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JOSEPH McCARTHY AND THE STATE OF WISCONSIN: THE MAN, THE MONSTER

By Dylan M. Baxter, A.S.

History 200

Dr. Macias-Gonzalez

05/14/14

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Joseph McCarthy and the State of Wisconsin: The Man, the Monster

During the Second Red Scare (1947-1954) there arose many self-proclaimed liberal and

conservative champions to fight against communism in Wisconsin, but the most notable political

figure was Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (14 Nov, 1908 – 2 May, 1957). McCarthy was, in every

sense, a “career politician,” whose fiery redbaiting ultimately resulted in political suicide, and

creation of the term ‘McCarthyism.’ McCarthy’s impact in Wisconsin has not received as much

attention as his national position has – a position that greatly influenced the citizen voters that

kept him in office. The interpersonal politics of Joseph McCarthy’s life and relationships in

Wisconsin influenced his rise and fall, whereby connections and associations were made and

destroyed throughout his crusade. Furthermore, private correspondence eventually found its way

to the public realm, where it revealed the true intentions behind his campaigns in Wisconsin. He

did, in fact, help snub many communists in the U.S. government, but he ultimately caused more

damage to the United States’ image than he did to protect it.

The early 1950s proved to be a challenging and terrifying time for all citizens, as they all

became increasingly suspicious of one another – spawning from McCarthy’s brutal

determination for purging and exposing those who did not fit into his idea of a perfect America.

As if the threat of nuclear war wasn’t enough, people would gather in sunny backyard BBQs and

gossip their suspicions about their neighbors – ‘they’ might be a commie, the people would say

in low breath. ‘They’ are in a union, after all. These targets of McCarthyism were not just

Communists, but also included those who did not agree with his platform or agenda, Communist

sympathizers, homosexuals, and organized labor.

Ellen Schrecker, the author of Many Are the Crimes, leading researcher of McCarthyism,

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has studied Joseph McCarthy for over 20 years, and has received considerable academic praise

for her findings. John Kenneth Galbraith, of Harvard University, defines Schrecker’s work as

“well written, carefully researched, and excellent.”1 Schrecker invested the majority of her career

investigating McCarthy’s life, and what factors motivated his career. She argues that McCarthy’s

influence reached out further than just politics, and provoked redbaiting within the suburbs of

American life. One instance in particular, Schrecker remembers, was when her 6th grade teacher

was taken out of her classroom – caught in the hunt for Communists. This redbaiting ended

friendships, families, and in some cases, lives. Schrecker also inferred that McCarthy’s actions

weren’t the singular force that drove McCarthyism. Rather, it was a collaboration between the

government, the media, and the people themselves.

Through his Irish wit, and charming demeanor, Joe R. McCarthy of Appleton, won a

senatorial seat in the state of Wisconsin in 1946.2 He ran an aggressive campaign that shook the

state to its core. McCarthy played dirty against his Republican counterpart, Robert La Follette,

son of “Fighting Bob” La Follette, making wild claims about La Follette’s connections to

communist cohorts and Socialist Party ties. In essence, McCarthy undermined La Follette’s

entire political platform in order to gain leverage in the media. In a letter to Frank Edwards, a

close associate of William Evjue, who was the founder of The Capital Times and close friend of

Robert La Follette, discussed the debate between Joe McCarthy and La Follette’s brother, Phil.

He states, “[McCarthy] said he never had anything against Fighting Bob La Follette, and that his

only reason for running for [the] U.S. senate in 1946 was that he saw a U.S. senatorship ready for

1 John Kenneth Galbraith. “Many Are the Crimes,” review of Many Are the Crimes, by Ellen Schrecker, Princeton University Press, April 17, 2014, In Review, http://press.princeton.edu/titles/6698.html.

