lable at ScienceDirect

Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–1327

Contents lists avai

Journal of Archaeological Science

journal homepage: ht tp: / /www.elsevier .com/locate/ jas

The warriors of the steppes: osteological evidence of warfare and violencefrom Pazyryk tumuli in the Mongolian Altai

Xavier Jordana a,b,*, Ignasi Galtes a,c, Tsagaan Turbat d, D. Batsukh d, Carlos Garcıa a,e, Albert Isidro a,Pierre-Henri Giscard f, Assumpcio Malgosa a

a Grup de Recerca en Osteobiografia (GROB), Unitat d’Antropologia Biologica, Departament de Biologia Animal, Biologia Vegetal i Ecologia, Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona,Barcelona, Spainb Center of Research in Natural Resources (CIRN), Departmento de Biologia, Universidade dos Açores, Ponta Delgada, Açores, Portugalc Institut de Medicina Legal de Catalunya (IMLC), Barcelona, Spaind Institute of Archaeology of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences, Ulan Bator, Mongoliae Facultad de Odontologıa, Universidad de Los Andes, Merida, Venezuelaf International Center Eurasiat for Scientific and Cultural Research, Paris, France

a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:Received 25 October 2008Received in revised form19 December 2008Accepted 6 January 2009

Keywords:TraumaScalpingPerimortemSharp forceForensic anthropologyBioarchaeologyScythians

* Corresponding author. Unitat d’Antropologia BioFacultat de Biociencies, Edifici C, Universitat Autonolaterra, Barcelona, Spain. Tel.: þ34 93 5812049; fax: þ

E-mail address: xavier.jordana@uab.cat (X. Jordana

0305-4403/$ – see front matter � 2009 Elsevier Ltd.doi:10.1016/j.jas.2009.01.008

a b s t r a c t

Skeletal remains of Pazyryk warriors unearthed in a recent archaeological excavation in the MongolianAltai offer a unique opportunity for verifying ancient histories of warfare and violence given by Her-odotus in the fifth century BC. The Pazyryks were Iron Age nomadic groups associated with the easternScythians and known from burial site discoveries on the high steppes of the Altai (Central Asia). The aimof this paper is to analyze the evidence for bone trauma provided by the skeletal remains of thesePazyryk warriors with a particular focus on violence-related injuries. The sample consists of 10 indi-viduals, comprising seven adult males, one adult female and two children. Seven individuals exhibiteda total of 14 traumatic injuries. Six of these injuries (43%) showed evidence of bone remodelling and eightinjuries (57%) were morphologically compatible with a perimortem origin. Twelve injuries (86%) wererelated to interpersonal violence, most likely caused by weapons similar to those found in Pazyryk tombs(battle-axes, daggers and arrowheads). Five individuals, including the female and one child, exhibitedevidence of violent death. Furthermore, one individual also exhibited evidence of scalping. Despite thesmall number of Pazyryk skeletons analyzed, the pattern of traumatic injuries observed appears to be inagreement with that documented in conflicts related to raids or surprise attacks, and not a result ofroutinized or ritualized violence. These findings contribute new data to osteological evidence fromScythian burial sites.

� 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction

Pazyryk is the name given to Iron Age nomadic tribes whoinhabited the high steppes of the Altai Mountains (Central Asia)between the fifth and third centuries BC. This culture is knownfrom the discoveries of stone tumuli in the Altai region, in whichthe bodies of Pazyryk warriors were buried with their horses andtheir weapons, such as battle-axes, daggers, swords, and bows andarrows (Turbat et al., 2005; Van Noten and Polosmak, 1995).Although little is known about Pazyryk culture, it has been sug-gested that they were eastern Scythians, which was the name the

logica, Departament BABVE,ma de Barcelona, 08193 Bel-

34 93 5811321.).

All rights reserved.

Greeks gave to a number of horse-mounted nomadic Indo-Euro-pean groups who expanded across the Eurasian steppes from theseventh century BC onwards (Mallory, 1989; Murphy et al., 2002;Zvelebil, 1980).

