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N O T E S
Introduction
1. Dante Alighieri, Literature in the Vernacular (De Vulgari Eloquentia), trans. Sally
Purcell (Manchester: Carcanet New Press Limited, 1981), 21–22.
2. Ibid., 27.
3. Umberto Eco, The Search for the Perfect Language, trans. James Fentress (Blackwell,
1995), 34.
4. Ibid., 45–46.
5. Dante Alighieri, Dante, De Vulgari Eloquentia, ed. and trans. Steven Botterill
(Cambridge University Press, 1996), 3.
6. Ibid., 3.
7. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Ref lections on the Origin and Spread of
Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991), 67. In his discussion, Anderson places great
emphasis on “piracy,” which I have found rather problematic. The word “piracy”
vividly evokes the speed and pervasiveness of the emergence of the vernacular
and the spread of nationalism. But it also has negative connotations of forgery, of
knowledge as property. Is Anderson implying that that all the language revolu-
tions in other countries are illegitimate copies, while the European one is the
only original? One can’t help but think of Walter Benjamin’s discussion of the
“original” and the “copies” in his well- known essay “The Work of Art in the Age
of Mechanical Reproduction.” Does the construction of the “original” and the
“piracy” in Anderson’s paradigm also work to uphold the concept of authenticity,
granting some kind of aura to the superior West, which in turn demands some
ritualistic respect from the inferior “copies”?
8. In his article “Conjectures on World Literature” (in Debating World Literature, ed.
Christopher Prendergast [New York: Verso, 2004], 148–162), Franco Moretti
shows the findings of his ambitious research on the rise of the modern novel
(roughly from 1750 to 1950) in four continents (Europe, Latin America, Asia, and
Africa), more than twenty independent critical studies, as such: world literature
was indeed a system—but a system of variations. While I agree with Moretti’s
argument, readers will see that my vision of “system” differs considerably
Notes142
from Moretti’s political, economic, and scientific approach. As Emily Apter
observes in her article “Literary World- Systems” (in Teaching World Literature,
ed. David Damrosch [The Modern Language Association of America, 2009],
44–60), Moretti drew heavily on the work of Immanuel Wallerstein, for whom
the world- system was market- driven with core centers of power, around which
peripheral nations orbited. In his recent projects, The Novel (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 2007), an edited volume on the world history of the genre
involving contributors from various national literatures, and Graphs, Maps, Trees:
Abstracts for a Literary History (London and New York: Verso, 2005), Moretti fur-
ther highlights the value of science (both natural science and social science) in his
approach to understanding world literature.
9. Two major works in this category of “history of ideas” regarding the rise of
the vernacular are Richard Foster Jones’s The Triumph of the English Language: A
Survey of Opinions Concerning the Vernacular from the Introduction of Printing to the
Restoration (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1953) and Eric Blackall’s The
Emergence of German as a Literary Language: 1770–1775 (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1959).
10. Lydia Liu, Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Translated Modernity
in China, 1900–37 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 26.
11. Martin Heidegger, On the Way to Language, trans. Peter D. Hertz (San Francisco:
Harper & Row, 1971), 57. A perfect proof of this theory is Jacques Derrida’s
recently published book Monolingualism of the Other; or, The Prosthesis of Origin
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), where he claims: “I am monolingual.
My monolingualism dwells, and I call it my dwelling; it feels like one to me, and
I remain in it and inhabit it. It inhabits me. The monolingualism in which I draw
my very breath is, for me, my element. Not a natural element, not the transparency
of the ether, but an absolute Habitat” (1). What Derrida expresses here is obviously
an experience he underwent with language that touched the innermost nexus of
his existence. Although the struggle that Derrida had to come to terms with—“I
only have one language; it is not mine”—was deeply connected with the “legacy
of French in colonial Algeria,” the kind of obsessive and precarious emotional,
linguistic, and existential condition that he explores and elaborates in his book is
far more universal. See also Rey Chow’s interesting article “Reading Derrida on
Being Monolingual,” New Literature History, vol. 39, no. 2 (Spring 2008): 217–31.
12. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. H. Iswolsky (Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1968), 465.
13. Wai Chee Dimock, Through Other Continents: American Literature across Deep Time
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006), 74.
14. Nergis Erturk, “Modernity and Its Fallen Languages: Tanpinar’s Hasret,
Benjamin’s Melancholy,” PMLA, vol. 123, ( January 2008) no. 1: 41–56.
15. Lu Xun, “Diary of a Madman,” in Selected Stories of Lu Hsun, trans. Yang Hsien- yi
and Gladys Yang (Norton, 1977), 10.
16. Dante Alighieri, The Divine Comedy of Dante Alighieri: Inferno, ed. and trans.
Robert M. Durling (Oxford University Press, 1996), 29.
Notes 143
17. Ernest Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R.
Trask (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 355.
18. Indra Levy, Sirens of the Western Shore: The Westernesque Femme Fatale, Translation,
and Vernacular Style in Modern Japanese Literature (New York: Columbia University
Press, 2006).
19. David Damrosch, What Is World Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
2003), 45. Also see, Apter, “Literary World- Systems.”
20. See Moretti, “Conjectures on World Literature,” 149.
21. See Moretti, Graphs, Maps, Trees.
One The Language of Utopia
1. Thomas More, Utopia, trans. H.V.S. Ogden (Harlan Davidson, Inc., 1949), 29.
2. Ibid., 29.
3. Kang Youwei, Ta T’ung Shu: The One- World Philosophy of K’ang Yu- wei, trans.
Laurence G. Thompson (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1958), 99.
4. Ibid., 101.
5. Gerard Wegemer, “The City of God in Thomas More’s Utopia,” Renascence 44
(Winter 1992): 115–135; also see Zhang Longxi, Allegoresis: Reading Canonical
Literature East and West (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2005),
167–173.
6. See Patrick Hanan, Chinese Fiction of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries
(New York: University of Columbia Press, 2004), 76.
7. Kang Youwei, 101.
8. Ibid.,101.
9. Charles Ferguson, “Diglossia,” Word 15 (1959): 325–40.
10. After Ferguson coined the term, “diglossia” became widely used in socio-
linguistic literature and its meaning was further theorized and extended. The
most important revision was provided by Joshua Fishman in his 1967 article,
entitled “Bilingualism with and without diglossia, diglossia with and without
bilingualism” (The Journal of Social Issue 23, 1967: 29–38). Def ining the notion
almost solely based on the principle of function, Fishman states that “diglos-
sia” exists “not only in multilingual societies which off icially recognize sev-
eral ‘languages’ but also in societies which are multilingual in the sense that
employ separate dialects, registers or functionally differentiated language vari-
eties of whatever kind” (Fishman, 30). Fishman paints an ambitious blueprint
for a new “broad diglossia,” which proved to be very appealing to later social
linguists.
11. The appropriations are in two aspects. First, Ferguson’s model seems only to concern
itself with the spoken language. Second, the picture of the linguistic structure of
pre- modern China complicates itself by the presence of different dialects, which in
a sense challenges the binary system proposed by Ferguson. But since what is at issue
here is the written language of China, mainly the relationship between wenyan and
Notes144
baihua, I allow myself to simplify the picture. I understand such simplification comes
at the expense of 1) a more sophisticated view of baihua (the vernacular) as the lin-
guistic medium in fiction and opera and as guanhua (Mandarin) required of almost
everyone in or associated with the civil service, including manuals and guidebooks
for how actually to carry out the tasks of being a magistrate, etc.; and 2) the rela-
tionship between baihua (the vernacular) and local dialects, the informal spoken lan-
guage. Most recently, Edward Gunn has done substantial work on spoken languages
in contemporary China. See, Edward Gunn, Rendering the Regional: Local Language in
Contemporary Chinese Media (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2006).