2 Fredricks, Gunderson. Oral History Interview Catalogue Worksheet Transcription, Wisconsin State Historical Society Collection, 239

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plucking and he seized the opportunity.”3

This might suggest that McCarthy’s initial intention of ‘purification and renewal of

patriotism’ was indeed not the foundation for his desire to run. More or less, McCarthy saw an

opportunity for a powerful position from which to begin his true campaign. Evjue added,

“McCarthy is very sensitive about the charges that are being made that the Wisconsin

Communists [initially] supported him…after the debate, Phil said McCarthy told him, ‘sure, the

Communists supported me.’’’4 With this rather damning evidence, Joe McCarthy evidently knew

that the people he sought to destroy helped him into office in the first place. Indeed he diverted

to unimaginable feats to gain an upper hand on his rival. But his agenda, by his own standards,

was too important to be stopped by one man, or any length of political hypocrisy. McCarthy’s

extremism began long before he took his seat in the senate – it all began in his years at his alma

mater; Marquette University. It was at Marquette where he earned his law degree, and he shortly

thereafter became a circuit judge.5 In his practice, McCarthy developed his sense of justice, and

sought to broaden his ideology to a national level – and thus began his campaign against Robert

La Follette. Bob La Follett was a well-liked candidate, and was almost a sure winner for the

1946 senate seat.

This feeling of safety was soon put to rest once McCarthy began campaigning across

Wisconsin, announcing that his mission was that of one by-and-for the people of the United

States – to purge the Communists, their sympathizers, socialists, and, to a lesser degree,

homosexuals from office.6 Indeed, by these self-righteous claims of patriotic cleansing, he won

3 File A. Wisconsin Correspondence Folder, Evjue to Edwards, Box #8. Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

4 Correspondence Folder, Evjue to Edwards, Box #8.5 Editorial, There Has Never Been An Official Investigation of McCarthy Which Did Not Condemn His

Conduct, The Capital Times, October 4, 19546 Roger McDaniel, Dying for McCarthy’s Sins (Wordsworth Prublishing, 2013) 327

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over the hearts of many conservative Wisconsinites, and began to take a lead over La Follette.

Because of McCarthy’s campaign, La Follette dug deeper into his opponent’s past. One major

advantage McCarthy used against La Follette during this campaign, was his time in the United

States Marine Corps during The Second World War. Often there would be photos of him in

fighter planes, donning a full aviator pilot uniform. This image of heroism won him much

support from veterans in Wisconsin, and recognized as problematic by his opponent.

One piece of correspondence between La Follette and William Evjue greatly details the

lengths at which La Follette was willing to go to tear down the growing beast McCarthy was

becoming. Evjue writes, “if McCarthy’s real role in the Pacific [as a fraud] could be exposed, I

think it would do much to deflate him.”7 Shortly thereafter, a private investigation underwent by

Jack Canaan, a captain in the United States Marine Corps Records. It was determined that in fact

McCarthy never saw combat, and as Canaan says, “most of his time was playing poker with his

fellow officers.”8 The findings of this investigation were never made public, as they became

irrelevant in La Follette’s platform. Additionally, many supporters of La Follette did their own

background work on McCarthy, including Thomas Duncan, a three-term serving Socialist

Wisconsin state assemblyman, and close advisee to La Follette, whose friendship began while La

Follette was working with the Progressives. Duncan’s distaste for McCarthy’s exaggerated

patriotism ran deep, and he worked closely to assist La Follette. Duncan received one piece of

correspondence from George Haberman, the president of the Wisconsin State Federation of

Labor, which read, “thank you very kindly for submitting to us the voting record of Senator

McCarthy. We will use [this] to good advantage here in Wisconsin…we shall continue to work

7 File A. Wisconsin Correspondence Folder, Evjue to La Follette, Box #8. Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

8 File A. Wisconsin Correspondence Folder, Evjue to Canaan, Box #8. Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

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toward that end with the full hope in mind that we will get sufficient pressure exerted in order to

convince [McCarthy] he should change his mind and get out of this campaign.”9

Behind the scenes, it appeared that there was quite the momentous assembly of effort to

prevent McCarthy from reaching the senate. La Follette ran a fair race against Joe McCarthy, but

ultimately lost by a narrow margin. This victory prompted the beginnings of McCarthy’s witch

hunting, which sadly led to the suicide of Robert La Follette, by a self-inflicted gunshot wound.

Many speculate this was done in fear of McCarthy’s investigations, which was later confirmed

by a testimony from John Lautner during McCarthy’s Permanent Subcommittee on

Investigations, explaining that Communists did indeed serve on La Follette’s subcommittee. This

is a true testament of the monstrous movement McCarthy began, and only marked the beginning.