The history of Scythians is known from ancient texts and theexcavation of their burial places. In The Histories, the Greek histo-rian Herodotus (484–425 BC) describes the Scythians as nomadwarriors who practiced cruel and violent rituals, such as humansacrifices, scalping of enemies and cannibalism (Murphy and Mal-lory, 2000; Van Noten and Polosmak, 1995). Recent archaeologicalevidence obtained almost entirely from burial sites has contributedfurther knowledge of these people, and verifies some of thedescription provided by historical records written in the fifthcentury BC (Clisson et al., 2002; Crubezy et al., 2006; Francfort et al.,2000; Murphy et al., 2002; Ricaut et al., 2004; Wentz and deGrummond, 2008).

Fig. 1. Geographical location of the Bayan-Olgiy province in Western Mongolia, where the Pazyryk burials were located.

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–13271320

Skeletal remains, unearthed from Pazyryk tumuli in an archae-ological excavation carried out recently by our team in theMongolian Altai, offer a unique opportunity to gather furtheranthropological data on these warriors of the Eurasian steppes.Investigations of traumatic injuries in osteological remains providea direct source of evidence for testing hypotheses of warfare andviolence in past human societies (Milner, 1999; Novak, 2000;Walker, 2001). In accordance with previous evidence, the aim ofthis study is to analyze the bone trauma patterning provided by thisPazyryk skeletal sample in order to contribute to a better under-standing of the occurrence and origin of warfare and violence inScythian people.

2. Materials and methods

2.1. The site

The archaeological mission was conducted by a Spanish–French–Mongolian expedition during the years 2006 and 2007with the aim of excavating tumuli belonging to the Pazyryk culturediscovered in the Mongolian Altai. This was one of the first expe-ditions to uncover Scythian burial sites in Mongolia. Thesenecropolises were located at two different sites, the BTG-VI site andthe TSK site, both in Bayan-Olgiy province, in Western Mongolia(Fig. 1).

Several tumuli were excavated during the archaeologicalmission, but some of them had been disturbed by grave robbers and

Fig. 2. (A) Pazyryk stone tumulus measuring about 10 m in diameter and 2 m in depth and (Band two horses. Ranging pole scale 1 m.

no human skeletal remains or grave goods were found. Humanskeletons were only recovered in seven tombs: six tombs at theBTG-VI site and one tomb at the TSK site. The preservation of theskeletons was excellent. Four tombs contained single primaryburials, while the other three contained double simultaneousburials. An entire skeleton of a horse for each adult body was alsoalways found outside the funerary chamber (Fig. 2). The humanbodies were placed on their right sides leaning on the south wall ofthe chamber, and oriented along the east–west axis. Grave goodsrecovered inside the chamber included a set for each body, whichcomprised a ceramic vessel, an iron knife and lumbosacral verte-brae of sheep/goat placed close to the north wall. Small sheets ofgold were also always found next to the skull. The weaponry foundin these burials includes pointed battle-axes with wooden handles,short daggers, both of bronze or iron, and trilobate arrowheadsmade of bone or bronze (Fig. 3). The funerary rites of these tumuliare characteristic of the Scythian period of the Altai (Jordana et al.,2007; Turbat et al., 2005).

2.2. Methods

The skeletons were morphologically analyzed in a temporarylaboratory set up in the field. Sex of the skeletons was determinedby morphological criteria based on the pelvis and the skull, usingthe standards described by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994). Thecriteria of dental development were used for age-at-death deter-mination of non-adult skeletons (Ubelaker, 1989). Methods based

) wooden funerary chamber (tomb 11 of the BTG-VI site) containing two human bodies

Fig. 3. Weaponry found at Pazyryk burial sites. (A) bronze battle-axe, (B) bronzedaggers, and (C) arrowheads made of bone and bronze. Scale bar 10 mm.

Table 1Sex and age-at-death of the individuals.

Skeleton Sex Age

BTG-VI/T3 Male 45–65BTG-VI/T8 Male 18–20BTG-VI/T10A Unknown 6–7BTG-VI/T10B Female 25–30BTG-VI/T11A Male 35–45BTG-VI/T11B Male 35–45BTG-VI/T12 Male 60þBTG-VI/T13 Male 35–45TSK/T2A Male 40–50TSK/T2B Unknown 8–9

Table 2Antemortem traumatic lesions observed in the Pazyryk skeletal sample.