12. As many scholars have acknowledged, it is extremely difficult to determine
exactly when the writing script of ancient Chinese began to diverge form speech.
Bernhard Karlgren estimated that Chinese writing and speech started to part
ways roughly at the end of the Western Han period (206 B.C. to 22 A.D.). Some
other scholars such as John DeFrancis believe that the divorce of writing from
speech started much earlier, probably in the earliest stages of Chinese writing,
the Shang period. Also see Liangyan Ge, Out of the Margin: The Rise of Chinese
Vernacular Fiction (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2001). As many scholars
have acknowledged, it is extremely difficult to determine.
13. Ge, 11.
14. See Victor Mair’s research on Tun- huang Manuscripts: T’ang Transformation Texts
(Cambridge: Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies, 1989).
15. Ferguson, “Diglossia,” 328.
16. Hu Shi, “Introduction to Monkey,” in Monkey, trans. Arthur Waley (New York:
Grove Press, 1970), 3.
17. Li Zhi “On the Child- Mind,” in An Anthology of Chinese Literature: Beginning to
1911, ed. Stephen Owen (New York and London: Norton, 1996), 810.
18. For more detail on Wang Yangming’s philosophy, see Wing- Tsit Chan, A Source
Book in Chinese Philosophy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963).
19. Ferguson, “Diglossia,” 332.
20. See Jones, The Triumph of the English Language.
21. More’s Utopia was later translated into English and became accessible to mass
readership. Keeping the story of “diglossia” in mind, we can easily understand
why More was so outraged that he made it very clear that he preferred the book to
be burned rather than have it translated into English. Indeed, More’s Utopia was
born as a performance on a certain stage for a certain audience. If displaced into a
different setting, the book was bound to suffer losses, although it would probably
also gain things that More could never have imagined.
22. The picture of the linguistic structure of early Modern England was very much a
tri- glossic situation, with English, French and Latin each playing different roles.
Since what is at issue here is only the relationship between Latin and English, I
allow myself to simplify the picture.
23. Kang Youwei, Ta T’ung Shu (Shanghai: shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005), 101.
24. Hu Ying, Tales of Translation: Composing the New Women in China, 1899–1918
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 21–25; also see Paul Cohen,
Notes 145
Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T’ao and Reform in Late Ch’ing China
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); and Chang Hao, Liang Ch’i- ch’ao
and Intellectual Transition in China, 1890–1907 (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1971).
25. Shen Fu, Six Records of a Floating Life, trans. Leonard Pratt and Chiang Su- hui
(Penguin Books, 1983), 101.
26. Joseph Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1968).
27. Kang Youwei, Ta T’ung Shu, 102.
28. For more detailed discussion on the early Jesuit missionaries’ attempts at roman-
ization of the Chinese language, see DeFrances, Nationalism and Language Reform
in China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950).
29. As DeFrances states in his book, the inf luence of these romanization activities
“was of limited significance, for little survives apart from a causal comment
on the advantages of phonetic as against ideographic writing.” Nationalism and
Language Reform in China, 17.
30. Ibid., 23.
31. See Wang Feng, “Wanqing pinyinhua yu baihuawen cuifa de gouyusichao,” (“The
National Language Trends Advanced by the Romanization and Vernacularization
in the Late Qing Period”), in Wenxue yuyan yu wenzhang tishi—cong wanqing dao
“wusi” (Literary Language and Literature Style—from the late Qing to the May Fourth
period), ed. Xia Xiaohong (Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe, 2005), 23.
32. See S. Robert Ramsey, The Language of China (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1987), in which he gives a vivid account about what happened at the con-
ference on the unification of pronunciation.
33. See Milena Dolezelova- Velingerova, “The Origins of Modern Chinese
Literature,” in Modern Chinese Literature in the May Fourth Era, ed. Merle Goldman
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), 17–35.
34. Ibid., 22.
35. Edward Gunn, “The Language of Early Republican Fiction in the Context of
Print Media,” Comparative Literature: East & West, vol. 4, no.1 (Summer 2002):
37–57.
36. Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterf lies: Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth-
Century Chinese Cities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 19.
37. As recorded by Richard Foster Jones, throughout the late fifteenth and early six-
teenth century there were innumerable examples of self- depreciation in English
vernacular writers. For instance, scattered through Caxton’s prologues and epi-
logues are many apologies for his simple and rude style and his rude and common
English. He speaks of translating a Dutch tale “in to this rude and comyn engly-
she,” and apologizes for reducing the original of Blanchardyn and Eglantine (1489)
“to rude and comyn englyshe.” In a work begun in 1477, Thomas Norton finds it
necessary to defend his use of “plaine and common speache” on the ground that
he is writing for the unlearned multitude. No wise man, he says, should despise
it, because it is “here set out in English blunt and rude” to please “Ten Thousand
Notes146
Layman” rather than “ten able Clerkes.” The use of English, free from classical
expressions, requires an apology. See Jones, 4–5.
38. Also according to Richard Foster Jones, many dictionaries were compiled in the
early seventeenth century, which laid the basis for the triumph of the English lan-
guage. These dictionaries were: Robert Cawdrey, A Table Alphabeticall . . . (1604),
Henry Cockeram, The English Dictioonarie . . . (1623), Thomas Blount,
Glossographia . . . (1656), etc. Ibid., 274.
39. Chen Duxiu, “On Literary Revolution,” in Modern Chinese Literary Thought:
Writings on Literature, 1893–1945, ed. Kirk Denton (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1996), 141.
40. For a detailed discussion of the May Fourth Movement, see Chow Tse- Tusing,
The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1964);
Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment: Intellectuals and the Legacy of the May
Fourth Movement of 1919 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and
Benjamin Schwartz, ed., Reflections on the May Fourth Movement: A Symposium
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972).
41. Kirk Denton, Modern Chinese Literary Thought: Writings on Literature, 1893- 1945
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 114.
42. Ibid., 114.
43. In the recent decades, the “May Fourth” paradigm that privileges only writings
produced by May Fourth progressive writers has come under critical scrutiny. My
engagement with this debate will be seen later in chapter 4.
44. Qian Xuantong, “Zhongguo jinhou zhi wenzi wenti,” in Zhongguo xinwenxue
daxi (Compendium of Modern Chinese Literature), ed. Zhao Jiabi (Shanghai: liangyou
tushu gongsi, 1935) vol. 1, 141.
45. For more on the spread of Esperanto in early twentieth- century China, see Muller
& Benton, “Esperanto and Chinese Anarchism 1907–1920: The Translation from
Diaspora to Homeland,” Language Problem and Language Planning, 30: 1 (2006):
45–73.
46. Chen Duxiu, “Fuzhu,” in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 146.
47. Hu Shi, “Fuzhu” Ibid, 146.
48. Lu Xun, “Guanyu xinwenzi” in Lu Xun Quanji (Complete Works of Lu Xun),
(Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1981), vol. 6.
49. Fu Sinian, “Hanyu gaiyong pinyin wenzi de chubu tan” (“A Preliminary Discussion
of Replacing Chinese Characters with a Phonetic System of Roman Letters”)
in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 149. Also see Ping Chen, “China,” in Language and National
Identity in Asia, ed. Andrew Simpson (Oxford University Press, 2007).
