JOAN BLOMFIEL D O N STYL E

The settin g ou t o f the materia l is not i n Beowulf zn evolution ,following on e mai n lin e o r connectin g thread . Instead , th esubject is disposed as a circumscribed field in which the theme sare draw n ou t b y a centr e o f attraction—i n thi s case , th echaracter o f th e good warrior . Far-flun g tale s an d allusions ,apparently scattere d materia l an d disconnecte d event s ar egrouped i n a wide sweep around th e hero' s character . I n fact ,these ar e his character , an d thei r significanc e in th e poe mconsists in this particular relation; by comparisons we are shownBeowulf's nature, by searchlights into the past and future we areto sens e th e magnitud e an d tru e impor t o f hi s achievements .From thi s peripher y h e draw s hi s substanc e an d reality . Bythese mean s h e live s an d hi s destin y impregnate s th e whol epoem. The goo d warrio r is displayed as a being consummated32

through al l phases of his lif e an d i n al l aspects of his character .The whol e progres s fro m adventurou s yout h t o wisdom -weighted ol d age , many discree t elements—th e bear-warrio rstrength, th e knightl y courtesy , vanity beside humility , an d soon—are comprehende d i n thi s stati c unity . I t ha s ofte n bee nobserved that there is no development of plot or character. Th econcluding stat e o f affair s mus t b e implici t i n th e beginning .With suc h a plan , a pre-ordaine d cours e o f events , familia rtopics, and stock situations ar e essential for the achievemen t ofdepth an d scope . No t b y transitions an d transformation s bu tby suggestion o f th e ever-presen t identit y o f seed i n frui t an dfruit i n see d doe s the poe t adjus t th e emotiona l tension . Th ereference t o the burning o f Heorot woven into th e descriptionof its firs t glories , and th e forecas t o f family strif e while yet al lis well in HroSgar' s court ar e straightforward instances . Morecomplex is the messenger' s announcement o f Beowulf s death1:at grea t length h e recounts th e risin g t o power o f the Geats —now to fal l a prey to peoples they had overcome; their downfal lwill b e th e direc t consequenc e o f Beowulf' s death—who diedin defendin g them; he pe us beagas geafhas gaine d with his lastbreath ye t mor e beagas, 2 treasur e whic h i s thu s hi s persona lperquisite, whic h i n perishin g wit h hi m o n th e pyre , shal lsymbolize the joys now to pas s for ever from the Geats. 3 Thistendency to antithesis , frequentl y vergin g o n paradox , and th econstant pla y of irony ar e bu t stylisti c manifestation s of thos emovements o f the poet' s though t which shape the very stuf f ofthe poem.

Stylistic detail might be expected to give reliable indicationsof th e line s o n whic h th e them e i s constructed ; an d i t i sfortunate tha t the styl e of Beowul f has attracte d a large shareof th e mos t discernin g criticism . Analysi s o f styl e i s i n thi scase a justifiable approac h to analysi s of structure. Th e genera limpression that Beowulf, lackin g clarity and speed, is remarkablerather fo r depth and vibrancy needs explanation in terms bot hof styl e an d o f structure . Thes e effect s ar e partl y du e t o amethod of evocation and cross-reference in which contrast i s animportant element . Notable examples of description by contrastare th e allusion s to Sigemund , Heremod , an d Offa ; an d ther e

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are constan t lesser instance s o f this metho d an d it s corollary ,parallelism. A s a structura l principle , i t ma y b e trace d i n th eantiphonal exordium . We hea r firs t o f the might y destin y andwide fame o f the Scyldings. 4 The crescend o of Scylding powerrouses opposin g force s o f cunning evi l ever lurkin g t o revers ethe prosperit y o f mankind; by Grendel' s raid s the fam e o f th eScyldings i s blasted, th e utmos t huma n effor t frustrated , th emightiest o f rulers made impotent. Beowul f is then introducedin th e all-powerfu l enterpris e o f untrie d youth . Her e th econcentration o f th e doubl e flo w increases : fo r Beowul f isconnected wit h Hrodga r bot h b y gratefu l allegiance , becauseof th e favou r show n t o hi s father , an d b y his undertaking th etrial o f valour wher e other s hav e failed . Complementin g th eknowledge tha t Hro5gar hi s hold wine i s i n nee d i s Beowulf'sdesire t o crow n hi s exploit s b y th e suprem e enterpris e o fding wid pyrse. Th e dut y o f allegianc e emerge s i n HroSgar' srecapitulation o f Beowulf' s eepelu (457-72) , th e demand s o fBeowulfs caree r i n his own account o f his setting forth 5 (405 -41). Both are presaged in the greeting o f Wulfgar (338-9), whorecognizes in the bearin g of Beowulf the wlenco and higeprymmwhich have brought him to Heorot , as contrasted with -wr<ecsid(which brough t hi s father) . Th e allusio n i s oblique—Wulfga ris challengin g Beowul f as a stranger—an d it s applicatio n b yso muc h th e mor e pointed . Thi s sam e alternatio n i s a t wor kthroughout th e poem . Th e suspensio n o f th e theme—th e"balance" o f whic h Professo r Tolkie n speaks—demand s aconstant confrontation of similar and dissimilar.

A fundamenta l elemen t i n thi s balanc e i s th e poet' sdistribution o f his materia l withi n th e orbi t o f a central idea .The descriptiv e metho d o f recurrence-with-elaboratio ndistributes epithet s an d qualifyin g phrase s i n thi s way . Th esimplest for m i s pilin g o f varie d repetition , o f th e type :eorlscipe efnde, ealdre genedde, mare o fremede (2,132-3). 6

More complicate d i s th e type : ponne heoru bunden, hameregepruen, sweord swate fah sivin ofer helme ecgum dyhtig andweardscired (128-7), o r fordon h e <er fela nearo nedende nida gedigde,hildehlemma, syddan he Hrodgares, sigoreadig seeg, sele felsode;and a t gude forgrap Grendeles m<egum Wa n cynnes (2,349-53). 7

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Here th e amplificatio n o f severa l interdependen t idea s iscarried throug h b y turns , s o tha t th e part s o f th e sentenc eare interlocke d b y a spaced an d cumulativ e reinforcement— amethod whic h reache s its ultimate developmen t i n th e poetr yof the Norse skalds. And in the las t analysis, the "synonyms " s ocharacteristic o f Old English poeti c diction expres s in little th emultiplicity, th e resolution into separate aspects , show n i n th epresentation of the theme itself.

For th e structur e o f th e poe m i s no t sequential , bu tcomplemental; a t th e outse t certai n part s o f a situation ar edisplayed, an d thes e ar e give n coherenc e an d significanc eby progressiv e additio n o f it s othe r parts . Alread y Klaebe rhas notice d a circumscribin g movement , an d i n th e mos tpenetrating passage s o f his criticis m h e constantl y recur s t othis idea. 8 H e recognize s "a n organi c relatio n betwee n th erhetorical characteristic s an d certai n narrowe r linguisti c fact sas well as the broade r stylisti c feature s an d peculiaritie s o f th enarrative" (p. Ixv), citing in particular "retardation b y means ofvariations and parenthetical utterances" an d further elaboratingthe ide a in his statement: "Th e preponderanc e o f the nomina lover th e verba l element , on e o f th e outstandin g feature s ofthe ancien t diction , run s paralle l t o th e favourit e practice o fstating merely the resul t o f an action an d of dwelling on a stateor situation. " Yet having worked out thi s organi c relatio n andas goo d a s stated th e pervadin g conceptio n imposin g for m o nthe whol e materia l out t o it s fringe s o f verbal detail , h e ca nsuggest n o structura l unity , bu t speak s instead o f "looseness "and "matte r mor e o r les s detache d fro m th e chie f narrative "(pp. liii, Ivii).

Klaeber ha s note d th e outstandin g instance s o f acircumambient structure , althoug h th e headin g unde r whic hhe group s them—Lac k o f Stead y Advance—again show s tha the doe s no t allo w the principl e it s fundamenta l importance .Most clearl y in the figh t with Grendel , bu t als o to som e exten tin th e slayin g o f Grendel' s mothe r an d th e accoun t o f th edragon's hoard, we see the unfolding of an event into it s separateaspects. Apparently, the su m o f them all—synchronis m an d th emomentary visual impression—is the on e aspec t not considere d

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poetically significant. The cours e of the fight in the hall is severaltimes reviewed, 9 eac h tim e i n differen t term s an d wit h varyingemphasis. Grendel' s movement s an d motives an d hi s final senseof defea t ar e firs t described (745-57) . Th e poe t nex t revert s t oBeowulfs grapple , considered a s a fulfilment o f his afemproec. I n764-5 the climax , the tearin g of f of Grendel' s arm , i s obscurelystated i n a metaphor.10 The figh t i s then represented fro m th epoint o f view of the Danes (765-90 ) who hea r th e di n ragin gwithin thei r hall ; th e clima x is here marke d b y the shrie k o fdefeat, whic h i s elaborated a t some lengt h (782-88) . Lastly , th esensations o f the Geat s whe n the y se e their lor d a t grip s wit hthe monste r provid e a n opportunity fo r contrastin g Grendel' smagic immunity fro m bit e of iron with his impotence against th edecrees of providence (801-15) ; these reflection s ar e conclude dwith an explicit account of the severing of the claw , darkly alludedto before . The outcom e fo r each of the thre e parties—Beowulf ,Grendel, an d the Danes—i s then summe d up , an d the severe dclaw agai n mentioned , thi s tim e as the proo f and symbo l ofGrendel's fina l defeat . A similar disregard fo r th e synchronizin gof th e separat e aspect s o f a n actio n i s see n i n th e defea t o fGrendel's mother . Throughou t the struggl e th e poe t draw s outthe implication s o f each stage ; h e describe s th e virtue s o f themagic sword which Beowul f seizes in hi s desperation (1,55 7 ff.),occupies seve n line s with th e brandishin g an d victorious thrust ,and nex t proceeds t o displa y in on e o f his rare simile s the flashof ligh t whic h mark s the defea t o f the sorceres s (1,570-2) . Th ebeheading of Grendel's corpse is also worthy of note. Much spaceis given to the retribution implie d in this act , and the appearanceof the hug e headless bod y is touched upon : only in th e fina lphrase is it stated ond hinepa heafde becearf.

