Upload
taisamyone
View
214
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
7/31/2019 Kachin 1
1/7
Kanbawza Win
An old man like me, near dotage stage cannot do anything except to show my solidarity
with the Kachin brethren, as the small Vancouver Ethnic Community launch a fund drive for theKachin Women Association Thailand (KAWT) to reliefthe Kachin refugees in no mans landnumbering over 100,000, whose humanitarian aid is cut off both by the Chinese and the Burmese
governments. The clearly depicts not only the Myanmar and the Chinese mentality but also to
what length can the dictatorial regimes go to justify their political appetite.
Genocide in Kachin StateHundreds of people have lost their lives, thousands have been maimed or injured, and
thousands of ethnic women have been raped by the Tamadaw soldiers. But after 1,800 battles,the conflict between Kachin freedom fighters and the Burmese armynow into its 15
th monthshows no sign of abating. A secret visit by a reporter mailed to me some grotesque pictures of
dead Burmese and Kachin soldiers piled on top of the corpses of civilian porters. Farmers and
villagers are now being targeted for attacks and interrogation by the government troops whonaturally suspect them of being sympathizers or members of the Kachin Independence
Organization (KIO).1
The Burmese Army or Tatmadaw is determined to knock out the Kachin,
once and for all, as men and munitions are increased around in the conflict zones. One couldrecall that at the recent ASEAN Conference in Bali, President Thein Sein boasted that it would
only take a few hours for the Tatmadaw to wipe out the Kachin, and the government media calls
the Kachin as Thaung Gyan Thu,( ) in Burmese which is usually translated as
insurgents, a rebel group with no political agenda and has connotations of terrorism.2 With this
kind of attitude how can there be ceasefire not to mentioned peace negotiations? 3
The 1994 ceasefire agreement never produced a political result leading to autonomy or
fundamental rights and instead Kachin leaders were offered business opportunities in logging,
jade mining and other enterprises viewed by the Kachin populace as a rape of the land and anattempt by the Myanmar authorities to exploit the Kachins rich forests and natural resources.
Experiencing an 18-year truce shattered, no ethnic nationalities trust the words ofNaypyidaw andnow every intelligent ethnic sense that Tatmadaw is not interested in whatever peace deals. What
more prove is wanted when it is already over a year that President Thein Sein ordered the army
to stop the offensive with no result, raising the question of whether the Burmese government is
controlling the army or vice versa.The major Myanmar community did not comprehend that the civil war was born out of
broken promises of 1947 Panglong Conference where the Shan Chin and Kachin, nationalities
agreed terms with the central government for self-determination, autonomy and even the future
of possibility of a separate state.4
This was ink by non-other than our beloved Aung San the
1Yan Naing, Saw; The Forgotten War inIirrawaddy 18-7-2012
2Zaw, Aung: Ending the Vicious CircleMaking Peace in Burma Irrawaddy 28-11-2011
3The government offeredNayoyidaw, the counterpart of Laiza to be the venue of talk for cease-fire for the KIO to
kow tow the government but later agree to the border town of Ruili or Muse4Yan Naing, Saw; The Forgotten War inIirrawaddy 18-7-2012
7/31/2019 Kachin 1
2/7
architect of modern Burma and father of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi which became moot after Aung
San was assassinated by the ploy of Ne Win.Since June 2011, Burma Army has commenced its major ethnic cleansing not only
targeting the Kachin resistance forces but the entire Kachin natives. The worst action done by the
Burmese soldiers is inhuman revenge against ordinary Kachin villagers because they suffered
severe fatalities. In fact, the Tatmadaw repeatedly breach principles of Geneva Conventions of1949 where, civilians must be protected by warring parties in any case and must not be
discriminated against because of race, religion or political opinion. Geneva Conventions also not
allows forcing them to give information. Civilian must not be used to shield military operationsor make an area immune from military operations. Civilian must not be punished for an offence
he or she has not personally committed. Women must not be indecently assaulted, raped, or
forced into prostitution. But, the Thein Sein government and the Tatmadaw turn a deaf ear to allthese. As a result, Burma Armys full-scale offensives are becoming more intense than ever. It
seems that Thein Sein, this year nominated Nobel Peace Prize5 is not sincere to uncover the truth
and has not the courage to accept the truth and is trying to hide the human rights violations of his
army from public scrutiny.6. A dishonor, not only for the government but also for the whole
nation, that he refused to say that Tatmadaw has violated a variety of human rights in variousethnic areas.7
Position of StrengthGone with the wind, is his utterance that there is a need for development in the ethnic
regions and that his government intended to reach out to ethnic groups for peace talks and that
the ethnic nationalities struggle is one of dimensional and deeply-rooted in the militarysarrogant view of ethnic nationalities and their issues.8 If he is serious about building trust with
the ethnic armed groups, he could have pressure the military to halt its offensives and call for a
nationwide cessation of hostilities, during which preliminary talks can take place at the regional
level to understand and resolve local issues.The world should know that even if the Burmese army and air force could eventually
defeat the vastly outmanned and outgunned Kachin Independence Army, it would never crushthe heart and soul of the Kachin resistance or that of the ethnic nationalities. Now the Tatmadawhas set the target that only after the Kachin headquarters Laiza was captured then it will consider
a cease-fire and will negotiate from the position of strength. This dictum of peace through
strength, theory was evident as the Tatmadaw seems to be sore afraid of the WA whose firepower and fighting ability surpassed them and they were being forced to provide the WA states a
5The greatest joke is that Thein Sein, who was a Prime Minister that had exterminated the Buddhist monks in the
Saffron Revolution of 2007 and later prevent the international humanitarian aid reaching to theNargis storm ravage
victims in May 2008 resulting in 140,000 people dead and left 2.4 million homeless was among the nominee for the
Nobel Peace Prize. Praise the Lord that it is awarded to the European Union.