50. Zhu Jingnong, “Letter from Zhu Jingnong” in Hu Shi xueshu wenji (Collected
Scholarly Work of Hu Shi), ed. Jiang Yihua (Zhonghua shuju, 1993).
51. Liu Bannong, “Wode wenxue gailiang guan,” in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 67.
52. Hu Shi, “Jianshe de wenxue genming lun” Ibid., 128–130.
53. Hu Shi, “Bishang liangshan,” ibid., 9.
54. Hu Shi, “Some modest suggestions for literary reform,” in Denton, 125.
Notes 147
55. Wang Feng, “Wenxue gemin yu guoyu yundong zhi guanxi,” (On the Relationship
between the Literary Revolution and the National Language Movement), in Xia
Xiaohong, 46–70.
56. Fu Sinian, “How to write in the vernacular,” in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 223.
57. Qu Qiubai, “Problems Pertaining to Mass Literature.” For a detailed discus-
sion on the Leftist criticism on the May Fourth vernacular movement, see Merle
Goldman, “Left- Wing Criticism of the Pai Hua Movement,” in Reflections on the
May Fourth Movement, ed. Benjamin Schwartz (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1972), 85–94.
58. Zhou Zuoren, “Humane literature,” in Denton, 219.
59. C.T. Hsia, A History of Modern Chinese Fiction, 1917–1957 (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1961), 21.
Two The Chinese Renaissance
1. My examination of Hu’s encounter with Sichel’s book benefits from Robert
Darnton’s illuminating study of bestsellers in pre- revolutionary France, which
showed that meanings do not come prepackaged in discourses but, rather, are
shaped by various circumstances. Darnton’s work has made it easier for scholars
to pay attention to popular genres and to explore the role of publishers and book-
sellers when discussing the reception of ideas. See Robert Darnton, The Forbidden
Best- Sellers of Pre- Revolutionary France (New York: Norton, 1995).
2. In Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge Press,
1992), Mary Louise Pratt uses “contact zones” to designate the social spaces
where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other. While I adopt
the term, I do not emphasize the highly asymmetrical power relations of domina-
tion and subordination inherent in her study.
3. Burke, “Jacob Burckhardt and the Italian Renaissance,” in Jacob Burckhardt, The
Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy (Penguin Books, 1990), 12.
4. Instead of uncovering an essence of the Renaissance, Burckhardt may have looked
at the Renaissance with a particular horizon of expectation and found that some
neglected aspects resonated with him.
5. Edith Sichel, The Renaissance (New York: Henry Holt, 1914), 8.
6. Ibid., 13.
7. Hu Shi, Hu Shi liuxue riji, (Hu Shi’s Diary While Studying Abroad) (Taipei:
Commercial Press, 1959), vol. 4, 1155.
8. Irene Eber, “Thoughts on Renaissance in Modern China,” in Studia Asiatica:
Essays in Asian Studies in Felicitation of the Seventy- fifth Anniversary of Professor Ch’en
Shou- yi, ed. Laurence G. Thompson (San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center,
1975), 216.
9. For more discussions on the problem of translation and translingual practices in
modern China, see Lydia Liu’s Translingual Practices.
Notes148
10. Liang Qichao, Zhongguo xueshu sixiang bianqian zhi dashi (On the Development of
Chinese Scholarship and Intellectual Trends) (Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 1981), 103.
11. Quoted from Chen Pingyuan, Zhongguo xiandai xueshu de jianli (Establishing
Modern Chinese Scholarship) (Beijing: Beijing University Press, 1998), 336.
12. Hu Shi, Hu Shi liuxue riji, vol. 4, 1155.
13. Cited from Chow, The May Fourth Movement, 338.
14. See the invention of the word transculturation in Ortiz: “The word transculturation
better expresses the different phrases of the process of transition from one culture
to another because this does not consist merely in acquiring another culture, which
is what the English word acculturation really implies, but the process also necessar-
ily involves the loss or uprooting of a previous culture, which could be defined as
a deculturation. In addition, it carries the idea of the consequent creation of new
cultural phenomena, which could be called neoculturation.” Fernando Oritz,
Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995),
102–3.
15. Although the notion of renaissance was mainly associated with rebirth and other
future- looking features of modernity and progress in May Fourth China, there
was also an alternative way of understanding that was championed by Zhou
Zuoren, another major contributor to the May Fourth literary revolution. As
Zhou wrote in one of his 1926 essays, “I often think that among other genres in
the New Literature, modern prose is least inf luenced by the foreign literary tradi-
tion; to say it is the product of a literary revolution therefore does not do justice,
for it is rather the fruit of a literary Renaissance.” Interestingly enough, in Zhou’s
discourse, “Renaissance,” a foreign word, is used to describe something mostly
free from foreign inf luence, which is in a way an accurate use of term, since con-
ventionally the term is about going back to the past, to the roots of the culture.
16. Zhao, “Preface” in Zhao Jiabi., Zhongguo xinwenxue daxi.
17. For example, in response to May Fourth intellectuals’ self- identification with
the Renaissance, Chow Tse- tsung in his seminal book The May Fourth Movement
gives a lengthy discussion of how the May Fourth period bears very little resem-
blance to the European Renaissance.
18. Yu Ying- shih, “Neither Renaissance nor Enlightenment: A Historian’s
Ref lections on the May Fourth Movement,” in The Appropriation of Cultural
Capital: China’s May Fourth Project, ed. Milena Dolezelova- Velingerova and
Oldrich Kral (Harvard University Press, 2001), 320.
19. It is tempting to approach Hu’s appropriations of the Renaissance as instances
of Occidentalism defined by Xiaomei Chen as “a discursive practice that, by
constructing its Western Other, has allowed the Orient to participate actively
and with indigenous creativity in the process of self- appropriation, even after
being appropriated and constructed by Western Others” (Occidentalism: A Theory
of Counter- Discourse in Post- Mao China [Oxford University Press, 1994], 2). The
reason I am hesitant to do so is that Chen’s Occidentalism is in a way a deriva-
tive of Orientalism, as Chen herself acknowledges: “Chinese Occidentalism is
the product of Western Orientalism, even if its aims are largely and specifically
Notes 149
Chinese” (Ibid., 5). On the one hand, I am not denying that Hu’s worldview is
highly inf luenced by the Western thought, but I do not think that should be
considered a case study of Western world domination. On the other hand, the
emphasis of my discussion is certainly not on the workings of power relation-
ship. My choice not to focus on them is a response to the overarching power of
the theory of power. Sometimes one wonders whether obsessively talking about
power merely reinforces that power, verbally and in other ways. For this reason,
I prefer a more neutral term such as transculturation.
20. Hu Shi, “Some Modest Suggestions for Literary Reform,” Denton, 123.
21. Ibid., 124.
22. Ibid., 138.
23. Hu Shi, “Jianshe de wenxue geming lun” (“Toward a Constructive Theory of
Literary Revolution”), in Zhao Jiabi, vol.1, 127–128.
24. See Bruno Migliorni, The Italian Language (Boston: Faber and Faber, 1984).
The vernacular gained considerable ground in the fourteenth century, although
the main contributions to the development of the vulgar tongue were made
by the likes of Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, who drew strength from their
knowledge of the classics and in their efforts to give artistic nobility to Italian.
