, then it is appropriate to look for explanations within the cultural milieu of these nations. This section explores the nature and causes of alienation of workers in India and describes a set of indigenous explanatory varia- bles that are very different from the variables suggested by Western models. The causes of worker alienation in the Indian context can be identified both in the past’socialisation process of workers (i.e. to reveal the historical or predisposing cause) and in their present perceptions of the need satisfying potential of the job illustrating the contemporary or precipitating causes. Let us analyse these two sets of causes of worker alienation in India.

Indian socialisation influence

The early socialisation or conditioning process involves the influence of different social institutions, such as family, educational institutions, religion and political atmosphere. As individuals learn modes of think-

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ing, feeling, and performance they are shaped by such ideological and cultural influences. Early interactions with social institutions and their specific representatives form the basis of many enduring psychological characteristics of future personality. The influences of socialisation in India produce three types of behavioural dispositions (or ethics) that are particularly relevant in the context of work motivation. These dispositions wil l be referred to as (a) a personal ethic of helplessness, (b) an organisational ethic of personalised relationships, and (c) an idealized, family-centred work ethic.

Workers at all levels of organisations in India seem to manifest a personal sense of helplessness. In their day-to-day work and non-work spheres of life, they exhibit a passive attitude towards their environ- ment. They feel that they can do nothing (in a direct manner) to change their environment. They have inculcated an external orientation; i.e. a belief that the external environment controls them, rather than them controlling their environment. Thus they become insecure and demon- strate a strong need for dependence on others to reduce their feeling of insecurity. As individuals, they feel that they are insignificant, power- less particles of humanity and, therefore, believe in the futility of their actions. These beliefs create an attitude of fatalism and they become indifferent to work and work organisations. As individuals, therefore, they do not strive for challenge and excellence, but rather remain content with status quo and mediocrity. They become the victims of ‘what can I do? and chulegu type syndrome. (Chalegu is a common vocabulary often used to express ready acceptance of status quo and mediocrity).

Some social scientist (Kapp 1963; Weber 1958) have argued that the passive helplessness attitude of the Indian worker may result from the influence of Hindu doctrines of (a) Moksha (salvation) through re- nunciation of all material possessions (Sanyas) as an ultimate goal in life, (b) illusory nature of the material world (Maya) and the experi- ences of present life resulting from the actions in previous life (the ‘law of Karma’ in an endless cosmic causal chain). Although such beliefs may play a role in the development of certain attitudes toward life in general (such as contempt for competitive acquisitiveness or equanim- ity in the face of extreme sufferings and hardships in life), they certainly are not the soIe reasons for the helplessness feelings in a worker’s day-to-day life. The helplessness feeling and the attitude of fatalism or external locus of control (Rotter 1966) orientation are

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acquired primarily through socialisation practices related to action-con- tingent reward allocation in family, school, work organisations or other social institutions. This point will be discussed later in the section.

The organisational ethic of Indian workers is also shaped by a strong sense of insecurity and dependence on others. Their work relationships are personalized rather than contractual. They work for their superiors, friends, and relatives, rather than for accomplishing the task or organi- sational goals under contractual obligations. Personal loyalty takes priority over organisational efficiency. Within the organisation, seeking and maintaining personal status becomes the primary objective for which organisational interests can be sacrificed. Most supervisors pro- vide personal rather than institutional leadership. Their leadership behaviour is directed towards maintaining their status or saving their skin by pleasing everyone, avoiding conflicts or confrontation, and by not taking any risk that might rock the boat even if such actions are desirable for protecting organisational interest.