Notes1. 2,900-3,075.2.3,011-14:

bsr is maSma hordgold unrime grimme gecea(po)dond nu set si8estan sylfes feorebeagas (geboh)te.

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3. 3015-24.4. Contributory diemes in the sam e manne r ar e insinuated : Scyld' s

rich buria l i s contrasted wit h hi s destitut e arrival , and th e las t stat e o fHeorot with the first.

5. Of.

hcebbe ic m<erdafelaongunnen on geogope

and the emphasi s on ana (425, 437).6. See also 50-2; 1,228-9 ; 1,408-10; 2,421-3; 2,602-4.7. See also 194-8; 1,368-72; 1,477-20; 1,448-54; 2,356-9.8. "Irregular, circuitou s movements," p. Ixv ; "circuitou s route, " p.

Ixiii; "The though t of this passage, though proceedin g b y a circuitou sroute, is not obscure, " note on 86-114: Klaeber's Beowulf, 3r d edition ,1936.

9. Cf. Klaeber, pp. Iviii and note on 71 0 ff.10. I n suppor t o f thi s interpretation , cf . other instance s o f th e

concrete define d i n abstrac t terms : fela laf; wasteregesa, "the terribl ewaters"; fugles wynn, Rid . 27 7, an d th e probabl e doubl e entendr e i nfeorhlastas, 846 .

STANLEY B . GREENFIEL D O N TH E EPI C QUALIT Y

Although th e digression s i n th e secon d par t o f Beowulf hav ebeen fruitfu l materia l fo r historically-oriente d student s o f th epoem, the y hav e been somewhat unyieldin g t o literar y critics.The forme r have found ampl e sustenance in Hygelac' s Frisia nexpedition, th e poem' s on e historicall y verifiabl e fact ; an dwith th e ai d o f archaeologica l evidence and th e testimon y o fScandinavian sag a the y hav e draw n th e battl e line s betwee nSwedes and Geats . Th e latter , concerne d wit h structura l unit yand aestheti c decorum , hav e to o frequentl y felt constraine dto denigrat e th e secon d par t o f Beowulf. The y fin d th e figh twith th e drago n to o muc h encumbere d wit h "history", wit hretrospection an d prognostication, a s if the poe t had not foun dhis drago n combustibl e enoug h an d neede d mor e fue l fo r hi spoetic fire. These critics are more apt to perceive a n aestheti crationale in the digression s and episodes of Part I: in the tragicdramas o f Finn an d Ingeld , i n th e comparison s of Beowul f to

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Sigemund an d Heremod , i n th e poignan t foreshadowmg s o fDanish downfall . Even favorabl e criticis m of Part II has largelyrelegated the historical material to a background or frameworkrole, viewin g i t i n approvin g bu t rathe r genera l terms . Fo rexample:

. . . the whol e elaboratel y investigated matte r o f th eGeatish-Swedish wars , which see m t o pla y so relativelylarge a part in the late r Beowulf, i s really significan t fro mthe poin t o f vie w o f th e poem , a s par t o f a lively an dmost movin g framewor k or settin g i n whic h th e risin gtragedy o f the her o ca n the mor e effectivel y b e brough thome—not only the tragedy of Beowulf, but the temporaltragedy of men in this world. Or on e might say that theseallusions and digressions, like so many others, help to givesomething of universal quality and meaning to the poem.1

That th e Beowulf-poet ha s handle d th e event s o f Geatis hhistory with insigh t an d poetic power the recen t researche s ofAdrien Bonjou r an d Arthur G . Brodeur 2 clearly demonstrate ,and th e observation s which follo w ar e designed , fo r th e mos tpart, t o supplemen t their perceptions. Firs t le t us conside r i ncertain historica l passage s the poet' s selectio n of event s fro mthe totalit y o f "history" in th e poem , th e theme s h e seem s toemphasize i n th e differen t selections , an d som e aspects of th ediction in these accounts.

Three passage s i n Par t I I o f Beowulf conjoi n Hygelac' sFrisian raid and the Swedish-Geatis h wars: lines 2349b-2399a,2425-2515, an d 2910b-3000 . (Ther e i s a fourth referenc e t othe wars which stands by itself, accounting for the provenienceof Wiglafs sword . This passage structurally balances an earlierreference t o Hygelac' s deat h i n Par t I o f the poem. ) Th ecircumstances of the Frisian Fall come easily to mind: Hygelac'sat-first-successful fora y an d ultimat e defea t b y th e Hetware ,Beowulf's revenge o n Hygelac' s slayer , an d th e champion' sescape ove r th e se a with thirt y suit s o f armor . Th e Norther nwars offe r mor e troubl e t o th e memory . A s Miss Whiteloc kremarks, "Th e poet' s accoun t o f thes e matter s i s scattered,

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and ou t o f chronologica l order , s o tha t moder n reader s findit difficul t to gathe r the sequenc e of events without the aid ofpencil and paper".3 I t may not b e amiss, therefore, to set downbriefly the dramati s personae and chronology of events in thesewars, that we may see the historic totality plain.

On th e Geatis h side , the principa l actors ar e King Hrethe land his sons Herebeald, Haethcyn, and Hygelac; Hygelac's wif eHygd an d so n Heardred ; an d Beowulf , Hygelac' s nephew . O nthe Swedis h sid e ar e King Ongentheo w and his sons Ohther eand Onela, and Ohthere's son s Eanmund and Eadgils. The warsbegin afte r Hrethel's deat h fro m sorro w ove r th e unavenge dand unavengeabl e death of his eldes t son. With Haethcy n onthe Geatis h throne , a n attac k is made , bu t a s to wh o dare dfirst presume , critic s stil l debat e (se e not e 13) . The upsho tis th e battl e a t Ravenswoo d in Sweden , where Ongentheo wkills Haethcyn an d threatens t o exterminat e his followers . Butwhen Hygela c come s t o th e ai d o f hi s brother , Ongentheo wprudently retreat s int o hi s fortress . Bu t retrea t i s insufficient ,and ther e h e i s killed by th e Gea t brother s Wul f an d Eofor ,whom Hygelac rewards handsomely. The firs t phase of the feu dis ended, with the Geats victorious.

Ohthere rule s in Swede n when Hygelac , now Kin g of theGeats, makes his fatal raid on the Franks. He rules , too, durin gthe perio d o f Beowulf' s regency. Bu t when Heardre d reachesmaturity an d occupie s hi s rightfu l place as king, Onela , muc hto th e wintr y discontent o f Ohthere's so n Eanmund , occupie sthe Swedis h throne . Eanmun d an d hi s brothe r Eadgils ,revolting agains t thei r uncle , ar e force d t o flee ; the y tak erefuge wit h Heardre d i n Geatland . Onela pursues , and havingkilled Eanmun d an d hi s Geatish protector , h e departs , leavingBeowulf t o rul e th e Geats . I n uferan dogrum Beowul f supportsEadgils against Onela, avengin g Heardred's death when Onelafalls. Finally , with Beowulf s ow n deat h i n th e figh t wit h th edragon, i t i s predicted tha t th e Swede s will again attack, andthis time destroy the Geats as a nation.

So much for a chronological reconstruction . Bu t how do weactually learn about the historic events ? How ma y we construetheir segmente d presentatio n i n th e thre e passage s unde r

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consideration? We may first note, with Brodeur,4 that the thre eaccounts ar e presented from differen t points of view: the poet's,Beowulf's, and Wiglafs Messenger's . . . .

Passage III (lines 2910b-3000), the third poin t of view on thewars, i s par t o f th e speec h o f Wiglafs Messenger . Unlik e th efirst tw o passages , i t doe s not mov e chronologically . Firs t th eMessenger allude s to th e Fal l o f Hygelac; the n h e move s backin tim e t o giv e the longes t expositio n o f the firs t phase o f th ewars betwee n Swede s and Geats , supplyin g the neede d detailsin th e Ongentheow-Haethcyn-Eofo r battles . This orde r o fevents stresses the conflict in the North as the ultimate source ofGeatish destruction . Thematically , th e Messenger' s speec h hasa double concern: presumptio n an d rewards. Whereas th e poet ,in referrin g t o th e Fal l o f Hygelac , ha d focuse d on Beowulf ssurvival, an d Beowul f had emphasize d revenge, th e Messenge rviews th e outcom e o f th e actio n a s a resul t o f Hygelac' sarrogance9 in making the raid; and in his account of the Swedish-Geatish feud , h e find s th e Geat s presumptuou s an d th e causabelli.w H e dwell s on Hygelac' s inabilit y to giv e treasur e whe nhe was killed in Frisia , contrasting wit h hi s largess in rewardingEofor an d Wul f fo r thei r dispatchin g o f Ongentheow . Th eMessenger minimize s the concept o f revenge until he begins hisprophecy of doom: "iPae t ys sio faehS o on d s e feondscipe, / . . .3e i c / we n / hafo. " Hi s emphasi s on arrogance vs . humblingand on treasures paid and unpaid suits the contex t of his speechvery well: the deat h of Beowulf and th e renewa l of feud begu nin arroganc e and ending in los s of treasure t o all—th e maidenwho wil l trea d a foreig n lan d deprive d o f gold , th e reburia lof th e curse d an d useles s treasure , an d th e ultimat e los s o fgleodream to all the Geats .