In the early fifteenth century, the vernacular went through a crisis. The human-
ists’ exaltation of Latin lowered the vernacular in public esteem. However, in the
last decades of the century, the humanists’ search for a pure Latin only increased
the uses of the vernacular in practical spheres. Between 1470 and 1550, printing
made a decisive contribution to the stability and uniformity of language in Italy.
The final codification of a standard written language occurred in the sixteenth
century. The national language of Italy that Hu refers to did not even exist until
a unified Italy was established in the nineteenth century.
25. Volosinov. V. N. “Verbal Interaction,” in Semiotics: An Introductory Anthology, ed.
Robert Innis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 52–53.
26. For a recent book that examines the phenomenon of other Renaissances, see
Brenda Schildgen, Gang Zhou and Sander Gilman, eds., Other Renaissances: A
New Approach to World Literature (Palgrave/Macmillan, 2006).
27. David Kopf, British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: the Dynamics of Indian
Modernization 1773–1885 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 123.
28. Hu Shi, The Chinese Renaissance (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press,
1933), 46.
29. Aurobindo, 1–2
30. Ibid., 3.
31. The Bengali Renaissance traces its origin to the ancient Aryan civilization. The
Aryans brought to India the Vedas and Brahmanism, with their sacred language,
Sanskrit. The Bengali Renaissance, usually also labeled the Indian Renaissance,
came to marginalize the Southern Indian Tamil Renaissance that began during
the second half of the nineteenth century. The Tamil Renaissance espouses a
separate “Dravidian” identity. See Francis Britto, Diglossia: A Study of the Theory
with Application to Tamil (Georgetown University Press, 1986); also see Schildgen,
Notes150
“Sri Aurobindo: Renaissance in India and the Italian Renaissance.” in Schildgen,
Other Renaissances.
32. Quoted from G. Smith, Life of Alexander Duff (New York: A. C. Armstrong and
Son, 1879), I, 118.
33. David Kopf ’s seminal work British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance: The
Dynamics of Indian Modernization (1783–1835) is one of the great examples,
although the concept of “hybridity” itself is best explored in Homi Bhabha’s
theorization.
34. Report of the Second Indian National Congress, 2. Quoted from Sankar Ghose, The
Renaissance to Militant Nationalism in India (Bombay, Calcutta, New Delhi, Madras,
Bangalore: Allied Publishers, 1969), 8.
35. Schildgen, “Sri Aurobindo: Renaissance in India and the Italian Renaissance,” 140.
36. See Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Book, 1979).
37. See R. Amritavalli and K. A. Jayaseelan, “India,” in Simpson, 55–83
38. Speeches by Lord Macaulay with His Minute on Indian Education, 1979 [1935].
39. Ghose, The Renaissance in India, 30–31.
40. Ibid., 27.
41. The kind of harmonious relationship with the English language that Aurobindo
experienced became impossible as India went further down the road to national
independence. A year after India had attained independence, Jawaharlal Nehru,
speaking in English at the Constituent Assembly in Delhi on May 16, 1949,
said: “Here I am the patent example of these English contacts, speaking in this
Honorable House in the English language. No doubt we are going to change that
language for our use, but the fact remains that I am doing so and the fact remains
that most other members who will speak will also do so.” H. J. S. Cotton, New
India or India in Transition (London, 1886) But as of today, English, a “foreign”
language, remains an “associate official language” in India.
42. In one of her articles on translation, G.C. Spivak tells the other side of the “ver-
nacularization” story in India. “[F]rom the end of the eighteenth century, the
fashioners of the new Bengali prose purged the language of the Arabic- Persian
content until, in Michael Madhusudan Dutt’s (1824–73) great blank verse poetry,
and the Bangadarshan (1872–76) magazine edited by the immensely inf luential nov-
elist Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya (1838–94), a grand and fully Sanskritized
Bengali emerged . . . A corresponding movement of purging the national language
Hindi of its Arabic and Persian elements has been under way since independence
in 1947” (in Nation, Language, and the Ethics of Translation, ed. Sandra Berman
and Michael Wood [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005], 98). The kind
of “synthesis” emphasized in Aurobindo’s paradigm was probably also oriented
towards certain parties and certain relationships.
43. See Sasson Somekh, Genre and Language in Modern Arabic Literature (Otto
Harrassowitz Wiesbaden, 1991).
44. Quoted from M. Pei, The Story of Language (New York, 1960), 159.
45. See Anwar Chejne, The Arabic Language: Its Role in History (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1969).
Notes 151
46. Ibid., 20.
47. Taha Husayn, the great Egyptian writer (1889–1973), states: “I am now and will
always remain unalterably opposed to those who regard the colloquial as a suit-
able instrument for mutual understanding and a method for realizing the various
goals of our intellectual life . . . The colloquial lacks the qualities to make it wor-
thy of the name of a language. I look on it as a dialect that has been corrupted in
many respects. It might disappear, as it were, into the classical if we devoted the
necessary effort on the one hand to elevate the cultural level of the people and on
the other to simplify and reform the classical so that the two meet at a common
point.” Husayn, The Future of Culture in Egypt, trans. Sidney Glazer (Washington:
American Council of Learned Society, 1954), 86.
48. Seybolt & Chiang, Language Reform in China (New York: M.E. Sharpe, Inc.,
1979), 18–19.
49. The Constitution of India considers twenty- two languages the “major” lan-
guages of India, including Assamese, Bengali, Hindi, Sanskrit, Urdu, Tamil, and
Telugu.
50. Sheldon Pollock, “India in the Vernacular Millennium: Literary Culture and
Polity 1000–1500,” Daedalus 127 (3): 41.
Three The Shaky House
1. Huang Zunxian, Renjinglu shicao jianzhu, ed. Qian Ersun (Shanghai, 1981).
2. Although Huang Zunxian himself never used the term “Poetic Revolution” in
his own writing, he was frequently praised by Liang Qichao, who states “Huang
Zunxian’s poetry has opened up a new realm. He stands alone in the world of
twentieth- century poetry, and all consider him a great author.” See J.D. Schmidt,
Within the Human Realm: The Poetry of Huang Zunxian: 1848–1905 (Cambridge
University Press, 2007), 47.
3. Ibid., 65.
4. Cohen, 6.
5. The name of the studio was taken from the famous couplet by Tao Yuanming
(365–427), “I built my studio near where humans dwell, and yet there is no
clamor of carriages and horses.”
6. Noriko Kamachi, Reform in China: Huang Tsun- hsien and the Japanese Model
(Cambridge University Press, 1981), 237.
7. See Leo Lee, Voices from the Iron House: A Study of Lu Xun (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1987).
8. Shu- mei Shih, The Lure of the Modern: Writing Modernism in Semicolonial China:
1917–1937 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 71.
9. See Dolezelova- Velingerova and Oldrich Kral, eds., The Appropriation of Cultural
Capital: China’s May Fourth Project (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
2001).
10. Heidegger, 57.
Notes152
11. Leo Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1973), 81.
12. Sun Yurong, ed., Yu Pingbo yanjiu ziliao (Research Material on Yu Pingbo) (Tianjing:
Renmin chubanshe, 1981), 119.
13. Peter Burke, “Heu domine, adsunt Turcae: A Sketch for a Social History of Post-
Medieval Latin,” in Language, Self, and Society: A Social History of Language, ed.
Peter Burke and Roy Porter (Polity Press, 1991), 23–50.
14. Michelle Yeh, Modern Chinese Poetry: Theory and Practice Since 1917 (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1991).