6Lin, Zin; Is President of Burma worth of Nobel Peace Prize, Euro Asia 8-10-2012
7Linn, Zin; A Kachin War disgraced to the President Euro Asia News 6-10-2012
8Lin, Zin; Is President of Burma worth of Nobel Peace Prize, Euro Asia 8-10-2012
7/31/2019 Kachin 1
3/7
real federal status. If this is their hidden logic than every ethnic nationality of Burma must take a
page out of the WA example and builds up a formidable defense force to protect themselvesfrom the marauding Tatmadaw. So Thein Sein theory of only one army for the country holds no
water at all.. In the meantime this ruthless military operation will go on with a tactic approval of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who says nothing on this matter even though she has fight for
democracy and human rights all her life.Instead the Thein Sein administration in using the divide and rule tactics e.g. he could
wean out the Buddhist (DKBA) from KNU and is now giving bait to the more economically
inclined group of three musketeers ( Mu Tu Say Po, Roger and David Taw)9
. In Karenni it wasable to lure the KNPLF (Karenni Peoples Liberation Front) to be under the BGF (Border Guard
Force) from the more enlightened KNPP (Karenni Nationals Progressive Party).So also in Shan,
Mon, Arkanese was able to force the smaller but more economically inclined groups, in otherwords small war lords to enlist with the BGF, forcing them to split from their mother unit. By
looking at these episodes one can question not only the sincerity of the Thein Sein administration
but theMahar Myanmarmentality, the policy of a great nation forcing all the ethnic nationalities
to be under one religion (Buddhist), one race (Myanmar) and one country.
In these scenario it was incredible that Western countries that emphasizes so much ondemocracy and human rights, embodied in the universal declaration of human rights has taken
off almost all their punitive actions only because the quasi military regime has successfully usedDaw Aung San Suu Kyi to be their spokesperson. Will the fate of 30 million plus ethnic
nationalities (a population much larger than Canada) be abandoned by the Free World countries,
the moral champion of the world, only because she can charm the world leaders and let the
suffering Burmese ethnic communities under the boots ofMahar Myanmar Colonialism?America still remains the indispensible nation but not omnipotent.
NLD minus Daw Suu Kyi is equal to ZeroOne of the commanders in negotiating with the unarmed Burmese group in Thai-Burma
border area frankly remarked that NLD without Daw Suu Kyi is nothing. In fact he admitted that
they are worst than the cronies of the Junta. It must be recalled that when Daw Aung San SuuKyi, was just freed from house arrest she offered words of reconciliation she said, "It is
impossible to achieve development without peace in our country. The suffering of Kachin people
is the suffering of Myanmar people and we all have to find a cure for these problems ."10
But
today she is silent, perhaps in changing from democracy and human rights icon to politician shehas learnt that Silent is Golden in view of that fact that now she is aiming for the post of
President in a fragile new quasi-democracy. At a talk in London in June, a student from the
Kachin ethnic minority asked why she belonging to the majority Myanmar is reluctant to
condemn a bloody military offensive she could not answer. Neither could she answer to theplight of the Arakanese Muslims. How can a woman, the world has watched fight for her people
against the might of a military junta for decades, not have a word to say when an entire part of
her countrys population is being violently attacked?
11
Obviously ethnic groups accuse her ofcondoning human-rights abuses by failing to speak out on behalf of long-suffering peoples of
9I personally knew him and his wife since he was active in the Rangoon University Karen Students Association
10Gray, Denis; As Myanmar thaws, decades-old civil war festers on AP 4-02-2012
11Hossain, Anushay;The silence of a laureate: ethnic & religious tensions rise in Burma Forbes 8-10-2012
7/31/2019 Kachin 1
4/7
Burma. A woman so widely revered should arouse such hostility might have seemed
unthinkable.12
Once idolized without question for her courageous two-decades stand against thetyranny now faces a chorus of criticism even as she emerges as a powerful lawmaker here.
