Justice-seeking Strategies in Everyday Life: Case Study Among Urban Migrants in Yangon

Than Pale, University of Yangon

Abstract This article explores how poor urban migrants deal with dis-putes and crimes in Yangon’s largest industrial area, Hlaing Tha-yar Township. The main argument is that migrants have very low access to formal justice institutions, and few powerful per-sonal connections to draw on, so they rely on informal mecha-nisms or refrain from reporting at all. On fewer occasions, when it comes to rapes and child abuse, they also rely on the new legal aid Community Based Organizations (CBOs), which are becom-ing more common. Hlaing Thayar has the largest population of unregistered migrants in Yangon and is infamous for high levels of crime. Poor migrants settle there to work at the factories or different forms of day-labor for low wages. Ethnographic re-search in the area during 2015-16 reveals that problems and crimes such as domestic violence, adultery, rape, debt and theft cases are very frequent. I focus on what migrant people do when they face such problems and how justice providers resolve these problems. It reveals that informal ward leaders are important. When the case ends up before formal justice providers, the mi-grants tend to lose the case because of lack of monetary means and powerful relationships. Case studies illustrate that justice-seeking strategies vary depending on economic situation, edu-cation, knowledge of the law and powerful personal connec-tions.

152 | Than Pale

Introduction This article explores how poor urban migrants dealt with dis-putes and crimes in Yangon’s largest industrial area, Hlaing Tha-yar Township, by examining how different types of disputes are experienced and resolved. The research principally analyses the role of ward-level actors in dispute resolution processes. Hlaing Thayar is home to the largest population of unregistered labor migrants in Yangon and is infamous for high levels of crime and social disputes. Many of the problems result from rapid urbani-zation and inadequate housing and livelihood opportunities for rural migrants in the Myanmar political and economic transi-tion. The upsurges in new construction in Yangon’s center and proliferation of industrial zones on its periphery have been a big draw for unskilled migrants coming to Yangon from rural areas, especially the Delta. The magnetism of Yangon intensifies as the central government's political and economic reform process gathers steam (Forbes 2016, 197). One recent study highlights that until 2005, many migrants to Yangon were individuals, whereas more recently whole households were likely to migrate, presumably with intention of more permanent relocation (Boutry 2014). As the cost of housing and living in Yangon was already high and rising, most migrants coming to the city settled in the periphery. Informal settlement was already taking place around the sites of industrial estates that were themselves in the peri-urban areas (Forbes 2016, 199).

This article analyses how these conditions affected the poor migrant’s access to justice when they faced crimes or were en-gaged in disputes. The main argument of the article is that mi-grants had very low access to formal justice institutions, and had few powerful personal connections to draw on. Conse-quently, the migrants relied on informal mechanisms of dispute resolution, yet sometimes they did not even seek assistance or report their cases. I analyse how migrants dealt with disputes,

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 153 and then explain why they had less access to the formal systems and why they sometimes did not even report cases to the infor-mal mechanisms.

The insights of this article are based on ethnographic re-search conducted between November 2015 and September 2016 in two wards of Hlaing Thayar Township. In the fieldwork, I ex-plored how migrant people deal with their everyday problems, how they find ways to get justice and how security providers op-erate at the ward level to provide security.1 I particularly fo-cused on access to justice strategies, including formal and infor-mal institutions. As the other articles in this issue, this article contributes to the debate about legal pluralism (Pospisil 1971; Griffiths 1986; Moore 1986, 870). By focusing on Yangon, this ar-ticle adds new empirical knowledge to the debate about legal pluralism, which hitherto has been informed by hardly any aca-demic studies from Myanmar.2 Moreover, I consider legal plural-ism in relation to poor urban migrants.

This article proceeds in 5 sections. The first section intro-duces the concept of legal pluralism, followed by a second sec-tion that provides a background to the research study area and the situation of urban migrants in the Myanmar transition pe-riod. The third section explains the research methodology, which is followed by the main research findings. I outline the types of cases that affect migrants and how these are resolved. Through these cases, it is found that when migrant’s cases end up in the formal system, this is because the ward leaders push the victims to go to the formal level. Otherwise, they prefer to use the informal system or not to report at all. The fourth sec-tion explains why this is the case. The conclusion uses the data

1The fieldwork was conducted together with Associate Professor Hla Hla Kyi. It covered 60 interviews with migrant workers, natives and ward level leaders. 2One exception is the study by Kirsten McConnachie (2014) on legal plural-ism among Karen refugees on the Thai-Myanmar border.

154 | Than Pale

to make some recommendation for the Myanmar government and NGOs.

The Legal Pluralism Perspective In order to understand the variety of actors engaged in dispute resolution in Hlaing Thayar I draw on theories of legal pluralism and understandings of formal versus informal systems. Accord-ing to Griffiths (1986, 38), ‘legal pluralism is the presence in a social field of more than one legal order or law’ and he distin-guished this from legal centralisms, where only 1 set of laws and understanding of justice are seen as valid. Griffiths argues that legal centralism is an ideology situating state law as superior to other legal orders (Griffith1986, 3-5). In this article, the concept of legal pluralism is used to reflect on disputes resolution at the neighborhood level. Problem-solving mechanisms vary consid-erably depending on individuals. People use different mecha-nisms to solve the problems and their understanding of the con-cept of justice varies considerably from the lowest local level to the highest level. Some of the literature makes a distinction be-tween formal and informal justice systems or mechanisms (Har-per 2011; UNDP 2012, UNICEF, UN Women; Wojkowska 2006).

For the context of Hlaing Thayar, I find Erica Harper’s (2011) definition of informal or non-state justice systems useful. Ac-cording to Harper, informal includes indigenous, customary and religious legal orders, alternative dispute resolution mecha-nisms and popular justice. The formal justice system refers to controls organized by the state and enforced by specific institu-tions that follow procedures determined by law. These include courts, the police, prosecution offices and correctional facilities. Customary justice systems are the cornerstone of dispute reso-lution for the poor and disadvantaged in developing countries, with some studies estimating that 80 per cent of conflicts are resolved through such fora (DFID 2004, 3). In Myanmar, justice

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 155 mechanisms also include the ward and village administrators who are local leaders, and can operate informally, but they are also part of the state system, as the lowest level of the admin-istration. Informal justice systems involve a preference for less formalized settlement procedures, such as voluntary participa-tion and the reaching of decisions based on mutual consent (UNDP 2012, 1- 34).

Legal pluralism is everywhere, from the lowest local level to the most expansive global level. Globalization refers to a cluster of characteristics that reflect an increasingly interconnected world: the migration of people across national borders; the building of global or transnational political organizations or regulatory regimes, and so forth (Dauvergne, 2003; Tamanaha 2008, 386-7). Because of globalization, observers have noted that states are losing power in various ways (Habermas 2001). States have given up some of their sovereign power to control their own affairs in certain economic, political and legal respects, sub-jecting themselves to a higher authority. At the local level, legal pluralism is also significant, illustrating that state institutions do not have a monopoly on justice provision. In situations where people face disputes, many parties choose to bypass state court systems, which are seen as inefficient, unreliable, too costly or too public, resorting instead to arbitration or private courts. Many of the massive slums that are ubiquitous in large cities around the world function with little or no official legal pres-ence, beyond the purview of law and courts, often without le-gally recognized rights. Order is maintained and interaction is conducted in these areas through other social norms, institu-tions, or mechanisms (Tamanaha 2008, 387). Santos (1977), for instance, studies law and order-making in the favelas of Brazil, showing how residents of an illegal squatter settlement create their own legality using the forms and symbols of state law, which they call the ‘law of the asphalt’ (see also Merry 1988, 881).

156 | Than Pale

I add to the literature on legal pluralism, a focus on different aspects of power and exclusion of certain groups. Like Erin Moore's (1993) study of legal pluralism in India, I also see that certain groups in the urban areas were not equally benefiting from legal pluralism. Whereas Moore (1993) focuses on gender, I focus on poor urban migrants. These migrants had problems accessing the formal system. They also faced difficulties in going to local leaders and elders with their issues. Therefore, they were also insecure about addressing the informal mechanisms. Legal pluralism was in the past used to describe the relations be-tween colonized and colonizer, and now it is also used to de-scribe the relations between dominant groups and subordinate groups, such as religious, ethnic, or cultural minorities, and mi-grants. The literature looks at unofficial forms of ordering lo-cated in social networks or institutions, rather than alone in for-mal systems (Woodman 1987-88, 3-4; Macaulay 1986; Merry 1988). The main insight of this article is that migrants’ lack of access to resolution mechanisms and their reluctance to report cases were related to their poor economic situation, lack of knowledge of official procedures and lack of personal contact with powerful people. Because informal migrants were not offi-cially recognized by the government, their problem-solving mechanisms were informal.

Urbanization and Migrants In Yangon Yangon is the primary city in Myanmar and the current popula-tion is 5.2 million, having grown by 0.7 million since 2006, at an average rate of 1.9 percent per year. Urban growth is accelerat-ing and the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) esti-mates that Yangon's growth rate will be two percent over the next years (JICA and YCDC 2013). If the current population growth rate continues, the urban population size will exceed the rural population size in Myanmar in 2040. Increased urbaniza-tion in Myanmar has happened because of the recent political

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 157 and economic opening of the country, which has led to unprec-edented levels of foreign investment as companies began to ar-rive to take advantage of the frontier market with cheap labor and abundant natural resources. New business and industries generated new job opportunities, which encouraged more peo-ple to move to Yangon. As there has been a high rate of poverty and landlessness in many rural areas, migration to the city will increase as people seek better opportunities (Boutry 2014; Forbes 2016, 199). Yangon has become the place where many people settle to meet job prospects, and consequently the popu-lation grows.

Leading up to the transition period in which this research too place, the fastest growing township in Yangon was Hlaing Thayar, both in terms of formal and informal settlement popu-lations. Hlaing Thayar also had the highest occurrences of dis-eases related to poor environmental conditions and lack of wa-ter and sanitation facilities. In the current situation, robberies, neighbor disputes, assaults in the street, rapes, domestic vio-lence, child abuse and other cases happened in the everyday life within the wards of the township. There were also massive prob-lems with alcohol and drugs, including children who sniff glue. Local newspapers frequently reported crimes and problems in Hlaing Thayar. Migrant workers faced huge difficulties with re-gards to health care, education, and other social services. There was no guarantee of stable living conditions. During the transi-tional period in Myanmar, the government, NGOs, and CBOs were implementing programs to develop better legal practices. However, in urban areas in Yangon, disputes and crimes re-mained high, and few migrants were able to benefit from the formal legal services. Instead, they resorted to informal mecha-nisms or got no justice at all. That is why Hlaing Thayar, with the high number of cases of crimes and conflict for the migrant population, was selected as my study area for exploring how and why migrants have access to formal justice institutions.

158 | Than Pale

Research Methodology This study relies on qualitative data, by drawing on information obtained through EverJust research project (see the Introduc-tion to this issue). Regular visits to the study areas and data col-lection were conducted by interviewing migrant workers. I also interviewed a number of actors who engaged in resolving dis-putes such as domestic violence, adultery, robbery, and theft, to understand how they resolved such disputes. These actors in-cluded the ward administrators, 100-household leaders and po-lice officers.

Two wards were selected in Hlaing Thayar Township.3 I chose these wards because they were close to the industrial zones and factories, and thus many poor migrants lived there, because they came to the township to get factory jobs. The wards were fairly representative of the places for migrant workers in Hlaing Thayar. I explored what common problems existed and what the main pathways to justice were for the poor migrant. This involved asking people to describe actual cases that had happened, and collecting information about each case to under-stand the practices and opinions of the people involved. I also looked at the principal barriers that migrant workers faced when they sought justice. Interview guides were applied in col-lecting the data. I conducted 60 interviews and collected 50 cases such as theft/robbery, rape, debt, adultery, dispute, accident, land, and fraud.

Everyday Disputes and Resolution Processes This section outlines the most frequent types of cases that oc-curred in the research area — robbery/theft, debt, rape, and marriage disputes (domestic violence and adultery) — and then explores for each type of case how these tended to be handled by the involved parties and the justice providers. In the next sec-

3 I do not use the real names of the wards, due to sensitivity of the topic.

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 159 tion, I discuss the reasons why the different justice patterns oc-cured in the research area. Not only informal resolutions, but also formal resolution processes are discussed. As defined in the introduction, the formal justice system includes the police, courts and any government official above the ward level. Infor-mal justice refers to resolutions done by family members, rela-tives, neighbors, elders and ward level actors, such as local lead-ers including ward administrators and 100-household leaders. Ward administrators were official authorities in the govern-ment system, but along with 100-household leaders, also en-gaged in informal justice, which was focused on negotiation. The research shows that ward level actors played an important role in providing justice solutions.

According to the research results, the most common cases in the 2 wards were marriage disputes, conflicts over unpaid debt, and theft. Rape was also very significant. The types of dis-putes emerging from the research are primarily concerned with extreme poverty and inter-personal struggles. Most disputes were related to the problems associated with daily activities and survival of the poor migrants. In regards to the most frequent cases, it varied what actions the victims or the parties took to deal with the case. As opposed to theft cases, people did report domestic violence, debt and neighbor and family disputes to the 100-household leaders who resolved most of these types of cases.

Here, I discuss the general patterns of dispute resolution. One significant finding is that migrants tended not to report thefts at all. They did not even report theft to the local ward leaders nor the police. They did not believe that these authori-ties could help them get back the stolen goods. In addition, reli-gious beliefs meant that they did not believe that it mattered to report the thefts. They saw the thefts as the result of their own past life deeds and as their fate. Conversely, debt cases were

160 | Than Pale

sometimes reported to the ward leaders. Such debt cases were resolved informally, because borrowing money without a formal contract was illegal and therefore the formal system would not deal with them. Marriage disputes like adultery cases were re-solved informally with compensation, even though, according to Myanmar law, adultery was considered a criminal offense. Rape cases were generally kept secret and not resolved by ward lead-ers. If rapes were reported, people tended to go to the formal system, but it was seldom that the victims got satisfactory solu-tions in the formal system.

Next, I address how these patterns were evident in the most frequent cases, beginning with theft and robbery.

Robbery and theft cases Robbery and theft cases were very common in the study areas. These cases occurred because of the problematic economic situ-ation. Most of the young women and men worked at garment factories or in other industrial jobs. They worked overtime fre-quently, very often at night. On the way back home, young women got robbed, losing gold chains, mobile phones, or money. Some dark and deserted places with no streetlights made good conditions for theft. A 45-year-old woman in Ward B said:

Five years ago, people used bicycles when they went from place to place and there were not many motor-bikes. People went on foot or took trishaws in the ward. At that time, thieves stole something by bicy-cle. Local people caught the thieves easily in the ward. Nowadays, motorbike taxis and motorbike us-ers have dramatically increased in the study areas. Robbers and gangsters also used motorbike and rob in groups.4

4Interview, Native women in Ward B, 03. 09. 2016

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 161 My informants also told me that crimes happened when

young couples and garment factory workers spent their leisure time in pagodas, where there are no houses and it is deserted. Gangsters watched for an unguarded moment. In the daytime, anybody talking on the phone in the streets risks being robbed by motorbike gangsters. Young women especially faced this risk. A 20-year-old male factory worker in Ward A said:

Women are weak physically and carry handbags, umbrellas, and something in their hand. They can-not protect themselves against robbers. Even when people see the robbery happen they cannot help to each other. They are afraid of the robbers, who can look for revenge and attack them.5

While ward residents feared being attacked by robbers, they equally feared reporting the case. One trishaw driver from Ward B said about this point, ‘Everybody knows who we are in the Ward. Helping to resolve a theft is more dangerous. Even if I have a chance [to help], I cannot do anything to the motorcycle thieves. My family depends on me. If I do anything, the guy [thief] will revenge himself on me one day.’6

Low-wage migrant workers were at particularly high risk of harm, and their access to justice was limited. One clear pattern, according to the cases I followed and the interviewees’ state-ments, is that poor migrants did not report robbery cases to po-lice, nor even to local leaders, such as Ward Administrator (WA) and the 100-household leader. A 23-year-old girl who worked in a garment factory, from Ward A said:

5 Interview, male garment-factory worker, Ward A, 24 August 2016. There was a gender aspect to robbery, in that it was clear that physically weak young women, many of whom wore gold, feared gangsters. It was rare for men to be robbed. 6 Interview, male trishaw driver, Ward B, 03.09.16.

162 | Than Pale

It is difficult to catch the robber because they steal gold chains, earrings, and mobile phones using mo-torbikes. No police are on the road. I have heard that all robbers have knives. I am a stranger here and I have no relatives and no family here. I come from another ward and this case happened in another ward. Therefore, I did not try to report the case. If I reported to the 100-household leader or the WA, it would be rare to get back my things. I never heard of people get back things from the robber.7

A woman who I spoke with similarly said:

my daughter's gold chain was stolen by the robber on the way back home. For that case, I did not report to the 100-household leader, and [instead] I now pick up my daughter at the bus stop every day. It is safe for her. This is an easy solution for me.”8

As reflected in this statement, the woman preferred just to enhance the security of her daughter by accompanying her to the bus stop herself, rather than report the case. In most theft cases people in the ward did not seek justice, and there were no police or guards to protect them from robbers. They may take advice from neighbors, friends, and may discuss the case with the ward leaders, but often the advice was: do not report the case. Even stolen motorbikes were often not reported to the ward administrator or the police, as illustrated with the follow-ing case.

Case 1: Theft of motorbike A 46-year-old man earned an income by driving a motorbike for 3 years in Hlaing Thayar. He told me about the loss of his motor-bike:

7 Interview, local woman, Ward A, 24 August 2016. 8 Interview, young girl, Ward B, 24 July 2016.

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 163 One guy approached me and I had been familiar with him for about 3 days. At that time, we sat together in the teashop and talked very friendly. After 3 days, the guy took my motorbike and said ‘I will come back within an hour.’ I believed him and I gave my motor-bike to him. The guy did not come back with my mo-torbike. I did not know where he lived. My motorbike is expensive with license.