Individual Location Mechanism Cause

BTG-VI/T11A Right metatarsals Blunt trauma AccidentalBTG-VI/T11B Frontal bone (medial) Sharp trauma Interpersonal violenceBTG-VI/T11B Frontal bone (lateral) Sharp trauma Interpersonal violenceBTG-VI/T12 Right ribs, near sternal ends Blunt trauma Interpersonal violenceBTG-VI/T13 Right parietal bone Blunt trauma Interpersonal violenceTSK/T2A Left clavicle Blunt trauma Accidental

Table 3Perimortem traumatic lesions observed in the Pazyryk skeletal sample.

Individual Location Weapon

BTG-VI/T10B Right ribs, near angle DaggerBTG-VI/T12 Sacrum, anterior side DaggerBTG-VI/T13 Right parietal bone, near lambda Battle axeBTG-VI/T13 Right parietal bone, near the middle protuberance Battle axeBTG-VI/T13 Between right parietal and frontal bones Battle axeBTG-VI/T13 Surround the cranium vault DaggerTSK/T2A Frontal bone ArrowheadTSK/T2B Sacrum, anterior side Dagger

Fig. 4. Healed depressed fractures caused by a bladed instrument in skeleton BTG-VI/T11B.

Fig. 5. Healed ovoid-shaped (20 mm diameter) defect on the right parietal bone inskeleton BTG-VI/T13.

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–1327 1321

Fig. 6. Healed oblique fracture of the left clavicle in skeleton BTG-VI/T13.

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–13271322

on the changes of the auricular surface of the ilium (Lovejoy et al.,1985), os-pubis (Brooks and Suchey, 1990; Gilbert and McKern,1973; Katz and Suchey, 1986; Todd, 1920), and sternal ends of ribs(Iscan et al., 1985; Iscan et al., 1984) were used for age-at-deathdetermination of adult skeletons. Skeletal trauma was analyzedusing forensic anthropological methods, particularly regarding theorigin and type of lesion (Cattaneo, 2007; Lovell, 1997; Maples,1986). Bone fractures were distinguished between pre- and peri-mortem origin using evidence for bone remodeling as the primarycriterion for documenting premortem trauma (Sauer, 1998).Complementary analyses, such as histological and radiographicaltechniques, were not possible as the material was examined in thefield. A precise morphological analysis based on the pattern of thetrauma, and the characteristics and color of the fracture margin wascarried out to distinguish between perimortem trauma and post-mortem breaks: peeling, angle of the fracture margins, fragmentstending to remain attached, concentric and radiating fracture lines,and taphonomic changes (especially staining of the margins) wereused to identify perimortem trauma (cf. Kanz and Grossschmidt,2006; Tung, 2007; Walker, 2001). For all pre- and peri-mortemtraumatic lesions documented, type and mechanism of the injurywere determined, and ultimate cause of the traumatic lesions wasanalyzed. For violence-related traumatic lesions, the location anddescription of injuries were assessed to relate these to specificweapons, taking into account the aforementioned weaponry of the

Fig. 7. Right metatarsals of skeleton BTG-VI/T11A. Note the lateral bowing of thesecond and third metatarsals, and the signs of acute osteomyelitis on the thirdmetatarsal (arrowhead).

Scythian period (Larsen, 1997; Lovell, 1997). Interpretation of themost probable cause and manner of death, based on the assessmentof lethal injuries recorded in the skeletons, was also undertaken(Baraybar and Gasior, 2006; DiMaio and DiMaio, 2001; Pinheiro,2006).

3. Results

The skeletal remains of 10 individuals (Table 1), comprisingseven adult males, one adult female and two children, wererecovered from the Pazyryk tombs. The analysis of these skeletonsrevealed a total of 14 traumatic injuries affecting seven individuals,including the female and one child. Six traumatic injuries (43%),observed in five individuals, had evidence for bone healing(Table 2), so these injuries occurred months or years before thetime of death. Three of these premortem traumatic injuries werelocated on the cranium and the other three on the postcranialskeleton. No evidence of healed traumatic injuries in the long bonesof the extremities was observed. On the other hand, eight injuries(57%), observed in five individuals, were morphologically compat-ible with a perimortem origin (Table 3), and thus may provideevidence on the cause and the manner of death of these individuals.Two individuals showed perimortal cranial lesions and the otherthree exhibited perimortal wounds located on the torso. Only oneindividual had multiple perimortem traumatic injuries.

