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Concerns about the rights of the child to participate in policy decisions that
affect them and worrying trends in electoral participation by the youngest cohorts
of voters have inspired a strengthened focus on young people and their role in the
democratic process. Rarely do discussions of this policy issue escape references to
Information Communication Technologies (ICTs), and in particular, the Internet, as
fruitful avenues for engaging young people in the work of public institutions such as
parliament. Such references are not surprising. After all, young people are amongst
the most avid users of these technologies. If public officials and institutions hope to
engage with young people in any way, it will likely necessarily involve the use of
ICTs and the Internet, since these are such fundamental aspects of young people’s
everyday lives. In addition, some argue that because the Internet accommodates
flexible, networked communication it may be better suited to young people who are
likely to be intimidated or turned off by the hierarchical, rule-based, and adult-
dominated brand of political exchange associated with other political forums. Add to
this the fact that young people feel empowered online as the relative experts in the
use of the medium, and it seems that the Internet holds much promise for public
institutions seeking to empower young people as political actors (Livingstone,
2007).
Unfortunately, experience in the United Kingdom so far reveals that this
promise has yet to be realized. While opportunities for young people to participate
in online politics have proliferated in recent years, research suggests that youth
largely pass these opportunities by.
According to a 2004 study, 42% of those aged 12-19 who go online at least once
a week have never visited political websites. Of those who have visited such sites,
the majority (64%) simply “checked out the site”, suggesting that even if young
people are willing to visit a political site, they are not likely to interact with it in
anyway. Peer-to-peer communication amongst young people also appears largely
void of political exchange, with over half of those aged 12-19 that email, instant
message or chat saying that they never talk about political or civic issues via these
channels, and only 4% saying that they do so often (Livingstone & Bober, 2004). In
addition, research suggests that the majority of UK youth use the Internet as a
platform for communicating with those they already know from the offline world in
restricted networks, viewing communication with strangers as pointless and
dangerous. This research also reveals that young people value privacy in their
online communications, and resent those who attempt to invade their private online
worlds (Livingstone & Bober, 2003). Thus, not only do young people appear
reluctant to use the Internet as a political platform, but the notion that they use it for
broad, public, interactive participation within open networks, of a political nature or
otherwise, is also not supported by research.
Last, the assumption that young people will be willing to take up
opportunities for online political engagement is undermined by what we know
about socio-economic determinants of political participation in general. The online
world is not insulated from the reality of offline political dynamics – working class
children are less likely to vote for something online, contribute to a message board,
or sign a petition online than middle-class children. Arguably, those who are already
pre-disposed to political participation, and those who are generally not the prime
focus of democratic engagement strategies, stand to gain the most benefit from an
increased emphasis on online political opportunities (Livingstone & Bober, 2004).
Paradoxically, attempts to reduce gaps in participation between the young and old
through online engagement efforts may simply exacerbate existing gaps between
young people who are already more likely to be politically engaged and those who
are traditionally marginalized from the democratic process.
If research so far suggests that young people at best seize opportunities for
online political participation unequally, and at worst, do not participate in online
politics at all, this begs the question of why the Internet remains such a central focus
of concern in the academic and policy community interested in young people’s
political participation. Is the emphasis on the Internet distracting us from examining
more fruitful approaches to youth engagement?
Not necessarily. Arguably, the Internet still holds more potential as an avenue
for engaging young people than others, for the reasons suggested above. Still, our
initial experience with online engagement reveals, not surprisingly, that despite this
great potential, the same barriers to youth engagement present in the offline world
also apply to online engagement efforts. These barriers are well-known – young
people claim they are not interested in political issues, doubt that their input is
valued, feel they are too young to become involved in politics, or feel politics is
boring (Livingstone & Bober, 2004).
In other words, despite its promise as a means of engaging young people in the
work of public institutions such as parliament, the Internet has not proven to be a
silver bullet solution capable of eradicating the deeper issues that cause young
people to withdraw from formal political participation in the first place. If
parliaments and parliamentarians wish to empower young people as citizens, then,
it will take much more than simply setting up a Facebook page or creating a Twitter
account. After all, these are just tools, and their power lies in how they are used and
for what end, not simply the fact that they are used. As part of a strategy that seeks
genuine engagement on young people’s terms, taking into account their needs and
promising youth meaningful influence over policy decisions, these tools will likely
be a great support for those attempting to empower young citizens. Without this
underlying strategy, however, forays into online engagement will likely just
reproduce what we already see in the offline world, with public institutions
reaching out, and young people largely withdrawing.
References
Livingstone, Sonia & Bober, M. (2003). UK children go online: Listening to young people’s experiences. London: LSE Research Online. Retrieved from http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/archive/0000388
Livingstone, Sonia & Bober, M. (2004). Third report: Active participation or just more information? Young people’s take up of opportunities to act and interact on the internet. Economic Social and Research Council.
Livingstone, Sonia. (2007). The Challenge of Engaging Youth Online: Contrasting Producers' and Teenagers' Interpretations of Websites. European Journal of Communication, (22) 2, 165-184.