In his early years as senator, Joe McCarthy was a reputable figure in Wisconsin, and the

United States.10 In an open letter to his fellow citizens, he writes, “stand with me and fight to

save our country from its enemies who seek to conquer us from within. We are winning this

fight!”11 On face value, he claimed to be a champion of the people, saving them all from

Communism, but there was a very direct underlying agenda that slowly made its way to the

surface in the years to come. Once McCarthy was in office, he was nominated the chair of the

Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, which allowed him an essentially endless

opportunity to prosecute and investigate indiscriminately. He began to form a hit list, so-to-

speak, of names he believed to be working in the government that were either Communists or

Communist sympathizers. Once this investigation began, it was thorough, rigorous, and

9 File A. Wisconsin Correspondence Folder, Haberman to Duncan, Box #8. Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

10 File A. Wisconsin Correspondence Folder, Votes Cast For Candidates for State Offices, United States Senate and Representatives In Congress. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

11 File A. Wisconsin Miscellaneous Folder, McCarthy to Fellow Citizens, Box #8. Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

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aggressive – and heads started to turn. One comment made by Jack Anderson and Ronald May in

their book, McCarthy: The Man, The Senator, The Ism, (1952) makes light of the witch-hunt by

saying, “if Houdini were suspected a Communist, he could not get near a sensitive government

payroll today. In short, Communism’s infiltration of Government is no longer a worry.” 12

McCarthy used national television as another instrument of power to portray his ideology

to the country, which ironically came at a cost to his image. Thomas Doherty, a cultural historian

and author of media-influenced politics, writes in his monograph, Cold War, Cool Medium:

Television, McCarthyism, and American Culture, (2005) McCarthy’s “hot personality melted

under the glare of television.”13 Doherty claims that television brought its own unique

perspective to the senator, and essentially put him on the spot for the whole world to see. He

furthers his argument in mentioning McCarthy’s lack of televised interviews, where McCarthy

could not rehearse his answers. It took the edge off his message, which evidentially shrunk his

desire to do further live television broadcasts after this was realized. All-the-while this was

occurring in Washington, his home state of Wisconsin was having mixed feelings towards his

sentiments and actions. Communists in Wisconsin supported McCarthy early in his campaign

back in 1946. After exclaiming public dedication to a staunch anti-Communist platform, his

former Red voting base now had to jump-ship, similar to Jews who remained on-board with the

Hitlarian Germany until Kristallnacht. The first chapter in Schrecker’s, Many Are the Crimes,

titles itself justly, as it reverberates the feelings of betrayal felt by the Communist voters of

Wisconsin. It reads, “we were sitting ducks.”

During his years in office, McCarthy’s political tendrils began to weaken in his home

12 Jack Anderson and Ronald W. May. McCarthy: The Man, The Senator, The Ism. Boston, MA: Beacon Press 1953. pg. 144

13 Thomas Doherty, Cold War, Cool Medium: Television, McCarthyism, and American Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), pg. 94

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state, wherein the citizens began to discover McCarthy’s personal and private indiscretions. As

he had betrayed a good sum of his former constituents, many Wisconsinites began to plot against

McCarthy. Investigations went underway, uncovering his involvement as a circuit judge, and his

violations of judicial ethics. One case in particular would be the Wisconsin Supreme Court’s

legal action against McCarthy. The Wisconsin Supreme Court took a firm stance against the

senator, and disciplined him publically. The Board of Bar Commissioners stated, “[Joseph

McCarthy] chose to defy the rules of ethical conduct prescribed by the Constitution, the laws of

the State of Wisconsin and the members of the profession in order to attain a selfish personal

advantage.”14 With this in mind, Wisconsinites had not forgotten his wrong doings once he

gained ground in the U.S. government – especially those who were Socialist and Communist.