When I asked him if he reported the case anywhere, he said:

I heard as a rumor from my colleagues that the guy who stole my motorbike is one of the criminal gang-sters in Hlaing Thayar. For this reason, I did not re-port it to the ward administrator, the 100-household leader, or to the police. If I open this case, I am so afraid to be attacked by the guy [who stole the bike]. Reporting is not safe for a taxi driver. I cannot spend so much time for this case at the police station, be-cause my daily income is important for my family. So, I borrowed money to buy a new motorbike to get daily income.9

Rape cases Lack of reporting was also observed in rape cases, but in com-parison with theft, I found that more rape cases were reported and ended up in the formal system. However, often the victim’s side was not satisfied with the formal solution and sometimes they preferred compensation from the perpetrator. Another finding is that the ward administrators never wanted to resolve rape cases, because they saw them as only cases for the formal system. When the victims were from poor migrant families, they

9 Interview, motorbike driver, Ward B, 03 September 2016. I asked 6 motorbike drivers about the motorbike theft, and all replied that they would not to report to the police.

164 | Than Pale

did not inform about the rape at once to their parents or to their neighbors. Before any formal solution, victims kept silent and did not report it to anyone. If the victim got pregnant, however, and it was discovered by others, the case may be resolved legally in the formal court. The ward leaders were not allowed to re-solve rape cases informally.

According to interviewees, the victims of rape are 10 to 16 years old and most were from poor migrant families. In addition, their education level was very low. Their parents were day la-borers with a low economic standing. Most of the rape cases that we actually brought out were not silenced, and were resolved formally in the court. In 1 case, poor family members of the vic-tim settled informally with compensation. This kind of case ap-peared in poor family households. Most of the migrants and other ward residents lacked knowledge about rape cases. Espe-cially, poor family members want to use attorneys to get com-pensation. In such cases, the victim’s parents make the decision in the case to get compensation from the perpetrator rather than taking the case to court. Victims’ grievances are not in-cluded in the consideration to get compensation. I also found a case where the perpetrator tried to avoid a court case by offer-ing compensation to the victim’s family. Rape victims were hes-itant to report, because there was much shame associated with bringing rape cases out in public. The victims worried about hu-miliating their families. This situation made them weak in seek-ing justice legally.

Increasingly, some NGO and CBOs provided free legal aid and counsel to vulnerable persons, especially women and chil-dren. This has likely meant that more rape cases were reported to the formal system, because according to 1 legal aid worker with whom I spoke, he usually advises the victims’ families not to accept compensation but to go the legal way. NGOs stood on the child victim’s side and hired a lawyer to formally settle the case. Even when NGO legal aid providers supported the victim, some parents did not want to settle the cases in court. They did

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 165 not want to mention it in front of the court. Parents believed that if they went to the court, the victim would suffer from psy-chological problems. Another reason was that the parents want to get compensation for their grievances, which also supported the family economy. They also thought that going to court re-peatedly and answering questions at court shamed them and in-creased their stress. However, not all victims’ families accepted compensation. I illustrate this with the following case.

Case 2: Rape A 16-year-old female rape victim came from a big family. Her parents were roadside vendors who moved to Hlaing Thayar from Ayeyarwady Region 10 years previously. Her education was only to primary level and she sold seasonal fruit at the bus stop. She said about the rape case:

At 8:30 pm, I returned home alone. On the way, a man appeared from a dark place and put his hand tightly on my mouth. He told me not to talk or shout and brought me into a small room. The room had no elec-tricity, and was a very dark place. Both of my hands were tied with a wire and my mouth was tied with a cloth so I would not shout. He raped me. After that he untied the wire and cloth, and he threatened me not to tell anybody about the rape. He said ‘If you tell someone, I will burn your house.’ I am so afraid of him and we live in the squatter area. So, I did not tell anyone about this problem. Two months later, I saw that I was pregnant. I told my mother about my case. She was upset and she went to get advice from the neighbors. She wanted me to abort the child.10

When the mother finally told the father about the rape, he immediately wanted to resolve it the formal way. When the case

10 Interview, Victim’s house, Ward A, 30 May 2016.

166 | Than Pale

was with the police, and they were about to open a court case, the perpetrator tried to negotiate the case with compensation. He wanted to pay the victim’s family so that he would not go to prison after a court case. The girl victim said, ‘My parents did not accept this solution [compensation].’ Finally, the perpetra-tor got a prison sentence of 3 years. The girl’s father said:

It is not justice for us. The perpetrator should be in prison more than 2 years. I am not satisfied with it. I heard that if a rape case happens, the committed person will be in prison for about 7 years. Three years in the prison for a crime case is not justice for the victim. Now, my daughter gave birth to his child. We do not want the child and tried to give the baby to other people. However, my daughter cannot give up her child. We are poor migrants, so we do not know powerful persons in the court and we did not understand the legal procedure. Now, the case has ended. But we are still suffering from the grievances of my daughter.11

In this case it is clear how informal solutions co-exist with the formal system and how migrants get a sense of injustice when they report their cases.

Debt and money saving disputes Disputes related to money-saving and -lending were especially high in Hlaing Thayar, which can be related to the difficult eco-nomic situation of the migrants, who mainly depend on daily la-bor. Although migrants had low incomes, some still participated in saving clubs. The amount of saving varies depending on their incomes. According to a lucky draw, the members of these clubs take turns in taking the saved money. The problem arises be-cause some people run away after getting the money. When peo-ple do not pay the money back that has been saved in the group,

11 Interview with the victim's father, Ward A, 30 May 2016.

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 167 disputes often occur. The ward administrators said that such disputes were the most common type in the wards. Poor people frequently borrowed money for daily survival, to repair their houses, buy motorcycles, as well as to pay back old debts. Loans in the wards were borrowed from more affluent ward residents, and they came with a high interest rate that had to be paid on a daily basis. When the borrowers could pay interest, disputes of-ten happened between borrowers and lenders. Loaning money with interest was not legal, so the disputes must be resolved in-formally.

The 100-household leaders engaged in informal justice pro-cesses around debt disputes. They took oral agreements from both parties (borrower and lender). If the borrower did not fol-low the mutual agreement, the 100-household leader called both parties to the ward office, which is a higher level of informal res-olution. At this level, a kan won is made in front of the ward ad-ministrator. Kan won is a kind of informal contract, in which the parties to a case sign a letter promising to adhere to the decision or agreement made at the local leaders’ office. This can for in-stance be the promise to pay back a debt. The Kan Won is power-ful in the informal solution at the ward level. If both sides do not follow the rules and agreement mentioned in the kan won, the ward administrator had authority to transfer the case to the po-lice. Threats of being sent to the police are part of resolving debt cases informally. Formal law and police are mainly effective in threatening the perpetrators to follow the decisions of the ward leaders. A 100-household leader in Ward A said:

Ward level actors sometimes threaten [the perpetra-tors]. If the solution of debt cases, dispute case etc. are not satisfactory at the ward level, the case is transferred to the police. People are afraid of the po-

168 | Than Pale

lice so that is why we threaten with police. Some-times, the police also threaten the perpetrators in-formally.12

Therefore, even though the debts were resolved informally, the formal system is present as a back-up or threat. However, this did not mean that in reality the debt cases ended in the for-mal court according to the formal procedure. In fact it was dif-ficult to resolve debt cases in the formal system, due to lending money in the first place with interest and without formal regis-tration being illegal.

Marriage disputes: Domestic violence and adultery Low family income plays an important role in igniting marriage disputes in Hlaing Thayar where such cases were common espe-cially among low-wage migrant workers. The quarrels typically happened in the late evening when men returned home after using their daily income for drinking. When the wife asked the husband for money, sometimes a quarrel turned into domestic violence.

As a first step, the 100-household leaders resolved this prob-lem through negotiation between the husband and the wife. Sometimes, the married couple fought with knives. The ward ad-ministrators and 100-household leaders considered it a crime when a knife longer than 6 inches was used. These cases should be transferred to the police, but parties. Whether you want to go to the police or you want to make kan won. People choose signing on the kan won letter. Sometimes, women reported domestic vi-olence directly to the Ward office, but men may also report. Usu-ally the request is to divorce, not to report the crime of domestic violence. Usually, the ward administrators resolves these cases by firstly postponing the time: he asks the couple to reconsider the divorce, while he also mediates between them. The following case is illustrative.

12 Interview, one hundred household leaders, Ward A, 28 August 2016.

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 169 Case 3: Marriage dispute The ward administrator told me that one late evening, one man arrived to the ward office. He ran to the office and he seemed afraid of someone and closed the door. At the same time, one woman arrived to the ward office and she was very upset. She had a knife. The ward administrator heard the woman’s voice: she was shouting that she would cut the husband with the knife. As the situation was a little bad, the ward administrator physi-cally separated the couple and took the knife. He then sat down to speak with the couple. The woman first complained:

My husband always drinks alcohol and therefore he does not work for income. So, I told him not to drink alcohol and to work to get an income. This evening, I saw him at the alcohol shop so I felt angry and wanted to kill him. When I went to the alcohol shop, he directly ran away to the ward office because he is afraid of my knife. I would like to divorce him now.13

The man was silent. He was aware of his mistakes. According to the household leader, who told me the story, the ward admin-istrator said to the husband, ‘You have to work for the family. Your wife is right.’ He then told the couple, ‘I cannot resolve the case right now so both of you come back after 2 days. Then you tell me if you want to still divorce and I will do it.’14 After 2 days, they did not come to the ward office.

The ward-level actors said that they settled disputes like the above one according to the principle reflected in a common My-anmar saying: gyi de ah hmu go ngeze, nge de ah hmu go pyaukse. This means to make the big problems small and the small prob-lems disappear. This informal solution is useful and effective in

13 Interview with 100-household leader, who recalled what the woman said, Ward A, 28 August 2016. 14 Interview, 100-household leader, Ward A, 28 August 2016.

170 | Than Pale

marriage dispute cases. According to the law, the ward adminis-trator has no official authority to divorce people, but he medi-ates and gives a set time for the couple to think about the case. If the husband commits violence against the women, and this is reported, the ward administrator transfers the case to the po-lice. Men are afraid of the police, so they tend to behave after the warnings or threats of the ward leaders. Sometimes, women go directly to the police. When this happens, the men will stay two or three days in the police outpost as a punishment. There-fore, the ward administrator can use the threat of the police in the informal solution.

A 28-year-old police officer said that some people reported disputes between neighbors or family members directly to po-lice outposts. The police resolved the cases there at the outpost informally.15 Therefore, it was not only ward leaders who en-gaged in solutions outside the formal legal system, but also po-lice.

Now I wish to turn to the example of adultery cases. Even though adultery is today a public crime in Myanmar, most adul-tery cases in Hlaing Thayar do not go to court because wives do not want men to go to prison. They prefer informal resolution and compensation. The following case also shows how adultery is resolved informally. This case also involves sexual assault of a minor, and it shows that cases are resolved informally due to lack of knowledge of the law and economic hardship.

Case 4: Adultery and sex with a minor. The case happened in June 2016. The victim was 14 years old and her education is only 8th Standard. After dropping out of school, she worked in the pea industry. At her work, she met a man who was a leader at work. He was married, but he told the girl that he was divorced. He told her, ‘If you marry me, I will support your family with 200,000 [US$145] per month.’ She believed him

15 Interview, police officer at the police outpost, Ward B, 27 September 2016.

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 171 and slept with him 1 night. Before she went home, the man said that he would arrange for them to get married. She believed him. One female neighbor worried about the girl, since she did not come home that night. The neighbor had experience and knowledge about these matters, because she worked as a volun-teer for an NGO. So the next day when the neighbor saw the girl, she asked why she did not come home, where she slept, and with whom.

The girl was a virgin and did not know about men. She told the woman what happened and finally let her parents know about it. First, the girl’s family and women neighbors went to the ward office. The ward administrator informed the family of the man about the case. The man did not come to the ward of-fice, his wife came alone. She requested the ward administrator not to open a case formally. She wanted to solve it with compen-sation. She said that she had never heard about her husband do-ing such a thing before. The neighbor wanted to settle the case legally because the man had a wife he lived with, lied to the girl and slept with her. His wife preferred to solve it with money. Also the girl’s parents wanted 800,000 (US$580) compensation for the grievance. The perpetrator side rejected the offer. After much discussion, the girl’s parents agreed to 600,000 (US$435).16

According to current law in Myanmar, the man could have been sentenced to prison for violating the law prohibiting adul-tery. A formal case could have been opened with the police and court, but the parties and the ward administrator agreed to al-low it to be resolved informally with compensation. This case shows is that a man took advantage of a girl and the poverty of her family. Poverty is a key component here, also in not seeking formal justice. Even though a knowledgeable person — in this

16 Interview, educated woman, Ward B, 8 July 2016.

172 | Than Pale

case the neighbor — advised to resolve the case legally, the par-ties did not accept her suggestion. Even a small amount of com-pensation was seen as support for the victim’s family.

Discussion The empirical case studies presented above show poor urban mi-grants not using the formal justice system, with the exception of rape cases. However, even in rape cases it was likely that many remained unreported unless there was a pregnancy. Either peo-ple did not report the cases — simply staying silent and finding other means to deal with their insecurity — or they made use of the ward-level actors’ informal resolutions. Sometimes the po-lice also provided informal resolutions. In this section, I wish to discuss why this was the case and relate the discussion back to theory.

Several aspects accounted for the ways that disputes and crimes were dealt with among the migrants. Few migrants in Hlaing Thayar had a good education or much knowledge of the legal system. Migrants in Hlaing Thayar were considered strangers without strong social connections or networks, which were important also in accessing different institutions. Another reason for not reporting the cases was that people could not spend the time in the formal offices, because their daily income was so important for their survival. They could not afford to money on transportation, food, and small fees for the case pro-cess. Another factor was that some cases were illegal cases, which could not be resolved in the formal system. This for in-stance regarded borrowing money from informal lenders with interest. As shown above, such cases could be resolved infor-mally only, although this did not mean that the formal system was entirely absent. The ward-level actors frequently used the police as a threat. For instance, ward leaders told people that if they broke the kan won they would be sent to the police.

Another reason is that informal solutions meant quick deci-sions as the settlement procedure can be finished within a day.

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 173 Therefore, people preferred this type of solution. In addition, compensation was also effective in the informal justice system. Some people preferred compensation for the victim to impris-onment for the perpetrator. Poor people especially were famil-iar with the ward-level actors, who wanted to get monetary compensation without thinking about the grievances of the vic-tims. The ward administrator and the 100-household leaders could enforce compensation.

Furthermore, migrants felt uncomfortable going to formal authorities, including the police. Based on experience, they found them ineffective. In most theft cases people in the ward did not seek justice, because they never saw anyone get their stolen goods back. In addition, if they opened a case legally, they were interrogated by the police. People did not want to be ques-tioned by the police. Therefore, informal solutions were pre-ferred. Religious beliefs constituted another reason for not re-porting thefts. According to a 65-year-old woman from Ward B, ‘Buddhist Myanmar people think that if someone is robbed, that person is suffering from bad luck.’17 For instance, if a person lends money to another person, and that person ran away with the money, the moneylender thought that it was because he owed money to that person in his previous life. This meant that people ded not want to seek a solution, because the suffering caused by losing the money was due to something bad that the person did in a past life. According to Buddhist belief, the victim then assumes that the bad things will be gone with the thief or other perpetrator. Therefore, they see no need to report the case and getting the perpetrator punished.

Due to the reasons mentioned above, informal justice reso-lutions were prevalent in the study areas. The ward-level actors sought to reduce the negative effects of disputes as they acted as mediators, but other factors also meant that migrants did not

17 Interview, Ward B, 24 July 2016.

174 | Than Pale

report cases at all. The way that migrants dealt with crimes and disputes in Hlaing Thayar reflected a situation of legal plural-ism, where it was not only, in fact very rarely, state law and in-stitutions that were drawn on. Informal resolutions and self-help dominated. These developments can be linked to compara-ble processes across the world. As Tamanaha (2008) argues, the increasingly massive slums in the large cities around the world function with little or no official legal presence. Observers de-scribed legal aspects of these developments in terms of legal plu-ralism. The conditions in the slums give way to the growth of ‘self-creating’, ‘private’, or ‘unofficial’ legal orders. (Tamanaha 2008, 386-387) In addition to this argument, the case of Hlaing Thayar shows that poor migrants stand at a much lower chance of accessing and using the legally plural context, than for in-stance native or better-off people in the township. Lack of social networks and poor economic situations have a clear impact on the extent to which people can use legal pluralism. Moore (1993) makes a similar point about India, where she shows how access to formal and informal justice is related to the cultural construc-tion of power, focused on the combination of money, lineage, caste and gender including education and connections. Women and the poorest or low-caste men are not included in the legal areas, and thus have to find other avenues for resolution and resistance. That means that legal pluralism is not the same as equal access to resolution processes. The same applies to Myan-mar, and in Hlaing Thayar, the poor informal migrants were the most excluded.

Conclusion Myanmar has embarked on a comprehensive transformation policy, resulting in political, social and economic changes for everyday life. These changes will impact on diverse social groups across the national space. Increased urbanization and migration from rural to urban areas is an important element of the Myanmar transformation process, which so far has received

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 175 only scant attention, with the exception of Forbes (2016). Yan-gon city, with more and more foreign investments and growing industries providing enormous opportunities for work and im-provement of livelihoods, also attracts poor rural villagers to the city. However, in the process not everyone gets sustainable jobs or safe places to live. This creates negative side effects and crime. One of the big challenges of the democratic and economic transformation is that the Myanmar government is still weak in implementing law and providing security, especially for the growing slums and squatter areas in Yangon city where many poor migrants live. In the current situation of Myanmar, differ-ent kinds of reporting on the insecurities of everyday life can be found in the printed and social media.

Similarly, in my study area I found weaknesses in security and safety. In this article, I have explored how poor urban mi-grants settle the disputes and crimes in Yangon’s largest indus-trial areas, Hlaing Thayar, which is also the most infamous area for crime in Yangon region. My argument is that poor urban mi-grants have very low access to formal justice institutions. Lack of legal knowledge, low education and poor economic conditions are main barriers to formal justice solutions. Justice options in Hlaing Thayar comprise formal and informal solutions, includ-ing self-help. Many cases, especially theft, are left unreported, and with the exception of some rape cases, the migrants prefer the resolutions by the ward leaders. These leaders use negotia-tion, compensation, informal agreements (kan won), and threats of sending perpetrators to the police as resolution mechanisms. Even when rape cases are settled the formal way at the court, the solution is unsatisfactory. Shame, silence and fear of rape are core barriers to overcome the difficulties of accessing jus-tice.