3.1. Antemortem injuries

Two individuals exhibited shallow cranial defects withremodeled margins. Skeleton BTG-VI/T11B showed two elongate(20 mm long) depressed areas on the middle of frontal bone(Fig. 4), that most likely resulted from previous sharp forcetrauma. Additionally, skeleton BTG-VI/T13 exhibited a healedovoid-shaped (20 mm diameter) depressed area in the middle ofthe right parietal bone (Fig. 5), the morphological features ofwhich suggest a little traumatism with secondary necrosis of theperiosteoum followed by healing (Campillo, 2001). Given that themost common fractures of the cranial vault are caused by directtrauma, cranial injuries observed in these two individuals appear

Fig. 8. Perimortem traumatic injuries on the right parietal in skeleton BTG-VI/T13.

Fig. 9. Perimortal wounds on the cranium of the adult male BTG-VI/T13. (A) puncture traumatic lesion measuring 4 � 4 mm, (B) sharp force trauma 30 mm long, and (C) circulardefect (20 mm diameter) with radiating fracture lines. (D) Location and direction of the bone lesions.

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–1327 1323

to be most likely caused by interpersonal violence (Lovell, 1997).The bone remodeling process of these injuries did not allow us torelate them to specific weapons. However, taking into account theweaponry found in Pazyryk tombs (Fig. 3) and the morphology ofthe cranial wounds, we suggest that a battle-axe may have causedthese injuries.

Three individuals exhibited healed fractures in the postcranialskeleton. Skeleton BTG-VI/T13 displayed an oblique fracture of theleft clavicle at midshaft (Fig. 6), with shortening and a mature callusindicating a minimum time of 6 months since the traumaticepisode. The mechanism of the injury is most likely indirect forcecaused by a fall onto the shoulder or onto an outstretched hand(Lovell, 1997). Skeleton BTG-VI/T11A showed a laterally bowing ofthe right second and third metatarsals at midshaft, which may berelated to a healed fracture with defective consolidation. This latterbone also exhibited signs of acute osteomyelitis (Fig. 7), suggestingan open fracture. The mechanism of this injury could be by directtrauma, caused by a blow, or by indirect trauma due to a combinedangular/rotational force usually associated with a fall. Traumaticinjuries of the foot are most likely caused by accidental trauma(Campillo, 2001; Lovell, 1997). Finally, skeleton BTG-VI/T12 showedmultiple healed fractures of the right 8th–12th ribs. The location ofthe fractures, near the sternal rib ends, suggests direct localizedviolence to the anterior thoracic cage caused by a blow or a fallagainst a hard object (DiMaio and DiMaio, 2001). Rib fractures areusually interpreted as being indicative of interpersonal violence,yet it is recognized that they sometimes result from accidentalinjuries (Lovell, 1997; Tung, 2007).

3.2. Perimortem injuries

Two individuals exhibited perimortal lesions on the cranialvault. Skeleton BTG-VI/T13, a male aged between 35 and 45 yearsold, showed several bone defects of the cranium without signs ofhealing. Three wounds with features suggesting a perimortemorigin were observed in the right parietal (Fig. 8). Near lambda,there was a puncture defect of quadrangular morphology(4 � 4 mm), involving the complete vault thickness, with theinternal hole having a smaller diameter than the external hole(Fig. 9A). The latter showed a peeling at the lateral edge. Thesefeatures suggest that the defect was caused by a pointed objectwhich has entered tangentially in a posterior–anterior direction,descending from left to right. Near the external protuberance therewas also a sharp tangential injury, 30 mm long, with beveled edgesthat are deeper in the posterior aspect (Fig. 9B). These featuresallow us to suggest a sharp force trauma in an anterior–posteriordirection from right to left. Finally, the frontal and parietal bones ofthe cranium of this male displayed an area of several fractures withbone loss, many of them corresponding to postmortem injuries.However, after reconstruction of the fractured fragments, it waspossible to identify a clearly defined circular entrance defect(20 mm diameter) with beveled edges on the intersection betweenthe coronal suture and temporal line, from where some of thefractures radiate (Fig. 9C). This evidence leads us to suggesta punctured sharp force traumatic injury running from right to left,indicating that the blow was delivered from the right side. Takinginto account the morphological features of these three perimortal

Fig. 10. Cut marks at the cranium of skeleton BTG-VI/T13. (A) frontal, (B) mastoidregion, and (C) occipital.