It is very important to understand where McCarthy’s loyalties lay. There came a situation

in which farm prices were being negotiated in an attempt to regulate and bolster the income of

farms in Wisconsin. This caught national media attention, and forced the spotlight on the senator

once again. He assured the state that, “farm prices must be put back where they were when those

prices started to toboggan two years ago.”15 Sounding confident, this initial half of his statement

acknowledges his intention to better the farmers, and the economy of Wisconsin. This became

speculation, as later he states, “as well as the constructive things like restoring farm prices, we

must show just what the opposition stands for. That means the Communist issue. The country

must be educated to what the Truman administration’s handlings of Communists in the

Government has cost…in lives and dollars.”16 Selfishly, McCarthy side-steps an opportunity to

gain momentum and credibility with his own constituents. Clearly, the senator wanted to use this

14 Editorial, There Has Never Been An Official Investigation of McCarthy Which Did Not Condemn His Conduct, The Capital Times, October 4, 1954

15 Edwin R. Bayley, “Farmers Again Want Change, They Indicate,” Milwaukee Journal, September 30, 1963

16 Edwin R. Bayley,

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media time to redirect attention to his political agenda, as he was obviously not concerned with

the economic state, or wellbeing of Wisconsin farmers. The symbolism behind McCarthy’s

evasion set off a flurry of disgust as well as support for the senator. One man in support of

McCarthy, Gerald Smith of Elkhorn Wisconsin, began a movement to help keep the senator in

office. He praised McCarthy, and was quoted as saying, “[we] need 49 more like him in the

senate.”17 Smith created a strategy board where he formed a team to disperse nomination papers

throughout Wisconsin, and 21 other states. Ironically, Smith himself recognized that his support

could hurt McCarthy’s election chances, given that Smith was an outward racist, anti-Semite,

and homophobe. It is important to note that, shortly after beginning his board, Smith withdrew

public support of McCarthy, and focused more on the election of Gen. MacArthur for the

November elections in 1952.

In contrast to the backing McCarthy received during his terms, there was a large force of

opposition that desired the remove him from office. McCarthy had, in fact, challenged a great

proportion of Wisconsin by accusing Socialists and Communists for economic, and military

shortcomings. One of the greatest enemies McCarthy made in acting against organized labor was

Thomas Duncan. Educated at Yale, he proved to be a pivotal cog in the machine to smear

McCarthy’s campaign from the inside. His presence was felt the most in the Milwaukee area,

where the highest concentration of McCarthy’s “undesirables” lived,18 which included

Communists, Socialists, organized labor unionists, and homosexuals. Duncan evaluated the

potential within the region, wherein he began to make powerful connections to officials in these

affiliations. One official in particular was George Haberman, president of Wisconsin’s American

Federation of Labor, who quickly sided with Duncan in his efforts to dismantle the McCarthy

17 John Hunter. Smith Charges Jews Picked Nominees. The Capital Times, July 28, 1952.18 Environmental Systems Research Institute , Wisconsin Politics,

http://smartblogs.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/Wisconsin-Politics.jpg

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platform. Haberman upheld his support for the more liberal leaders of Wisconsin, such as Rep.

Lester Johnson of Black River Falls, whom outwardly despised McCarthy’s dismissive behavior

and self-serving indignation. As a result of the ground that was being gained in opposition to the

senator, McCarthy began making routine visits from D.C. to Wisconsin to attempt to reestablish

support from his base. One visit in particular was to La Crosse.

“Joe Everyman” was a persona McCarthy often deployed, especially during his visits

home. This was ironic, given that he sought to destroy organized labor, socialist ideology, and

anyone whose patriotism was in question, McCarthy portrayed himself as everyone’s friend –

someone you could sit down and talk to. The senator made a particular trip to La Crosse,

Wisconsin, where he met with several of the locals, and made bold promises to reassure his

fellow Wisconsinites of his cause, and outwardly spoke of his desire to shrink local labor unions.

While leaving the courthouse in La Crosse, he was quoted as saying, “union activities will have

to be curtailed!”19 Amusingly enough, he appeared in overalls while visiting small factory towns

on his tours across the state. Notably, one resident of La Crosse, Carroll Gunderson, the former

president of the local League of Women Voters, met with the senator during his initial visit.