Theoretically, I argue that legal pluralism does not mean equal access to formal and informal institutions for all groups in

176 | Than Pale

society. Poor migrants especially have unequal access to formal as well as informal justice. With the increasing migration from rural to urban areas, it becomes important for the government to regulate legal procedures for migrants’ issues. It is also im-portant that legal aid NGOs and CBOs assist poor migrants to help them find resolutions to, for instance, rape and child abuse cases. Practical laws are necessary to gain the trust of local peo-ple. This study contributes with information that may help the government, legal aid providers, NGOs and CBOs to better un-derstand the access to justice strategies of poor urban migrants and the barriers they face.

References Boutry, Maxime. 2014. From Rural to Urban Poverty: Some

Thoughts on Coping Strategies and Evolutions in Political Transitional Context: Unpublished report 2014.

Kyed, Helene Maria. 2011. “Introduction. Legal pluralism and international development interventions.” Journal of Legal Pluralism, no 63: 1-21.

Dauvergne, Catherine. 2003. Jurisprudence for an Interconnected Globe. Ashgate Pub Ltd.

Forbes, Eben. 2016. “On the frontier of Urbanization: Informal Settlements in Yangon, Myanmar.” Independent Journal of Burmese Scholarship, no. 1:197-238.

Griffith, John. 1986. “What is Legal Pluralism.” Journal of legal Pluralism, no 24: 4-9.

Habermas, Jürgen. 2001. The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Harper, Erica. 2011. Customary Justice: From Program Design to Impact Evaluation. Rome: International Development Law Organization.

Hooker, M.B. 1975. Legal Pluralism: An Introduction to Colonial and Neo-Colonial Laws. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Japan International Cooperation Agency, Yangon City Development Committee. 2013. The project for the

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 177 Strategic Urban Development Plan of Greater Yangon: Final Report 1, Part II.

Macaulay, Stewart. 1987. “Images of Law in Everyday life: The lessons of School, Entertainment and Spectator Sports.” Law &Society Review No. 21: 185-218.

McConnachie, Kirsten. 2014. Governing Refugees. Justice, Order and Legal Pluralism. New York: Routledge.

Moore, Sally, Falk.1986. Social facts and fabrications: Customary Law on Kilimanjaro, 1880-1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Pospisil, Leopold. 1971. The Anthropology of Law: Comparative Theory of Law. New York: Harper and Row.

Santos, Boaventura De Sousa. 1977. “The Law of the Oppressed: The Construction and Reproduction of Legality in Pasagarda.” Law and Society Review no. 12: 1-126.

Tamanaha, Brian Z. 2008. Understanding Legal Pluralism: Past to Present, Local to Global Sydney law Review 30, no. 3: 386-7.

UNDP, UNICEF, UN Women. 2012. Informal Justice System, charting a course for human rights-based engagement,.

United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID). 2004. Non-state Justice and Security Systems. London: DFID.

Wojkowska, E. 2006. How Informal Justice Systems Can Contribute. Oslo: United Nations Development Programme, Oslo Governance Centre.

Woodman, Gordon R. 1987-88. “What is the Commission About?” 14 Newsletter of the Commission on Folk Law and Legal Pluralism 3.

178 | Than Pale

ေနစဉလေနမ�ဘဝ၏တရားမ�တမ��ာေဖြခငး

ရနကန�မ � �မ � ြပေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသတ

အေ�ကာငးက ေလလာတငြပြခငး

သနးပလ

ပါေမာက�၊ မ�ဿေဗဒ�ာန၊ ရနကနတက� သလ

အ�စချပ

ဤေဆာငးပါးသည ရနကန�မ � ြပေဒသ၏ အ�ကးဆးစကမ�ဇနြဖစ

ေသာ လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယတင ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသတ ေနစဉေတ� �က

ရငဆငရေသာ အြငငးပားမ�များ�င ရာဇဝတမ�များက မညကသ

ေြဖ�ငး�ကသညက �ာေဖ၍ ေလလာတငြပြခငး ြဖစသည။ အဓက

တငြပလသညမာ ေရ�ေြပာငးေနထင သတသည မ�တေသာ

အစးရတရားစရငေရး စနစက လကလမးမ�ငမ�

လနစာအားနညးသည၊ အာဏာ� ပဂ�လများ�ငဆကသယ�ငမ�

အနညးငယသာ�၍ ရပကကတရားစရငေရး

စနစကသာမခအသးြပ�က�ပး ၎ငးတ၏ အမ�ကစ�များကလညး တရား

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 179 ဝင တင�ကားြခငးများက မြပလပ�ကေပ။ တစချ�ေသာ အမ�ကစ� ြဖစ

သည မဒမးမ��င ကေလးအ�ငကျငမ�များ �ကေတ�လာေသာအခါ

ဥပေဒေရးရာအကညေပးေသာ အရပ ဘကလအဖ�အစညးများကသာ

အားထား မခေနရသည။ လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယသည တရားဝင အသ

အမတ မြပထားေသာ ေနရာများတင ေရ�ေြပာငးလပသားေနထငမ�

အများဆး�င ရာဇဝတမ�အများဆး ြဖစပား သည ေနရာြဖစသညဟ

နာမည�ကးလျက�သည။ ဆငးရေသာေရ�ေြပာငးေနထငသများသည

၎ငးေနရာ တင အေြခချေနထင�က�ပး စက�များတငအလပလပ�က

သည၊ စက�အလပ�များ�င အြခားအလပခင များ၌ အနမဆး ေနစား

လပခြဖင အလပလပ�ကသများ ြဖစ�ကသည။ ၂၀၁၅-၂၀၁၆ခ�စ လ�င

သာယာ�မ� နယတင သေတသနြပချကအရ အမတငးအ�ကမးဖကမ�၊

အမေထာငေရးေဖာကြပနမ�၊ မဒမးမ�၊ ေ�ကး�မး ကစ��င ခးမ� စသည

ြပဿနာများ�င ရာဇဝတမ�များ မ�ကာခဏ ြဖစပားေလ�ေ�ကာငး

ေဖာြပထားပါသည။ ေြပာငးေ���ေနထငသများအေနြဖင ြပဿနာများ

�ကေတ�လာေသာအခါ မညကသ ေြဖ�ငး�ကပ�င တရား မ�တမ�

အတကကညေဆာငရကေပးသများလညး မညကသ

ေြဖ�ငးေပး�ကသညက �ာေဖတငြပထားပါ သည။ ထအြပင

ရပကကလ�ကး (ရပကကတင ေနထငေသာ ြပညသလထမ

ေရးချယတငေြမာကထား ေသာ) များ၏ အခနးက�သညလညး

အေရး�ကးသည။ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသများ ရငဆငရေသာအမ�

ကစ�များသည ေငေရးေ�ကးေရးအဆငမေြပမ��င တရားေရးဆငရာ

180 | Than Pale

ဌာနများ�င အဆကအသယ အားနညးြခငးတေ�ကာင

အစးရတရားစရငေရးစနစမေရာကခငမာပင အမ�ကစ�များ

အဆးသတသား�ကသည။ အမ� ကစ�ြဖစရပေလလာြခငး၌ တရား

မ�တမ� �ာေဖရယသညပစများသည စးပားေရးအေြခအေန၊

ပညာေရး၊ ဥပေဒဆငရာ အသပညာဗဟသတ�င

အာဏာ�ပဂ�လများ�င ဆကသယမ� အစ�သည

အေ�ကာငးအရာများအေပါမတည�ပး ကြပားမ�များ�သညဟ

ေဖာြပထားပါသည။

နဒါနး

ဤေဆာငးပါးသည ရနကန�မ �၊ လ�ငသာယာစကမ�ဇနအတငး�

ဆငးရေသာ�မ� ြပေ���ေြပာငးေန ထငသတ အြငငးပားမ�များ�င

ရာဇဝတမ�များက မညကသ ကငသယ ေြဖ�ငး�ကသညက

မတညေသာ အြငငးပားမ�ပစများ မညသေတ� �ကေြဖ�ငးခသညက

ေလလာဆနးစစ�ပး ေဖာထတခပါသည။ ဤသေတသနြပချကအရ

အြငငးပားမ�ေြဖ�ငးပ အဆငဆင�င ပတသက၍

ရပကကအဆငတာဝန�သများ၏ အခနး က�က

အဓကသးသပေလလာ တငြပထားပါသည။ လ�ငသာယာသည

အစးရအသအမတမြပထားေသာ ေနရာများတင ေနထငေသာ

ေ���ေြပာငးအလပသမား ဦးေရ အထထပဆးြဖစ�ပး လမ�ေရးအြငငး

ပားမ��င ရာဇဝတမ�အများဆးြဖစသည ေနရာဟလညး ထင�ားသည။

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 181 ြမနမာ�ငငတင �ငငေရး�င စးပားေရး အသငးကးေြပာငးေသာ

ကာလ၌ ေကျးလကေဒသမ ေ���ေြပာငးလာသများအတက အသက

ေမးဝမး ေ�ကာငးဆငရာအခငအလမးများ နညးပါးြခငး၊ အမရာစမ

ကနးမလေလာကြခငး�င လျငြမနစာ�မ � ြပြဖစ လာြခငးတေ�ကာင

ြပဿနာြဖစပားမ� များလာရြခငးြဖစသည။ ရနကန�မ �အတငး

ေဆာကလပေရးလပငနး သစများ တ�နထးေပါေပါကလာြခငး�င

�မ �အစနတင စကမ�ဇနလပငနးများတးပားလာြခငးသည ေကျးလက

ေဒသေန အထးသြဖင ြမစဝက�နးေပါမ လပငနးက�မးကျငမ�မ�သည

ေ���ေြပာငးအလပသမား များအတက ဆေဆာငမ�တစခပင ြဖစသည။

ဗဟအစးရ၏ �ငငေရး�င စးပားေရးြပြပငေြပာငးလမ� ြဖစစဉများ

ေဖာေဆာငြခငးသညလညး ရနကန�မ �၏ ဆေဆာငမ�က ပ၍ အ�န

ြမငေစသည (Forbes 2016, 197)။ လတတေလာ ေလလာမ�တစခအရ

၂၀၀၅ ခ�စအထ ရနကန�မ �သ တစဦးတစေယာကြခငးသာ ေ���

ေြပာငးေနထငမ��ခ�က�ပး ယခအခါ အတညတကျေနထငရန ရည

ရယချကြဖင မသားစအလက ေြပာငးေ���ေနထငမ�များ

ပများလာသညက မးေမာငးထးြပထားသည (Boutry 2014)။

ရနကန�မ �၏ ေနထငမ�စရတ ြမ�ငတကလာေသာေ�ကာင

အများစသည �မ � စနများတင အေြခချေနထငလာ�ကသည။

ထေ�ကာင အဆပါ�မ � ြပအနးအနား� စကမ�ဇနအနးတစဝကတင

ကျးေကျာအေြခချေနထငမ�က ြဖစလာေစ သည (Forbes 2016,

199)။

182 | Than Pale

ထကသအေြခအေနများသည ဆငးရေသာေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသ

များ အြငငးပားမ��င ရာဇဝတမ� များက ရငဆငရေသာအခါ

မ�တေသာ တရားစရငေရး လကလမးမ�ငမ�အား မညကသ

သကေရာကမ�� ေနသညက သးသပေလလာထားပါသည။

အဓကတငြပလသညမာ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသတသည အစးရ

တရားစရငေရးအဖ�အစညးများ�င လကလမးမ�ငမ� နညးပါးြခငး

အာဏာ�ေသာပဂ�လများ�င ဆကသယ �ငစမးနညးပါးသည။

ထေ�ကာင ၎ငးတသည အြငငးပားမ�ကစ�များက ေြဖ�ငးသညအခါ

ရပကကတရား စရငေရးနညးလမးများ (informal mechanisms) ကသာ

အမြပေြဖ�ငး�ကရသည။ တစခါတစရ ၎ငးတ၏ အမ�ကစ�များက

ေြဖ�ငးရန အကည�ာေဖြခငး မ�သညအြပင

တင�ကားြခငးလညးမြပလပေပ။ ထေရ� ေြပာငးေနထငသတသည

အြငငးပားမ�များက မညကသ ကငတယေြဖ�ငးြခငး�င

အစးရတရားစရငေရး စနစက မညသညအတကေ�ကာင လကလမး

မ�ငမ� အားနညးြခငး�သညက တငြပေဆးေ�းထားသည အြပင

တစခါတစရ ရပကကတရားစရငေရးကလညး အဘယေ�ကာင

မတင�ကားသညကလညး သးသပ ေလလာတငြပထားပါသည။

ဤေဆာငးပါးသည �ဝငဘာလ ၂၀၁၅ �င စကတငဘာလ ၂၀၁၆

အတငး လ�ငသာယာ�မ� နယတင ရပကက�စခက ေရးချယ၍ လတ

၏ဓေလစ�ကအမအကျငဆငရာ သေတသနြပချကက အေြခြပ၍

ေလလာထားြခငးြဖစသည။ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသများ ေနစဉြပဿနာ

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 183 များက ကငတယေြဖ�ငး ေနသညကလညးေကာငး၊ တရားမ�တမ�

နညးလမးများက မညကသ �ာေဖ�ကသညကလညးေကာငး၊

လြခေရးတာဝန�သတ၏ ရပကကအတငး လြခမ��ေစရန

မညကသ ေဆာငရက�ကသညကလညးေကာငး၊ ကငးဆငး

ေလလာတင ြပထားပါသည။ အစးရ ဥပေဒေရးရာအဖ�အစညးများ�င

ရပကကတရားစရငေရးအဖ�အစညးများအပါအဝင တရား မ�တမ�

လကလမးမ�ငေသာ နညးလမးများက အဓကေဆးေ�း

တငြပထားပါသည။ ဤေဆာငးပါးတင အြခားေဆာငးပါးများကသ

(Pospisil 1971; Griffiths 1986; Moore 1986, 870) ဥပေဒစနစ

တစမျး ထကပ၍ကျငသးြခငးစနစ (legal pluralism)က အေထာက

အပ ြဖစေစမည အေ�ကာငးအရာများက ေဆးေ�း သားပါမည။ ဤ

ေဆာငးပါးသည ရနကန�မ �ကအဓကထား�ပး ဥပေဒစနစတစမျးထက

ပ၍ ကျငသးြခငးစနစက ကငးဆငး သေတသနမ ဗဟသတ အသစ

များကလညး ထညသငးေဆးေ�းထားပါသည၊ ၎ငးနယပယ�င ပတ

သက၍ ြမနမာ�ငငမာ ပညာရပဆငရာေလလာမ�များတင အခကအခ

�ေနသညက ေတ�ရသည။ ထအြပင ဥပေဒစနစ တစမျးထက ပ၍

ကျငသးြခငးသည ဆငးရေသာ �မ � ြပ ေြပာငးေ���ေနထငသများ�င

ဆက� �ယမ� �သညက ထညသငးစဉးစားထားပါသည။

ဤေဆာငးပါးက အခနး ၅ ခနးခ၍ တငြပထားပါသည။ အခနး ၁

၌ ဥပေဒစနစတစမျးထက ပ၍ကျငသးြခငး�င ပတသကေသာ အယ

အဆက မတဆကတငြပထား�ပး အခနး ၂ ၌ ကးေြပာငးေရး ကာလ

184 | Than Pale

အတငး �မ � ြပေဒသများသ ေြပာငးေ���ေနထငလာသများ၏ အေြခ

အေန�င သေတသနြပ ေလလာထားေသာ ေနရာ ေဒသ၏ ေနာက

ခအေ�ကာငးအရာများကလညးေကာငး၊ အခနး ၃ ၌ ဤသေတသန

ြပလပရာတင အသးြပခေသာ နညးစနစက �ငးြပထား�ပး အဓက

ေတ��ချကများက တငြပထားပါသည။ အခနး ၄ တင

ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသတ ရငဆင�ကေတ�ရေသာ အမ�

အမျးအစားများသည သကေရာကမ���ပး မညသေြဖ�ငး�ကသညက

ေဖာြပထားပါသည။ ဤအမ�ကစ�များအားြဖင အစးရဥပေဒ

တရားစရင စနစတင ေြဖ�ငးဆး ြဖတခ�ငလ�င ၎ငးအမ�သည

ရပကကလ�ကးများမ အစးရစနစက ကျငသးရန ဖအား

ေပးခေသာေ�ကာင ြဖစသည။ သေသာ ရပကကတရားစရငမ�စနစက

ပကျငသး�ကသည သမဟတ လးဝ တင�ကားြခငး မ�သညကလညး

ေတ�ရသည။ အခနး ၅ တင အဘယေ�ကာင ဤကသအမ�မျး ြဖစရ

သညက �ငးြပထား �ပး နဂးချပအခနး၌ ေတ� �ချကများက အေြခြပ

�ပး ြမနမာအစးရ�င အစးရမဟတေသာအဖ�အစညးများ (NGOs)

များအား အ�ကြပတငြပထားပါသည။

ဥပေဒတစမျးထကပ၍ ကျငသးြခငးစနစ ��ေထာင

လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယအတငး ြဖစပားေသာ အြငငးပားမ�များ ေြဖ�ငး�က

ရာတင ပါဝငပတသကသတ အေ�ကာငး�င ဥပေဒတစမျးထကပ၍

ကျငသးြခငးစနစအေ�ကာငးက နားလညသေဘာေပါကေစရန အစးရ

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 185 ဥပေဒစနစ�င အများလကခကျငသးေနေသာ ရပကကတရားစရငမ�

ဆငရာစနစ ၂ မျးလးက ေကာက ��တတငြပထားပါသည။ Griffiths

(၁၉၈၆၊ စာ-၃၈)၏ အဆအရ လမ�ေရးနယပယတင ဥပေဒေရးရာ

အမန သမဟတ ဥပေဒ တစမျးထကပ၍ကျငသးြခငးြဖစသည၊ သ မ

ဟတ ဥပေဒေရးရာများ ကျငသးေဖာေဆာင ြခငးက ဥပေဒ တစမျး

ထကပ၍ ကျငသးြခငး စနစအြဖစြဖစသည၊ အဆပါ ပညာ�ငသည

တရားေရး ဗဟချပကငမ�ဝါဒ (legal centralisms)�င ကြပားသညဟ

ဆထားသည။ တရားေရးဗဟချပကငမ�ဝါဒဆ သညမာ ဥပေဒသည

တစခတညးသာြဖစ�ပး တရားစရငေရးအတက မနကနသညဟ နား

လညထားသည အယအဆဟ ဖငဆထားပါသည။ Griffiths ပညာ�ငမ

တရားေရးဗဟချပကငမ�ဝါဒသည �ငငေတာ

ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအြဖစ��ပး အြခား ဥပေဒများအေပါ လ�မးမးမ� �ေသာ