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–13271324

injuries on the cranium of individual BTG-VI/T13, we suggest thatthese traumatic lesions could be compatible with the action of thepointed battle-axe typical of the Scythian period (Fig. 3A).

The cranium of this individual also displayed shallow incisionscaused by an edged instrument. The incised marks were multiple,repetitive and of varying length, and encircled the cranium vault(Fig. 10). The most evident and longest were observed crossing thefrontal bone, over the superciliary ridges, and the occipital bone,below the nuchal crest. Multiple thin short cutmarks were also

present on the temporal line and in the mastoid region. The loca-tion and morphological features of the cutmarks suggest that theymight be related to practices consistent with scalping at orfollowing death (Murphy et al., 2002).

The skull of the skeleton TSK/T2A, a 40–50 year old male,showed a bone defect involving the complete thickness of the vaultin the middle of the frontal bone with a Y-shaped morphology andwith a peeling at the rear edge (Fig. 11). The characteristic shape ofthe defect reproduces the transverse section of the Scythian trilo-bate arrowhead (Fig. 3C). The fragment lost at the rear edge of thedefect suggests that the impact of the arrowhead was in an anteriorto posterior and downward direction not completely perpendicular,with the trajectory relatively oblique with respect to the frontalbone. We suggest that the clinical consequence of this cranialwound, similar to the cranial injury affecting individual BTG-VI/T13,was a fatal neurological injury probably related with their death.

Concerning perimortal wounds located on the torso, one indi-vidual displayed a perimortem injury in the thoracic cage, and twoindividuals exhibited perimortem injuries in the pelvic cavity,specifically of the ventral aspect of the sacrum. Skeleton BTG-VI/T10B, a female between 25 and 30 years old, exhibited twoV-shaped cut marks at the angle of two contiguous right ribs,involving the inferior aspect of the eighth and the superior aspect ofthe ninth rib, just below it (Fig. 12). This injury is indicative of theaction of a sharp double-edged weapon that could be compatiblewith the Scythian dagger (Fig. 3B). The analysis of the compressedarea of the edges of both V-shaped cuts allows us to suggest thatthe sharp force penetrated the thorax in an ascending dorso-ventral direction from left to right. We suggest that the clinicalconsequence of this injury would be related with fatal lungcompromise, caused by hemopneumothorax.

Skeleton BTG-VI/T12, an elderly male, showed a sharp forcetraumatic defect, 10 cm long and 1 cm wide, crossing the anteriorface of the sacrum with an oblique disposition between the loweredge of the left sacroiliac joint and the middle of the right sacroiliacjoint (Fig. 13). The lower edge of the sacroiliac joint of the left iliumwas also affected. According with this evidence, we suggest that theentrance of the injury was through the left greater sciatic notch ofthe pelvis, in an ascending direction from left to right. Finally, theskeleton TSK/T2B, an 8–9-year old child buried with the skeletonTSK/T2A, showed a stab wound on the left lateral anterior side ofthe first sacral vertebra (Fig. 14). The injury was 15 mm long andwas at an oblique angle to the sagittal plane. The defect was mostlikely caused by a sharp force puncture in a ventro-dorsal direction,descending from left to right. Pelvic injuries exhibited by individ-uals BTG-VI/T12 and TSK/T2B would involve vascular iliac struc-tures besides pelvic viscera causing fatal hypovolemic shock. Thesedeadly injuries could be compatible with the action of the Scythiandagger (Fig. 3B).

4. Discussion

Investigation of injury morbidity and mortality facilitatesassessment of environmental, cultural, and social influences onbehavior. Osteological remains provide a highly useful index forassessing accidents and violence in a wide variety of circumstances.Accidental injuries generally reflect the hazards of day-to-dayliving, while violence-related wounds, when human intentionalityis involved, are clear testimony to conflicts between once-livingindividuals. Generally, most instances of trauma are due to dailyactivity rather than interpersonal violence or unusual events(Buzon and Richman, 2007; Larsen, 1997; Lovell, 1997; Walker,2001).