Previously to criticize her is considered as a betrayal of the cause that so many Burmese
had embraced and dedicated their lives to it, not that Daw Suu Kyi was perfect; but to point out
her flaws was to give comfort to the hated regime which ruled Burma with an iron fist.
13
But thatdays are over, and many a people noted that her stance on the burning ethnic issues left a great
deal to be desired. As a Nobel Peace Prize winner and an international icon for democracy and
human rights, many expected her to be more outspoken about the ongoing war in Kachin Stateand even more contentious issue of the status of Arakanese Muslims. This clearly points out the
true colour of realpolitik. For the Nobel Peace Prize laureate and democracy icon, it is personal.
Will she be her fathers daughter and carried on the family tradition to preserve the Union
of Burma where autonomy of the ethnic nationalities to be equated with national building
and worked for the Second Panglong Conferenceor will she side with the JuntasMahar
Myanmar policy to treat the ethnic nationalities as colonial people or second citizen is still to
be seen?
Her moral clarity helped make the former junta a global pariah. Her new role as politicalparty leader demands strategic ambiguity as well. She must retain her appeal to the majority
Myanmar, without alienating the non Myanmar ethnic nationalities and compatriots of otherfaiths. At the same time she must also engage with the widely despised military, which remains
by far the most dominant power in Burma. A saint-like reputation for unwavering principle can
be unhelpful in politics, a murky world of compromise and negotiation. So can adulation, which
generates expectations that not even Burmas human rights superstar can fulfill. To be
criticized and attacked is an occupational hazard for politicians. To be praised and idealized is
also an occupational hazard and much the less desirable of the two . She wrote it 14 years ago.
The legendary former political prisoner, and perhaps one of the most famous hostages of themillennium. Could anything be more politically dramatic than witnessing the woman take the
place of the very regime that placed her under arrest, separated her from her family, and banned
her from taking office even after winning landslide elections? Daw Suu Kyi is arguably one of
the most romanticized political figures of modern times.14
But at the same time she is also adapting to life inNaypyidaw, where men in green
uniforms, dominate one side of the chamber, chosen by armed forces chief Gen. Min AungHlaing, a protg of the retired dictator, and she has finally agreed to uphold Burma sconstitution, ratified after a fraudulent referendum in 2008 does not paint a rosy picture for the
ethno democratic groups. But it has to be admitted that her mere presence in parliament breatheslegitimacy into a political system built by the Junta and now hypocritically encourage by the
West vis a vis China.
12Marshall Andre RC FMT News 6-10-2012, Also in Jakarta Globe 7-10-2012
13Zaw, Aung; Can Suu Kyi Lead inIrrawaddy 10-10-2012
14Hossain,Anushay; The silence of a laureate: ethnic & religious tensions rise in Burma Forbes 8-10-2012
7/31/2019 Kachin 1
5/7
NLDs refusal in April to swear a parliamentary oath to uphold and abide by the
constitution is one of the testing point. After a two-week stand-off and criticism from supporters,
the Iron Aunty backed down and her MPs took their seats. Why? There are several
justifications, but it indicates that her party has few real policies beyond the statements of its
world-famous chairperson. This led to the question of who are her compatriots? Is it a club of
Daw Suu Kyis loyalists that fails to reach out to other influential groups in Burmese society? Why isthere not one to point out the loop whole?15Many returning exiles and intellectuals have been kept
at arms length from Suu Kyi and it is jealously guarded by those closest to her.16
Why are the
Burmese intellectuals ignored? Until and unless she her own house in order and provide genuineleadership within her own party she cannot lead the country.17 Daw Suu Kyi needs to recruit
young, intelligent and daring Burmese intellectuals abroad to come and work for the country.18
In this respect she should take a leave out of Than Shwe who did a better job of choosingsuitable subordinates to support his long-term goals. Besides she has given no hint of who her
political successor will be, and no one in her party stands out as a likely candidate even though
she will be 70 in 2015.19
It also makes us ponder, what kind of leader Daw Suu Kyi will be, and exactly how
different will her government be from the military rule that preceded it?
20
The NLDsparliamentary debut has also highlighted a lack of concrete policies and experts to formulate
them, a critical weakness when Burmas reformist government is drafting new legislation at abreakneck pace?