အြမငဆး ဥပေဒြဖစသည (Griffith 1986၊ 3-5)။ ဤ ေဆာငးပါး၌

ဥပေဒ တစမျးထက ကျငသးြခငးစနစက အမနးနားချငး အချငးချငး

အြငငးပားမ�များက ေြဖ�ငးရာတင အသးြပ�ကသည။

ြပဿနာေြဖ�ငးေသာ နညးလမးများသည လ တစဦး

တစေယာကအေပါ မတည�ပး ကြပားသားပါသည။ ြပဿနာများက

ေြဖ�ငးသညအခါ အမျးမျးေသာ နညးလမးများက

အသးြပ�ကသည၊ တရားမ�တမ�သေဘာတရားက လအများနားလည

�ငစမးသည အနမဆးအဆငမ အြမငဆးအဆငအထ ကြပားြခားနာမ�

�ပါသည။ တချ�ေသာ စာအပ စာတမးများတင ြပ�ာနး ဥပေဒ�င

186 | Than Pale

ြပ�ာနးထားြခငးမ�ေသာ ဥပေဒစနစ�စရပအ�ကား သမဟတ တရား

စရငေရးယ��ရားများ ကြပားြခားနားမ� �ေ�ကာငးက ေဖာြပထားသည

(Harper 2011; UNDP 2012, UNICEF, UN Women; Wojkowska 2006)။

လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယ�င ပတသက၍ Erica Harper (2011) ၏

အဓပ�ာယဖငဆချကတင အစးရ ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအရမဟတေသာ

တရားစရငေရးစနစ သမဟတ အစးရမဟတေသာ

တရားစရငေရးစနစ၏ အသးဝငေ�ကာငးက ေတ� �ရပါသည။ Harper

၏ အဆအရ အစးရ တရားဝငြပ�ာနးထားြခငး မဟတေသာ

တရားစရငေရးစနစများတင ေဒသဆငရာ ဓေလထးတမးများ၊

ဘာသာေရးဆငရာ ဥပေဒများ၊ တစနညး မဟတတစနညးြဖင

အြငငးပားမ�က ေြဖ�ငး�ငေသာ နညးလမးများ�င

အများနားလညလကခ�ငေသာ တရားစရငေရးများလညး ပါ

ဝငသည။ အစးရြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအရ တရားစရငေရးစနစတင �ငင

ေတာမ စနစတကျ ဖ�စညးထားေသာ သကဆငရာ အဖ�အစညးများမ

ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒ လပထးလပနညးများက လကနာကျငသးလျက

အာဏာ သကေရာကမ� �ေစြခငးက ရည��နးသည။ ဤစနစတင

ပါဝငေသာ အဖ�အစညးများမာ တရား�းများ၊ ရ၊ အစးရ

ေ��ေန�းများ�င အကျဉးေထာငများ ြဖစသည။ ဓေလထးတမး

များအရ တရားစရငြခငးစနစသည ဖ� �ဖးဆ�ငငများမာ

ဆငးရချ �တသတ၏ အြငငးပားမ�များက ေြဖ�ငး ရာတင

အဓကအသးြပသည။ ေလလာေတ� �ချကများ၏ ခန မနးချကအရ

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 187

အြငငးပားမ�များ၏ ၈၀% မာ ထဓေလထးတမးများအရ

ေြဖ�ငးခ�ကသည (DFID 2004၊ စာ-၃)။ ြမနမာ�ငင တရားစရငေရး

များတင ရပကက�င ေကျးရာအပချပေရးမ�းများသည ေဒသအ�ကး

အက ေခါငးေဆာငများြဖစ�က�ပး အရပသး တရားစရငေရးစနစက

ေြဖ�ငး�ကသည။ သေသာ ၎ငးတသည �ငငေတာကျငသးေသာ စနစ

၏ တစစတတစပငးြဖစေသာ အေြခခအဆင စမအပချပသလညး

ြဖစေနသည။ ဤအရပသးတရားစရငေရး စနစသည မမ၏

ဆ��အေလျာက သေဘာတ ပါဝငြခငး�င �စ ဦး �စ ဖက ည���ငး၍

သေဘာတည�ငမ� �ေသာ ဆးြဖတချက ချမတြခငးစေသာ

လပထးလပနညး�င စညးမျဉးစညးကမး တငးကျပမ�မ�ေသာ

ေဆာငရကမ�စနစ ြဖစသည (UNDP၊ ၂၀၁၂၊ စာ ၁-၃၄)။

ဥပေဒတစမျးထကကျငသးြခငးစနစက အနမဆးေဒသအဆငမ

တစကမ�ာလး အဆငအထ ေနရာေဒသအ�၌ ေတ� �ရသည။ ကမ�ာ

�ငငများ စနစဆသညမာ ကမ�ာ�ငင အချငးချငး ချတဆက ဆက

သယမ�က တးပား လာေစကာ တစစတစစညးတညးေသာ သငြပင

လက�ဏာ ထငဟပြခငးက ရည��နးသည။ �ငင၏ နယစပေဒသများ

က ြဖတေကျာကာ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငလာ�ကြခငး၊ တစကမ�ာလး

အဆငက ဖ�စညးတညေဆာကလာြခငး၊ တစ�ငငထကပေသာ �ငင

ေရးများအဖ�အစညးများ ေပါေပါကလာြခငး (သ) �ငငေတာအစးရ

များ�င အစ�သညတက ြဖစေပါေစသည (Dauvergne၊ ၂၀၀၃။

Tamanaha၊ ၂၀၀၈၊ စာ -၃၈၆-၇)။ �ာေဖေလလာသများက ကမ�ာ

188 | Than Pale

�ငငများစနစေ�ကာင �ငငေတာ၏ စမးေဆာင�ငစမး၊ အာဏာအင

အားများ နညးလမးအမျးမျးြဖင ေလျာကျလာသညက မတချက ြပ

ခသည (Habermas 2001)။ �ငငေတာများသည အြမငဆးေသာ

အာဏာပင အဖ�အစညး အြဖစ မမတ၏ စးပားေရး၊ �ငငေရး�င

ဥပေဒေရးရာ ကစ�ရပများက ထနးချပ�ငရနအတက အချ�ေသာ

အချပအြခာအာဏာများ�င ပတသကေသာ ကစ�ရပအချ�က

အေလျာေပးခရသည။ ေဒသ အဆငများတင ဤ ဥပေဒ

တစမျးထက ကျငသးြခငးစနစသညလညး အေရး�ကးလာသည၊

တရားဥပေဒြပ�ာနးချကများသည ဗဟချပကငမ�မ� ေ�ကာငး

သသာထင�ားစာ ေဖာြပလျက �သည။ လတသည

အြငငးပားမ�များ�င ေတ� �ကရေသာအခါ �ငငေတာတရား

�းများသည အားကး၍မရ�ငသညအြပင ထေရာကမ�လညး မ�၊

အကနအကျများလနး သည ေနရာဟယဆေသာေ�ကာင

တရား�းများကေ�ာင�ား၍ ယငးအစား ပဂ�လကများထမ

ရပကကလ �ကးများ�င ေြဖ�ငးေသာ

အရပသးတရားစရငေရးနညးလမးကသာ ေရးချယ�ကသည။

ကမ�ာတဝမး� �မ � ြပ ေဒသများတင ဆငးရေသာ(ကျးေကျာ)

ရပကက�ကးများက ေနရာတငး၌ ေတ� �ရ�ပး တရားဝင ဥပေဒ

ေဖာေဆာငမ�မ�ေသာ သမဟတ အနညးငယသာ��ပး ဥပေဒ�င

အစးရတရား�းများ၏ အာဏာသက ေရာကမ�က ေကျာလန၍ ဥပေဒ

အရအသအမတြပထားေသာ အခငအေရးဆး�� းမ�များ မ�ကာခဏ�က

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 189 ရ ေလ�သည။ ထေဒသများ၌ လမ�ေရးသတမတချက၊ ဓေလထးတမး

များ သမဟတ လပထးလပနညးများ အားြဖငသာ

အမန အာဏာတည�မ��င အြပနအလနအကျးြပမ�များက

ေ��ေဆာငလမးြပမ� ြပေနသည (Tamanaha ၂၀၀၈ခ၊ စာ-၃၈၇)။

Santos (၁၉၇၇) သာဓက အားြဖင ဘရာဇး�ငင� Favelas၏ ဥပေဒ�င

အမန အာဏာေဖာေဆာငမ�က ေလလာရာ၌ တရားမဝငကျးေကျာ၍

အေြခစကေနထငလာသတသည �ငငေတာဥပေဒ၏

လပထးလပနညး�ငပစများက အသးြပ၍ ဥပေဒ�ငအည မညကသ

ဖနတး�ကသည က ေဖာြပထားသည၊ ‘Law of the Asphalt’

(လမးခငးေပးေသာဥပေဒ)ဟလညး ေခါေဝါသည။ (Merry ၁၉၈၈၊

စာ-၈၈၁ က လညး�ကည�ငသည)။

ဥပေဒတစမျးထက ကျငသးေသာစနစတင(legal pluralism)

ကြပားြခားနားေသာ အာဏာ အသငအြပင� အငအားစများ�င ပတ

သက၍ အဓကြဖညစကတငြပထား�ပး အချ�ေသာ အဖ�များက ချန

လပထားပါသည။ Erin Moore (၁၉၉၃) ပညာ�ငမ အ��ယ�ငင၏

ဥပေဒတစမျးထကမကကျငသးြခငး ေလလာမ�အတငး �မ � ြပေဒသ�

တချ�ေသာအဖ�အစညးများသည ထစနစကျငသးြခငးေ�ကာငသာ

တညမ� အကျးခစားခင မရ��ကေပ။ Moore (၁၉၉၃)က အမျးသမး၊

အမျးသား လငကြပားမ�ေပါ အဓကထား ေလလာ�ပး က��ပက ဆငး

ရေသာ �မ � ြပေဒသသ ေြပာငးေ���လာသတအေပါ အဓကေလလာ

ထားသည။ ဤေ���ေြပာငးေနထငလာသတမာ အစးရတရားဝင

190 | Than Pale

ြပ�ာနး သတမတထားေသာစနစက လကလမးမရန

အခကအခများ�သည။ ၎ငးတ၏ြပဿနာများက

ရပကကလ�ကးများ�င ရပမရပဖများအား တငြပရာမာလညး

အခကအခများ�သည။ ထေ�ကာင သတသည တရားဝင

ြပ�ာနးြခငးများ မဟတေသာ အရပသး နညးစနစအရ

အေ�ကာငး�ကားတငြပ�ငရနလညး ေရရာေသချာမ� မ��ကပါ။ တစ

ချနက ဥပေဒတစမျးထကကျငသးြခငးစနစက နယချ�ကလန�င ၎ငး

တအား ကညသတအ�ကား ဆကဆေရး အြဖစ ေဖာြပေလ�ခ�ပး

ယခအခါ အဓကအငအား�ကးအပစများ�င ၎ငးတ၏လကေအာကခ

များ ြဖစသည ဘာသာေရး၊ လမျးေရး သမဟတ လနညးစ

ယဉေကျးမ�များ�င ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသများတအ�ကား

ဆကဆေရးအြဖစ ေဖာြပ�ကသည။ စာတမးများ၏အဆအရ

တရားဝငသတမတထားြခငး မဟတေသာ ပစများက

လမ�ေရးကနရကများ�င ဓေလထးတမးများ၌ ပ၍ ေတ� �ရသည

(Woodman ၁၉၈၇၊ စာ-၈၈၊၃-၄။ Macaulay၁၉၈၆။ Merry ၁၉၈၈)။

ဤေဆာငးပါးတင အဓက ေဖာြပလသညမာ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသ

တသည စရငဆးြဖတချက ချမတ�ငေသာ နညးလမးများက

လကလမးမ�ငမ� အားနညးြခငး၊ ၎ငးတ၏ ဆငးရေသာ

စးပားေရးအေြခအေနေ�ကာင ြပဿနာအမ�များက တင�ကား�ကရန

ဝနေလးြခငး တရားဝင လပထးလပနညး�င ပတသကေသာ

ဗဟသတ မ�ြခငး�င အာဏာ�သတ�င ဆကသယေဆာငရက�င

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 191 စမးမ�ြခငး စသညတက ေဖာြပလသည။ အဘယေ�ကာငဆေသာ

ေြပာငးေ���ေနထငသများသည အစးရ အသမတြပထားြခငး၊ ခငြပ

ထားြခငးမ�ေသာေနရာများတင ေနထင�ကေသာေ�ကာင ၎ငးတ၏

ြပဿနာ ေြဖ�ငးြခငး နညးလမးများမာလညး ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအရ

တရားဝငပစမဟတ�ကေပ။

ရနကန�မ �တင�ေသာ �မ � ြပပစ�င ေြပာငးေ���ေနထငသများ

ရနကန�မ �သည ြမနမာ�ငင၏ အထငကရ�မ� �ကးတစ�မ� ြဖစ�ပး

လက�တင လဦးေရ ၅.၂သနးေန ထင�က၍ ၂၀၀၆ ခ�စမစ�ပး (၀.၇)

သနးတးပားလာရာ တစ�စလျင ပ�မးမ�ြခငးအားြဖင (၁.၉)

ရာခင��နးခန တးပားခသည။ ဂျပန�ငင၏ �ငငတကာ ေကာပေရး�ငး

အဖ�အစညး (JICA)က ေနာင�စတင ရနကန�မ �၌ လဦးေရတးပား��နး ၂

% ခန �လာမညဟ ခန မနးသည (JICA�င YCDC 2013)။ အကယ၍

လက���နးအတငး လဦးေရ ဆကလက တးပားမညဆပါက ၂၀၄၀

ခ�စတင �မ � ြပေန လဦးေရသည ေကျးလကေတာရာေန လဦးေရက

ေကျာလနသား�ငဖယ�သည။ ဤကသ ြဖစရြခငးမာ

လက��ငငေရး�င စးပားေရးအခငအလမးပငလာြခငးသည

လပအားခ သကသာြခငး�င သဘာဝအရငးအြမစများ

ေပါ�ကယလေသာေ�ကာင ေစျးကကစးပားေရးအရ

အကျးအြမတရယရန �ငငြခားကမ�ဏများက ေမ�ာမနး

မထားေလာကေအာင လာေရာက၍ ရငး�းြမ�ပ�လာြခငးေ�ကာင

192 | Than Pale

ြဖစသည။ စးပားေရး လပငနးသစများ�င စကမ� လပငနးများက

အလပအကငအခငအလမးက ဖနတးေပးလာြခငးေ�ကာင လအများ

က ရနကန�မ � သ ေြပာငးေ���ေနထင�ကရန တနးအားေပးသကသ ြဖစ

ေနသည။ ေကျးလကေဒသများ၌ ဆငးရမေတမ� ��နးြမငတက

လာြခငး�င လယယာပငဆငမ�မြခငး တးပားလာြခငးတေ�ကာင

ပမေကာငးမနေသာ အလပ အကင�ာေဖရန �မ � �ကးများသ

ေြပာငးေ���လာြခငး တးပားလာေစသည (Boutry ၂၀၁၄။ Forbes ၂၀၁၆၊

စာ - ၁၉၉)။ ရနကန�မ �သည လတ၏ အလပအကင

အခငအလမးအတက အလားအလာေကာငးေသာ

ေနရာြဖစလာေသာေ�ကာင လဦးေရတးပားလာြခငးြဖစသည။

အသငကးေြပာငးေရးကာလတင ဤသေတသနြပလပခေသာ

လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယသည ရနကန �မ �အတငး လဦးေရတးပား��နး

အလျငြမနဆးေနရာြဖစသည။ တရားဝငအေြခစကေနထငသများ

အပါအဝင တရားဝငမဟတေသာ အေြခစကေနထငသ (ကျးေကျာ)

လဦးေရ�စရပလး ပါဝငသည။ လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယသည ပတဝနး

ကျင ညစညမးမ�၊ ေရ�ငမလ� ာသန �ငးမ� မ�ြခငးတေ�ကာင ြဖစပား

ေသာ ေရာဂါများ အထထပဆးေနရာလညးြဖစသည။

လတတေလာတင ဤ �မ�နယအတငး လယကမ�၊

အမနးနားြခငးအြငငးပားမ�၊ လမးေပါတင

ကယထလကေရာကနာကျငေစမ�၊ မဒမးမ�၊ အမတငးအ�ကမးဖကမ�၊

ကေလးသငယမျာအား�ငထကစနငးြပမ��င အြခားအမ�များ ေနစဉ

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 193 ြဖစပားလျက�သည။ ထအြပင ကေလး သငယများေကာ�ြခငးအပါ

အဝင အရက�င မးယစေဆးဝါးများေ�ကာင

ြဖစပားေသာြပဿနာများ လနစာ များြပားလျက�သည။

လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယတင ရာဇဝတမ�များ�င

ြပဿနာများြဖစပားေ�ကာငးြပညတငး သတငးစာများ၌ မ�ကာခဏ

ေဖာြပသည။ ေ���ေြပာငးအလပသမားများသည ကျနးမာေရးေစာင

ေ�ာကမ�၊ ပညာေရး�ငအြခားေသာ လမ�ေရးရာဝနေဆာငမ�များ�င

ပတသကေသာ အခကအခများ�ငရငဆင �က ေတ� �ကရသည။

အေြခတကျေနထင�ငမ�အတက အာမခချကမ�ပါ။

အသငကးေြပာငးေရးကာလအတငး �ငငေတာအစးရ၊

အစးရမဟတေသာ လမ�ေရးအဖ�အစညးများ (NGOs)�င လထအ

ေြခြပ (CBOs) အဖ�အစညးများသည

တရားဥပေဒစးမးေရး�ငပတသက၍ တးတကေကာငးမနလာေစရန

စမချက၊ အစအစဉများက အေကာငအထညေဖာေဆာငခ�ကသည။

မညသပငဆေစကာမ ရနကန�မ � ြပေဒသများတင ရာဇဝတမ�များ ြမင

တကဆြဖစသည။ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသ အနညးငယမ�သာ ဥပေဒ

ေရးဆငရာ အခငအေရး�င ဝနေဆာငမ�များက ရ��င�ကသည။

အများအားြဖင တရားဝငသတမတထားြခငးမ�ေသာ

အရပသးတရားေရးလပထးလပနညးက အသးြပ၍ ေြဖ�ငး�ကသည၊

တချ� မာ မ�တေသာ တရားစရငမ�မျး မရ��ကေပ။

ထေြပာငးေရ�ေနထငသတ တရားဝငြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအရ မ�တမ��ေသာ