15. Yu- sheng Lin, The Crisis of Chinese Consciousness: Radical Anti- Traditionalism in the
May Fourth Ear (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979).
16. In the early 1900s, when studying in Japan, Lu Xun used old baihua to trans-
late science and adventure fictions. His translations of Jules Verne’s Voyage to the
Moon and Voyage to the Center of the Earth were published in 1906. Interestingly
enough, the last two chapters of Lu Xun’s translation of Voyage to the Moon were
predominated by classical Chinese. It seems like Lu Xun changed plans in terms
of his language choice. My guess is that Lu Xun felt more at home with classi-
cal Chinese, so when he tried to finish the translation in a hurry, he switched
to classical Chinese. The language of Lu Xun’s translation of Voyage to the Center
of the Earth was also an interesting mixture, predominantly classical Chinese,
but interspersed with many vernacular phrases (Lennart Lundberg, Lu Xun as a
Translator, [Stockholm: Orientaliska Studier, 1989], 37). During the same period,
Lu Xun and his brother, Zhou Zuoren, employed classical Chinese as the literary
medium to translate their favorite Russian and Eastern European literary works,
which resulted in the publication of Yuwai xiaoshuo ji (Anthology of Foreign Fiction)
in 1909. When Lu Xun wrote his first real short story, “Huai jiu” (“Looking Back
to the Past”), in 1911, again he chose to use classical Chinese. Here, we see clearly
how such conventional language attitude had to be completely reverted for Lu
Xun to be able to write his revolutionary piece “Diary of a Madman” in 1918. Lu
Xun’s almost obsessive need to condemn classical Chinese may well have attested
to the kind of traumatic experience he had to undergo to embrace new vernacu-
lar writing.
17. Jon Kowallis, The Lyrical Lu Xun: A Study of His Classical- Style Verse (Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1996), 1.
18. Michel Hockx, “Liu Banong and the Forms of New Poetry,” Journal of Modern
Literature in Chinese, vol.3, no.2 ( Jan. 2000): 83–118.
19. Xiao Binru ed., Liu Dabai yanjiu ziliao (Research Material on Liu Dabai) (Tianjing:
Renmin chubanshe, 1981), 109.
20. Cited from Henry Zhao, The Uneasy Narrator: Chinese Fiction from the Traditional to
the Modern (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 90.
21. See Patrick Hanan’s work. Also, see Jian Xu’s essay, “The Will to the Transaesthetic:
The Truth Content of Lu Xun’s Fiction,” (Modern Chinese Literature and Culture,
vol.11, no.2 [Spring 1999]: 61–92), where he gives a comprehensive account of
different readings of “Diary of a Madman,” both in China and in the West.
Notes 153
22. Zhong- qi Cai, Configurations of Comparative Poetics: Three Perspectives on
Western and Chinese Literary Criticism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
2002), 68.
23. In one of his essays on modern Chinese short stories, “Guanyu zhongguo xian-
dai duanpian xiaoshuo” (“On Modern Chinese Short Stories”), Chen Sihe also
uses “internal splitting” to describe the unique feature of Lu Xun’s “Diary of a
Madman.” He writes, “The story’s merit lies not in perfection or artistic harmony
but in its unique feature of ‘internal splitting.’ In terms of its language, the story
combines classical Chinese and the Europeanized modern vernacular. The diary
proper composed of a large number of odd sentences written according to western
grammar contrasts sharply with the preface written in f luent classical Chinese,
which immediately outperform the soft and plain traditional vernacular.” While
I agree with Chen’s observation on the unsettling and conf licting nature of the
linguistic medium of “Diary of a Madman,” I want to push his argument one step
further. I argue that the “internal splitting” of Lu Xun’s text should not only be
approached from the perspective of formal linguistics but also from that of social
linguistics, because this “internal splitting” allows us to see how Lu Xun’s text
was linked to the revolutionary cause of inaugurating the vernacular and, in addi-
tion to that, to see how Lu Xun as a transitional writer had to struggle to come to
terms with a new form of writing.
24. When Petrarch decided to write an epic (Africa), he chose Latin as its linguistic
medium.
25. See Dante, Inferno, 27–29.
26. Yu Dafu, Guoquji (The Past), 56.
27. Yu Dafu, “Sinking” in The Columbia Anthology of Modern Chinese Literature,
ed. Joseph Lau and Howard Goldblatt (New York: Columbia University Press,
1995), 44.
28. Ibid., 46.
29. See Hanan, Chinese Fiction of the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries.
30. Henry Zhao, The Uneasy Narrator, 277.
31. Karatani Kojin, Origins of Modern Japanese Literature, trans. Brett De Bary (Durham
and London: Duke University Press, 1993), 69.
32. Yu, “Sinking,” 52.
33. Ibid, 52.
34. Ibid, 52–53.
35. Ibid, 53.
36. Ibid, 66.
37. Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers, 91.
38. Yu, “Sinking,” 51.
39. Karatani Kojin, Origins of Modern Japanese Literature, 71.
40. Natsume Soseki, “Bungakuron,” NSZ (The Complete Works of Natsume
Soseki), vol. 16, 8–9, Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, 1960; also Ibid., 17–18
41. Ibid., 44.
42. Levy, Sirens of the Western Shore.
Notes154
43. Antoine Berman, The Experience of the Foreign: Cultural and Translation in Romantic
Germany, trans. S. Heyvaert (State University of New York Press, 1984), 4.
44. Ibid., 25–26.
45. Dimock, Through Other Continents, 74.
46. Chang Sung- sheng Yvonne, “Taiwanese New Literature and the Colonial
Context: A Historical Survey,” in Taiwan: A New History, ed. Murray A.
Rubinstein (M.E. Sharpe, 1999), 269.
47. Huang Chengcong, “Lun puji baihuawen de xinshiming” (“The New Mission of
Promoting the Vernacular”) and Huang Chaoqin , “Hanwen gaige lun” (“On the
Reform of Hanwen”), in Rijuxia taiwan xinwenxue wenxian ziliao xuanji (Selected
Research Materials On Taiwan New Literature under Japanese Colonial Rule), ed. Li
Nanheng (Mingtan chubanshe, 1979), 6–19 and 20–35.
48. Huang Shihui, “Zeme bu tichang xiangtu wenxue” (“Why Not Promote Local
Literature?”) Wurenbao, 1930, 10, 6.
49. Frank Stone, The Rub of Cultures in Modern Turkey (Bloomington: Indiana
University Press, 1973), 28.
50. Ibid., 28.
51. In The Turkish Muse (Syracuse University Press, 2006), Talat Halman describes
the language crisis the Turkish Republic faces in the present day: “a vast trans-
formation, broader than the language reform undertaken by any other nation—
vocabulary that consisted of seventy- five percent Arabic, Persian, and French
words in 1920 increased its ratio of native words to eighty percent and reduced
borrowings to only twenty percent by the 1970s,” 20.
52. Ibid., 20.
53. See Jing Tsu’s Failure, Nationalism, and Literature: The Making of Modern Chinese
Identity, 1895–1937 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005), 195.
54. Cited from Lee, The Romantic Generation of Modern Chinese Writers, 90.
55. Yu, “Sinking,” 51.
56. Ludovico Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press,
1983), 2.
57. Paolo Valesio, “The Language of Madness in the Renaissance,” Yearbook of Italian
Studies, 1, 1971, 219.