Indian workers also manifest a family centered work ethic. Most workers believe that work is necessary and good, primarily for main- taining one’s family, providing for the well-being of aging parents, spouse, and children. Work for the sake of personal mastery over the job, or for personal sense of task accomplishment is somewhat alien to many. They have, however, an idealized form of work ethic derived from the Bhagavat Gita. They tend to subscribe in the abstract to the norm: ‘Your right is to work only. But never to the fruit thereof. Let not the fruit of action be your object. Nor let your attachment be to inaction’. Such abstract principles are hardly every practised in real working life. Duties are performed generally in the family context, but the same sense of duty does not prevail at work place. In fact, Indian workers subscribe more to leisure and to family ethic than to work ethic. They are more familiar with the sneha (fondness), shrudha (affection), and arum (relaxation) culture than with Karma culture. There is an emphasis on idle leisure pursuits that satisfy security and affiliative needs, rather than creative leisure pursuits that achieve work objectives; on maintaining status positions rather than task goal accomplishments; on performing socially approved duties in interper- sonal contexts rather than in the job contexts. These are the typical characteristics of the Indian personality, and constitute disguised manifestations of a feudalistic temperament that prevails among most Indian workers.

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Four key elements in the socialisation process in India are responsi- ble for the formation of the three types of ethic that we have identified. First, the authoritarian practices in the family, the educational system, and the religious institutions act to create a strong sense of dependence. This is reinforced by the hierarchical authority structure in all of these institutions. Those who are in authority position tend to overcontrol their subordinates through the use of formal authority or rule-minded supervision. Unconditional obedience by surrendering to authority is considered a virtue. Personal initiative, originality, and independence in thinking and decision making in every sphere of life meets with social disapproval. As a result, independent critical thinking and reasoning (i.e. to solve one’s own life problems) diminish. Positional or status authority rather than personal informed reason, forms the basis of blind conformity and compliance.

Second, the reward systems within Indian social institutions tend to promote helplessness and external orientation. Very often people in authority positions (parents, teachers, political leaders) promise valued rewards for the desired behaviour of subordinates but do not furnish these rewards. Such broken promises create a state of uncertainty of goal attainment, a deep sense of insecurity, external orientation, power- lessness and, finally, low self-reliance. Furthermore, pervasive attitudes of negativism (searching only for what is wrong with an individual) and pessimism about outcomes of every action on the part of superiors, discourages risk-taking and responsibility-seeking behaviour, eventually leading to passivity in one’s dealings with the environment.

Third, family and religious traditionalism of the Indian culture has created a time perspective that has an emphasis on the past rather than on the present. Emotional gratification of one’s desire to maintain self-esteem through the recollection of past achievements is quite a commonplace happening. In a sense, most individuals live physically in the present, but psychologically in the past, and are unconcerned about the future. Emphasis on the past and a lack of futuristic orientation leads to a lack of planning while trying to achieve task goals. Thus, jobs are handled as they come up, and problems are seldom anticipated ahead of time for making adequate preparation to solve them. Without prior preparation to solve anticipated problems, most problem solving behaviour becomes chaotic, unplanned, and unorganised. Failures to solve problems are then attributed to the complex and unanticipated

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nature of the problem, rather than to the lack of futuristic thinking of the individual.

There is another aspect to Indian time perspective. Time is often considered in an abstract philosophical way as being external, i.e. ever present but never passing. Thus, delays in actions or slowness at work are easily tolerated as normal. Deadlines, time targets, punctuality, etc. are meaningless. People are very much used to taking in their stride, the familiar, ‘foot dragging’ bureaucratic response: action/decision will be taken in ‘due course’ of time.

Finally, the tradition of the joint family systems, creates problems of meeting obligatory demands from relatives, friends, superiors, co- workers, and subordinates. Such demands often conflict with organisa- tional and task requirements. For instance, jobs are offered to candi- dates not on the basis of their job competency, but on the basis of demands from superiors, relatives, and friends. Conflicting demands from significant others lead to misplacement of priorities in job activity and mis-allocation of resources. Planning gets disrupted and personal effectiveness is lost. Besides, under the constant influence of conflicting demands from significant others, the individual experiences dissonance, and, to reduce such dissonance, develops hypocritical habits of ‘show- ing an honest face’ but actually doing something else. Pressure from relevant others in a tradition-bound family culture forces the individual to sacrifice organisational and task objectives for the sake of maintain- ing personalized relationships. Work ethic is sacrificed for family ethic.