194 | Than Pale

တရားစရငေရးစနစ၏ အခငအလမးက မညကသ ရ��ငေ�ကာငး�င

အဘယေ�ကာငရ��ငသညက က��ပကေရးချယ၍ သေတသနြပ

ေလလာထားပါသည။

သေတသနနညးလမး

ဤေလလာမ�သည အရညအေသးစထား သေတသနနညးလမးြဖင

ေလလာထားေသာ EverJust သေတသနစမကနးမ ရ�လာသည

အေ�ကာငးအရာများအေပါ အေြခြပတငြပထားြခငးြဖစသည (နဒါနး

တင ဤအေ�ကာငးအရာများက �ကည�ငသည)။ ေလလာမ�ြပလပ

ေသာ ေနရာသ ပမနသားေရာကကာ ေ���ေြပာငးလပသားများက

လေတ� ေမးြမနးြခငးအားြဖင အချကအလကများက

ရယစေဆာငးခပါသည။ ထအြပင အြငငးပားမ�များက မညကသ

ေြဖ�ငး�ကသညက နားလညသေဘာေပါကေစရနအတက

အမတငးအ�ကမးဖကမ�၊ လငမယားေဖာကြပနမ�၊ လယကမ�၊ ခးမ�

အစ�သည အမ�ကစ�များ၌ ပါဝငေြဖ�ငး ေပးခသ

အဓကပဂ�လများ�ငေတ�ဆ�ပး ထသေသာအမ�ကစ�များက

မညသေြဖ�ငးခသညက ေမးြမနးခပါ သည။ ထပဂ�လများတင ရပ

ကကအပချပေရးမ�းများ၊ ရာအမမ�းများ�င ရအရာ�များ ပါဝင�က

သည။

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 195 လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယအတငး� ရပကက�စခက ေရးချယ၍ ေလ

လာရြခငးမာ ထရပကကတသည စကမ�ဇန၊ စက�တ�င နးကပစာ

တည�ြခငး၊ စက�အလပအကငရ�ရနအတက ဆငးရေသာ ေရ�

ေြပာငး လာသများ ေနထငြခငးေ�ကာင ြဖစသည။ ထေနရာများတင

မညကသေသာ ြပဿနာများ ြဖစေလ�သည ကလညးေကာငး၊

ထဆငးရေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသများအတက တရားမ�တမ�

က�ာေဖရာတင အဆးြဖတေပး�ငေသာ အဓကလမးေ�ကာငးများ

မညကသ�သညက လညးေကာငး �ာေဖတငြပထားပါသည။

အမနတကယ ြဖစပားခေသာအမ�များအေ�ကာငး ေမးြမနးြခငး၊

အမ�တစခြခငးစ၌ မညကသ ေဆာငရကပ�င ပါဝငသတ

၏ထငြမငချက မညကသ �သညတက နားလညသေဘာေပါကရန

သတငးအချကအလကများက စေဆာငးြခငးများ ြပလပခပါသည။

ထအြပင ြပဿနာ၏ အေြဖ�ာေဖရာတင ထေြပာငးေ���လပသားများ

ရငဆငရေသာ အဓကအဟနအတား�င ပတသက၍ လညး

ေလလာခပါသည။ ဤသေတသနအတက လေတ�ေမးြမနးသ ၆၀

ဦး�င ခးမ�၊ လယကမ�၊ မဒမးမ�၊ ေ�ကး�မကစ�၊ လငမယား ေဖာကြပနမ�၊

အြငငးပားမ�၊ မေတာတဆထခကမ�၊ ေြမယာမ��င လမလညမ�

အစ�သည အမ�ေပါငး ၅၀ မ�က ေလလာခပါသည။

196 | Than Pale

ေနစဉအြငငးပားမ�များ�င ေြဖ�ငးပလပထးလပနညးများ

ဤအခနးသည သေတသနြပလပေသာ လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယအတငး

အများဆး�ငမ�ကာခဏ ြဖစပားေသာ လယကမ�၊ ခးမ�၊ ေ�ကး�မမ�၊

မဒမးမ��င အမေထာငေရးေဖာကြပနမ�များက ေဖာြပထား�ပး အမ�

တစမျးဆ၌ ပါဝငပတသကသတ�င အမ�အခငး ေြဖ�ငးေပး�ကသ

တက မညကသကငတယ ေြဖ�ငး �ကသညက ဆကလက၍ စးစမး

ေလလာခပါသည။ ဆကလကေဖာြပမညအခနး၌

သေတသနြပလပသည ေနရာေဒသ၌ တရားစရငေရး�ငပတသက၍

အဘယေ�ကာင ကြပားြခားနားေသာ ပစများြဖစေပါေန သညက

ေဆးေ�းတငြပထားပါသည။ တရားဝငလပထးလပနညး�င

အရပသးတရားစရငေရးစနစများအရ ေြဖ�ငး�ကပ�စမျးလးက

ေဆးေ�းတငြပထားပါသည။ နဒါနး၌ ေဖာြပခသညအတငး

တရားဝငလပထး လပနညးများတင ရစခနး၊ တရား�း�င

ရပကကအဆင အထက�အစးရ�းများပါဝင�ပး အရပသးတရား

စရငေရးစနစနညးလမးများတင မသားစဝငများ၊ ေဆမျးများ၊

အမနးနားချငးများ၊ လ�ကးသမများ၊ ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းများ�င

ရာအမမ�းများ ပါဝင�ကပါသည။ ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းများသည

အစးရ အဖ�အစညးတင တရားဝငခန အပခရသများြဖစ�ပး

၎ငးတ�ငအတ ရာအမမ�းများကလညး ြပဿနာများက ည���ငးေပး

ရာ၌ ပါဝငေဆာငရက�ကသည။ ဤစာတမးသည ရပကကလပထး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 197 လပနညးအရ ြပဿနာများ ေြဖ�ငးရာတင ရပကကလ�ကးများ မည

ကသ အေရးပါပကလညး ေဖာြပသည။ ဤသေတသနြပေလ လာ

ေတ��ချကများအရ ဤရပကက�စခ၌ အများဆးြဖစေလ�ေသာ

အမ�များမာ အမေထာငေရး ြပဿနာများ၊ အေ�ကးြပနမေပးေသာ

အမ�များ�င ခးမ�များြဖစ�ပး

မဒမးမ�သညလညးနာမည�ကးေသာအမ�များ၌ ပါဝငသည။

အလနဆငးရြခငး�င ဘဝအတက �နးကနရြခငးတေ�ကာင ြဖစပား

ေသာ အြငငးပားမ� များသည ဤသေတသနြပြခငး

၏အဓကအေ�ကာငးရငး ေသာချကအြဖစ အေရးပါလာသည။

များေသာ အားြဖင ထအြငငးပားမ�များသည

ေနစဉလ�ပ�ားသားလာမ�များ�င ဆငေသာ ြပဿနာများ�င

ေြပာငးေ���ေနထငသများ၏ စားဝတေနေရး�င ဆငေသာ ြပဿနာ

များ ြဖစ�ကသည။ မ�ကာခဏြဖစေလ�ေသာ အမ� များတင နစနာသ

သမဟတ ပါဝငပတသကသတက အမ�အတက

ည���ငးမ�ရယသညအေပါ ကြပားြခား နားေလ�သည။ ခးမ�များ၊ အမ

တငးအ�ကမးဖကမ�များ၊ ေငေချးသညကစ�များ၊ မသားစ�င အမနးနား

ချငးများ ြဖစပားေသာ အမ�များတငမ ထအမ�များက ကငတယ

ေြဖ�ငးေပးေသာ ရာအမမ�းများထ တင�ကား�ကသည။ အြငငးပားမ�

ေြဖ�ငးပ၏ ေယဘယျလပထးလပနညးပစက

ယခေဆးေ�းတငြပပါမည။

198 | Than Pale

ေလလာေတ� �ချကအရ သသာထင�ားသညမာ ထေ���ေြပာငးေန

ထငသတသည ခးမ��ငပတ သက၍ ရပကကလ�ကးများ�င

ရစခနးသ မတင�ကားလ�ကပါ။ ထတာဝန�သတက

သတ၏ခးရာပါပစ�ညးများက ြပနလညရယေပး�ငမညမဟတဟ

ယ�ကည�ကသည။ ထအြပင ဘာသာေရးယ�ကညမ�အရ ထခးမ�

များက တင�ကားရမညကစ�ြဖစသညဟလညး မယ�ကည�က ေပ။

ခးသတသည သတ၏ အတတဝဋေ�ကး ေ�ကာင ခးယ�ကသညဟ

ယဆသည။ ဤအယအဆ�င ဆန ကျငစာ အချ�ေသာေငေချးသည

ြပဿနာ များက ရပကကလ�ကးများထသ တင�ကား�ကသည။

အေ�ကးြပဿနာများက အရပသးတရားစရငေရး နညးလမးြဖစသာ

ေြဖ�ငး�ကသည။ အဘယေ�ကာငဆေသာ ေငေချးကတ

စာချပများကလညး တရားဝင ြပလပထားြခငး မဟတေသာေ�ကာင

တရားဝငလပထးလပနညးအရလကမခြခငး ြဖစသည။ အမေထာင

ေရးြပစမ�များမာလညး ြမနမာဓေလထးတမးဥပေဒအရ ြပစမ�

ေြမာကေသာလညး ေလျာေ�ကးေပးြခငးကသ အရပသးတရားစရင

ြခငးနညးလမးများြဖငသာ ေြဖ�ငး�ကသည။ မဒမးမ�များက လ�� ဝက

ထား�က�ပး ရပကကလ�ကးများကလညး မေြဖ�ငးေပး�ကပါ။

အကယ၍ မဒမးမ�များကတရားဝငတင�ကားပါကတရား�းများသ

သားေရာကရမညြဖစ�ပး နစနာသကလညး ထတရားဝငစနစအားြဖင

ေကျနပဖယရာအဆးအြဖတရဖခကသည။ မ�ကာခဏြဖစပားတတ

ေသာ အမ�များတင အထကကေဖာြပခေသာပစများ မညကသ

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 199 ြမငသာထငသာ��ကေ�ကာငးက ဆကလကတငြပသားပါမည။

ေ�းဦးစာ လယကမ�၊ ခးမ�များ�င ပတသက ၍ ေဖာြပသားပါမည။

လယကမ��ငခးမ�များ

သေတသနြပလပသည ေနရာတစဝက၌ စးပားေရးအကျပ

အတညးများေ�ကာင လယကမ��ငခးမ� များြဖစပားေလ �သည။

လငယအမျးသား၊အမျးသမးတသည အထညချပစက��င

အြခားစက�များ၌ အလပလပ�က�ပး

ညဘကအချနပအလပဆငး�ကေသာေ�ကာင အမြပနချန၌လမးတင

လကကငဖနး၊ ေရ� ဆ�ကး�င ပကဆများ အလခရသည။

အချ�ေသာေနရာများတင လမးမးမ�ဘ ေမာငေနေသာေ�ကာင သခး

များအတက အခငေကာငးြဖစေနသည။ အသက ၄၅ �စ အရယ

ရပကက (ခ)၌ ေနထငသအမျးသမးက ေအာကပါအတငး ေြပာြပ

ပါသည။

လနခတ ၅ �စ တနးကေတာ တစေနရာန တစေနရာ

သားလ�ရင စကဘးနပ သားရတာ။ အဒအချနတနး

က ေမာေတာဆငကယေတ ခလ မများေသးဘး။

လမးေလ�ာက�ပး သားတသ�သလ၊ ဆကကားစး�ပး

သားတသေတလညး�တယ။ အဒအချနတနးက

သခးေတက စကဘးစး�ပး လစရငလစသလ

200 | Than Pale

ခး�ကတယ။ သခးက စကဘးနဆေတာ

ရပကကထမာ အလယတက ဖမးမ�ငတယေလ။

ခေခတမာေတာ ေမာေတာဆငကယ

သးတသေတလညး များလာတယ။လရမးကားေတ

လယကတသေတကလညး အပစလက ဆငကယစး

�ပး လယကလာ�ကတယ။

က��ပ၏သတငးေပးသက ေြပာြပသညမာ လငယစတများ�င

အထညစက�အလပသမားများ သည အမေြခမ�ေသာေ�ကာင

ေစတဘရားများ၌ သားေရာက လညပတေသာအခါ ထေနရာများ၌

ရာဇဝတမ�များြဖစပားေလ�သည။ ေနအချနများ၌လညး

လမးေပါတင ဆငကယြဖင အပစဖ�လယကမ�များ ြဖစပားေ�ကာငး

လေြပာများေနသည။ အထးသြဖင အမျးသမးငယများ ဤအ��ရာယ

�င�ကရသည။ ရပကက(က)ေန အသက၂၀အရယ စက

�အလပသမားတစဦးက ေအာကပါအတငးေြပာြပပါသည။

အမျးသမးေတကေတာ အား��တအြပင လကထမာ

လညး ထး၊ အတေတ ကငထားတအခါ လယကတသ

ေတက ကယဆက တစခခ လယကလာမယဆရင

ေတာင ကယကယကယ မကာကယ�ငေတာဘး။

လေတကလညး လယကေနတာကြမငေပမ

မကည�င�ကဘး။ လယကတသေတ

အ��ရာယြပမာက ေ�ကာကေတာ မကညရဘးေပါ။

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 201 ရပကက၌ေနထငသများက လယကသများအ��ရာယြပမညက

ေ�ကာက�ကသလ လယကမ�များ ကတင�ကားရနလညး ေ�ကာက�က

သည။ ရပကက(ခ)၌ ေနထငသဆကကားဆရာက

က�နေတာတ ဘယရပကကမာ ေနတယဆတာ လ

တငးသတယ။ က�နေတာတက လယကတာ၊ ခးတာ

ေတက ေတ�လ ကညဖ အခငအေရး �ရငေတာင မက

ည�ငပါဘး။ ကယအတက အ��ရာယ�တယေလ။

က�နေတာ မသားစက က�နေတာကပ မခေနရတာ။

အကျယ၍ ကညခရငလညး သခးေတ၊

လယကသေတက က�နေတာက ကလစားြပန

ေချမာပ။

ဟေြပာြပခသည။

ေနစားလပခေင နညးပါးစာရ�ေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးလပသားတသည

အ��ရာယ�ငေတ� �က�ငမ� ��နးြမင�ပး တရားမ�တမ�ရ�ငေသာ အခင

အေရးမာလညး ကန သတမ�များ�သည။ လေတ�ေမးြမနးြခငးမ သ�

လာချကများအရ ေရ�ေြပာငးလပသားများသည လယကမ�များက ရ

စခနး၊ ရပကကလ�ကး၊ ရပကက အပချပေရးမ�း�င ရာအမမ�းများထ

သ တင�ကားြခငးမ��ကသညမာ သသာထင �ား၏။ ရပကက(က)ေန

အထညချပစက�တင အလပလပေသာအသက ၂၃ �စအရယ

အမျးသမးက ေအာကပါအတငးေြပာြပ ခသည။

202 | Than Pale

လယကတသေတက ဖမးဖက ေတာေတာခကခ

ပါတယ။ သတက ဆငကယစး�ပး ဖနး၊ ဆ�ကး၊

လကေကာက၊ နားကပတက ဆငကယနလ�ကတာ။

လမးမာလညး ရက မ�ဘးေလ။ လယကတသေတ

ဆမာလညး ဓားေတေဆာငထား�ကတယလလညး

�ကားဖးတယ။

ဒမာလညး က�နမရ မသားစေတ၊ ေဆမျးေတ

မ�ဘးေလ။ အရငတနးကလညး ဒလမျး

ြဖစဖးတယ။ ဒါေပမ က�နမ မတငခပါဘး။ အကယ၍

အပချပေရးမ�းန ရာအမမ�းဆ တငခရငလညး ပစ�ညး

ြပနရမာမ မဟတဘ။ ဘာြဖစလလညးဆေတာ

အလခရတ ပစ�ညးြပနရတယလလညး တစခါမ

မ�ကားဖးဘးေလ။

က��ပစကားေြပာခေသာ အမျးသမးတစဦးကလညး ဤအတငး

ပငေြပာြပခသည။

က�နမရသမးက ေရ�နလပထားတ ဟနးချနးေလးက

အမအြပနလမးမာ အလခလကရတယ။ ဒကစ�က

က�နမ ရာအမမ�းကလညး သားမတငပါဘး။ အဒလ

သားတငမအစား ကယသမးကပ ဘတစကားဂတမာ

ေနတငးသား�ကလကေတာ သမးအတကလညး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 203 လြခစတချရတာေပါ။ ဒါကေတာ က�နမအတက