Daw Suu Kyis popularity in Burma is not as universal as many Western admirers
assume. She is adored in the lowlands, where fellow ethnic Myanmar predominates and her
image adorns homes, shops, cars and T-shirts. That reverence fades in rugged border regions,
occupied by ethnic nationalities who have fought decades-long wars against Myanmars -
dominated military. In rural ethnic dominated area especially in Shan State the images of DawSuu Kyi are hard to find. Khun Htun Oo, a leading Shan politician who was jailed for almost
seven years simply said that Suu Kyi has been neutralized by participating in parliament.
Worst of all in an interview with Amanpor of CNN she admitted hersoft spot
with themarauding Tatmadaw without realising that the Burmese army has change from patriotic army
15When I was Prime Ministers of Foreign Affairs, the then Prime Minister of Pakistan Ali Bhutto in going to China
flew over Burma and a telex machine crack besides me Greetings from the Prime Minister of Pakistan to the Prime
Minister of Burma.. There was a cabinet meeting and I have only 7 minutes to reply. So I telex backBon Voyage
from the Prime Minister of Burma. It was only in the evening when I have a chance to meet him that I told him the
story. As a responsible person I have the courage to do it. The point which I am pointing out that Daw Suu Kyi
should be surrounded by such persons.16Zaw, Aung; Can Suu Kyi Lead inIrrawaddy 10-10-2012
17During her visit to US my friend Kyaw Thi Ha goes personally with his own expense from Vancouver to Fort
Wayne and I handed over a short letter to be deliver to her but her PA Dr Daw Nge took it and was never handed to
her.18I could not comprehend why young and energetic Burmese intelligentsia like Zin Lin, Min Zin, Zar Ni, Aung
Htoo and the likes are not recruited.19Zaw, Aung; Can Suu Kyi Lead inIrrawaddy 10-10-2012
20Hossain,Anushay; The silence of a laureate: ethnic & religious tensions rise in Burma Forbes 8-10-2012
7/31/2019 Kachin 1
6/7
to pocket army of the generals that has dragged the country to the bottomless pit during all this
half a century. For years, the NLD backed calls for a United Nations Commission of Inquiry intoalleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma has been push back or been quietly
dropped since her release. What we believe in is not retributive justice but restorative justice,
she said in, if that is the logic than it is useless to tackle corruption and human rights in Burma.
No doubt she has quickly become an influential voice in the countrys newly empoweredparliament. Economists worry that her bleak public appraisals of Burmas business climate willscare foreign investors. No doubt, one way or the other, Daw Suu Kyis place in Burmese history
is assured. But if she wants to leave a legacy of lasting stability, and not just an image of heroicself-sacrifice as a guide to future generations, shes going to have to have to start tackling the
problems of her countryand her partyhead on.
We sense that her strategic sense compels her to utter compromising attitude, ambiguousresponses, silence on some critical issues and her soft corner for the military to gain the trust of
the Generals as she is fully aware of the central political role of the army and hence is seeking its
cooperation in furtherance of her goals, particularly in amending the Constitution.21
She knew
that the army cannot be wished away and would not listen to thoughtless critics. Any way she
needs them and any dilution of Army role can only be evolutionary, as we see it in othercountries similarly situated. But she is very soft in pedalling on ethnic issues for fear of upsetting
the administration in its peace moves, even at the risk of becoming unpopular with the ethnicgroups. We also knew that the success of President Thein Sein in his political and economic
reforms is key to the countrys transition to democracy and hence she is bound to support his
moves. The urgent need is capacity building within her party and the country. She is in a
better position than others to look outside the country for support. The period from now till 2015is crucial and hence Suu Kyi has to play her cards to the best advantage of herself, the party and
the country and still needs the support of the majority of the people to cross many hurdles.
There is little doubt that Suu Kyi still enjoys enormous support among Burmas people,despite questions among some about her commitment to the countrys ethnic nationalities.
However, looking beyond the next few years, she needs to think not just about her own role in
Burmas future politics, but also that of a younger generation of would-be leaders. There is still
time and Daw Suu Kyi knows that she could not cross the lines which her father has drawn andthat still the hopes and aspirations of ethnic nationalities are not lost yet. She is the only
Myanmar which the Non Myanmar ethnic nationalities trust, to lead the country to the Genuine
Union of Burma which her father had envisaged, where love, peace equality and democracyreigns. We clearly have idolized her to the point of no return. We want to believe that the fight
she waged for a free Burma includes the ethnic nationalities as well. There is no single figure
who could draw the attention and create a solution to the crisis the way Daw Suu Kyi can. Theethnic nationalities and the world have waited for decades to see Burmas Lady descend uponwhat we all believed was her rightful political throne, with a hope that Myanmar spring will not
be a Non-Myanmar ethnic nationalities long winter.
Prof. Kanbawza Win can be directly contacted by email at [email protected]
21Kuppuswamy c s SSAG, Euro Asia 11-10-2012
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]7/31/2019 Kachin 1
7/7