Evidently, he was not thrilled to be in La Crosse, and offered very little to those around him he

knew did not support his platform, or did not vote for him. Carroll remembered, “he avoided

questions if he could possibly avoid them, and he avoided going in with anyone except the

people who had picked him. He did not like The League because [we] wanted to ask too many

questions about what he was doing, and why he was doing it.”20 Later in his La Crosse

interviews, McCarthy began to recite his anti-Communist rhetoric at fund raising parties, and in

19 Ted Morgan, “Judge Joe, How the youngest judge in Wisconsin's history became the country's most notorious senator.” Legal Affiars (2003): vol.1, issue 1

20 Fredricks, Gunderson Interview

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public, having it fall on many unwilling ears. “We objected his Communist thing when he went

flying around calling everyone Communists,” states Gunderson, “this was perfectly ridiculous.

He was a national figure, so The Leagues all over the [state] were annoyed with him.”21 The

residents of La Crosse were not immune to the subjugation of McCarthy’s “watch your

neighbor” policy. Gunderson explains, “anyone who says anything, even at a party here in La

Crosse, would go on to say, ‘of course you know what I mean’ as though you were just on the

edge and did not want to be misunderstood. You were not red, here.”22

With his anti-labor, anti-Liberal ideology, the hearts and minds of La Crosse citizens

were not behind McCarthy. Ellen Schrecker, writes in, Many Are the Crimes, that senator

McCarthy seemed disconnected from the public, and that by intimidating the left and foreclosing

the political development of a generation of activists, McCarthyism contributed to a narrowing of

the possibilities for a more democratic life in a modern capitalist state.23 Schrecker also argues

that his tactics, by-and-large, caused incredible anxiety – cutting deep into the American psyche.

No one could not be red, indeed.

In contrast, there were those who sided with McCarthy and his ideology. The wealthy, in

particular, favored his platform, but it appears they did more so behind closed doors. Later on

during Carroll Gunderson’s interview, Fredricks asks, “what was the elite’s in La Crosse’s

feelings about McCarthy during the height of his career?” Gunderson sharply replied, “I know a

lot of things that I am not going to put [on the record].24 This provides clear evidence that those

who sustained their belief in McCarthyism wished not to be known, even decades later. His visit

to La Crosse, ultimately ended in failure. With the majority of the city’s residents politically

21 Fredricks, Gunderson Interview22 Fredricks, Gunderson. Oral History Interview Catalogue Worksheet Transcription, Wisconsin State

Historical Society Collection, 24323 Ellen Schrecker, Many Are the Crimes (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998), 10324 Fredricks, Gunderson. Oral History Interview Catalogue Worksheet Transcription, 246

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against him, he never returned. This was fairly commonplace for McCarthy as he toured the

state, finding the majority of his support from the northern and south eastern portions of

Wisconsin, where higher concentrations of conservatism and wealth were found.

Beginning with the US Army hearings of 1954, the fall of Joseph McCarthy came

swiftly. Amidst the blunders, false allegations, and failed prosecutions, McCarthy’s political

career, and life, came to an abrupt end. Having rallied his subcommittee, McCarthy began his

prosecution of several heads of office in the U.S. government and military, bringing with him file

bins of his alleged proof of Communist affiliations regarding to the defendants. These hearings

began in April and lasted until June, where McCarthy had his infamous conversation with Joseph

Welch, where Welch said to McCarthy, “you have done enough. Have you no sense of

decency?"25 Overnight, his influence evaporated, and the trial ceased to be. Realizing that his end

had come, McCarthy did not run for reelection, and bowed out from the national spotlight just as

he had entered it – boorishly. The senator returned to Appleton, Wisconsin, where he was met

with little sympathy or support. In his final years of life, Joe McCarthy made his final travels

across the state. In late 1954, he was hospitalized for an infection at Bethesda Health Hospital,

which began a snowball of bad health for years until his death.26 In so many words, McCarthy

got his just-deserts in the end, having psychologically damaged America’s trust, destroyed the

Liberal left, and enforced an aggressive anti-Communism, big labor, and Socialist movement,

many Americans were happy to see him go. His own home state of Wisconsin held no vigils or

memorials for the senator; rather, he was simply given his plot in the ground in Appleton, and