The apparen t contradiction s betwee n Passage s I I an dIII (an d th e earlie r referenc e t o Hygelac' s Fall ) ma y best b eviewed, I think , i n term s o f their speaker s and contexts . Sinc eBeowulf, i n Passag e II , i s inten t o n reveng e a s he prepare shis attac k o n th e ol d night-flyer , i t i s aestheticall y suitabl eand psychologicall y prope r tha t h e singl e ou t hi s reveng eon Daeghref n i n talkin g abou t Hygelac' s Fall , tha t h e blam ethe son s o f Ongentheo w fo r startin g th e Norther n feud , an d

40

that h e giv e credi t obliquel y to Hygela c i n propria persona fo ravenging Haethcyn' s death . I t i s understandable, too , tha t h eshould intimat e tha t h e prevente d th e famou s necklace fro mpassing into the hands of the Franks . He i s a Germanic warrioruttering hi s gylp, howeve r subdued and elegiac the ton e o f thatboast may be. The Messenger , o n the othe r hand, has anotheraxe to grind. As a result of Beowulfs Fall, the Geat s themselveswill fall ; an d h e i s determined t o locat e th e responsibilit y fo rthe imminen t disaste r in the Geats : in thei r aggressio n agains tthe Frisians , i n larg e measure alread y paid for , an d i n thei raggression agains t the Swedes , not ye t full y pai d for.11 H e by -passes th e mor e recen t phas e o f the wars , involving th e son sof Ohthere an d their uncl e Onela—mor e a Swedis h civi l war,anyway, as Bonjour ha s pointed out, 12 i n which th e Geat s go taccidentally involved—in favo r o f the rui n an d destruction th eGeats i n thei r arroganc e carrie d t o Ongentheow . Eve n i f weaccept Debbie's reconciliation o f the tw o differen t accounts ofthe star t o f hostilities, tha t "we are probably to understand tha tthe first invasion was made by the Swedes . . . and that shortl ythereafter Haethcy n initiate d a war o f retaliation an d invadedSweden",13 th e differenc e in emphasi s i n Beowulf' s and th eMessenger's speeche s remain s an d is , I believe , aestheticall yeffective. Also , th e Messenger , lik e th e poe t i n Passage I an dunlike Beowulf , achieve s a fin e balanc e of sympath y betwee nthe Geats , o f whom he i s one, an d th e Swedes , the traditiona lenemy, broadenin g ou r perspectiv e onc e agai n a s the epi cdraws toward its appointed end. If the passages are thus viewed,no rea l contradiction s exist ; we ar e presente d rathe r wit hrefractions o f historica l trut h seen throug h th e prism s o f th espeaker's perspectives and states of mind.

The Beowulf-poet's artistr y i s ampl y reveale d i n thes ethree prismati c views o f Geatis h history . Wher e Olympia ndetachment sustains a theme of survival, heroic purpose linger son revenge , an d vatic admonition, i n turn , see s beyond heroi cpresumption. Th e totalit y o f suc h view s an d theme s ma ywell lea d to th e universa l qualit y that Wrenn an d other s hav enoted. Perhaps it also contributes t o the epic quality of the OldEnglish poem.14

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Coleridge ha s define d wha t seem s t o m e t o b e a centra lattribute o f epic: in epic , he says , Fate subordinate s huma n willto its purposes; human will, in effect, subserve s the larger ends ofdestiny.15 Suc h a Fate-controlled univers e we find in Homer, inVergil, i n Milton. Odysseus's will, for example , i n a sense servesthe purposes o f Poseidon an d Athena, and Hector stands beforeTroy's gate because Fate will have it so; Aeneas leaves his Dido tofulfill hi s destiny and Rome's; and Adam and Eve, though actin gfreely, ar e clearl y attuned t o God' s providence . I n Beowulf, epi ceffect i s achieved differently . Wyr d an d Go d ma y be repeatedl ymentioned, bu t thei r forc e i s less personal , les s directive , tha nthe Olympia n an d Heavenl y decrees . Th e poe m give s us n osense tha t Beowul f moves throug h hi s heroic deed s in accor dwith a higher will . Rather , Beowulf' s i s a n histori c destiny , asare al l the doom-lade n movement s o f the poem . Th e Scyldin gdynasty will fall—because historicall y it fell ; th e Geat s will losetheir nationa l independence—becaus e histor y record s th e loss .Wyrd wil l no longe r grant Beowul f unalloyed victory whe n h efights the dragon—because the doom of the Geats is nigh. Thereis no "higher " destiny i n Beowulf, an d ye t ther e i s epic sweep .If there i s a distinction an d witha l a similarity betwee n othe repics an d Beowulf, i t i s in th e kind s o f destiny manifest ; and i tis precisely in th e accretio n o f historical material—the many-viewed repetition s o f the Swedish-Geatis h wars in particular —that we ar e mad e epicall y aware . While th e universal qualit yof other epic s may reside in th e assimilatio n o f human motive sand force s t o suprahuma n thoug h basicall y anthropomorphi cpurposes, in Beowulf, i t would appear , history subsumes the her oas a n individual . This historic destiny , in a centrally significantway, universalizes and makes epic this Old English heroi c poem .

Notes1. C. L. Wrenn, ed., Beowulf (London, 1953 , 1958), p. 73.2. Adrie n Bonjour , Th e Digressions i n Beowulf (Oxford, 1950) ;

Arthur G . Brodeur , Th e Art o f Beowulf (Berkele y and Lo s Angeles ,1959), esp. Chap. III .

3. Doroth y Whitelock , Th e Audience of Beowulf (Oxford, 1951) ,p. 54.

4. Brodeur, op. cit., pp. 83-85.42

9. Most edite d texts read gentegdon "attacked" in line 2916b to avoidalliteration on the fourth stress of the line ; but the MS. has ge hnaegdon"humbled". Cf. the poet's account in Part I of the poem, in the earliestreference t o Hygelac' s raid , lines 1206-07a : "sydda n h e fo r wlencowean ahsode, / faeli3 e to Frysum."

10. The passag e is , I am aware, subjec t to differing interpretations.I follow Klaebe r (Beowulf, 3r d ed.) here, p. xxxviii : "It i s started by theSwedes, who attack their Southern neighbors. .. ."

11. Th e Messenger' s emphasi s on th e Geats ' pas t aggressivenesscontrasts ironicall y with thei r unheroi c behavior in th e drago n fight .It i s not jus t Beowulf' s deat h that will precipitate the Geats ' downfall ,but repor t o f thei r cowardl y conduct, a s Wiglaf ha d mad e clea r t othem. Afte r all , Beowulf was old an d woul d have died soon anyway ;but ther e i s bitter irony in the fac t tha t the circumstances of his deathgave the Geat s the opportunity to show their cowardice , thus invitingtheir neighbor' s attack . The Geat s ar e responsibl e for thei r ow ndestruction. Not enoug h emphasi s is placed on this point , it seems tome, in discussions on the "tragedy" of Beowulf's death.

12. Bonjour, op. cit., p. 42 .13. E . V K . Bobbie , ed. , Beowulf an d Judith, ASP R IV (Ne w York ,

1953), p. xxxix.14. Fo r som e indicatio n o f critica l hesitanc y to cal l Beowulf a n

epic, se e note 6 of m y article , "Beowulf an d Epi c Tragedy", CL , xi v(1962), 92.

15. Samue l T. Coleridge , Shakespearean Criticism, ed . Thomas M .Raysor (London, 1960) , I, 125.

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T.A. SHIPPE Y O N SYMBOL S INTHE WORLD OF THE POEM

A consistent fusio n o f tangible an d intangibl e i s built into th epoem's scener y a s into it s words. Though th e poe t neve r saysstraight ou t tha t 'glory' , 'worth' , 'treasure' , an d 'weapons' areall aspects of the sam e thing, hi s phraseology does the jo b fo rhim: Beowulf is dome gewurpad a t line 1645 , just as Hrothgar' ssaddle i s since geivurpad a t 103 8 and th e 'hall-man ' ( a tinge o fscepticism here ) wtepnum gewurpad, 'mad e t o loo k worth y b yweapons' at 3 31. Translation mus t inevitably be cultural as wellas semantic . I t i s worth noting , though , tha t thi s comple x ofevaluations is not a s alien as it might look. Over th e las t coupleof centurie s moder n Englis h ha s bee n busil y developing th eword 'prestige' . This mean t originall y 'illusion' , bu t shifte dduring th e nineteent h centur y i n th e directio n o f 'influenc eor reputation derived from previou s character . .. or esp. fro mpast successes ' (s o say s the Oxfor d English Dictionary entry ,62

published i n 1909) . Now, o f course , i t ha s become somethin gpossessed b y me n o f powe r an d (unlik e honour ) conferre dvery largely by the trapping s o f success—the 'prestigious ' car ,clothes, wristwatch , home-address . As such i t ha s strong link swith dom an d lof. Admittedly , Mr Gladston e i n 187 8 called'prestige' a 'base-bor n thing ' an d said specificall y tha t i t wasnot t o b e use d i n translatin g ancien t epics. However , bein g'high-minded' probably spoils more criticism than being 'base-born'. The wor d is a useful reminde r of the wa y abstracts andobjects can mix.