This paper presents the evidence of acute trauma provided bythe skeletal remains of 10 individuals unearthed from Pazyryk

Fig. 11. Penetrating traumatic lesion (15 � 11 mm) located at the middle of the frontal bone in the adult male TSK/T2A. (A) location, (B) detail of the injury, note the peeling, and (C)projectile direction.

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–1327 1325

tumuli in the Mongolian Altai. Of the 14 traumatic injuries docu-mented, 12 injuries (86%) involving six individuals were mostlikely caused by interpersonal violence. Furthermore, five indi-viduals (50%), including the female and one child, had evidenceindicating violent death. The location and patterning of the deadlyinjuries allows us to hypothesize that they were due not toexecution or sacrifice, but those received in the course of a violentconfrontation (cf. Lovell, 1997). Despite of the limitations imposedby the absence of soft tissues, the lack of signs of fighting anddefense, such as perimortem trauma to the bones of the extrem-ities (Larsen, 1997), allow us to suggest that these violentencounters might occur suddenly and with extreme violence.

Fig. 12. Cut marks on right ribs produced by a sharp double-edged weapon in the skeletonand direction from which the blow was delivered.

Furthermore, the location and distribution of the violent woundson the body of these individuals appear to originate from alldirections, indicating that fighting took place in a fashion thatresulted in a randomly dispersed injury pattern. According toseveral authors (Chagnon, 1992; Larsen, 1997; Milner, 1999; Paineet al., 2007; Steadman, 2008; Tung, 2007; Webb, 1995) skeletaltrauma that is randomly distributed may suggest conflicts relatedto the defense of communal property or ambush or surpriseattacks, and not as a result of routinized or ritualized violence.Victims of attacks in these groups can include individuals of allages and both sexes. The latter is also in agreement with theevidence of violence provided by our Pazyryk sample.

of the young female BTG-VI/T10B. (A) anterior side, (B) posterior side, and (C) location

Fig. 13. (A) sharp force traumatic lesion across the ventral surface of the sacrum in theskeleton BTG-VI/T12 and (B) direction of the weapon blow.

Fig. 14. Cut mark on the left lateral anterior side of the first sacral vertebra in the child TSwhich the blow was delivered.

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–13271326

On the other hand, shallow cutmarks observed in thecranium of the skeleton BTG-VI/T13 provide evidence of ritualpractices such as scalping. This practice has been carried out inthe past among various cultures all over the world (Lambert,2002; Larsen, 2002; Steadman, 2008), usually in order toretrieve human trophies as indicators of success and bravery inwarfare. Nevertheless, it also has been described for therapeuticor magico-religious reasons (Campillo, 2001; Larsen, 1997;Murphy et al., 2002). The simultaneous presence of deadlyinjuries and cutmarks in the skull of this adult male suggest thathe was scalped in the aftermath of an incident of combat. Thispractice was described in Scythians by Herodotus in the fifthcentury BC.

Evidence of other cases of violent trauma and practices inneighboring communities has been identified (Murphy et al., 2002;Murphy, 2003; Rudenko, 1970), providing important evidence forviolent confrontations between tribal groups in Iron Age Altai, mostlikely during competition for resources and territory (Zvelebil,1980).

5. Conclusions

Violence-related injuries in ancient human skeletal remainsare a direct source of evidence for testing hypotheses of warfareand violence that are not subject to the interpretative difficul-ties posed by historical records and ethnographic reports(Walker, 2001). Despite the small number of Pazyryk skeletonsanalyzed, the results reported in this paper provide importantevidence for warfare and violence among the Iron Agecommunities from the Altai, and contribute to the verification ofsome of the descriptions of these people written by Herodotusin the fifth century BC. Furthermore, our findings contributenew osteological data to the few previous anthropologicaltreatments of Scythian people in western literature (Murphyet al., 2002; Murphy, 2003; Rudenko, 1970; Wentz and deGrummond, 2008).

Acknowledgements

The archaeological mission was financed by an INTERREGEuropean Project, ref.: 13A-10-319-E. Xavier Jordana has a post-doctoral grant from Fundaçao para a Ciencia e a Tecnologia (FCT),Portugal, grant number SFRH/BPD/26683/2006. The authors wouldlike to thank everyone working in the archaeological mission in theMongolian Altai during 2006–2007. The authors are grateful to theanonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions on themanuscript.