25 Thomas Doherty, Cold War, Cool Medium: Television, McCarthyism, and American Culture (New

York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 20526 File A. La Crosse – Biographies, Joseph McCarthy. Joe’s Declining Health Noted In Recent Visits to

State, Box #8. Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

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left in peace.27

The vibrations of McCarthyism can be felt to this day, especially in light of recent

conflicts with North Korea and Russia, the fear of the “Red” is still real, and used as a weapon

by politicians as fear mongering to bolster their own agenda. McCarthy was certainly a radical,

with the belief that he was to purge the nation of Communist threats inside and out. This zealotry

eventually turned against him, and he had forgotten about the people that helped put him in

office in the first place – Wisconsinites: conservatives, liberals, communists, socialists,

heterosexuals and homosexuals alike voted for McCarthy at one point or another, and he

selfishly cast them aside – a mistake that would come with grave consequences, and bring about

the end of his career. The descent of McCarthy’s life, and his political ideology, can be best

expressed in the book of Genesis. “So Joseph dreamed a dream, and he told it to this brethren;

and they hated him all the more for it.”28 Joe McCarthy’s vision began as a movement in

Wisconsin, concluded in national human wreckage, and the coining of the term, “McCarthyism.”

27 File A. La Crosse – Biographies, Joseph McCarthy. Anniversary of His Death, Box #8. Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin State Historical Society.

28 Genesis 37:5

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B I B L I O G R A P H Y

Primary Sources

Archival Sources

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. La Crosse Biographies. Anniversary of His

Death, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin – Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Correspondence. Evjue to

Canaan, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin - Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Correspondence. Evjue to

Duncan, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin - Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Correspondence. Evjue to

Edwards, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin –

Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Correspondence. Evjue to La

Follette, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin - Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Correspondence. Haberman to

Duncan, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin - Madison.

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Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. La Crosse Biographies. Joe's Declining

Health Noted In Recent Visit to State, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society,

University of Wisconsin – Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Correspondence. McMillin to

Duncan, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin – Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Miscellaneous. McCarthy to

Fellow Citizens, Box #8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin –

Madison.

Committee on Political Education. AFL-CIO Papers. Wisconsin Miscellaneous. Votes Cast For

Candidates for State Offices, United States Senate and Representatives In Congress, Box

#8. Wisconsin State Historical Society, University of Wisconsin - Madison.

Published Works

Anderson, Jack, and Ronald W. May. McCarthy: The Man, The Senator, The Ism. Boston, MA:

Beacon Press, 1953.

Periodicals

Bayley, Edwin, R. “Farmers Again Want Change, They Indicate.” Milwaukee Journal,

September 30, 1963.

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Editorial, "There Has Never Been An Official Investigation of McCarthy Which Did Not

Condemn His Conduct." The Capital Times, October 4, 1954.

Fredricks, Albert. Interview with Carroll Gunderson. The Gunderson Interview.

Hunter, John. “Smith Charges Jews Picked Nominees.” The Capital Times, July 28, 1952.

Joe’s Declining Health Noted in Recent Visits to WI. La Crosse, 1956.

Secondary Sources

Published Works

Doherty, Thomas. Cold War, Cool Medium: McCarthyism, and American Culture. New York:

Columbia Press University Press, 2005.

McDaniel, Roger. Dying for McCarthy's Sins. London: Wordsworth Publishing, 2013.

Sarna, Nahum M. “Genesis, Book of.” In Anchor Bible Dictionary, edited by Daniel Noel

Freedman. Vol. 2. New York: Doubleday Publishing, 1992.

Schrecker, Ellen. Many are the Crimes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999.

Periodicals

Allison, Pam. “Examining Political Learnings in Wisconsin.” Environmental Systems Research

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Institute. http://smartblogs.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/Wisconsin-Politics.jpg

(accessed April 23, 2013).

Galbraith, John Kenneth. “Many Are the Crimes,” review of Many Are the Crimes, by Ellen

Schrecker, Princeton University Press, April 17, 2014, In Review,

http://press.princeton.edu/titles/6698.html.

Morgan, Ted. “Judge Joe. How the Youngest Judge in Wisconsin’s History Became the

Country’s Most Notorious Senator.” Legal Affairs, July, 2003.

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