Four The “Vernacular Only” Writing Mode
1. Liu Yazi, Nanshe Jilue (A Brief Account of Southern Society) (Shanghai: Shanghai
kaihua shuju, 1940), 123.
2. Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, trans. Michael Holquist and Caryl
Emerson (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981), 271–72.
3. See Liu Yazi, Liu Yazi Shuxin Ji (Collected Letters of Liu Yazi) (Shanghai: Shanghai
renmin chubanshe, 1984).
4. In fact, Lu Xun did the same thing before he decided to participate in the May
Fourth literary revolution.
Notes 155
5. See Yang Tianshi and Wang Xuezhuang, eds., Nansheshi changbian (An Extensive
History of Southern Society) (Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 1995),
550.
6. Ibid., 584.
7. See Liu Wu- chi, “Biographical Account of Liu Yazi,” in Liu Yazi zizhuan nianpu
riji (Liu Yazi: Autobiography, Chronology, Diary) (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chu-
banshe, 1986), 418.
8. See Wang Yao, Zhongguo xin wenxue shigao (A Draft History of Modern Chinese
Literature) (Shanghai: kaiming shudian, 1951); Also see C.T. Hsia, A History of
Modern Chinese Fiction, Amitendranath Tagore, Literary Debates in Modern China,
1918–1937 (Tokyo: The Center for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1967); Chen
Jingzhi, Xinwenxue yundong de zuli (Resistance to the New Literature Movement)
(Taipei: Chengwen, 1980).
9. As Lydia Liu astutely observes, the f irst issue of Critical Review was adorned
with stately portraits of Confucius and Socrates printed back to back. See
Liu, 247.
10. Zhang Shizhao, “Ping xinwenhua yundong” (“Criticism of the New Cultural
Movement”) in Zhao Jiabi, ed., vol. 2.
11. See C.T. Hsia, 12.
12. See Hu Shi, “Lao Zhang you fanpan le” (“Lao Zhang Has Rebelled Again”) in
Guoyu weekly, Vol. 12, August 1925.
13. See Zhang Shizhao, “Ping xinwenhua yundong.”
14. See Leo Lee, Shanghai Modern: The Flowering of a New Urban Culture in China,
1930–1945 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), 46–47.
15. Ma Xuexin et al., eds. Shanghai wenhua yuanliu cidian (A Dictionary of Cultural
Sources in Shanghai) (Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1992),
199.
16. Liang Qichao, Intellectual Trends in the Ch’ing Period, trans. Hsu, 102; original in
Qingdai xueshu gailun, 85–86.
17. Citing Wang Yuanhua, Theodore Huters points out that Du Yaquan’s dismissal as
editor at Dong fang zazhi was due to his resistance to the wholesale adoption of the
vernacular and the management’s fear of possible consequences for the textbook
market. See Theodore Huters, Bringing the World Home: Appropriating the West
in Late Qing and Early Republican China (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,
2005), 227.
18. Du Yaquan, “Lun tongsuwen” (“On the Common Language”), Dong fang zazhi,
vol.16, no.12 (1919).
19. Joan Judge, Print and Politics: ‘Shibao’ and the Culture of Reform in Late Qing China
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), 1.
20. Du Yaquan, “Lun tongsuwen.”
21. Wang Dungen, “Remarks on the Publication of Saturday,” in Denton, 243.
22. Michel Hockx, “Playing the Field, Aspects of Chinese Literary Life in the 1920s,”
in The Literary Field of Twentieth- Century China, ed. Michel Hockx (Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1999), 61–2.
Notes156
23. Jianhua Chen, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn: Literary Debates in
Republican China, 1919–1949,” in Beyond the May Fourth Paradigm: In Search of
Chinese Modernity, ed. Chow Kai- wing, (Lexington Books, 2008), 53.
24. Link, 20.
25. Ibid, 59–60.
26. Jianhua Chen, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn,” 62.
27. Ibid, 63.
28. See Milena Dolezelova- Velingerova and Oldrich Kral, eds. The Appropriation of
Cultural Capital; also see Michel Hockx, “Is There a May Fourth Literature? A
Reply to Wang Xiaoming.”
29. The example of scholarships in the West that challenged the conventional view
of “Mandarin Ducks and Butterf lies” literature include Perry Link, Mandarin
Ducks and Butterf lies: Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth- Century Chinese Cities;
Denise Gimpel, Lost Voices of Modernity: A Chinese Popular Fiction Magazine in
Context (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2001); and Jianhua Chen, A Myth
of Violet: Zhou Shoujuan and the Literary Culture of Shanghai, 1911–1927 (Ph.D dis-
sertation, Harvard University, 2002). In China, there appeared in recent years
numerous reprints of Butterf ly works; most notably, in 1997 Shanghai Dongfang
chuban zhongxin published the eight- volume Compendium of Essays of the Mandarin
Ducks and Butterf lies School (Yuanyang hudie pai sanwen daxi), (reminiscent of the
Compendium of Modern Chinese Literature, a ten- volume collection of canonical
works of May Fourth progressive writers).
30. See Rey Chow’s Woman and Chinese Modernity: The Politics of Reading between
West and East (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), which
challenges the conventional paradigm by introducing the gender perspective.
Other scholars, like Wendy Larson, Tani Barlow, and Dai Jinghua, have also
done substantial works on women writers in the context of modern Chinese
literature.
31. See David Der- wei Wang, Fin- de- Siecle (French) Splendor: Repressed Modernities
of Late Qing Fiction, 1849–1911 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997). For
works by historians that focus on alternative voices in early Republican China,
see Charlotte Furth, ed., The Limits of Change: Essays on Conservative Alternatives
in Republican China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976) and Prasenjit
Durara’s Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995). Other recent publications that
focus on the same period, see Jon Kowallis, The Subtle Revolution: Poets of the
“Old Schools” During Late Qing and Early Republican China (Institute of East Asian
Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 2005); and Theodore Huters, Bringing
the World Home.
32. Yang and Wang, eds, Nansheshi changbian, 654.
33. Not by coincidence, we see scholars in the United States making efforts to recover
a multilingual America against the English Only myth that had long shaped peo-
ple’s understanding of America and American literature.
34. Dante, De Vulgari Eloquentia, 27–41.
Notes 157
35. Paula Blank, Broken English: Dialects and Politics in Renaissance Writing (New York:
Routledge, 1996).
36. Peter Burke, Languages and Communities in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge
University Press, 2004), 65.
37. Ibid., 67.
38. Ibid., 55–56.
39. Anderson, 68.
40. Tony Crowley, “Bakhin and the History of the Language,” in Bakhtin and Cultural
Theory, ed. Ken Hirschkop and David Shepherd (Manchester and New York:
Manchester University Press, 2001), 185.
41. Indra Levy, “The Modern Japanese Vernacular as a Femme Fatale,” AAS 2008
paper.
42. Works that have touched upon this matter include Indra Levy’s Sirens of the Western
Shore and Vicente L. Rafael’s Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian
Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule (Ithaca: Cornell University
Press, 1988).
43. Karatani Kojin, Origins of Modern Japanese Literature, 45.
44. See, Geoffrey Lewis, The Turkish Language Reform: A Catastrophic Success (Oxford
University Press, 1999).
45. Katznelson, “Language Insomnia.” According to the translator, the original title,
nedudey lashon, is untranslatable. Literally, it means “language wandering,” mean-
ing “shifting from language to language.”