Employee’s on-the job work experience

Besides the above mentioned predisposing socialisation influences, work alienation also results from the work experiences within organisa- tions. Employee work experiences that contribute to work alienation can be divided into three broad categories: those related to the nature of tasks performed on the job (task-related experiences), those related to the nature of rewards or compensation system (reward-related experiences) and those related to the nature of superior-subordinate relation (supervision-related experiences). Employees’ work behaviour is mainly determined by these three sets of job perceptions: the requirements of what the employees are expected to do on the job, the returns of material, social, and psychological benefits the employees are

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going to receive in. return for their work, and the manner in which the employees are treated by their superiors.

Task-related experiences Work motivation suffers if there are no clear job expectations

regarding what the employee is supposed to do on the job, and whether he can get what he values most through his job behaviour for the satisfaction of his important needs. No one would perform adequately on the job when one lacks job clarity, and is unable to satisfy his pressing needs.

Many employees do not have clear task objectives. Very often, they have confused knowledge of what their responsibilities are, what task goals or targets they should be aiming for, what paths or procedures they should be following to reach such targets and how they are moving on these paths. Lack of job clarity in the employees’ mind is the fault of management. Managements fail to develop adequate job descrip- tions and job standards which might clarify employees’ duties and responsibilities. Supervisors fail to provide their subordinates with concrete task goals, and specified time periods for completion of the job.

Furthermore, neither supervisors nor subordinates receive proper feedback of work progress because of the absence of a systematic reporting system and feedback procedures. Reporting and feedback systems at work are simply absent, and the employees know it. When standards of performance are an unknown quantity in the organisation (in the minds of all employees including management), the problem of increasing motivation for improving performance becomes meaning- less. Employee motivation and performance can improve only when the employees have a clear job perception with regard to what is required of them for attaining very specific task goals within some prescribed time by following some well tested paths (i.e. a work method). Task clarity, goal specificity, and targeted time for task completion con- stitute the minimal condition for improved work motivation and per- formance.

Reward-related experiences Even if job clarity is a necessary condition for worker motivation

and productivity, it is not sufficient. What is also needed is to provide employees with job outcomes or rewards and compensations that the

RN. Kanungo / Cubure and work alienation 807

employees consider relevant for satisfaction of their needs. It must be kept in mind that not each and every reward is effective in inducing greater work motivation among employees. Rewards valued highb by employees are more effective than less valued rewards. An employee who values job promotion more than increased salary will not be motivated by more money. Managements must determine how the employees value various rewards before utilizing them for increasing motivation.

Several other characteristics of rewards also come into play. For instance, while receiving a reward, if an employee perceives the situa- tions to be inequitable by comparing himself with co-workers, his work motivation will be lowered. If an employee finds that a junior co-worker with an inferior work record gets a promotion along with him, then promotion as a reward wil l act to lower rather than increase his motivation. Thus perceived equity ofa reward is an important source of increased work motivation.

Another important characteristic of rewards that make them motiva- tionally effective is its contingency on job behauiour. A reward that is received as a result of high performance is more effective in inducing high performance in the future, than a reward that is not dependent on performance. If the money one gets at the end of the month is not dependent on one’s day-to-day job performance, an increase in salary is not going to increase motivation for higher job performance. On the other hand, since the receipt of one’s salary depends on one’s being present on the last day of the month, the attendance record on that day would be higher than any other day of the month.

Besides the perceived value or importance, the equity among co- workers and contingency of job outcomes, two other reward character- istics seem to influence motivation of employees. They are reward uisibiliry or concreteness and reward immediacy following job perfor- mance. A job outcome that is highly concrete and tangible becomes more visible and salient in the minds of employees. Such outcomes like money, tend to be pursued with greater vigour or create higher levels of work motivation than less tangible outcomes like job autonomy or job responsibility. Finally, an outcome or reward that immediately follows high performance is more effective in maintaining the performance, than a reward that is delayed. Recognition of one’s work immediately after its accomplishment is more motivating than its recognition two

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years later when the employee has already forgotten that for which he is being rewarded.