SWORDS, HALLS, AN D SYMBOLSWe ar e liabl e t o cal l suc h mixture s 'symbolism' . Indeed ,according to the OED a symbol is 'something that stand s for,represents, or denotes something else . . . esp. a material objectrepresenting o r take n t o represen t somethin g immateria l o rabstract.' The coastguard' s sword i s a symbol, then, a materialobject which everyone takes to represent th e abstractio n iveorp.However, on e ca n easil y imagine a membe r o f Beowulfia nsociety insisting tha t thi s i s not symbolis m a t all , just matter -of-fact. 'Look ' (he might say) 'you wear a sword to show you'reready to fight , an d peopl e trea t you politel y becaus e they ca nsee yo u are . Distinguishin g betwee n bein g read y physically(swords), being ready emotionally (courage) , and having socialstatus (honour)—that' s jus t splitting hairs ! The thre e thing sgo together , an d i f you los e an y one o f them you'l l forfei t th eother tw o very soon.' To return t o modern terminology , ther eis a cause-and-effect relationshi p betwee n the objec t and whatit represents (lik e that between wealth and Rolls-Royces). Th esword i s a n 'index ' o f honour—admittedl y a stylize d one —rather than a 'symbol' tout pur.3

This i s not jus t a dispute over vocabulary. We need t o keepin min d (a s I hav e sai d already ) that socia l sign s i n Beowulffunction systematically , in systems which cannot be entirely, oreven largely , the creatio n o f the poet . The literar y associationswhich 'symbolism ' ha s acquire d ten d t o blu r thi s perceptio nand hinde r appreciation . Sword s i n Beowulf, fo r instance ,evidently have a lif e o f thei r own . The youn g retaine r Wigla f

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draws hi s a s he prepare s to hel p hi s king i n th e dragon's den ;and the poet stop s for twenty lines (2611-30) to remark on theweapon's significance. This one was not donated , but firs t wonin battl e an d the n inherited . Accordingl y i t i s a reflection ofthe courag e show n b y Wiglafs fathe r an d (give n Anglo-Saxo nnotions o f goo d breeding ) a sign o f hereditar y worth. I n th eend i t become s totall y identifie d wit h it s owner' s personality ,so much so , as E. B . Irving ha s noted,4 that i t doe s not -weakenand he doe s not melt —we would have expected these verbs theother way round.

But wha t happen s i f you inheri t nothing ? Sinc e weapon sare indexes of honour an d status , deprivation o f them become sdoubly unendurable. Beowulf himself imagines a scene (2032 -69) i n whic h a swor d i s worn b y someon e lik e Wigla f wh ohad i t fro m hi s father; bu t thi s i s seen by the ma n fro m whos efather's corpse i t was gloriously taken. 'Meaht du, min wine, mecegecnawan?' ask s a troublemaker [Ca n you, my friend, recogniz ethat sword?] . H e means , 'Ar e yo u a ma n o r a mouse?' , bu tneither Beowul f nor th e poe t bother s t o explai n this , sinc eeveryone know s th e nex t ac t ha s t o b e murder . I n exactl ythe sam e way the poe t feels tha t the displayin g of a sword toHengest a t the clima x of the 'Finnsburh Episode' (lines 1143-5)will b e self-explanatory . To us , a s it happens , i t i s not; bu t w ecan see that th e objec t prompt s reveng e wit h irresistibl e forc eand in tota l silence . In Beowulf object s can communicate wholechains of abstraction and reflection by their presence alone, andin a way felt by poet and audience to be too natural for words.

Some object s in fac t reac h 'mythic ' status—mos t obviously ,halls. What th e poe t think s abou t thes e ca n be derive d mos timmediately from hi s run o f twenty to thirty compound word sfor describin g them . Hall s ar e fo r drinkin g i n ('winehall' ,'beerhall', 'meadhalP) ; they ar e fille d wit h peopl e ('guesthalP ,'retainer-hall'); i n the m wort h i s recognize d ('gold-hall' ,'gifthalP, 'ringhall') . The y ar e als o th e typica l thoug h no tthe onl y settin g fo r festivit y an d fo r poetry . I t i s this 'lou dmerriment i n hall ' [dream . . . hludne i n healle] which Grende lhears an d hate s fro m th e beginning , whil e Hrothgar' s poe tsings 'clea r i n Heorot ' o n ever y on e o f th e thre e nights .

64

Beowulf spend s there . Wha t h e produce s i s healgamen [th esport (yo u expect) of halls], and when the Geat s look into theirgloomy futur e a t th e end , th e tw o things the y fea r t o los e ar etheir 'prestigiou s rings' [hringweordung] an d the 'melod y of theharp' which , rathe r implausibly , used t o 'wak e th e warriors '(from thei r bed s o n th e hal l floor , tha t is , se e line s 1237 -40). Finally , whethe r i t i s fro m pain t o r fireligh t o r candles ,halls ar e associate d with brightness . Heoro t i s goldfah [gol dornamented], and shine s like a beacon: lixte se leoma ofer landafela [th e ligh t blaze d over man y lands] . Insid e i t i s decorate dwith glitterin g tapestries , goldfag scinon we b after wagum [o nthe wall s the web s shone golden] , whil e a t line 99 7 the poe tcalls i t simply p<et beorhte bold [th e brigh t building] . In th e en dthe drago n comes to Beowulfs hom e 'to burn the brigh t halls '\beorht hofu bternan], an d ther e i s a sudden striking image earlyon o f Grendel prowlin g 'th e treasure-ornamente d hal l on th eblack nights' [sincfage sel siveartum nihtum].

Already one can see how the 'mythic ' interpretations com ein. Th e hal l equal s happines s equal s light . Wha t d o th emonsters whic h invad e halls equal? They are creature s o f thenight, 'shadow-walkers' , 'lurker s i n darkness' , thing s whic hhave to b e under cove r b y dawn. It i s no grea t stretc h o f th eimagination t o lin k thei r darknes s wit h death . Meanwhil ethe poet' s vocabulary , onc e more , show s a n assumptio n tha tthe happines s o f th e hal l mean s life . I n lin e 246 9 ol d Kin gHrethel 'gumdream ofgeaf [gav e u p th e joy s o f men] , hi sgrandson Beowul f (3020-21) 'lai d asid e laughter , gamen ondgleodream, merriment an d the joys of song', the Las t Survivor'skinsmen (2252 ) 'gav e u p thi s life , gesawon seledream, had see nthe jo y of the hall' . The compoun d word s sho w how tightl ymen an d harp s an d hall s cluster together i n th e poet' s mind ,and presumably in his audience's. A similar familiarity informsthe untranslated an d possibly unconscious metapho r nea r th eend, when the poe t ruminates that i t is a mystery where we allmust go:

mon mid his magumbonne leng ne ma;g

meduseld buan. (3064-5)

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[When a man can no longer, with his kinsmen, inhabit th emeadhall.]

Meduseld i s semanticall y indistinguishabl e fro m it s familia rprecursors medotern, medoheal. B y this time , however , wha t i tmeans is 'Life-Gone-By'. Th e poe t has no need to explain.

Halls ar e 'indexes ' o f happiness , then , becaus e i n the mpeople ar e mos t likel y t o b e fre e fro m poverty . The y ar e'symbols' too , becaus e the y ar e crowde d wit h no t entirel yrealistic conventional signs , lik e harps and gold and brightness .Their vulnerabilit y implie s a share d socia l myt h abou t th elimits of human capacit y (stated most overtl y by the councillo rof Kin g Edwi n in Bede). 5 However, the y remai n at all time sstubborn an d solid facts , thing s which coul d be seen i n realityas wel l a s heard abou t i n poetry . I t i s importan t tha t literal -minded Anglo-Saxons coul d alway s take halls literally, becausewhat the y woul d ge t fro m Beowulf wa s not th e notio n tha tHeorot was like life , but the mor e searchin g one tha t lif e waslike Heorot . 'W e too' , the y might conclude , 'liv e in a littlecircle o f light . Ever y tim e w e go t o slee p expectin g t o wakeup, w e coul d b e a s wrong a s Hrothgar's retainers . yEscher e isus.' Involvemen t o f this natur e deepen s many of the scene s i nthe poem . Moder n reader s n o longe r reac h i t naturall y andwordlessly, bu t the y ar e no t completel y immun e t o i t either.Professor Tolkien' s 'Golde n Hall' in the secon d volume o f TheLord o f the Rings is still called 'Meduseld', and th e nam e still hasits power.

Notes3. These distinctions , an d others , ar e clearl y drawn i n Jonatha n

Culler's Structuralist Poetics (London 1975) , pp. 16-20 . Severa l o f th epoints mad e i n thi s essa y for m particula r example s of th e genera lprocedure Culler recommends .

4. E . B . Irving Jr, A Reading o f Beowulf (New Have n an d London ,1968), p. 159.

5. Bede , A History o f th e English Church an d People (Pengui nClassics translate d b y L. Sherley-Price , revised ed n Harmondsworth,1968), Book 2, Chapter 13 . See further Kadiiyn Hume, 'Th e Concep tof the Hal l in Old Englis h Poetry' , Anglo-Saxon England 3 (1974) pp .63-74.66

DAVID WILLIAMS ON CAIN'S PROGEN Y

If the themati c significanc e of the battle s with monster s i n th emain narrative may be seen a s that continua l mora l oppositio nrequired i n th e worl d agains t th e persisten t evi l o f fratricide,infidelity, an d al l antisocia l crimes , the n Beowul f i s a t onc e

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the anachronisti c embodimen t o f Christia n socia l value s anda greatl y endowed , i f mortal , Germani c warrio r i n pursui tof th e inevitabl y mundane, althoug h praiseworthy , goal s o fpagan than e an d lord . I n hi s exceptiona l mora l tenacit y i nupholding th e value s o f kinship , comitatus , an d peac ethroughout th e poe m h e suggest s th e idea l Christian knigh tand king. He oppose s the force s of social destruction embodie din th e monsters , wh o are , o f course , whil e embodiment s o fevil, individual enemies physically threatening their frightene dvictims an d mus t b e fought and destroyed i n defenc e no t onl yof moral principle but o f life an d limb, as well. Beowulf himselfenters the contes t with this pragmatic purpose, an d as has beensaid, it is only gradually that he perceives the common origin ofthese harassments and their moral-historical significance .