K/T2A. (A) location of the cut mark, (B) detail of the defect, and (C) the direction from

X. Jordana et al. / Journal of Archaeological Science 36 (2009) 1319–1327 1327

References

Baraybar, J.P., Gasior, M., 2006. Forensic anthropology and the most probable causeof death in cases of violations against international humanitarian law: anexample from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Journal of Forensic Science 51, 103–108.

Brooks, S.T., Suchey, J.M., 1990. Skeletal age determination based on the os pubis:A comparison of the Acsadi-Nemeskeri and Suchey-Brooks methods. HumanEvolution 5, 227–238.

Buikstra, J., Ubelaker, D., 1994. Standards for Data Collection from Human SkeletalRemains. Arkansas Archaeological Survey Research Series, 44, Fayetteville.

Buzon, M.R., Richman, R., 2007. Traumatic injuries and imperialism: the effects ofEgyptian colonial strategies at tombos in upper Nubia. American Journal ofPhysical Anthropology 133, 783–791.

Campillo, D., 2001. Introduccion a la Paleopatologıa. Edicions Bellaterra SL,Barcelona.

Cattaneo, C., 2007. Forensic anthropology: developments of a classical discipline inthe new millennium. Forensic Science International 165, 185–193.

Chagnon, N.A., 1992. Yanomamo. Holt, Reinhart & Winston, New York.Clisson, I., Keyser, C., Francfort, H.P., Crubezy, E., Samashev, Z., Ludes, B., 2002.

Genetic analysis of human remains from a double inhumation in a frozenkurgan in Kazakhstan (Berel site, early 3rd century BC). International Journal ofLegal Medicine 116, 304–308.

Crubezy, E., Magnaval, J.F., Francfort, H.P., Ludes, B., Larrouy, G., 2006. Herodotus, theScythes and hookworm infection. Lancet 367 1520–1520.

DiMaio, V., DiMaio, D., 2001. Forensic Pathology, second ed. CRC Press, Boca Raton,FL.

Francfort, H.P., Ligabue, G., Samashev, Z., 2000. La Fouille d’un Kourgane Scythe Geledu IVe Siecle av. Notre Ere a Berel dans l’Altaı (Kazakhstan). Academie desInscriptions et Belles Lettres, Paris. 775–806.

Gilbert, B.M., McKern, T.W., 1973. Method for aging female os-pubis. AmericanJournal of Physical Anthropology 38 (1), 31–38.

Iscan, M.Y., Loth, S.R., Scheuerman, E.H., 1985. Determination of age from the sternalrib in white females: a test of the phase method. Journal of Forensic Sciences 31,990–999.

Iscan, M.Y., Loth, S.R., Wright, R.K., 1984. Metamorphosis at the sternal rib end –a new method to estimate age at death in white males. American Journal ofPhysical Anthropology 65 (2), 147–156.

Jordana, X., Giscard, P.H., Turbat, T., Batsukh, D., Malgosal, A., 2007. Violence anddeath in Mongol Altai mountains during the Iron Age. American Journal ofPhysical Anthropology Suppl. 44, 138–139.

Kanz, F., Grossschmidt, K., 2006. Head injuries of roman gladiators. Forensic ScienceInternational 160, 207–216.

Katz, D., Suchey, J.M., 1986. Age-determination of the male os pubis. AmericanJournal of Physical Anthropology 69 (4), 427–435.

Lambert, P.M., 2002. The archaeology of war: a North American perspective. Journalof Archaeological Research 10, 207–241.

Larsen, C.S., 1997. Bioarchaeology. Interpreting Behaviour from the Human Skeleton.Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Larsen, C.S., 2002. Bioarchaeology: the lives and lifestyles of past people. Journal ofArchaeological Research 10, 119–166.

Lovejoy, C.O., Meindl, R.S., Pryzbeck, T.R., Mensforth, R.P., 1985. Chronologicalmetamorphosis of the auricular surface of the ilium – a new method for thedetermination of adult skeletal age at death. American Journal of PhysicalAnthropology 68 (1), 15–28.

Lovell, N.C., 1997. Trauma analysis in paleopathology. Yearbook of PhysicalAnthropology 40, 139–170.