In many Indian organisations, compensation schemes are set up and administered without any consideration of their value, equity, con- tingency, visibility, and timing. Employees are hired with the under- standing of receiving a compensation package that is largely time-based, rather than performance or skill-based. Employees know that their skills and performance have no relation to the salary and benefits they receive from the organisations. Many so-called performance- or merit- based rewards are clearly perceived as arbitrary and inequitable since the employees work in an inadequate (mostly non-existent) appraisal system. They are often ill-informed about the reward system and consequently perceive a state of randomness or arbitrariness in reward allocation. Since job performance does not bring in the sought-after reward, they feel impotent in controlling the reward through their job behaviour and consequently develop apathy toward their job. They withdraw their energy from the job and engage in organizationally dysfunctional activities (gossiping, ingratiating supervisors, etc.) hoping that such activities wi l l bring in the valued rewards (status in the eyes of co-workers, or perhaps a promotion or accelerated salary-incremen t from superiors). Organizationally dysfunctional behaviour among In- dian employees is so pervasive that like the black market money crippling Indian economic system, blackmailing at work (through de- liberate inefficiency and apathy) is destroying the moral fabric or Dharma and Karma ethic of the Indian society.

Supervision-related experiences In addition to the lack of task role clarity and inadequate reward

system, many Indian organisations emphasize bureaucratic practices with excessive reliance on rules and regulations. Such practices create an organisational norm that is perceived by employees as cold and impersonal. Workers in these organisations see themselves as legalistic robots guided by rules and regulations of a depersonalized organisa- tion. An impersonal and legalistic environment alienates workers from both their job and the organisation. Organizational interests are seen as separate and distinct from the interests of the workers, and workers’ behaviour is often directed toward meeting their own interests even at the cost of organisational interest.

Supervisors and executives within organisations who engage in such

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R N. Kanungo / Culture and work alienation 811

bureaucratic practices are often more interested in lording power ouer others than in achieving organisational objectives through their sub- ordinates. Such lording behaviors of people in authority position within organisations often manifest in the forms of personal and public criticism of employees, condescending or patronizing attitudes shown toward subordinates, maintaining a certain psychological (and physi- cal) distance from subordinates, and using rigid, legal and coercive styles of supervision. As several researchers (Ashforth 1986; Kipnis 1976) have argued, through lording power over others, supervisors and executives use power for personal aggrandizement and devaluing the worth of other employees. Employees in subordinate positions in turn feel low in self-esteem, powerless and alienated at work.

The indigenous variables responsible for worker alienation in the Indian context are summarized in fig. 1. These variables are divided into two broad categories: predisposing (cultural) and precipitating (organisational) factors responsible for worker alienation. Identifica- tions of these two types of factors in other developing countries should help us understand workers’ alienation in those countries better than the existing Western models. Attempts at de-alienation in a developing country context, therefore, have to deal systematically with both the indigenous cultural and organisational practices, rather than blindly following prescriptions derived from the Western models. Changing certain accepted cultural practices through intervention at the societal level is often a very difficult and slow process. However, attempts for reformative changes at the macro level should be one of the major goals of development projects in Third World countries. These attempts over a period of time, tend to generally alter the prevailing culturally determined attitudes (such as authoritarianism, traditionalism, etc.) that contribute to work alienation. But with these changes, work organisations must also bring about appropriate changes in their prac- tices if worker alienation has to be avoided.

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Cette ttude soutient quc les explications thtoriques existantes de I'alitnation au travail et les pratiques administratives correcuices mists au point dans le mondc occidental poddent une valeur d'application interculturelle limit&. Cet argument a t appuyt d'abord en identifiant la biais culturels inhCrents aux modkles utplicatifs occidcntaux de I'alitnation et ensuite cn indiquant comment un tel biais nc r k i t pas A expliquer adtquatement l'alitnation au travail, ainsi que le phknomhe oppod d'implication au travail, dans des sociktts orientals cornme I'Inde. Enfin, cettc ttudc examine le r8le de Ccrtaines variables indighes critiques qui scraicnt responsables du dtveloppement dc I'alihation cha les travailleurs Indiars. Lc cas d a travailleucs Indiens fournit unc illustration de cc que la recherche sur I'alihation a besoin dans Ic contcxte d'un pays en voie de dCveloppemcnt: Cvitn la foiie d'acccptcr sans esprit critique les modtles #explication oc- cidentaux et encourager la dtcouverte d'explications indighnes.

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