အဆငေြပတ ေြဖ�ငး နညးေလးပါပ။

အထကပါေြပာ�ကားချကက�ကညပါက ထအမျးသမးသည အမ�

ကစ�က တင�ကားြခငးထကသမး ြဖစသအားကားဂတမာ ကယတင

သား�ကကာအေဖာြပြခငးြဖင သမးရလြခမ�က ပစတချရာေရာက

သညဟ ဆလြခငးြဖစသည။ ရပကကတငးြဖစပားေသာခးမ�များ

အတကတရားဥပေဒ�ငအည ေြဖ�ငး�ငမည နညးလမးများက အသး

မြပ�င�ကသလ လယကမ�ကကာကယေပးမည လြခေရးဝနထမး

များလညး မ� �ကေပ။ အမနးချငး၊

သငယချငးများ�ငရပကကလ�ကးများထ၌သာ ေဆးေ�းတငပငရာ

များေသာအားြဖင အချနကနေငသကသာမညြဖစေသာနညးလမးြဖင

ေြဖ�ငးသညနညးကသာ အသးြပရနအ�က ေပးေလ ��ကပါသည။

ဆငကယခးမ�ကလညး ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�း၊ ရစခနးများသ

တင�ကားြခငးမ�ေ�ကာငး ေအာကပါအမ�က ေဖာြပထားသည။

အမ� ၁ ။ ေမာေတာဆငကယခးမ�

အသက ၄၆ �စအရယ အမျးသားတစဦးသည လနခ

ေသာ ၃ �စကတညးက ဆငကယေမာငး ြခငးြဖင

အသကေမးဝမးေကျာငးြပေနသြဖစသည။

သဆငကယအခးခရပကေြပာြပခသည။ လတစ

ေယာကဟာ က�နေတာထချဉးကပလာတယ။

204 | Than Pale

သကလနခတ ၃ ရကကတညးက သတြပမခတယ။

သ�င လကဖကရညဆငမာ အတထငခ�ပး ရငး�းစာ

စကားေြပာခတယ။ သးရက�ကာ�ပးေနာက အဒလက

က�နေတာဆငကယကယ�ပး တစနာရအတငး

ြပနလာခမညဟ ေြပာခတယ။ က�နေတာကလညး

သကယ�ပး ဆငကယက ေပးလကမတယ။

အဒလြပန မေပါလာေတာဘး။ က�နေတာလညး

သဘယမာ ေနမနးလညးမသဘး။ က�နေတာ

ဆငကယကလငစငနမ ေစျး�ကးတယဟ

ေြပာခသည။

က��ပကအဒအမ�က တစေနရာရာကတငခေသးလားဟေမးရာ သက

“သငယချငးေတဆက �ကားရသည ေကာလာဟာလသတငးအရ

က�နေတာ◌ဆငကယခးသားတလက ဒလ�ငသာယာမာ လဆး

ဂဏးဝင တစေယာကြဖစတယ။ ဒအမ�ကရစခနး၊ ရာအမမ�း၊

ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းေတဆ သားတငလကလ�င ဒလက

က�နေတာက အ��ရာယြပလာမာ ေ�ကာကလ ဘယေနရာမာမ

မတငခပါဘး။ အမ�ဖငတင�ကားတာေတကလညး ဆငကယတက� စ

ေမာငးသမားများအတက လြခမ� မ�ဘး။ က�နေတာေနစဉဝငေငဟာ

မသားစအတက အေရး�ကးလ က�နေတာ ရစခနးမာလညး

အချနမြဖနး�ငပါဘး။ ဒါေ�ကာငက�နေတာ ေငေချး�ပး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 205 ဆငကယအသစ ၁ စးြပနဝယလက�ပး ေနစဉဝငေငရဖ အလပြပန

လပခတယ” ဟေြပာခ သည။

မဒမးမ�များ

မဒမးမ�များကလညး အမ�ဖငတင�ကားြခငးမ�သညက ေတ�ရေသာ

လညး ခးမ��င��ငးယဉမပါက တင�ကားြခငးများ ပ၍��ပး တရားဝင

တရားစရငေရး လမးေ�ကာငးအရ �ပးဆးသားသညက ေတ� �ရသည။

မညကသ ြဖစေစ နစနာသက တရား�းဆးြဖတချကက ေကျနပမ�မ�

သညက ေတ�ရသည။ တချ�က ကျးလနသက ေလျာေ�ကးေပးေစလ

�ကသည။ ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းများကလညး မဒမးမ�များသည

တရားဝငဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးအရ ေြဖ�ငးရမညဟြမင�က�ပး ကင

တယေြဖ�ငးေပးေလမ��ကေပ။ နစနာ သက ဆငးရေသာ ေ���ေြပာငး

မသားစမြဖစပါကသမက မဒမးအကျငခရေ�ကာငး မဘကြဖစေစ၊

အမနးနားချငးကြဖစေစ ေြပာြပြခငးမ��ကပါ။ များေသာအားြဖင ဤ

ကသ ြပကျင ခရမ�အတက ��တပတေန�က�ပး မညသညေနရာကမ�

တင�ကားြခငး မ��ကပါ။ အကယ၍ ြပကျငခရသ ကယဝန �လာ

ပါက တရား�း၌ တရားဝငဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးအရ ြပနလည ေြဖ�ငး

�ကရသည။ ရပကကလ�ကးများသည မ�ဒမးမ�များက စရငပငခင

မ�ပါ။

206 | Than Pale

လေတ�ေမးြမနးမ�များအရ ြပကျငခရသအများစမာ အသက ၁၀-

၁၆ �စအတငး ြဖစ�က�ပး ဆငးရ ေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးမသားစများမြဖစ

�ကသည။ ထအြပင ၄ငးတသည ပညာအရညအချငးနမကျြခငး

ဗဟသတ နညးပါးြခငး�င မဘများမာလညး တစေနလပ တစေနစား

လပသားများသာ ြဖစ�ပးဝငေငလညး နညးပါး �ကသည။ အမ�

ဖငတင�ကားခေသာအမ�အများစများမာလညး လသ၍ အသထကလာ

ေသာအမ�များြဖစ�ပး တရား�းများ၌ တရားဝငဥပေဒအတငးေြဖ�ငး

�ကသည။ အမ�အမတ(၁)၌ဆငးရေသာ နစနာသမသားစက ေလျာ

ေ�ကးရယြခငးြဖင ရပကကသးတရားစရငေြဖ�ငးေသာ နညးလမး

အရ အမ�ကေကျေအး�ကသည။ ဆငးရေသာမသားစဝငများအတငး

ဤကသ ြဖစပျကတတ�ပး ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသ�င ရပကကအတငး

ေနထငသအများစမာ မဒမးမ��ငပတသကေသာ ဗဟသတအသပညာ

မ��ကေပ။ အထးသြဖင ဆငးရ ေသာမသားစများသည ေ��ေနများက

အသးြပ�ပး ေလျာေ�ကးကသာ ရယလ�ကသည။ အချ�ေသာအမ�

များ၌ နစနာသ၏မဘများက တရား�း၌အမ�ဆြခငးထက

ကျးလနသထမ ေလျာေ�ကးသာရယလေ�ကာငး ဆးြဖတ�ကသည။

ဥပေဒအရြပကျငခရသ၏ နစနာမ�တင ေလျာေ�ကးရ�ရန

ထညသငးေဖာြပထားြခငး မ�ပါ။ ကျးလနသကလညးနစနာသ၏

မသားစအားေလျာေ�ကးေပးရန �ကးစားြခငးြဖင တရား�း၌

အမ�ရငဆငရန ေ�ာငလ�ကသညက ေတ��ရသည။ ထအြပင

နစနာသကလညး အမ�ကတင�ကားြခငးြဖင လအများ သ��က�ပး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 207 လနစာမအ�ကရေစေသာေ�ကာင တင�ကားရန စတအေ�ာငအယက

ြဖစ�ကသည။ ထအြပင မသားစ အ�ကရမညကလညး

စးရမ�ကသည။ ဤကသ အေြခအေနများေ�ကာင တရားဝငဥပေဒ

ေ�ကာငးအရ အမနတရားက �ာေဖရန အားနညးလျက �သည။

အချ�ေသာအစးရမဟတေသာ NGOအဖ�အစညးများ�င CBOများ

ကလညး အားနညးချက�ေသာအမျးသမး�င ကေလးသငယများ

အတက အခမဥပေဒအ�ကေပးေဆးေ�းြခငး ဝနေဆာငမ�များြဖင ပပး

ကညေပး�ကသည။ ဤသေဆာငရကြခငးသည မဒမးမ�များက တရား

ဝငဥပေဒေ�ကာငးအရ တင�ကားမ�များပ၍ �လာေစသည။ အမ� ၁ ၌

က��ပ�ငစကားေြပာခေသာ ဥပေဒအ�ကေပးကညသတစဦးက နစနာ

သမသားစအား ေလျာေ�ကးေငလကမခ�ကရန�င တရားဝငဥပေဒ

ေ�ကာငးအတငး တင�ကား�ကရန အ�ကေပးသညဟ ေြပာြပသည။ ထ

ကသ အဖ�အစညးများကနစနာသများအား ကညမ�ြပသညတင အချ�

မဘများက တရား�းသ မသားလပါ။ မဘများက တရား�းေ��၊ လ

အများေ��၌ ဤကစ�များေဖာြပြခငးြဖင နစနာသသမးငယစတဒဏရာ

ရသားမညဟ ယ�ကည�ကသည။ ေနာကတစချကမာ မဘများက

မသားစ၏ စးပား ေရးကအေထာကအကရေစမည ေလျာေ�ကးကသာ

ရလ�ကသည။ တရား�းသသားေရာက�ပး ေမးခနးများ က ထပခါ

တလလေြဖဆြခငးသည သတအားအ�ကရေစ�ပး စတဖစးမ�ကသာ

များလာေစသညဟ ထင�က သည။ မညသပငြဖစေစ

208 | Than Pale

နစနာသမသားစအားလးက ေလျာေ�ကးေငက

လကခသညလညးမဟတေပ။ ဤအေ�ကာငးကေအာကပါအမ�၌

ေဖာြပထားပါသည။

အမ�(၂)။ မဒမးမ�

အသက ၁၆ �စရယမဒမးြပကျငခရသ မနးကေလးသည လဦး

ေရများေသာ မသားစမ ြဖစ�ပး မဘများသည လနခေသာ ၁၀ �စခန

က ဧရာဝတတငးမ လ�ငသာယာသ ေ���ေြပာငးလာေသာ

ပျကျေစျးသညများြဖစသည။ သမသည မလတနးအထသာေနခရ�ပး

ရာသစာသး�များက ကားဂတ၌ေရာငးချ ေသာေစျးသညြဖစသည။

သမေြပာြပသညမာ

ည ၈ နာရခခန က�နမ တစေယာကထညး ြပနလာချန

မာ အေမာငထကေယာကျားတစေယာက ထကလာ

�ပး က�နမပါးစပကသလကန အတငးပတထားတယ။

သက က�နမက စကားမေြပာန မေအာနလ ေြပာ�ပး

လ�ပစစမးမ�တ အလနအရမးေမာငကျေနေသာ

အခနးကျဉးကေလးက ေခါသားခတယ။ က�နမ လက

�စဖကလးက ဝါယာ�ကးနချညထား�ပး ပါးစပက

လညး အဝတန စညးထားလ

က�နမမေအာ�ငခပါဘး။ က�နမက သား

မယားြပကျင�ပး လကမာချထားတဝါယာ�ကးန ပါး

စပမာ စညးထားတ အဝတက ြဖညေပး�ပး က�နမက

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 209 ဒကစ�ဘယသကမမေြပာန ၊ ေြပာရငနင အမက မး�� �

မယဟ �ခမးေြခာကခပါတယ။ က�နမလညး သက

အရမးေ�ကာကလ ဘယသကမ မေြပာခပါဘး။ �စလ

�ကာေတာ က�နမကယဝန�လာတ အခါ အေမကေြပာ

ြပေတာ အေမဟာအရမးစတညစသား�ပး အမနးချငး

ေတဆ အ�ကညဏေတာငးခတယ။ အေမက ဒကယ

ဝနကဖျကချေစချငတယ။

လေြပာြပခသည။

မခငြဖစသကဖခငြဖစသက ေြပာြပေသာအခါ ဖခငကချကချငး

ပင တရားဝငဥပေဒေ�ကာငးအရ ေြဖ�ငးလသညအတက ရစခနးသ

သားေရာကတင�ကား�ပး တရား�းတငအမ�ဖငေသာအခါ �ကးလနသ

က နစနာေ�ကးေပး�ပး ည��ငးဖ �ကးစားခသည။ နစနာသမသားစက

ေငေပးြခငးအားြဖင တရား�း ဆးြဖတချကအရ ေထာငမကျချငေသာ

ေ�ကာင ြဖစသည။ နစနာသမနးကေလးက က�နမမဘများက သေပး

သညနစနာ ေ�ကးက လကမခခပါဘးဟ ေြပာြပသည။ ေနာကဆး

ေတာ ထကျးလနသသည သး�စေထာငဒဏ အြပစ ကျခရသည။

မနးကေလး၏ဖခငကေြပာြပသညမာ

က�နေတာတအတက တရားမ�တမ�ဆတာ မ�ပါဘး။

ဒြပစမ�ကျးလနသဟာ ၃ �စထကပ�ပး ေထာငကျ

သငတယ။ က�နေတာဒါကမေကျနပဘး၊ က�နေတာ

�ကားဖးသညမာ မဒမးမ�ဆရငေထာင ၇ �စေလာက

210 | Than Pale

ြပစဒဏခရတယ။ ၃ �စေထာငဒဏေလာကနကေတာ

နစနာသတအတက တရားမ�တမ�မ�ဘး။ အခ က�န

ေတာသမး ကေလးေမးရေတာမယ၊ ဒကေလးက

လညး မလချငလသများကေပးဖ �ကးစားေပမ

သမးက မေပးချငဘး။ က�နေတာတဟာ ဆငးရတေ���

ေြပာငးလာသေတြဖစ�ပး တရား�းမာအာဏာ�တ

အသ ေတလညးမ�ဘး။ တရားဥပေဒလပထး

လပနညးများကလညး နားမလညဘး၊ အခအမ�က

�ပးသားေပမ သမးရနစနာမ�အတက အခထခစား

ရတနးပါ

ဟေြပာြပခသည။

ဤအမ�က�ကညပါက တရားဝငတရားစရငေရးစနစ�ငအတ ရပ

ကကသးတရားစရငေြဖ�ငးပများ မညကသ တည��ပး ထေ���ေြပာငး

လာသများ တရားဝငတင�ကားြခငးြပေသာအခါ မညကသ တရား

မ�တမ� မ�ေသာ ရလဒမျးရ�သညကသသာထင�ားေစသည။

ေငစေငေချးအြငငးပားမ�များ

အထးသြဖင လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယ� စးပားေရးကျပတညးေသာ ေ���

ေြပာငးေနစားလပသားများ အ�ကား ေငစေငေချး�ငပတသကေသာ

အြငငးပားမ�ြဖစပားမ���နးြမငလျက�၏။ ထေ���ေြပာငးလပသားတ

သည ဝငေငနညးပါး�ကေသာလညး တစချ � မာေငစအသငးများ၌

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 211 ေငစေလ��ကသည။ စေငပမာဏမာ လညး ၎ငးတ၏ဝငေငေပါမ

တည၍ ကစမးမေပါကသအသငးဝငက

ထစေငများကအလညကျေချးယခင �၏။ ြပဿနာမာ

အချ�ေသာသတသည ထစေငကရ�ေသာအခါ ေငယ၍

ထကေြပးေတာ၏။ ထစေငများ က ြပနမဆပေသာအခါ အြငငးပားမ�

စတငပါေတာသည။ ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းက ဤကသ အြငငး

ပားမ� မျးသည ရပကကအတငး အများဆးြဖစေလ�သညဟ

ေြပာြပပါသည။ ဆငးရသတသည အမြပငရန ေသာလညးေကာငး၊

ဆကကယဝယရနေသာလညးေကာငး၊ အေ�ကးေဟာငးများက ဆပ

ရနေသာလညးေကာငး မ�ကာခဏေငေချးေလ�၏။ တချ�ကလညး

ေန ြပနတးဟေခါေသာ �ကးြမငေသာအတး��နးြဖင ရပကကအတငး

ေငေချး�က၏။ ထအခါ ေငေချးေပးသ�င ေငေချးယသတ အ�ကား

ြပဿနာြဖစေလ�၏။ အတးြဖငေငေချးြခငးသည တရားဝင မဟတ

ေသာေ�ကာင တရားဝငဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးမဟတေသာ နညးလမး

အရသာ ြပဿနာကေြဖ�ငးရသည။

ေငေချးေငယအြငငးပားမ�များတင ရာအမမ�းများသည �စဦး�စ

ဖကထမ ��တကတရယ�ပး တရားဝငြပ�ာနးြခငးမဟတေသာ အရပ

နညးလမးအရသာ ေြဖ�ငးေပး�ကသည။ အကယ၍ ေငေချးယသက

�စဦး သေဘာတညချကက မလကနာပါက ရာအမမ�းက ရပကက�း

သ ေခါယ�ပးရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းေ��၌ ခဝနြပလပေစသည။ ခဝန

ဆသမာ ရပကက�း၏ အဆးအြဖတက သေဘာတပါမညဟ ကတ

212 | Than Pale

ြပြခငးက လကမတေရးထးြခငးြဖစသည။ အေ�ကးကြပနေပးပါ

မညဟ ကတြပရသည။ ခဝနသည ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအရ ေြဖ�ငးြခငး

မဟတေသာ နညးလမးြဖစ�ပး ရပကက�းများ၌

အာဏာသကေရာကမ� �သည။ အကယ၍ �စဦး�စဖကက

ခဝနအတငးလကနာြခငးမ�ပါက ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းက ရစခနး

သ အမ�ကလေြပာငးေပး�ငေသာ အမန အာဏာ�သည။

ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒ�ငရစခနးများသည အြပစလပသ အား

ရပကက�း၏ဆးြဖတချကက လကနာေစရန�ခမးေြခာကရာ၌

ထေရာကမ��သည။ ရပကက(က)တင ေနထငေသာ ရာအမမ�း၏

ေြပာဆချကမာ

ေငေချးယမ�န ပတသကတ အြငငးပားမ��င ေ�ကး�မ

ကစ�များက ရပကကလ�ကးေတ ေြဖ�ငးေပးတာက

မေကျနပရငေတာ ရစခနးက လေပးရတာပ။ လေတ

ကလညး ရစခနးန ေြဖ�ငးရမာက မလပချငတ

အတက ရနေြခာကလန ေြပာဆရတာေပါ။ တစခါ

တစရမာ ရေတကလညး ေသးတအမ�ေတ မ�ကးထား

ေအာင၊ ရပကက အဆငမာပ ေြဖ�ငးတာက လကခ

ေအာင နညးလမးအမျးမျးန ေြခာကလန ေြပာဆရ

တာေတ�တာပါပ။

ဟေြပာြပ၏။

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 213 ေငေ�ကးအြငငးပားမ�များက အရပနညးြဖင ေြဖ�ငး�ကသညဆ

ေသာလညး တရားဝငစနစ၌ ပါဝင သများကလညး အေထာကအက

ေပးရသညလညး�၏။ ဆလသညမာ တရားဝငဥပေဒေ�ကာငးအရ

တရား�းများ၌ လပထးလပနညးြဖင ေဆာငရကြခငးမဟတပါ။ ဤ

ေငေချးေငယအြငငးပားမ�များက တရား�း၌ တရားဝငနညးအရ ေြဖ

�ငးရနခကခြခငးမာ အတး�ငေငေချးြခငးသည တရားမဝငသည

အြပင ထေငေချးကတစာချပများကလညး တရားဝငမတပ မတင

ထားြခငးမာလညး ဥပေဒ�ငအကျးမဝငပါ။

အမေထာငေရးအြငငးပားမ�များ၊အမတငးအ�ကမးဖကမ�များ�င

အမေထာငေရးေဖာကြပနမ�များ

လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယအတငး ဝငေင နညးပါးေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးအလပ

သမားများတင အမေထာငေရး�ငပတသကေသာ အြငငးပားမ�များ

ြဖစပားေလ�သည။ များေသာအားြဖငညဦးပငးအချနများ၌ ြဖစပား

ေလ��ပး ေယာကျားများသည အလပအ�ပးအမြပနချန၌ အရက

ေသစာေသာကစားလာသြဖင မနးမများ ကေငေတာငးေသာအခါ

စကားများရနြဖစ�က�ပး တစခါတစရအ�ကမးဖကြခငးများ

ပါလာတတသည။

ပထမအဆငအေနြဖင ရာအမမ�းများက လငမယား�စဦးအ�ကား

ေစစပည���ငးေပး�ပး ြပဿနာက ေြဖ�ငးေပးသည။ တစခါတစရ

ဓါးက အသးြပ၍ရနြဖစ�ကရာ ဓါးအသား ၆ လကမထက�ညပါက

214 | Than Pale

ရပကက အပချပေရးမ�း�င ရာအမမ�းများက ြပစမ�ေြမာကသညဟ

သတမတ�ပးရစခနးသ လေပးသငသည။ သတ အား

ရစခနးသသားချငသလား၊ ခဝနလပချငသလားဟ ေမးေသာ အခါ

ခဝနလကမတထးရနကသာ ေရးချယ�ကသည။

တစခါတစရအမျးသမးတသည ရပကက�းသ တက

�ကတင�ကား�ကသည။ အမျးသားတလညးတင�ကား�ကသည။ များ

ေသာအားြဖင လငမယားကာ�ငးမ�ကသာတငြပ�က�ပး ြပစမ�ေြမာက

ေသာ အမတငးအ�ကမးဖကမ�က မတင�ကား�ကေပ။

များေသာအားြဖင ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းများက

အချနကေရ�ဆငး�ပး လငမယား�စဦးအား ြပနလညစဉးစား�ကရန

�ကားဝင၍ ေစစပေပးေလ�သည။

အမ�(၃)။ အမေထာငေရးအြငငးပားမ�

ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းေြပာြပသညမာ ညတစညမာအမျးသား

တစေယာကဟာ ရပကက�းက ေြပးဝငလာ�ပး တခါးကပတလက

သည၊ သက�ကညရတာတစေယာကေယာကကေ�ကာကေနတပပ။

တစချနတညးမာ အမျးသမးတစေယာကဓါးကင�ပး

ရပကက�းကေရာကလာတယ သပစက အရမ းစတဆးေနပပါ၊

အဒအမျးသမးက သေယာကျားက ဓါး�ငခတပစမယလ

ေအာေနသလညး�ကားရတယ။ အေြခအေနက နညးနညးဆးေနေတာ

ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းဟာ ဓါးကယလက�ပး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 215 လငမယား�စေယာကက ထင ခငး�ပး စကားေြပာခငးတယ။

အမျးသမးအရငစေြပာြပတာက -

က�နမေယာကျားဟာ ဝငေငရဖအလပမလပဘ

အရကဘအ�မေသာကေနတယ။ ဒါေ�ကာင က�နမက

အရကမေသာကဖန အလပလပဖေြပာြပတယ။

ဒညေနသက အရကဆငမာေတ�ေတာ အရမး

စတဆး�ပး သက သတပစချငတာ။

က�နမအရကဆငထလညး ဝငလကေရာ

သကရပကက�းက တနးေြပး လာတယ။ က�နမ

ရဓါးကေ�ကာကလေလ၊ က�နမသန အခဘကာ�ငး

ချငတယ။

ဟေြပာြပသည။

အမျးသားကေတာ သအမားကသသ�ပး �ငမေနတယ။ ရပကက

အပချပေရးမ�းက ေယာကျားြဖစ သအား မငးမနးမမနတယ၊ မငး

မသားစအတက အလပလပရမယဟေြပာခသည။ ထေနာက လင

မယား �စဦးအား ဒြပဿနာက အခမေြဖ�ငးေပး�ငေသးဘး။ ေနာက

�စရကေနမြပနလာခ၊ အ ဒကျမတကယ ကာ�ငးချငေသးတယဆရင

လပေပးမယဟေြပာခသည။ ေနာက�စရက�ကာေသာ ရပကက�းသ

လင မယား�စဦး လး ေပါမလာေတာေပ။

ရပကကအဆငတာဝန�သများက “�ကးတအမ�ကငယေစ၊ ငယ

တအမ�ကေပျာကေစ”ဆသည ြမနမာဆ�းစကားအတငး အမ�များက

216 | Than Pale

အထကပါအတငး ေြဖ�ငးခ�ကသညဟ ေြပာြပသည။ ဤကသ နညး

လမးများသည လငမယားအြငငးပားမ�များ ေြဖ�ငးရာ၌ အသးဝင�ပး

ထေရာကမ��သည။ ြပ�ာနး ဥပေဒအရ ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းသည

လငမယားကာ�ငးမ�က ေြဖ�ငးရနအခငအာဏာမ�ေသာလညး လင

မယား�စဦးအား အချနေပး�ပးြပနလညစဉးစားရန ေစစပေပးသည။

အကယ၍ေယာကျားြဖစသက မနးမြဖစသအား ကယထလကေရာက

အ�ကမးဖကမ� ထပမ ကျးလနပါက ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းသည

အမ�က ရစခနးသ လေြပာငးေပးသည။ အမျးသားများသည ရစခနး

သားရမညက ေ�ကာကေသာေ�ကာင ရပကကလ�ကးများ

သတေပး�ပးေနာက ၎ငးတ၏အကျငက ြပငတတ�က၏။

အမျးသမးများသည ရစခနး၌ တက�က သားေရာက တင�ကားေသာ

အခါမျး၌ အမျးသားများသည ြပစဒဏအြဖစ

ရအချပ၌�စရကသးရကအချပကျတတ၏။ ထေ�ကာငလညး

ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းများက အရပနညးသး၍ ေြဖ�ငးရာ၌

ရစခနးနာမညက အသးြပ၍ ေြခာကတတ�က၏။

အသက ၂၈ �စအရယရအရာ�ေြပာြပသညမာ အချ�ေသာ သတ

သည အမနးချငးအြငငးပားမ�၊ မသားစအချငးချငးအြငငးပားမ�များက

ရစခနးသ တက�က လာေရာက တင�ကား�က၏။ ရများကလညး

ြပဿနာများက အရပနညးအတငးေြဖ�ငးေပး၏။ ထေ�ကာင အရပ

သးတရားစရငေြဖ�ငးေသာနညးလမး များအရ ေြဖ�ငး�ကရာတင

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 217 ရပကကတာဝန�သများသာမက ရများကလညးထသ ပါဝငေဆာင

ရက�ကသညက ေတ�ရသည။

ဆကလက၍ လငမယားေဖာကြပနမ��ငပတသကေသာ အမ�တစ

ခကေဖာြပလပါသည။ ြမနမာ �ငငတင လငမယားေဖာကြပနမ�သည

ြပစမ�ေြမာကေသာလညး လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယတင ထကသေသာ အမ�

များတရား�းသ မေရာက�လာြခငးမာ မနးမများသည ေယာကျားများ

က ေထာငမကျေစလေသာ ေ�ကာငြဖစသည။ သတသည အရပသး

တရားစရငေြဖ�ငးေသာ နညးလမးအရသာ ေြဖ�ငးလ�က�ပး နစနာ

ေ�ကးကသာရလ�ကသည။ ေအာကေဖာြပပါ အမ�သညအရယ

မေရာကေသးသအား လငမ�ကျးလနြခငး ြဖစ�ပး စးပားေရးကျပ

တညးြခငး�င ဥပေဒဆငရာဗဟသတမ�ြခငးတေ�ကာင

တရားဝငမဟတေသာ အရပနညးလမးအတငးြဖင ေြဖ�ငး�ကပက

ေဖာြပထားသည။

အမ�(၄)။

လငမယားေဖာကြပနမ��ငအရယမေရာကသအားလငမ�ကျးလနြခငး

ဤအမ�သည ၂၀၁၆ ဇနလတငြဖစပား�ပး နစနာသသည အသက

၁၄ �စအရယ� ၈ တနး ေကျာငးသေလး ြဖစသည။ သမသည

ေကျာငးထက�ပးေနာက ပစက�၌အလပလပရာ ထစက�၌ အလပ

သမားေခါငးေဆာင အမျးသား တစဦး�င ဆမ�ကသည။ ထသသည

အမေထာင�သ ြဖစေသာလညး မနးကေလးအား မနးမ�ငကာ�ငး

218 | Than Pale

ထား�ပးဟေြပာ�ပး ငါကလကထပရငနင မသားစက ၁ လက ၂ သနး

ေထာကပမညဟ ေြပာခသည။ မနးကေလးက ယ�ကည�ပး ထသ�င

တစည အပခသည။ သမအမမြပနမ ထသက သတမဂငလာေဆာင

အတက စစဉချငတယဟေြပာရာ သမကယ�ကညခသည။

အမနးချငးအမျးသမးက ထညက မနးကေလး

အမမြပနလာသညအတက စးရမခသည။

ထအမနးချငးအမျးသမးသည NGO အဖ�အစညးများ၌ အလပ

လပခဖးသြဖစရာ ထကစ�မျးများ၌ အေတ�အ�ကဗဟသတ�သ

ြဖစသည။ ေနာကတစရက မနးကေလး�ငေတ�ေသာအခါ ညကဘာလ

အမြပနမအပတာလ၊ ဘယမာသားအပလ၊ ဘယသနသားအပလဟ

ေမးခသည။

မနးကေလးသည အပျစငေလးြဖစေသာေ�ကာင ေယာကျားများ

အေ�ကာငးက မသေပ။ ြဖစပျကသမ�က ထအမနးချငးအမျးသမး

အားေြပာြပ�ပး သမဘများကလညး အသေပးေစခသည။ ေ�းဦးစာ

မနးကေလး၏ မဘများ�ငအမနးချငးအမျးသမးသည ရပကက�းသ

သားေရာက�ပး ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�း အား ထအမျးသား၏

မသားစကအေ�ကာငး�ကားေစ၏။ ထအမျးသားသည

ရပကက�းသမလာဘ သ၏ အမျသမးသာတကေရာကခလာ၏။

သမက ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းအား အမ�မဖငရနေတာငးဆ၍ နစနာ

ေ�ကးေပး�ပး ေြဖ�ငးလ၏။ သမေယာကျားဟာ အရငက ဒလမျး

တစခါမ မြဖစဘးေ�ကာငး ေြပာြပသည။ အမနးချငးအမျးသမးက

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 219 တရားဝငဥပေဒအရ အမ�ဖငေစလ၏။ အဘယေ�ကာငဆေသာ

ထအမျးသားမာအမေထာင�လျက လမလည၍

မနးကေလး�ငအတအပခသည။ ထအမျးသား၏ အမျးသမး

ကလညး ေငေ�ကး�ငသာေြဖ�ငးလရာ မနးကေလး၏မဘများက နစ

နာမ�အတက ေင (၈)သနးေလျာေ�ကးရလ၏။ အမျး သားဘကမ

လညး ထေတာငးဆချကက ြငငးဆနရာ ေဆးေ�းည���ငးမ�များအ�ပး

မနးကေလးမဘများက ေင ၆ သနး�င သေဘာတ�က၏။

ြမနမာဥပေဒအရ ထအမျးသားသည အမေထာငေရးြပစမ�က

ကျးလနရာေရာကေသာေ�ကာင ေထာငဒဏကျ�ငသည။ ဥပေဒ

လမးေ�ကာငးအရ ရစခနး�ငတရား�းများ၌

အမ�ဖငြခငးမ�ခေသာလညး ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းက

တရားဝငနညးလမးမဟတေသာ နစနာေ�ကးေပးြခငးြဖင ေြဖ�ငးရန

သေဘာ တည�ကသညက ခငြပခသည။ ဤအမ�သည

အမေထာင�ေယာကျားက မနးကေလး�င ဆငးရေသာ

မသားစအေပါ အခငအေရးယေ�ကာငး ေဖာြပေနသည။ ဆငးရမေတ

ြခငးသည တရားဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငး အရ အမနတရားမ�ာေဖ

�ငြခငး၏ အဓကအစတအပငးြဖစသည။ အသပညာဗဟသတ�သ

အမနးချငး အမျးသမးက တရားဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးအရ

ေြဖ�ငး�ကရန အ�ကေပးခေသာလညး သမ၏အ�ကက

လကမခခေပ။ နစနာေ�ကးမာ နညးပါးေသာလညး

220 | Than Pale

နစနာသဆငးရေသာမသားစအတက အေထာကအက

ြဖစေစေ�ကာငးေတ� �ရသည။

အ�ကြပေဆးေ�းြခငး

ကငးဆငးေလလာေတ� �ချကများအရ �မ� ြပေဒသများ� ဆငးရ

ေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသများသည တရားဝငြပ�ာနးဥပေဒစနစက

အသးြပြခငးမ��ကပါ။ မဒမးမ�ကသ ြပစမ�ြဖစပားသညတင

နစနာသတင ကယဝနမ�ခလ�င တင�ကားြခငးမ�သညက

ေတ�ရသည။ မမကယက ယ�ကညမ�အားနညး ြခငးေ�ကာင

အမ�များတင�ကားြခငးမ�ဘ များေသာအားြဖင ��တဆတေနလျက

အြခားနညးလမးများြဖင ေသာလညးေကာငး၊

ရပကကတာဝန�သတသည ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအရ မဟတေသာ

အရပသးနညးလမးများ ြဖငသာ ြပဿနာများေြဖ�ငး�ကသည။ တစ

ခါတစရ ရစခနးမလညး ထနညးလမးြဖင ြပဿနာေြဖ�ငးြခငးက

ကညပပးေပးသည။ ဤအခနးသည အဘယေ�ကာင

ဤကသ ြဖစရ�ပး ေဖာြပခေသာသအရ�င မညကသ

ဆက� �ယေ�ကာငးက ေဆးေ�းလပါသည။

အချ�ေသာ ��ေထာငများသည ေ���ေြပာငးလာသ အချငးချငး

အြငငးပားမ�များ�င ရာဇဝတမ�များ ေြဖ�ငးပနညးလမးများ ပစများ

ြဖစေ�ကာငး ေဖာြပသည။ လ�ငသာယာ၌

ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသများတင လအနညးငယသာ ပညာတတ�က�ပး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 221 ဥပေဒ�ငဆငေသာ အသပညာဗဟသတများလညး ��ကသည။

ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသအများစသည လမ�ကနရက

(လမ�ဆကဆေရး�ငလအချငးချငး ဆကသယေဆာင ရကြခငး)

များ�င ရငး�းက�မးဝငမ�မ�ြခငးမာလညး ကြပားြခားနား

ေသာဓ ေလစ�က များေ�ကာငလညး ြဖစသည။

ေနာကထပအေ�ကာငး အရငးတစခမာ သတအတက

ေနစဉဝငေငသည ဘဝ�ငသနမ�အတက အေရး�ကးေသာေ�ကာင

အစးရ�းများ၌ အချနမေပး�င�ကပါ။ ထ�းများသသားရန

ခရးစရတေသာလညး ေကာငး၊ အစားအေသာကအတက

ေသာလညးေကာငး၊ �းသးစရတများေပးရနအတက ေသာ

လညးေကာငး၊ ေငေ�ကးမတတ�င�ကေပ။ ထအြပင အချ�အမ�များမာ

တရားမဝငေသာ ကစ�များြဖစြခငးေ�ကာင ဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးအရ

တရားဝငမေြဖ�ငး�င�ကေပ။ ဥပမာအားြဖင တရားဝငမတပတင

ထားြခငး မ� ေသာ ေငေချးသထမ အတးေပး၍ေငေချးြခငး

ြဖစသည။ အထကပါ အေ�ကာငးများေ�ကာင အမ�ကစ�များ က

တရားဝင မဟတေသာ နညးလမးများြဖငသာ

ေြဖ�ငး�င�ကသညြဖစရာ ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒများ၏ တရားဝင စနစသည

၎ငးတက လျစလျ��သညဟလညး မဆလ�ငပါ။

ရပကကတာဝန�သမျာကလညး ြပစမ�ကျး လနသများအား ရြဖင

မ�ကာခဏ �ခမးေြခာက�ကသည။ ဥပမာအေနြဖင ရပကကလ�ကး

222 | Than Pale

များမ ြပစမ�ကျး လနသများက မမတသေဘာတထားေသာ ခဝနက

ချးေဖာကလ�င ရစခနးကပမညဟ �ခမးေြခာက �ကသည။

ေနာကထပအေ�ကာငးအရငးတစခမာ အရပသးေြဖ�ငးမ�စနစမာ

တစရက အတငး အမ�ကစ�များက ေြဖ�ငး ဆးြဖတေပး�ငေသာ

သေဘာ�ေသာေ�ကာင ရလဒကလျငြမနစာရ��ငသည။ ထေ�ကာင

ရပကကေနြပညသတသည ထေြဖ�ငးမ�ပစက ပ၍�စသက�ကသည။

ထအြပင အရပသးေြဖ�ငးမ�စနစ သည နစနာေ�ကးေပးြခငး၊ ေလျာ

ေ�ကးေပးြခငးသည ထေရာကမ��သည။ အချ�ေသာသတသည ြပစမ�

ကျးလနသအား ေထာငကျခရမညအစား နစနာသအား နစနာေ�ကး

ေပးြခငးက ပ၍လလား�ကသည။ ဆငးရေသာ ရပကကေန

ြပညသများသည ရပကကအဆငတာဝန�သများ�င

ပ၍ရငး�း�ကသည။ သတသည ကျးလနခရသ၏ မေကျနပမ�က

စဉးစားြခငးထက ေငဒဏ (ေလျာေ�ကး)ကသာ လလား�ကသည။

ရပကကအပချပေရးမ�းများ�င ရာအမမ�းများတသည ေလျာေ�ကး

ေပးြခငးအတက တနးအားေပး�င�ကသည။

ထအြပင ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသတသည ရစခနးအပါအဝင တရား

ဝငအစးရ�းများ�င အာဏာပင များထ သားရြခငးက အဆင မေြပ

ဟ ခစားရသည။ သတ၏ အေတ�အ�ကအရလညး ၎ငးတရားဝင

ဥပေဒ လမးေ�ကာငးသည ထေရာကမ�မ�ဟ ြမင�ကသည။

ရပကက၌ ခးမ�အများစသည ၎ငးတ၏ ခးရာပါပစ�ညး များ

ြပနလညရ�သညဟ တစ�ကမတစခါမ

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 223 မ�ကဖးမ�ကားဖးေသာေ�ကာင တင�ကားမ�မ�ေပ။ ထအြပင