This wide r significanc e embedde d i n th e mai n narrativ eis illuminate d throug h th e poet' s us e o f th e Cai n legend . I nmaking th e monster s th e progen y o f the firs t fratricide , h e i snot adaptin g a self-conscious literar y myt h bu t employin g a nethical an d tempora l schem e universall y subscribed t o i n th emiddle ages , lending to his poem th e metaphysica l dimension sof th e mora l histor y o f mankind . Thus i n Grende l an d th edragon th e medieva l audienc e of th e poe m woul d b e abl e t orecognize th e surviva l o f Cain' s monstrou s progen y an d th esymbol of his sin in those who formed the bestial clan dedicatedto th e destructio n o f socia l harmon y an d brotherhoo d an ddetermined t o eradicat e the Abel s o f th e earth . Herei n on ediscovered th e unbroke n historica l lin e i n whic h evi l ha dbeen passe d dow n fro m th e initia l unnatura l ac t o f th e firs tspiller o f bloo d t o th e ver y presen t time , stil l haunte d an dpersecuted b y the monstrou s offsprin g o f Cain. Th e monster sthus represent the actual perpetuation o f Cain's evil in the for mof physica l menace . Becaus e of th e tradition s tha t surroun dthem wit h a n ai r o f th e marvellous , the sam e monsters evok ethe fabulous . Somewha t irrationally, a s with muc h legend, th emonsters ar e both o f angelic origin an d human, their sir e bot hCain an d Satan . Grende l an d th e drago n ar e bot h actua l andfabulous, generalized rather than fictionalized, as representativeof historical and moral fact .

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The sam e theme of the evi l spirit of Cain and the oppositio nto i t is carried out o n another leve l of the poem , fo r in the so -called digressions we see an extension of the ide a to th e mode sof pas t an d futur e history . Thes e historica l episodes , whic hconstitute a considerabl e portio n o f th e poem , exten d th escriptural ide a o f mora l histor y beyon d th e epoch o f biblicaltime t o th e immediat e past of the Germa n nation s an d find inthat history a corroboration of the scriptural and exegetical ideaof th e continuit y o f evil . They als o provid e a contemporar yhistoric complemen t t o th e mora l significanc e o f Grende land th e dragon . I n thi s manne r th e mai n actio n become s aparadigm of the action s in the historica l episodes and providesa universa l explanation for them , relatin g Germanic history t othat of Rome, Greece, Israel , and Eden.

The historica l episode s are , then , no t reall y digression sfrom th e mai n them e bu t rathe r th e mean s b y which tha ttheme achieve s ful l mora l an d socia l significanc e an daesthetic completion . Havin g a s the settin g o f hi s poe m th ehistoric presen t o f th e Danis h an d Geatis h courts , th e poe thas carefull y structure d th e episode s t o revea l th e universa lsignificance o f event s i n th e respectiv e nationa l past s an dfutures, movin g ou t fro m th e mai n them e periodically to pas tallusions and futur e prophecie s in which sign s already presentin th e mai n them e ma y fin d thei r mirro r reflectio n in thes eepisodes. Th e genera l fact s o f th e Geatis h an d Danis h pas twould hav e bee n know n t o a n Anglo-Saxo n audienc e sinc ethey constitute d a history o f interes t t o tha t audience . Thusthe futur e a s the poe t report s i t i n Beowulf i s recognizable t othe audienc e as part o f its ow n more recen t past , and , settingitself i n th e presen t o f th e poem , th e audienc e i s abl e t oaccept a s prophecy th e allusion s t o th e future , knowing , o fcourse, tha t the y have already been fulfilled . Havin g managedhis poe m an d hi s audienc e i n thi s way, the poe t i s abl e t oreveal th e ethica l significanc e of histor y wit h th e authorit yof histor y itself . Thus th e episode s cove r thre e Scandinaviansagas prio r t o Hrothgar' s reign : th e storie s o f Heremod ,Sigemund, an d Finnsburg . A s R. W . Chamber s ha s claimed ,it is clear that i n the literatur e and minds of Teutonic peopl e a

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strong connectio n existe d betwee n Heremod an d Sigemund, 1

and i t i s through thi s connectio n tha t th e Sigemun d episod eseemed to form a part of the Danish past. Along with these arethe prophecies concernin g th e Danis h future : th e treacher y ofHrothulf an d Unferth and the story of Freawaru.

Similar structurin g ma y b e note d i n th e handlin g o f th etragedy o f the Geatis h nation . Th e pas t event s o f Haethcyn'sfratricide, th e Swedis h wars, and the story of Eormanric extendthe mai n them e t o th e pas t of this nation . Its futur e i s evokedin the closing prophecy of the destruction of the Geat s unde rWiglaf. Thus the theme of the spiri t of Cain described in theseepisodes, includin g historical examples from severa l Germani cnations a t differen t moment s i n time , i s presente d no t a s aparticular malady of an evil nation bu t a s a fundamental par t ofthe universa l human socia l condition . Spannin g past , present ,and futur e o f the tim e o f the poem , th e them e o f the episode sseems to transcen d tim e a s well as place, and unlimite d a s it i sto a particular nation, the evi l of social discord is seen as part ofthe eternal human struggle.

On th e leve l o f the poem represente d b y the episodes , th echildren o f Cain ar e no t physica l monsters bu t huma n being swho perpetuat e Cain' s sin , becomin g hi s sons b y adoptin ghis spiritua l disposition . Thu s th e transitio n betwee n histor yand allegor y is accomplished i n suc h a way that character s ar esimultaneously engaged on both levels.

Note1. Chambers, Beowulf: A n Introduction 90-1.

SUSANNE WEIL O N FRE E WILL

Who i s th e "Shaper " i n Beowulf? I s i t wyrd, th e fixe d fat ethat shape d th e paga n worl d o f th e Anglo-Saxons ? O r i sit th e Christia n Go d whos e worshi p the y adopted ? As thestory o f Beowulf was told an d retol d through th e centuries, i tseems to hav e picked up th e verba l vestiges o f cultural changelike a snowbal l rollin g throug h time : s o man y paga n an dChristian idea s exist side by side in th e poem tha t critic s havelong argue d whethe r i t i s essentiall y a pagan o r a Christia n

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work. Som e insis t tha t i t i s a paga n poe m whic h Christia ntranscribers defaced wit h dogma ; others contend tha t its paganpronouncements ar e relic s o f a time it s cultur e outgrew—th epoetic equivalen t o f th e huma n appendix . Neither vie w givesmuch credi t t o th e poet' s intention s an d artistry . I s Beowulf,then, a literary fossil in which two opposin g belie f systems arefrozen together , fascinatin g from th e standpoin t o f culturalanthropology, bu t ultimatel y lackin g a unified theme ? Or doe sthe poe m contai n a genuine synthesi s o f two world-views ? Ibelieve tha t th e latte r i s true, an d shal l attemp t t o sho w howa strikin g patter n of "hand-words" helpe d the Beowulf poe t toestablish that synthesis.

To begin wit h th e languag e itself : many words tha t expres sthe concep t o f wyrd ar e derive d fro m th e Ol d Englis h roo tmeaning "t o shape. " Gescipe, "destiny, " mean s literall y "thatwhich is shaped"; the verb sceppen mean s "to destine, to shape" ;one o f th e mos t frequentl y used word s fo r "God " i s Sceppend,literally "Shaper. " Sinc e th e moti f o f isyrd a s the implacabl earbiter o f men' s struggle s resound s throughou t th e Anglo -Saxon cano n lik e a perpetua l mino r chord , th e synonymou snature o f fat e an d shapin g i n Ol d Englis h shoul d no t b esurprising: th e singers o f the cano n were always aware that th eevents o f thei r live s ha d bee n "shaped " b y a forc e (o r forces )beyond thei r control . Give n th e primac y o f tactil e imagerythroughout their poetry , their visio n o f destiny a s a process o fshaping is characteristic. It i s as if their Shaper were a sculptor ,carefully craftin g the for m of each man's fate , moldin g a roughedge here, a smooth curv e there, until the work took on its finalcast in the moment o f death.

As monk s move d int o Britai n an d bega n t o recor d Anglo-Saxon writings , th e Sceppend wa s assumed t o b e th e Christia nGod: bu t wh o was he befor e that ? Th e Anglo-Saxo n tongu eexisted befor e th e Christianizatio n o f Britain , an d ye t th eGermanic religion whic h had held sway there ha d no suprem eShaper. Accordin g t o th e Icelandi c Eddas (th e bes t recor dremaining o f Germanic , an d b y extensio n o f ancien t Anglo -Saxon beliefs) , th e Aesir shaped the firs t man an d woman fro mtrees bu t had few of the other powers we normally attribute t o

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gods; not eve n immortal, they were themselves hostages to wyrdin th e for m o f Ragnarrok , th e da y when th e force s o f chao swould overwhelm them (Green, 17-28 ; 203-208). Life began inthe Germani c univers e wit h giant s bein g mysteriousl y shapedout o f vapor; th e Aesi r themselve s cam e t o bein g becaus e ahungry co w licked a n ic e flo e unti l he r licking s inadvertentlyshaped their progenito r (16)—bu t who create d th e cow ? Eve nthe thre e Norn s who spu n an d snipped th e thread s o f fate fo reach ma n wer e shadow y figures, spinning , no t quit e shaping ,apparently acting without a purpose o f their own . As we pushthe parameter s o f the mythology , ever y possibl e explanatio nseems t o lea d t o anothe r mystery . Th e Anglo-Saxo n univers eseems curiously without cause , yet brimmin g wit h effects-—al lsubsumed unde r th e murk y heading of wyrd, which remain s aforce, not a figure. Who, then , is the Shaper?

A loo k a t th e proliferatio n o f pronouncement s abou t th epower o f ivyrd i n Beowulf suggest s a n answe r t o thi s question .Beowulf, repeatin g th e receive d wisdo m o f his age , say s tha tGaed a wyrd swa hio seel (Fate always goes a s it must! : 445b), ye talso tha t Wyrd oft nereS/unfegne eorl, yonne his ellen deah (Fat eoften save s an undoome d ma n i f hi s courag e i s good: 572b -573). The narrato r says that

. . . bone aume hehtgolde forgyldan, bone 6e Grendel ae rmane acwealde, swa he hyra ma wolde,nefne him witig god wyrd forstodeond dae s mannes mod. Metod eallu m weoldgumena cynnes, swa he nu git de9.Forban biS andgit aeghwaer selest,ferhSes forebanc . Fela sceal gebidanleofes ond labes se be longe heronSyssum windagum worolde bruceS.