46. Ibid., 184.
47. Ibid., 185.
48. Benjamin Harshav, Language in Time of Revolution (University of California Press,
1993), 138.
49. Ibid., 138–139
50. Ibid., 87.
Epilogue
1. Jale Parla, “The Wounded Tongue: Turkey’s Language Reform and the Canonicity
of the Novel,” PMLA, vol.123 ( January 2008) no.1: 27.
2. Chen Jianhua, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn,” 52.
3. Zheng Min, “Shiji mo de huigu: Hanyu yuyan biange yu Zhongguo xinshi chuang-
zuo” (“A Fin- de- Siecle (French) Retrospect: The Transformation of the
Chinese Language and the Creation of Chinese New Poetry), Wenxue Pinglun,
no. 3, 1993: 5–20.
4. Chen Jianhua, “Canon Formation and Linguistic Turn,” 64.
5. Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World (Oxford University Press,
1986), vii.
6. Wai Chee Dimock, “American Literature and Islamic Time,” in Damrosch,
Teaching World Literature, 306.
Notes158
7. Chen Sihe, “Ershi shiji zhongwai wenxue guanxi yanjiuzhong de ‘shijiexing yinsu’ de
jidian sikao” (“Thoughts on ‘World Elements’ in the Study of the 20th Century
Foreign Literary Relations”), in Kuawenhua yanjiu: shenme shi bijiao wenxue (A
Cross- Cultural Study: What Is Comparative Literature), ed. Yan Shaodang and Chen
Sihe (Beijing: Peking University Press, 2007), 145.
8. Most noticeable are Gayatri Spivak’s Death of a Discipline (Columbia University
Press, 2002), Emily Apter’s The Translation Zone: A New Comparative Literature
(Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006), and Comparative
Literature in an Age of Globalization, ed. Haun Saussy (Baltimore: John Hopkins
University Press, 2004).
9. Damrosch, What Is World Literature? 282
10. Ibid., 283.
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Abramovitsh, S.Y., 8
Aeneid, 102
Al-Fusha (classical Arabic), 10, 67–71, 132
Al-Nahdah (Arab Renaissance), 60, 67,
69–71, 140
Ammiyya (local dialects, Arabic), 68
Analects, 18, 22
Anderson, Benedict, 3–4, 10, 129–130,
141n7
Ariosto, Ludovico, 102–103, 140
Ataturk, Mustafa Kemal, 100
Ba Jin, 83
Babbitt, Irving, 111
Babel story, 1–3
Bacon, Francis, 24
Baihua (vernacular, Chinese), 4, 7,
18–23, 33–44, 56–60, 61, 67–68,
77–83, 89–90, 98–99, 105–106,
110, 111–114, 117–119, 124–125,
144n11, 152n16
Bakhtin, Mikhail, 106, 142n12
Bao Tianxiao, 31, 40, 124
Beijing University, 34–35, 49, 58, 111
Bellamy, Edward, 16
Bellay, Joachim du, 97, 127–128
Bembo, Pietro, 97, 127
Bengal Renaissance (also known as
Indian Renaissance), 60–67, 70–71,
140
Bengali language, 10, 63–64, 67,
150n40
Ben-Yehuda, Eliezer, 134
Bible, 26, 80, 97
Bilingualism, 70, 83, 124, 143n10
Bi-lingualism, 83, 93–94, 137
Boccaccio, 59, 127, 149n24
Book of Great Unity, 16–17, 24, 28, 110
Bourdieu, Pierre, 76
Burckhardt, Jacob, 46–47, 147n4
Burke, Peter, 46, 128
Cai Yuanpei, 34, 107, 111
Cao Xueqin, 56, 112
Chen Diexian, 89
Chen Duxiu, 33–38, 50–51, 111, 117,
135–136
Chen Qubing, 111
Chen Sihe, 137–138, 153
Chinese language, 17, 24–26, 35–37,
100, 110, 135
Chinese Renaissance, 45–53, 53–60,
61–62, 67, 70–71, 140
Chinese script, 36–37, 66
Civil service exams, 29, 78
Common language, 118–119
Confucian tradition, 11, 18, 22, 24, 34,
35, 93, 96, 107, 112, 130, 131
Critical Review, 111–112, 123
Curtius, Ernst Robert, 11
I N D E X
Index174
Damrosch, David, 12–13, 139–140
Dante Alighieri, 10, 11–12, 56, 57, 59,
80, 86, 97, 98, 127–129, 131–132,
140, 149n24
De vulgari eloquentia, 1–3, 11, 56, 59,
127–128
Dewey, John, 42, 45
Di Baoxian, 118
Dialect, 26–27, 31, 64, 67–70, 97, 99,
127, 143n10, 143–144n11, 151n47
Diary of a Madman, 8, 11–12, 83–87,
93–94, 96, 140, 152n16, 153n23
Dimock, Wai Chee, 9, 97, 137–138
Diglossia, 17–18, 20, 23, 31, 40, 74, 86,
118, 143n10, 144n21, 149n31
Multi-glossia, 83, 94, 104, 137
Ding Ling, 83
Divine Comedy, 11, 80, 86, 97, 140
Don Quixote, 102
Dream of the Red Chamber, 20, 84
Du Fu, 56
Du Yaquan, 117–120, 155n17
Eco, Umberto, 2
English language, 10, 23–24, 29, 32,
35, 37, 63–65, 67, 70, 73, 78, 87,
90, 92, 93, 95, 110, 128, 140,
144n21n22, 145n37, 146n38,
150n41, 156n33
Erasmus, Desiderius, 128
Esperanto, 110, 146
European Renaissance, 8, 10, 36, 45–53,
57–58, 60, 62–63, 70, 73, 102, 131,
137, 148n17
Europeanization, 43
Ferguson, Charles, 17–18, 20, 23,
143n10,n11
French language, 25, 35, 37, 69, 73, 97,
110, 127–128, 134, 142n11, 144n22,
154n51
French Renaissance, 97
Fu Sinian, 35, 36, 42, 60
Futabatei Shimei, 8, 12, 96, 140
Galilei, Galileo, 129
Gao Xu, 111
Genbun itchi, 8, 27, 36, 89, 95
German language, 68, 69, 78, 91, 97,
110, 128–129
Germanization (Verdeutschung), 97
Ghose, Sri Aurobindo, 10, 62–67, 150n41
Giles, Peter, 23
Greek, 1, 2, 69, 86, 112, 128
Gu Jiegang, 35
Guanhua (Mandarin), 26, 27, 31, 42, 67,
68, 99, 144n11
Guoyu (national language), 41–42
Guoyin (national pronunciation), 27, 42
Hebrew language, 8, 10, 61, 132–134
Heidegger, Martin, 7, 77, 142n11
Heine, Heinrich, 91
Herder, Johann Gottfried von, 129
Hindi Language, 70, 150n42, 151n49
Hong Xiuquan, 109
Hsia, C.T. 44, 112
Hu Shi, 5, 6, 10, 11, 31, 33–44, 45–47,
54–60, 61, 62, 67, 71, 73, 76, 78,