Mallory, J.P., 1989. Search of the Indo-Europeans. Thames and Hudson, London.

Maples, W.R., 1986. Trauma analysis by the forensic anthropologist. In: Reichs, K.J.(Ed.), Forensic Osteology: Advances in the Identification of Human Remains.Charles C Thomas, Springfield, IL, pp. 218–228.

Milner, G.R., 1999. Warfare in prehistoric and early historic eastern North America.Journal of Archaeological Research 7, 105–151.

Murphy, E., Gokhman, I., Chistov, Y., Barkova, L., 2002. Prehistoric Old Worldscalping: new cases from the cemetery of Aymyrlyg, south Siberia. AmericanJournal of Archaeology 106, 1–10.

Murphy, E.M., 2003. Trepanations and perforated crania from Iron Age southSiberia: an exercise in differential diagnosis. In: Arnott, R., Finger, S.,Smith, C.U.M. (Eds.), Trepanation: History, Discovery, Theory. Swets and Zeit-linger BV, Lisse, pp. 209–221.

Murphy, E.M., Mallory, J.P., 2000. Herodotus and the cannibals. Antiquity 74, 388–394.

Novak, S., 2000. Battle-related trauma. In: Fiorato, V., Boylston, A., Knusel, C.J. (Eds.),Blood Red Roses: The Archaeology of a Mass Grave from Towton, AD 1461.Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 90–102.

Paine, R.R., Mancinelli, D., Ruggieri, M., Coppa, A., 2007. Cranial trauma in Iron AgeSamnite agriculturists, Alfedena, Italy: implications for biocultural andeconomic stress. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 132, 48–58.

Pinheiro, J., 2006. Introduction to forensic medicine and pathology. In: Schmitt, A.,Cunha, E., Pinheiro, J. (Eds.), Forensic Anthropology and Medicine. Comple-mentary Sciences from Recovery to Cause of Death. Humana Press, Totowa, NJ,pp. 13–37.

Ricaut, F.X., Keyser-Tracqui, C., Cammaert, L., Crubezy, E., Ludes, B., 2004. Geneticanalysis and ethnic affinities from two Scytho-Siberian skeletons. AmericanJournal of Physical Anthropology 123, 351–360.

Rudenko, S.I., 1970. Frozen Tombs of Siberia: The Pazyryk Burials of Iron AgeHorsemen. J.M. Dent & Sons, London.

Sauer, N.J., 1998. The Timing of injuries and manner of death: distinguishing amongantemortem, perimortem and postmortem trauma. In: Reichs, K.J. (Ed.),Forensic Osteology. Advances in the Identification of Human Remains. Charles CThomas, Springfield, IL, pp. 321–332.

Steadman, D.W., 2008. Warfare related trauma at Orendorf, a Middle Mississippiansite in west-central Illinois. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 136,51–64.

Todd, T.W., 1920. Age changes in the pubic bone: I. The white male pubis. AmericanJournal of Physical Anthropology 3, 467–470.

Tung, T.A., 2007. Trauma and violence in the Wari empire of the Peruvian Andes:warfare, raids, and ritual fights. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 133,941–956.

Turbat, T., Giscard, P.H., Batsukh, D., 2005. Pazyryk culture of Mongolia. MongolianJournal of Anthropology, Archaeology and Ethnology 2, 209–210.

Ubelaker, D.H., 1989. Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis, Interpretation.Washington Taraxacum, Washington, DC.

Van Noten, F., Polosmak, N., 1995. The frozen tombs of the Scythians. Endeavour 19,76–82.

Walker, P.L., 2001. A bioarchaeological perspective on the history of violence.Annual Review of Anthropology 30, 573–596.

Webb, S.,1995. Palaeopathology of Aboriginal Australians: Health and Disease Acrossa Hunter–Gatherer Continent. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK.

Wentz, R.K., de Grummond, N.T., 2008. Life on horseback: palaeopathology of twoScythian skeletons from Alexandropol, Ukraine. International Journal ofOsteoarchaeology (published online in Wiley InterScience).

Zvelebil, M., 1980. The rise of the nomads in central Asia. In: Sherratt, A. (Ed.), TheCambridge Encyclopedia of Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, NewYork, pp. 252–256.