(1053b-1062)1

[. . . he ordered that gold be givenfor tha t one whom Grendel ha d beforecruelly killed, as he would have killed more

if wise God an d the man's courage had no tforestalled tha t fate. God ruled allthe race of men, as he now yet does.Yet is discernment everywhere best,

forethought o f mind. He shal l endure muchOf what is dear and dreadful who hereIn these trouble-days long uses this world.]

(italics mine)

In th e firs t o f these axioms , fate i s unalterable; in th e second ,it play s favorites ; in th e narrator' s aside , i t i s subordinat eto both "wis e God " an d "th e man' s courage. " Someon e i sconfused here , an d I would sugges t tha t i t i s neither Beowul fnor th e narrator : rather , i t i s the moder n audience , tendin gto miss th e poin t o f these pronouncements . Critic s wh o seethe poe m a s primarily Christian (Margare t Goldsmit h come sto mind ) vie w th e narrator' s pronouncemen t o n th e powe rof Go d a s evidenc e tha t Christia n providence , no t wyrd,was th e Shape r o f th e Anglo-Saxo n world—ignorin g othe rpronouncements tha t th e narrato r make s elsewher e abou tthe suprem e powe r o f fate . I f provin g Go d t o b e th e sol epower were the narrator's purpose , why would he immediatelyappend th e cavea t "ye t i s discernmen t everywher e best ,forethought o f mind?" H e seem s t o b e telling hi s audienc enot t o coun t o n th e powe r o f God o r wyrd: th e futur e wil l bea mixtur e o f satisfactio n an d sufferin g eve n thoug h Go d (o rfate) "rule(s ) al l the rac e of men." Wha t a man ca n depend o nis his "forethought o f mind": thi s is the core of the individual'spower t o endure . Pronouncement s abou t th e importanc eof self-relianc e outnumber pronouncement s abou t anyone' spower: for example, when Beowulf discovers that his borrowedsword cannot harm Grendel's mother , the poet tells us:

. . . strenge getruwode ,mundgripe majgenes. Sw a sceal man don ,bonne he ae t gude gegan benceSlongsumne lof; na ymb his lif cearaS.

(1533-1536)

82 83

[... he trusted in his strength ,in his strong hand-grip. So shall man dowhen he thinks to win at warlong-lasting praise ; he does not car e about his life. ]

Beowulf wastes no time wondering what fate ha s written abou tthis battle : he think s ahea d to the reputatio n he wants to winand fight s on . Siva sceal man do n was not praise , but a culturalimperative which epitomized the Anglo-Saxon modgedanc ("wa yof thinking"): what mattered was not who shaped a man's death,or when he died, but how he died.

This i s wher e moder n debate s o n th e meanin g o f wyrdin Anglo-Saxo n poetr y g o awry , fo r i n considerin g who mthe Anglo-Saxon s believe d shape d thei r fate , w e nee d t ounderstand fat e a s they woul d hav e define d it . Th e excerp tabove strongly suggests that a man's reputation was as integralto hi s fat e a s the tim e an d plac e of his death : that reputationwas Anglo-Saxon immortality . Cal l i t God' s providenc e o rthe mysterious , ubiquitou s wyrd: a n arrow by any other namewould kil l you. Your choice, then , was whether yo u took tha tarrow in the bac k or head-on, an d how you chose determinedwhether yo u woul d b e sun g a s a hero , a villain—o r no t a tall. You r reputatio n a t deat h eve n affecte d you r family' sfuture, determine d whethe r you r son s woul d b e powerfu llords' retainer s an d whethe r you r daughter s woul d marr ywell. Most important , i t wa s a matte r o f persona l hono r t obe remembere d a s a ma n o f courage . I t woul d b e a goo dfate, indee d th e best , t o di e gloriousl y i n th e protectio n o fyour peopl e a s Beowul f does—a n ignobl e fat e t o liv e afte rdeserting your lord , a s Beowulf's cowardly retainers do a t th eend o f the poem . Braver y in extremity , grace under pressure :these ar e choices , an d thes e a man coul d shape . Because theAnglo-Saxons believe d this , I woul d lik e t o suggest tha t th epower behin d th e word s o f shapin g in Anglo-Saxo n poetr ywas, i n th e sens e tha t mattere d mos t t o them , th e powe r o fthe individual.

The unusua l preponderanc e o f word s meanin g "hand "(hereafter "hand-words" ) i n Beowulf support s m y contentio n

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that the individua l was the primary shaper of his fate i n Anglo-Saxon poetry . Folm, mund, an d bond ar e no t commonl y use din Ol d Englis h (compare d wit h word s meanin g "battle, ""warrior," o r "sword, " etc.) , an d ye t the y appea r sixty-fiv etimes i n th e 3,18 2 lines o f Beowulf ( a sizeabl e number o ftheir 43 5 appearance s in what remains of the canon 2). Forty -seven of those appearances , a ful l two-thirds , occu r in clustersduring episode s in whic h Beowulf' s life o r reputatio n hangsin th e balance , either i n episode s o f actua l combat suc h a sthe abov e exampl e (in whic h Beowul f trusts i n hi s "stron ghandgrip") or in the scene s of his political testing at the handsof Hrothgar , Unferth , o r Hygelac . I believ e that thes e hand-words constitut e a n ora l formul a littl e remarke d bu t crucial ,for Beowulf , through th e "strengt h o f thirty " i n hi s hands ,transforms himsel f from th e so n o f a n outcas t to a great her oand kin g in a culture where ancestr y determined one's role i nsociety. I f Beowul f did no t "shap e hi s fate, " n o characte r inAnglo-Saxon legend ever did.

Notes1. All passages from Beowul f are fro m Dobbie , E.V.K., Beowulf an d

Judith, vol . 4 o f Th e Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records. Ne w York : ColumbiaUP, 1953 . Translation s ar e b y E . Talbo t Donaldso n an d Stanle yGreenfield.

2. See A Concordance to the Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records.

Works Cite dBeowulf: The Donaldson Translation, Backgrounds, and Sources of Criticism.

Ed. Joseph F. Tuso. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1975.Bessinger, Jr., Jess, ed . A Concordance t o the Anglo-Saxon Poetic Records.

Ithaca and London: Cornell UP, 1978.Dobbie, E . V . K, ed . Beowulf an d Judith, vol . 4 o f Th e Anglo-Saxon

Poetic Records. New York : Columbia UP, 1953 .Green, Roge r Lancelyn . Myths o f the Norsemen, Retold from th e Ol d

Norse Poems and Tales. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1960 .Greenfield, Stanley B. "Beowulf and Epi c Tragedy." Festschrift on Old

English Literature in Honor o f A. G . Brodeur. 1963.. A Readable Beowulf. Carbondale : Southern Illinoi s University

Press, 1982.Goldsmith, Margaret . Th e Mode an d Meaning o f Beowulf. London :

Althone Press, 1970.

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Stanley, E . G . Continuations and Beginnings. London : Nelson , 1966 .134-40.

Stanton, F. M. Anglo-Saxon England. London: Oxford UP, 1947.Timmer, B . J. "Wyrd i n Anglo-Saxo n Pros e an d Poetry. " Essential

Articles o n Ol d English Poetry. Hamden : Archo n Books , 1968 .124-163.

PAUL DEA N ON HISTOR Y AN DTHE PASSAG E O F TIME

iWhether o r no t th e Beowulf-poet ha d rea d th e Aeneid —theevidence i s inconclusive—they hav e in common a n enigmati cvision o f th e past . We ca n easil y apply t o Beowulf th e term sused som e year s ag o i n a critica l disput e ove r whethe r Virgi lcould b e calle d a grea t poe t o f histor y a s well a s a grea t poe tof time . Professo r A.D . Nuttal l though t h e coul d not , becaus ehis approac h was typological and 'th e typologica l imaginatio nis intereste d i n samenes s while th e historica l imaginatio n i sinterested i n difference' , bu t D r Stephe n Medcal f though t h edid hav e such a n interest, praisin g his 'obsession with time , andhis belief, o r a t least readiness to believe , that a new epoch witha radical shift i n die nature of things, was happening i n his owntime'.11 a m on Dr Medcalfs side about Virgil, and about Beowulftoo, which I shall try to show is a great poem abou t history, andeven abou t philosoph y o f history. This position i s by no meanswidely accepted . Voice s hav e bee n raise d t o den y historica lconsciousness, no t onl y t o th e autho r o f Beowulf, bu t t o th eAnglo-Saxons as a whole. For instance, Michael Hunter writes:

All th e strand s o f th e past , Roman , Germanic , biblica lor native , wer e knitte d int o single , comprehensiv efabric [ . . .] The pas t was visualized in term s o f a heroic ,idealized presen t [ . . .] There wa s only on e pas t fo r th eAnglo-Saxons, one in which many traditions were vaguelyconfused . . }

While Adelaide Hardy is still more dismissive:86

The urg e t o creat e a n identit y throug h th e illusio n ofcontinuity wit h th e pas t i s obviousl y differen t fro m'historical sense' , whic h depend s o n th e desir e t odistinguish betwee n fac t an d fiction , an d th e abilit y t oplace event s in thei r proper chronological context . [ . . .]It i s to be doubted that before the comin g of Christianit ythe Anglo-Saxon s possesse d a n 'instinctiv e historica lsense' whic h enable d them t o preserv e th e detail s andchronology o f events fro m th e past ; and i t i s more likelythat the y viewed the pas t through legend s which gav e amysterious illusion of continuity.3