79, 98, 111, 113, 116, 135–136
Hu Xiansu, 111
Huang Chaoqin, 99
Huang Chengcong, 99
Huang Shihui, 99
Huang Zunxian, 27, 35, 73–75, 83,
151n2
Hundred Days’ Reform, 28–29, 74
Ibsen, Henrik, 112
Ideal language (perfect language), 2, 3,
5, 7, 10–11, 15–17, 24–25, 27–29,
39, 132, 134
Italian language, 2, 25, 53, 59–60,
68–69, 97, 127–129, 149n24
Italian Renaissance, 59, 97
Japanese I-novel, 89, 101
Japanese language, 6, 8, 12, 27–28,
30–31, 36, 75, 95, 98
Index 175
Japanese loanwords, 28, 31
Japanese Meiji period, 8, 12, 27, 30, 89,
95–96, 98
Jones, Richard Foster, 32, 145n37, 146n38
Journey to the West, 20, 21
Kang Baiqing, 35
Kang Youwei, 5, 16–17, 24–29, 35, 39,
73, 74, 107, 110
Karatani Kojin, 89–90, 95
Katznelson, Rachel, 132–133
Kopf, David, 60–61, 150n33
Lai He, 98
Language attitude, 5, 6, 17, 32, 64, 74,
77, 86, 94, 125, 152n16
Language choice, 8, 20, 23, 64, 65, 94,
97, 129, 133, 152n16
Language discourse, 5, 6, 22–24, 33–44,
53–60, 61, 67, 71, 98–99, 129
Dead vs. living language, 39, 40, 136
Spoken vs. written language, 16, 27,
36, 56, 131, 143n11
Language revolution, 4, 17, 42, 76, 100,
114
Language war, 9, 61, 67, 85, 94, 123,
131, 135
Late Qing language reform, 23, 28, 35,
37, 39, 90
Latin, 1–2, 11–12, 18, 23–24, 47, 56–57,
59, 69, 73, 80, 97, 128–129, 131,
144n22, 149n24, 153n24
Lenin, Vladimir, 109
Li Zhi, 21–22, 24
Liang Qichao, 17, 26, 27, 28, 30–31, 35,
39, 48, 73, 74, 83, 107, 116, 118, 119
Lin Shu, 30–31, 83, 111, 123
Lingua franca, 27, 97, 130
Literacy, 23, 26, 29, 73
Liu Bannong, 37, 82
Liu Dabai, 82, 83, 94, 125, 134
Liu Hsieh, 19
Liu Yazi, 105–111, 113, 114, 126
Lomonosov, 68
Luther, Martin, 56, 97–98, 128
Lu Xun, 8, 11, 12, 32, 34, 36, 80–82,
83–87, 93–94, 96–97, 101, 125,
126, 140, 152n16, 153n23
Luo Jialun, 35, 60
Macaulay, 65
Mao Dun, 121–122
Mao Zedong, 126
Maupassant, Guy de, 112
May Fourth generation, 32, 74–76, 78,
96, 98, 99, 131
May Fourth movement, 44, 50, 52, 117,
146n40, 148n17
May Fourth vernacular movement, 6,
7, 10, 11, 33–44, 60, 61, 70, 73, 98,
105, 125, 131, 135–137
Mei Guangdi, 111–112
Michelangelo, 46
Modernity, 3, 10, 23, 30, 46, 51, 60–62,
71, 101, 112, 114, 126, 129, 130, 132
Monolingualism, 7, 16, 70, 107, 125–127,
136, 142n
More, Thomas, 15, 17, 23, 24, 140,
144n21
Moretti, Franco, 12–13, 141–142n8
Mori Ogai, 95
National language, 3, 5, 7, 16, 23–27,
41–44, 47, 57–59, 64, 67–68, 90,
98, 111, 113, 114, 124, 126, 149n24,
150n42
National language movement (guoyu
yundong), 26, 39, 42, 90
National Language Study Society
(Guoyu yanjiuhui), 42
Natsume Soseki, 95–96, 98
New Atlantis, 24
“New style,” 28, 30–31, 79, 116, 119
New Tide, 35, 42, 49
New Youth, 33–34, 37–39, 41–42, 51, 54,
58, 81, 82, 85, 87, 94, 117, 125
Orlando Furioso, 102–103, 140
Index176
Petrarch, Francesco, 86, 127, 149n24,
153n24
Pleiade, 127
Qian Xuantong, 35, 37, 38, 82, 85, 111
Qiu Tingliang, 29
Qu Qiubai, 43
Questione della lingua, 97, 102, 127
Quoc ngu, 130
Romanization, 9, 25–27, 36–37, 39, 90,
130, 145n29
Ronsard, Pierre de, 127
Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 112
Roy, Rammohan, 63, 65
Ricci, Matteo, 26
Russian language, 68–69, 110, 134,
152n16
Said, Edward, 65
Sanskrit, 10, 63–67, 70, 149n31, 150n42,
151n49
Saturday, 122, 124
Saussure, Ferdinand de, 136
Seyfettin, Omer, 100
“Shaky House” family, 8–9, 75, 83,
96–98
Shaw, Bernard, 112
Shen Congwen, 83
Shen Xue, 26
Shi Nai’an, 56
Sichel, Edith, 45–47, 49, 147n1
Sinking, 78, 87–92, 93–94, 101
Southern Society, 111, 126
New Southern Society, 110–111
Spanish language, 69
Su Manshu, 89
Sun Yat-sen, 74, 107
Tai-oan-oe, 99
Taiwan, 71, 98–99, 137
Tamil Renaissance, 67, 149n31
Tao Yuanming, 56, 151n5
Tolstoy, Leo, 112
Tongcheng-style, 31
Tongguang school, 126
Translingual practice, 5–6, 76
Transnational vernacular movement,
4–5, 10, 12, 132, 134, 137, 139,
140
Trigault, Nicolas, 26
Turkish language reform, 9, 99–100,
131, 135, 137
Ukigumo, 8, 12, 96, 140
Utopia, 15–17, 23–24, 140
Vasari, Giorgio, 48, 53
Vernacular Only, 7, 67, 81, 105–106,
107, 119, 126, 136
Vernacularization, 6–10, 12–13, 18–20,
40, 45, 71, 90, 119, 129, 130,
150n42
Vietnamese language, 130
Virgil, 11, 59, 86, 97, 102
Volosinvov, V.N., 60
Wang Dungen, 122
Wang T’ao, 74
Wang Tongzhao, 83
Wang Yangming, 22, 144n18
Wang Zhao, 26, 42
Wenxin diaolong, 19
Wenyan (classical Chinese), 4, 7,
18–22, 30–33, 35–41, 44, 54, 59,
61, 66–68, 70, 78–83, 93–94,
105–108, 110–114, 123–126,
130–131, 135–136, 143n11,
152n16, 153n23
Wordsworth, William, 87, 92
World literature, 4–5, 8–9, 12, 62, 71,
97–98, 110, 137–140, 141–142n8
Wu Cheng-en, 20–21
Wu Jianren, 89
Wu Mi, 111–112
Wu Rulun, 26, 42
Index 177
Wu Woyao, 56
Wu Yu, 34
Xin Qiji, 56
Yan Fu, 83
Yiddish language, 8, 132–134
Young Pens, 100
Yu, Ying-shih, 52
Yu Dafu, 78, 82, 87, 90, 92, 93–94,
101–102, 104, 126
Yu Pingbo, 79, 94, 134
Yuanyang hudie pai (Mandarin Duck
and Butterf ly school), 123, 125,
156n29
Zhang Shizhao, 112–114, 123
Zhang Taiyan, 48
Zhang Wojun, 98
Zheng Min, 135
Zhou Zuoren, 34, 42, 43–44, 82, 111,
148n15, 152n16
Zhu Jingnong, 36–38
Zhuangzi, 56