တရားဝငလမးေ�ကာငးအတငး အမ�ဖငခပါက ရများမ စစေဆး

ေမးြမနးြခငးကလညး ခရသည။ ရပကက ေနြပညသတသည ရများမ

ေမးြမနးြခငးက မလလား�ကေပ။ ထေ�ကာင အရပသးတရားစရငေရး

စနစြဖင သာ စရငလ�က�ပး ဘာသာေရးယ�ကညမ�သညလညး

ခးမ�က မတင�ကားေစြခငး၏ ေနာကထပ အေ�ကာငး အရငတစခ

ြဖစသည။ ရပကက(B)၌ ေနထငေသာ အသက ၆၅ �စ�

အမျးသမး၏အဆအရ ြမနမာ ဗဒ�ဘာသာဝငများသည

အလယကခရပါက ထသသည ကနမ၊ ကဆး၍ြဖစသညဟ ဆသည။

ဥပမာအေနြဖင လတစဦးသည ေငေချးယ�ပး ထကေြပးသားပါက

ထေငကေချးေပးလကသသည အရငဘဝ၌ ေပးစရာအေ�ကး

�သညဟထင�ကသည။ ပကဆဆး�� းြခငးသည အရငဘဝက

မေကာငးသညအရာ တခခလပခမ၍ ယခဘဝတင ြပန

လညခရသညဟ ယဆေသာေ�ကာင ြပဿနာက အေြဖ�ာလြခငး မ�

�ကေပ။ ဗဒ�ဘာသာဝငတသည ဤမေကာငးေသာ

အကသလများသည ထခးသ (သခး)သမဟတ အြခား

အြပစကျးလနသတ�ငအတ ပါသား�ပးဟယ�ကည�ကသည။

ထေ�ကာင ထအြပစကျးလနသ ြပစဒဏကျခရနအတက

တင�ကားမ�များ ြပလပရနမလဟ ြမင�ကသည။

အထကေဖာြပပါအေ�ကာငးြပချကများအရ အရပသးတရားစရင

ေရးစနစြဖင ြပဿနာများအား ေြဖ�ငးြခငးသည သေတသနြပလပ

224 | Than Pale

ရာ ေနရာေဒသ၌ ကျယြပန စာ အသးြပ�ကသညက ေတ�ရသည။

ရပကကတာဝန�သများသည �ကားဝငေြဖြဖနသများအေနြဖငသာ

အြငငးပားမ�များအတက ဆးကျးသက ေရာကေစမ�က

ေလျာနညးေအာင ေြဖ�ငးေပး�ကေသာလညး

အြခားတစဖကမ�ကညလ�င ေ���ေြပာငးေန ထငသတသည

အမ�ကစ�များက တင�ကားမ�မရသည သေဘာလညး

သကေရာကေနသည။ လ�ငသာယာ၌ ေနထငသတသည ရာဇဝတမ�

များ�င အြငငးပားမ�များေြဖ�ငးမ� လမးေ�ကာငးသည ဥပေဒစနစတစ

မျး ထကပ၍ ကျငသးသည ပစမျး �ေနသည။ ထသေသာ ပစမျးက

ကမ�ာ�ငငတစဝမး၌ ြဖစေနသညလပထး လပနညးများ�င ဆကစပ

၍ ��ငးယဉ�ကည�ငသည။ Tamanaha (၂၀၀၈) အဆအရ ကမ�ာတစ

ဝမးလး� များြပားေသာ ဆငးရသားရပကကတည�ရာ�မ� �ကးများ၌

ထစနစကျငသးမ�များြမငတကလာ�ပး တရားဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးအရ

ကျငသးမ� မ� (သ) ကျငသးမ�အနညးငယသာ�သည။ ေလလာသများ

က ထပစ ကျငသးမ�များ များြပားလာြခငးသည

ဥပေဒတစမျးထကပ၍ ကျငသးြခငး၏ ဥပေဒေရးရာ

သငြပငလက�ဏာ ြဖစသညဟ ေဖာြပသည။ ဤအေြခအေနသည

ဆငးရသားများက “ကယက�ကမ�ာကယဖနတးြခငး”

“ပဂ�လကြဖစြခငး” သမဟတ “တရားဝငမဟတြခငး”

ဥပေဒေရးရာအမန စသညတက လမးေ�ကာငး ေပး၍ ဖ� �ဖးေစသည

သေဘာြဖစသည။ Tamahana (၂၀၀၈၊ စာ ၃၈၆ - ၃၈၇) ၏အဆက

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 225 ြဖညစကလ သညမာ လ�ငသာယာ၌ ြဖစပားေသာကစ�များအရ ဆငး

ရေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသတသည တစမျးထက မက ဥပေဒလမး

ေ�ကာငး၏ အခငအေရး�ငအသးြပမ�သည ေဒသခများ�င �မ � ြပေန

ြပညသများထက ပ၍ အခငအလမးနညးသည။ လမ�ကနရက မ�ြခငး

�င စးပားေရးအဆင မေြပြခငးသည လတအား ဥပေဒ တစမျးထက

ပေသာစနစက ကျငသးေစေ�ကာငး�ငးလငးထင�ားစာ သြမင�င

သည။ Moore (၁၉၉၃)က အ��ယ�ငင�ငပတသက၍ အလားတ��န

ြပသညမာ တရားဝငစနစ(ြပ�ာနးဥပေဒအရပစတကျ သတမတထား

ြခငး)�င တရားမဝင ပစတကျသတမတထားြခငး မ�ေသာ စနစ၏

အခငအေရးဆသညမာ ယဉေကျး မ�၊ ေငေရးေ�ကးေရး၊ လမျး�င လ

တနးစား၊ လငကြပားြခားနားမ�၊ ပညာေရးအဆငအတနး�င လမ�ကန

ရက (အဆကအသယေကာငး�ြခငး)စသညတ�င ဆက� �ယေန

သည။ အမျးသမးြဖစြခငး၊ ဆငးရြခငး (သ) မျး�ယစနမေသာ

အမျးသားများြဖစြခငးတသည ဥပေဒေရးရာ၏ကန သတချက

နယနမတအတငး ထည သငးစဉးစားြခငး မခရေသာေ�ကာင

ကယကယကယကာကယရန�င ြပဿနာေြဖ�ငးြခငးတအတက

အြခား နညးလမးများအားြဖငသာ အေြဖ�ာ�ကသည။ ဆလသညမာ

ဥပေဒတစမျးထကကျငသးြခငးစနစ၏ ြပဿနာေြဖ�ငးြခငး

လပထးလပနညးတသညလညးသာတည

မ�အခငအေရးရ��ငမ�မ�ေပ။ ြမနမာ�ငင လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယ�

ဆငးရေသာ ကျးေကျာရပကကများတငေနထငေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးေန

226 | Than Pale

ထငသတ သညလညး ဥပေဒေရးရာ�င ေြဖ�ငးြခငးမျးက ေ�ာင�ား

�ပး အြခားနညးလမးများ�ငသာ ေြဖ�ငး�ကသည။

နဂးချပ

ြမနမာ�ငငသည ကျယြပန ေသာအသငကးေြပာငးေရးမဝါဒအရ ေန

စဉလေနမ�ဘဝ၏ �ငငေရး၊ လမ�ေရး�င

စးပားေရးအေြပာငးအလများ စတငလပေဆာငေန�ပြဖစသည။

ဤေြပာငးလမ�များသည �ငင တစဝမးလး�

ကြပားြခားနားေသာလအဖ�အစညး (လတနးစားအမျးမျး)

များအတငး ထေရာကေသာ အကျး သကေရာကမ�က ြဖစေစ�ငလမ

မည။ ေကျးလကေဒသများမ �မ � ြပေဒသများသ

ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငြခငး ြဖင �မ � ြပအသငပစသငးမ�က

ြမငတကလာေစြခငးသည ြမနမာ�ငင၏

အသငကးေြပာငးေရးလပငနးစဉ တငအေရး�ကးေသာ လအပ

ချကြဖစသည။ လတတေလာတင ထကစ�က �ခငးချကအြဖစ သာမန

ကာလ�ကာသေဘာမ�သာေဆာငရကေနသည။ ရနကန�မ �တင

�ငငြခားရငးနးြမ�ပ�မ�များ ပ၍များလာြခငး�င စကမ�လပငနးများ

ဖ� �ဖးလာြခငးတသည �ကးမားေသာအလပအကငအခငအေရး�င

လေနမ�ကြမငမား လာေစသြဖင ဆငးရေသာ ေကျးလက ေဒသများမ

ြပညသများက ရနကန�မ �သ

ေြပာငးေ���လာေစရနဆအားတစခြဖစေနသည။ သေသာြငားလညး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 227 ဤြဖစစဉတင လတငးအား အလပအကင တည�မေစရန�င

လြခစာေနထငမ�ရ�ရနအတက မေဆာငရက�ငေသးေပ။ ဤသည

မာ အပျကသေဘာက ေဆာငကာ ရာဇဝတမ�များက ဖနတးေပး

သကသ ြဖစေနသည။ ဒမကေရစလမးစဉ�င စးပားေရးအသင ကး

ေြပာငးေရးကာလအတငး အ�ကးမားဆးေသာစနေခါမ�မာ ြမနမာအစး

ရသည တရားဥပေဒေဖာေဆာင ေရး�င လြခေရးေဆာငရကမ�များ၌

အေကာငအထညေဖာေဆာငရကြခငး အားနညးေနဆပငြဖစသည။

အထးသြဖင ရနကန�မ � �ဆငးရေသာရပကက�ကးများ�င ကျးေကျာ

ရပကကများတင ေ���ေြပာငးေနထင သများအတက ေဆာငရကေပး

�ငမ� အားနညးေနသည။ ြမနမာ�ငင၏ လက�အေြခအေနမာ ေနစဉ

လေနမ�ဘဝ လြခမ�မ�ေ�ကာငး သတငး�ငစာနယဇငး ေဖာြပချက

များအရ သရသည။ အလားတပင က��ပသေတသနြပလပရာ လ�င

သာယာ�မ�နယတင လြခေရးေဆာငရကမ� အားနညးေနသညအတက

စတချ လြခမ� မ�ပါ။ ဤေဆာငးပါးသည ရာဇဝတမ�အများဆးြဖစ

ပားသညဟ နာမည�ကးေသာ အ�ကးမားဆး စကမ�ဇနတည�သည

လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယ၏ ရနကန�မ �တင ေနထငသဆငးရေသာ

ေြပာငးေ���လပသားများ အြငငးပားမ��င ရာဇဝတမ�များအား

မညကသ ေြဖ�ငး�ကသညက က��ပေလလာခပါသည။

ေ���ေြပာငးေန ထငသတသည တရားဝငဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးက

လကလမးမ�ငမ� အလနအားနညး�ကသည။ ဥပေဒ

ေရးရာဗဟသတမ�ြခငး၊ ပညာအရညအချငးနမကျြခငး�င

228 | Than Pale

စးပားေရးအဆငမေြပြခငးသည တရားဝင ဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငးအရ

အခငအေရးရ�ေစြခငးက အဟန အတားြဖစေစေသာ အဓက

အေ�ကာငးရငးများ ြဖစသည။ လ�ငသာယာ�မ�နယအတငး တရား

မ�တမ��ာေဖရာတင တရားဝငဥပေဒလမးေ�ကာငး စနစ�င အရပ

သးေြဖ�ငးသညနညးလမးတသည ေရးချယ�ငေသာ စနစများ

အြဖစတည�ေနသည။ အထးသြဖင ခးမ�များ�င အချ�ေသာ မဒမးမ�

များက တင�ကားြခငးမ��ကဘ ရပကကလ�ကးများ�င ေြဖ�ငးရနက

သာ လလား�ကသည။ ထရပကကလ�ကးတသည �စဦး�စဖက

ေစစပည���ငးေပးြခငး၊ ေလျာေ�ကးေပးေစြခငး၊ ခဝနကတစာချပထး

ေစြခငး�င ြပစမ�ကျးလနသတအား ရစခနးသပမညဟ

�ခမးေြခာကြခငးစသည နညး လမးများက အသးြပ၍

ြပဿနာများက ေြဖ�ငးေပး�ကသည။ အချ�ေသာ မဒမးမ�များမာ

တရားဝငဥပေဒ လမးေ�ကာငးအရ တရား�းသ

ေရာက�လာသညတင တရား�း၏အဆးအြဖတက ေကျ

နပမ�မ��ကပါ။ မဒမးမ�များတင အ�ကတရား�င အေ�ကာကတရားတ

ေ�ကာင တတဆတစာေနြခငးသည တရားဝငဥပေဒ လမးေ�ကာငး၏

အခငအေရးရ�ေစြခငးကလညး အဟန အတားြဖစေစသည။

သအရအရ က��ပဆလသညမာ

ဥပေဒတစမျးထကကျငသးြခငးသည လအဖ�အစညးအတငး�

လတနးစားအားလးက တရားဝငဥပေဒအရြဖစေစ၊

တရားဝငြပ�ာနးသတမတထားြခငး မဟတေသာ နညးလမး

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 229

(အရပသးေြဖ�ငးြခငးစနစ) အရြဖစေစ သာတညမ�အခငအ ေရး

ရ�ေစ�ငမညဟ မဆလ �ငပါ။ အထးသြဖင ဆငးရေသာေြပာငး

ေရ�ေနထငသတသည တရားဝငဥပေဒအရြဖစေစ၊ အရပသး

ေြဖ�ငးေသာ နညးလမးအရြဖစေစ၊ မ�တမ�မ�ေသာရလဒကသာ ရ�

�ကသည။ ေကျးလကမ �မ � ြပေဒသများသ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသ တး

ပားလာသည�ငအမ� �ငငေတာအစးရသည ထသတ၏ြပဿနာများ

က ဥပေဒ ေရးရာလပထးလပနညးများြဖင စညးမျဉးစညးကမး�င

ထနးချပေဆာငရက�ငရန အလန အေရး�ကးပါ သည။ ထအြပင

အစးရ မဟတေသာ NGOအဖ�အစညးများ�င အြခားေသာ CBO အဖ�

အစညးများ သညလညး ထေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသတတင ြဖစပားေသာ

ြပဿနာများ အေြဖ�ာေဖရာတင လအပေသာ ဥပေဒေရးရာ အက

အညြဖင ပပးကညေပးရနလညး အေရး�ကးေပသည။ (သာဓကအား

ြဖင မဒမးမ��င ကေလးသငယများအား �ငထကစးနငးမ�များ)။ လက

ေတ�ကျငသးေနေသာ တရားဥပေဒသညလညး အများြပညသ

ယ�ကညထကေသာ ဥပေဒြဖစရန လအပသည။ ဤေဆာငးပါးမ

သတငးအချကအလကများသည �ငငေတာအစးရ၊ ဥပေဒေရးရာပပး

ကညသများ၊ အစးရ မဟတေသာ NGO�င CBO အဖ�အစညးများအား

�မ � ြပေဒသေနဆငးရေသာ ေ���ေြပာငးေနထငသများ ခစား�ငခင�

ေသာ တရားစရင ေရးစနစ၏ နညးဗျဟာများ�င

၎ငးတရငဆငရေသာ အဟန အတားများက

230 | Than Pale

ပမ၍နားလညသေဘာေပါက ေစရန�င အေထာကအကြဖစေစရန

ေလလာတငြပထားပါသည။

ကးကားများ

Boutry, Maxime. 2014. From Rural to Urban Poverty: Some Thoughts on Coping Strategies and Evolutions in Political Transitional Context: Unpublished report 2014.

Kyed, Helene Maria. 2011. “Introduction. Legal pluralism and international development interventions.” Journal of Legal Pluralism, no 63: 1-21.

Dauvergne, Catherine. 2003. Jurisprudence for an Interconnected Globe. Ashgate Pub Ltd.

Forbes, Eben. 2016. “On the frontier of Urbanization: Informal Settlements in Yangon, Myanmar.” Independent Journal of Burmese Scholarship, no. 1:197-238.

Griffith, John. 1986. “What is Legal Pluralism.” Journal of legal Pluralism, no 24: 4-9.

Habermas, Jürgen. 2001. The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays. Cambridge: MIT Press.

Harper, Erica. 2011. Customary Justice: From Program Design to Impact Evaluation. Rome: International Development Law Organization.

Hooker, M.B. 1975. Legal Pluralism: An Introduction to Colonial and Neo-Colonial Laws. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Japan International Cooperation Agency, Yangon City Development Committee. 2013. The project for the Strategic Urban Development Plan of Greater Yangon: Final Report 1, Part II.

Macaulay, Stewart. 1987. “Images of Law in Everyday life: The lessons of School, Entertainment and Spectator Sports.” Law &Society Review No. 21: 185-218.

Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 231 McConnachie, Kirsten. 2014. Governing Refugees. Justice, Order

and Legal Pluralism. New York: Routledge. Moore, Sally, Falk.1986. Social facts and fabrications: Customary

Law on Kilimanjaro, 1880-1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Pospisil, Leopold. 1971. The Anthropology of Law: Comparative Theory of Law. New York: Harper and Row.

Santos, Boaventura De Sousa. 1977. “The Law of the Oppressed: The Construction and Reproduction of Legality in Pasagarda.” Law and Society Review no. 12: 1-126.Justice-seeking strategies in everyday life | 179

Tamanaha, Brian Z. 2008. Understanding Legal Pluralism: Past to Present, Local to Global Sydney law Review 30, no. 3: 386-7.

UNDP, UNICEF, UN Women. 2012. Informal Justice System, charting a course for human rights-based engagement,.

United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID). 2004. Non-state Justice and Security Systems. London: DFID.

Wojkowska, E. 2006. How Informal Justice Systems Can Contribute. Oslo: United Nations Development Programme, Oslo Governance Centre.

Woodman, Gordon R. 1987-88. “What is the Commission About?” 14 Newsletter of the Commission on Folk Law and Legal Pluralism 3