The las t commen t ca n b e ignore d a s beside th e poin t fo r apost-Christian poem suc h a s Beowulf. Hard y quote s Tolkien' sassertion tha t th e poe t ha d a n 'instinctiv e historica l sense' ,a poin t whic h h e immediatel y sabotage d b y addin g tha t i thad bee n use d 'wit h a poetical an d no t a n historica l object' —whatever that means! 4 H e nee d no t hav e bee n s o cautious .One coul d begi n t o contes t th e view s o f Hunter an d Hard yby pointin g t o Kin g Alfred' s translatio n o f Boethius , s olong despise d bu t no w a t las t beginnin g t o b e recognise d a spossessing its ow n intellectua l integrity. 5 Boethius , lik e Virgil ,was seen as a vital mediato r between the paga n an d Christianworlds, and , a s will emerge, I believ e his influence on Beowulfcan b e muc h mor e convincingl y maintaine d tha n Virgil's. I none o f th e bes t comparison s o f th e Consolation an d Beowulf,WE Bolto n comments that

What th e Consolatio addresse s through dialecti c an ddoctrine, however , Beowulf approache s throug h literar yform: th e artifac t become s a n embodimen t o f th econcept.6

Bolton her e raise s a crucia l point—th e relatio n o f the poem' sphilosophy o f histor y t o it s artisti c form . Th e matte r i s ofsome theoretica l interest , sinc e a historical poet face s complextechnical challenges . Withi n th e time-scal e o f th e subject -matter h e mus t creat e a past , presen t an d future , which mus t

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in tur n b e balance d agains t th e past , presen t an d futur e o fhimself an d hi s audience , the relationshi p betwee n th e tw otime-scales frequentl y giving occasion fo r iron y o r patho s an dlending itsel f t o a n objectifyin g o r distancin g o f th e poem' sreaders o r hearer s fro m it s personages . A third dimension ,beyond th e poet' s control , occur s afte r hi s lifetim e whe n he ,his contemporarie s an d hi s poem become histor y fo r a futur egeneration. All this applies equally to the Aeneid and to Beowulf,both, in some sense, epics which incorporate th e history (t o beunderstood a s including much that i s not histor y to us) of theirfirst audience s with th e ideologica l ai m o f showin g 'ho w wegot here'. I do not agree with Professo r Nuttal l tha t teleology ,and it s concomitant , a figural imagination , preclude awarenessof historica l change . Al l we ca n reasonabl y sa y i s tha t the yaccount for historica l change in a way which is no longe r widelyaccepted. Ye t that doe s no t mak e the m debase d intellectua lcurrency: Hege l an d Marx wer e teleologica l i n approac h an dcontinue to be taken more seriously than our poet!

Because h e i s first a poet, no t a n historian o r a philosopher ,critics hav e particula r responsibilitie s whe n discussin g th ehistorical 'background ' o f th e poem , an d here , i f I ma y say sowithout offence, i t seems to me that Beowulf needs rescuing fromits admirers. The historica l references in the poem are part of itsexistence as a poem, not simpl y extraneous material of a differen torder o f being . I d o no t sa y that th e enormou s amoun t o fresearch into the historica l allusions in Beowulf has been a wasteof time, but I do believe it has been misdirected. The question sthe researchers ask themselves are 'what are the historical event sto which the poe t refers here , how accurate is his knowledge ofthem, an d wher e di d thi s knowledg e com e from? ' Bu t clearly,if we want t o respon d t o th e poem a s literature, th e questio nmust be 'what is the effec t o n the poem as a poem of presentin gthese detail s in thi s way at thi s point?'—an d thi s questio n ca nonly b e answere d b y looking har d a t th e poem , no t away i nanother direction . Further , th e shee r perplexit y induce d i nthe hearer s and readers by the elliptica l nature o f the allusion smay wel l b e deliberate . Scholar s assur e u s tha t th e origina laudience woul d hav e spotted a t onc e wha t was being referred

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to, bu t we cannot know that tha t was the case , and it i s at leastequally likely that som e o f them wer e a s baffle d a s we are . Asevents and identities accumulate , come and go, and merge intoa dizzyin g kaleidoscope, th e poe t ram s hom e th e lesso n tha thistory is both a n enigma and a burden. But if we are followinga re-ordere d summar y we shal l never gras p this . I n short , th eexcavators o f historica l allusio n i n th e poe m hav e cease d t oconsider i t a s a poem. Professo r Ruth Mors e show s us a mor eexcellent way in stressin g 'wha t kind o f representation o f whatunderstanding fo r wha t audienc e ar e essentia l question s t oask whe n evaluatin g medieva l and renaissanc e history' , an din reformulatin g the questio n i n th e poet' s min d a s 'on th eassumption tha t somethin g ver y lik e thi s migh t b e thought t ohave happened, how are we to understand the events?'7

So to o wit h th e structur e an d th e 'digressions' : i t i s n ouse abstractin g th e historica l allusions , re-arranging the m i nchronological orde r an d givin g a connecte d narrative , wit hthe implicatio n tha t th e poe m i s structurally defective . Th ecomment quote d abov e tha t 'historica l sense ' involve s 'th eability t o plac e event s i n thei r prope r chronologica l context 'begs th e question , fo r ther e i s a chronological contex t whic hseems 'proper ' t o th e poet ; i t i s simply no t a linea r one . H echose t o procee d b y indirections an d we are tol d wha t we needto know when he thinks we need to know it and not before , inthe way in which he thinks we need to know it and in no othe rway. Leyerl e was right: 'there are no digressions in Beowulf. 8

It wa s agai n Tolkie n wh o pointe d t o a n illuminatin gapproach to the poem' s structure , although agai n his phrasingwas unhappy . In a celebrate d passag e in hi s 193 6 lecture h estated that Beowulf

is essentiall y a balance , a n oppositio n o f end s an dbeginnings. I n it s simples t term s i t i s a contraste ddescription o f tw o moment s i n a grea t life , risin g an dsetting; an elaboration of the ancient and intensely movingcontrast betwee n yout h an d age , firs t achievemen t an dfinal death . It is divided in consequence into two opposedportions, different i n matter, manner and length.9

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Tolkien's 'simples t terms ' wer e to o simple . Kennet h Sisa mrightly objected tha t 'it is not clear what beginnings in the firstpart an d what ends in th e latte r par t ar e opposed' , and Boltonwarns agains t makin g ' a lea p fro m th e demonstrate d forma lproperties o f the poem to the predicted thematic properties'. 10

Yet thi s binar y principl e o f constructio n ha s bee n detecte din othe r Ol d Englis h poem s suc h a s Th e Wanderer an d Th eSeafarer, a s well as in th e Aeneid and other classical literature.11

There may be cause for saying tha t it is not onl y present , butfunctionally present , in Beowulf.

Tolkien's statemen t i s ope n t o objectio n no t becaus e h esays somethin g i s ther e whic h i s no t ther e (everyon e agree sthat ther e i s a majo r structura l brea k a t lin e 2200 , an d Ishall us e thi s a s a dividin g poin t betwee n thi s essa y an d it scontinuation) bu t becaus e h e say s it works i n a way in whichit doe s not . Fo r hi s 'simples t terms ' collaps e int o a singl emoment o f apprehensio n o r realisatio n wha t i s i n fac t agradual dawnin g o f awareness in th e reader' s mind , a proces swhich i t require s th e architectura l developmen t o f the whol epoem t o enact . Hi s connectio n o f the binar y structur e wit hthe half-line , late r i n hi s lecture , wa s a sure r intuition ; fo rBeowulf i s a remarkabl e case o f a poe m whos e microcosmi cand macrocosmic structures reinforc e one another . Its stylisticpreference fo r parataxi s ove r subordinatio n matche s it sfondness fo r significan t collocatio n rathe r tha n sequentia lnarrative. Th e bes t wor d fo r th e relationshi p betwee n it svision o f th e pas t an d its , structura l techniqu e i s Donne's :'interinanimation'.

So fa r I hav e been mainl y concerne d with critica l opinion ,but i n th e res t o f the essa y I wish t o concentrat e o n what wecan deduc e fro m th e tex t itsel f abou t th e poet' s vie w of th epast. This old New Critica l procedur e ma y have value in thi scase, however , because , despite continuing debate , we actuallyhave n o ide a when o r wher e th e poe m wa s written,12 an d t oattempt: t o relat e th e event s i t incorporates t o some propose d'contemporary' contex t ma y be a t bes t a circular argument , a tworst a distracting irrelevance.

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II

The poe m open s with a deman d for ou r attentio n no w whichis immediatel y followe d b y a n appea l to ou r commo n pastexperience, specifically ou r memor y o f certain kinds of story—'Hwset we [ . . . ] gefrunon'—and what we hav e heard o f i s alsoremote fro m u s i n time—'Gar-Den a I i n geardagum/beod -cyninga I brym ' (1-2) . Syntactically , a s rn y fragmentin g o fthe quotatio n shows , the pas t is wrapped round b y communalmemory.

The managemen t o f time i n th e 'Prologue' , th e firs t fiftylines o r so , induce s i n u s a sens e o f tempora l dislocatio ncharacteristic o f d e poe m a s a whole . Th e stor y o f Scyl d i snarrated i n a rapi d impressionisti c way , with ambiguou s o rvague tempora l indication s suc h a s 'aerest' , 'odbaet' , 'ajfter' ,'lange hwile', 'lang e ahte ' (6 , 9, 12 , 16, 31).13 The bris k sketchof th e conquest s whic h consolidate d hi s leadershi p comesto a temporar y poin t o f stasi s i n th e exclamatio n 'bae t wee sgod cyning ' (11 ) whic h give s 'a n impressio n o f finalit y i n asummarizing statement'" 14 an d i s later use d o f Hrothgar an dBeowulf himself (863, 2390). This is a good moment t o disposeof anothe r vexe d question , tha t o f 'formulai c phrases' . Th efact tha t a phrase i s used mor e tha n onc e doe s no t empt y i tof meaning: o n th e contrary , eac h repetition i s coloured b y itspredecessors an d acquire s an extra dimension o f meaning. So ,here, th e phras e establishes , across grea t tract s o f the poem ,a parallelis m of characte r whic h als o make s u s thin k abou tthe implication s o f 'god ' i n eac h case . Afte r it s us e a t 1 1 anew indefinit e movement get s unde r wa y with 'arfter ' (12 ) a sthe valou r o f Scyld' s son Beowul f i s praised . All the editor ssolemnly remin d u s that thi s Beowul f is is not th e eponymou shero, bu t tha t i s exactly the point , an d whe n th e her o doe sfinally say 'Beowulf is min nama' (343) the poe t has engineereda momentary confusion which again points up the parallels.

From thes e lon g stretche s o f time w e swoop o n particularmoment a s Scyld dies 'to gescaep-hwile ' (26) , 'at the appointe dhour' (appointe d b y whom?) , introducin g th e firs t length y

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concentration o n a specifi c event— a funeral , anticipatin g th eend o f the poem . Scyld' s burial i s telescoped together with hisinitial voyage, as a baby, in a moment which does provide somejustification fo r Tolkien's comments quoted earlier :

Naelaes hi hine lasssan lacu m teodan,beod-gestreonum, bon ba dydon,be hine se t frumsceafte for S onsendo nsenne ofer y5e umbor-wesend e (43-6)

The us e of 'frumscaefte', als o found i n line 91 and in Caedmon' sHymn t o mea n th e creatio n o f th e world , lend s a n aur a o fimmense ag e t o Scyld ; hi s lif e i s both unimaginabl y long an dcompressed int o a single instant , a brief interva l between tw ovoyages into the unknown.

From 5 3 his succes s stor y seem s du e t o b e repeated—an dconsolidated, fo r thi s figur e who cam e fro m nowher e an d ha dno past , whose very name i s a symbol o f hi s function , i s no wthe founde r o f a burgeoning dynasty . Time move s rapidl y on:we hear of Hrothgar's birt h i n 61 and of his military leadershipin 64:

pa waes HroSgare here-spe d gyfen ,wiges weor5-mynd, bae t him his wine-magasgeorne hyrdon, oSdbas t seo geogoS geweoxmago-driht micel . Hi m on mod be-arnbast heal-reced hata n wolde. . . (64—8)

'ba', 'bxt ' an d 'oddbaet ' continu e th e tempora l vagueness , bu tthe caesura in 6 7 marks a decisive break. From the act s whichconfirm Hrothgar' s leadershi p we move t o a n idea ; out o f th eflux o f time emerges the impositio n o f an individual will, a willnot merel y to buil d a hall but t o creat e somethin g historicall ynew, unprecedented—

medo-aern micel me n gewyrcean,bonne yldo beam aefr e gefruno n (69-70 )

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—which will involve many peoples beside Hrothgar's own (74 —6). The hall , symbo l o f Hrothgar's success and o f civilization ,rises miraculously from nothing , i n due time but in human eyesquickly (76f.) . Th e spee d give s a n impressio n o f Hrothgar' spower; h e ha s only t o comman d an d hi s bidding is done. Bu tthe poet no sooner present s the hall , 'towering high' (are we tothink of Babel?) than he sounds an ominous note: Heorot

hea5o-wylma bad,laSan liges; n e wass hit lenge ba gen,baet se ecg-hete abum-sweria nasfter wsl-niSe wxcna n scolde. (83-5)

This devic e recur s (e.g . 1017-9) ; b y assurin g u s tha tsomething ha d not yet occurred th e poe t make s us aware of itsinevitability—a simultaneou s postponemen t an d prophec y o fdoom.

From huma n creation , destine d t o crumbl e i n time , th eperspective move s t o Divin e creatio n an d th e establishmen tof a n eterna l order . Th e sto p sing s o f histor y impregnate dwith spirituality , recounting 'frumsceaf t fir a I feorran ' (91) ,celebrating th e harmon y o f th e cosmo s an d th e plenitud eof th e create d worl d i n whic h Go d 'li f ea c gesceop/cynn agehwylcum, I bara 5 e cwic e hwyrfab' (97£) . The insistenc e o n'gehwylcum' immediatel y introduces a problem, fo r th e scop' ssong i s sandwiched in between th e firs t references to Grendel ,and th e doubl e nature o f 'creation ' soo n become s clear : fro mthe archetypa l fratricide of Cain all the internecine strif e in thepoem descends , and Grendel, Cain' s descendant , is the produc tand embodimen t o f a gri m anti-creation , a horribl e parod yof huma n society , wit h it s ow n kinshi p bond s an d comple xetiquette (se e e.g . 562-4 , where th e monster s ar e depicte d ina comitatus of thei r own , with canniba l feasts a t th e botto m o fthe sea) . Moreover, thi s parod y can impinge o n tha t whic h i tparodies—we hear o f Grendel's 'guS-crasft' (127 ) and althoughhe is clearly not a n admirable warrior like Scyld or Hrothgar h e'rixode' (144) in Heorot, during the night, as not only Hrothga r

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but Go d allowe d hi m to . Th e fac t tha t h e act s wit h God' spermission i s made quit e clea r (e.g . 478f. , 705-9) . Against th eefforts o f me n t o buil d a civilization—on e aspec t o f which i sa historica l understanding—i s pitte d a n irrationa l principl e o finstinctive animus , buil t in to th e world b y its Maker and , i n acomplex way , historical to o (Cai n wa s not a legendary figure ,we suppose, for the poet or his audience).

NotesWork on thi s essay was facilitated b y a short period o f study at Chris tChurch, Oxford , in th e summe r o f 1992 . I a m most gratefu l t o th eCollege fo r it s hospitality . Al l quotations fro m Beowulf refe r t o th eedition b y C.L . Wrenn , revise d b y W.F . Bolto n (3r d ed. , revised ,Exeter, 1988) . Diacritic s hav e bee n omitted . Wher e quotation s ar enot displayed , the brea k between half-line s i s indicated by a verticalline thus: I

1. Nuttall , 'Virgi l an d Shakespeare' , an d Medcalf , 'Virgil a t th eTurn o f Time' , i n Virgil and hi s Influence: Bimillenial Studies, ed .Charles Martindal e (Bristol , 1984.) , pp . 76 , 239 . Dr Medcal f als okindly discussed his article with me.

2. Michae l Hunter , 'Germani c an d Roma n Antiquit y an d th eSense o f th e Pas t i n Anglo-Saxon England' , Anglo-Saxon England 3(1974), pp. 46-8 .

3. Adelaide Hardy, 'Historica l Perspectiv e an d th e Beowulf Poet' ,Neophilologus 6 3 (1979) , pp . 431 , 441 . Fo r a mor e positiv e view ,Roberta Frank, 'The Beowulf Poet's Sens e of History', in Th e Wisdomof Poetry, ed . Siegfrie d Wenze l an d Larr y D . Benso n (Kalamazoo ,1982), pp . 53-65. I have not been able to see Leonard Tennenhouse ,'Beowulf an d th e Sens e of History', Bucknell Review 1 9 (1971), 137-46.

4. Beowulf th e Monster s an d th e Critics' , Proceedings o f the BritishAcademy 22 (1936): separate publication, p. 5.

5. See , fo r instance , Olg a Fischer , ' A Comparativ e Stud y o fPhilosophical Terms i n th e Alfredia n an d Chauceria n Boethius' ,Neophilologus 6 (1979) , 622-39 , an d Jerol d C . Frakes , Th e Fate o fFortune i n the Early Middle Ages: the Boethian Tradition (Leiden , 1988) .I owe the latter reference to Dr Clare A. Lees.

6. W.F. Bolton , 'Boethiu s an d a Topos i n Beowulf,' i n Margo t H .King and Wesley M. Steven s eds, Saints Scholars and Heroes: Studies inMedieval Culture in Honour o f Charles W . Jones (Minnesota , 1979) , vol.l ,p.36.

7. Rut h Morse, Truth and Convention in the Middle Ages: Rhetoric,Representation, and Reality (Cambridge , 1991), pp. 95 , 87.

8. J. Leyerle , 'Th e Interlac e Structur e o f Beowulf, University o fToronto Quarterly 3 7 (1967), 1-17 .94

9. Tolkien, op. cit., p. 29 .10. Sisam, TA e Structure of Beowulf (Oxford , 1965) , p. 22: Bolton ,

ed. cit., p. 76 .11. See Tf o Seafarer, ed . Id a L . Gordo n (1960) , p . 8 ; The Wanderer,

ed. T.P . Dunnin g an d A.I . Blis s (1969) , p . 82 ; W.A . Camps , A nIntroduction t o Virgil's 'Aeneid' (Oxford , 1969), pp. 54-8 .

12. I take heart fro m th e splendidl y sceptical essay by E.G. Stanley,'The Dat e o f Beowulf: som e Doubt s an d n o Conclusions' , i n Coli nChase, ed. , Th e Dating of'Beowulf (Toronto , 1981), pp . 197-211 ,reprinted i n Stanley's A Collection o f Papers with Emphasis on Old EnglishLiterature (Toronto, 1987) . We can date the manuscript o f the poe m c.1000 and it s language is West Saxo n with some Anglian elements: allelse is conjecture.

13. Fo r som e stylisti c comment s o n th e handlin g o f tim e se eHakan Ringbom , Studies in th e Narrative Technique o f 'Beowulf an dLawman's 'Brut' (Abo , 1968) , pp . 25-3 7 ( a not entirel y reliabl e study,however), and E.G . Stanley, 'Th e Narrativ e Art of Beowulf, inMedieval Narrative: a Symposium, ed . Han s Bekker-Nielse n e t al.(Odense, 1979) , pp. 59f.

14. Stanley, 'Narrative Art', p. 76.

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