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Employment and Intellectual
Disability: Achieving Successful
Employment Outcomes
KAYE SMITH1, CARLENE WILSON
2,
LYNNE WEBBER1, AND JOSEPH GRAFFAM
1
1SCHOOL OF HEALTH SCIENCES
DEAKIN UNIVERSITY
BURWOOD, VICTORIA, AUSTRALIA
2DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOLOGY
UNIVERSITY OF ADELAIDE
ADELAIDE, AUSTRALIA
In this Chapter, we will review the research that has explored variables that
can shape employment outcomes for people with an intellectual disability.
Defining ‘‘success’’ in employment outcome is diYcult—with success largely
dependent on both the opportunities available, the aspirations of the poten-
tial employee in terms of hours and conditions, and the perspective of the
person making the judgment. Thus, in some industries, casual and temporary
employment predominate and achievement of either is deemed as ‘‘success.’’
Furthermore, individuals diVer in the extent to which they seek full-time
employment; many employers and employees now prefer part-time or flexible
hours. Lastly, success can be judged from a variety of perspectives: the
employee who asks whether he or she is content with their current employ-
ment situation, and the employer who asks whether the employee is
performing in a number of areas including, but not limited to, productivity
and culture ‘‘fit.’’ In the current review, we will focus on determining employ-
ee success as measured by employer satisfaction and will attempt to anchor
this against satisfaction with employees without disabilities. Although this is
obviously only one possible way of operationalizing success, it provides the
advantage of helping us understand barriers to employment outcomes for
INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF RESEARCH IN 261 Copyright 2004, Elsevier Inc.MENTAL RETARDATION, Vol. 29 All rights reserved.0074-7750/04 $35.00
262 Kaye Smith et al.
people with a disability. When attempting to understand influences that aVect
employment outcomes it is important to realize that influences extend beyond
the workplace and those who operate within the workplace, to the broader
environment (i.e., ecological system). For this reason, Bronfenbrenner’s
(1989) ecological systems theory has provided the framework for reviewing
research in this area. Using this framework has allowed us to conceptualize
successful employment outcomes as dynamic and complex phenomena,
resulting from interplay between individual, social, and environmental factors.
In its most recent classificationmanual, theAmericanAssociation onMental
Retardation (AAMR) has spent considerable space elaborating on the contex-
tual nature of mental retardation (AAMR, 2002). Thus, an individual’s ability
to function to the full extent of his/her capabilities can be determined by five
dimensions: (1) intellectual abilities; (2) adaptive behavior; (3) participation,
interactions, and social roles; (4) health; and (5) context. The latter has been
defined to include environments and culture. The role of the service provider is
to provide support that optimizes individual outcomes.
In this review, we will reiterate the importance of a focus at the level of
context in order to identify barriers to desired employment outcomes for
people with an intellectual disability. We will argue that it is important to
understand the environment in which employment of people with an intel-
lectual disability occurs, and to recognize that barriers need to be overcome
by appropriate levels of support in the immediate environment (microsys-
tem); the neighborhood, community, or organization (mesosystem); and the
overarching patterns of culture, society, country, and sociopolitical system
(macrosystem or megasystem). In other words, we will endorse the conten-
tion of the AAMR that the context can and must ‘‘provide opportunities
and foster well-being’’ (AAMR, 2002, p. 47). Furthermore, we will argue
that it must do this consistently across contexts because opposition, particu-
larly at a more micro-level, can eVectively interfere with support within any
other contextual level.
Bronfenbrenner’s (1989) ecological systems theory emphasized that a per-
son’s development is influenced by various contexts within which the person
operates, and that the person in turn influences these contexts. This theory
described an ecological hierarchy of four levels: (1) microsystem, (2) mesosys-
tem, (3) exosystem, and (4) macrosystem. The microsystem comprised inter-
relationships between an individual and a specific environment in which the
person operates, including interrelationships with others within that environ-
ment. The mesosystem comprised interrelationships that occur between the
diVerent microsystems in which the person operates, while the exosystem
was described as an extension of the mesosystem and included at least one
additional environment in which the person does not usually operate, but
which nonetheless impacts the person. For an employee with an intellectual
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 263
disability, a microsystem would be the workplace, including relationships that
occur therein; a mesosystem would include other microsystems in which the
person operates, such as their home environment; and a exosystem could be
the environment of the disability support service that assists the person in their
employment. The fourth level, the macrosystem, comprised the prevailing
belief system and culture within which the microsystem, and exosystem are
embedded. Aspects, such as attitudes of the wider community toward people
with an intellectual disability and anti-discrimination legislation, would be
part of the macrosystem. Therefore, this theory extends the focus of develop-
ment beyond the individual to other factors that aVect performance. Recog-
nition of the importance of ecological factors on a person’s participation
is also consistent with a social model of disability (Barnes, 1998).
An appreciation that a complex interaction of contextual factors can aVect
the achievement of successful employment outcomes, has guided the review of
research undertaken in this Chapter. This Chapter will begin with an overview
of the literature and research of immediate relevance at the macrosystem level,
including changes in how ‘‘disability’’ has been understood in relation to the
broader ecological context, and the prevailing belief system and culture in
which employment, intellectual disability, and other forms of disability are
embedded. The second Section of the Chapter will focus on research more
directly predictive of successful employment outcomes of people with an
intellectual disability, multiple disabilities, and other forms of disability. The
third section will discuss the future directions for maximizing successful
employment outcomes of people with an intellectual disability.
I. PERCEPTIONS OF DISABILITY INCLUDING
INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY AT THE MACRO LEVEL AND
IMPLICATIONS FOR EMPLOYMENT
How intellectual disability and other forms of disabilities are perceived in
relation to the broader ecological context has been the subject of debate in
recent years. ‘‘Disability’’ is a complex multidimensional and dynamic con-
cept, and one that has been subject to various interpretations. Altman (2001)
argued that concepts of disability for research purposes reflect a growing
awareness of the multiple factors that impact on disability. He reported that
disability has been described from various perspectives, including economic,
administrative, medical, and socio-political.
An important and well documented conceptual shift in recent years
has been from a medical to a social understanding of disability, in which
disability is no longer understood solely in terms of personal attri-
butes but also as a concept that involves the physical, social, and cultural
264 Kaye Smith et al.
aspects of those environments in which a person operates (Bickenbach et al.,
1999; Shakespeare, 1998; Shakespeare & Watson, 2000; World Health
Organization, 1997).
Under the medical model, strategies aimed at rectifying the ‘‘problem’’
are geared toward the individual. The social model of disability, on the
other hand, understands disability as a socially constructed issue (Oliver,
1990). The social model considers the physical and social environments as the
cause of disadvantage, and subsequently these become the foci of attention
and intervention. Whereas the medical model has focused interventions on
the individual and tended to ignore the impact of the environment on the
individual, the social model has concentrated on the environment and
tended to ignore the impact of the individual’s condition on the individual’s
experiences. However, Albrecht and Bury (2001) cautioned against the over-
simplification and categorization of disability into discrete frameworks, such
as medical or social. They argued that disability is a complex phenomenon
and more recent conceptual understandings of disability recognize the im-
portance of the interrelationship between the individual and their environ-
ment. Recognizing the importance of this interrelationship is consistent with
Bronfenbrenner’s (1989) ecological systems theory.
The World Health Organizations (WHO) (2001) International Classifica-
tion of Functioning, Disability, and Health (ICF) uses a biopsychosocial
approach to their classification of disability and functioning. The multi-
perspective approach advocated by the WHO is a blending of both the
medical and social models. The ICF is a revision of the 1980 International
Classification of Impairments, Disabilities, and Handicaps (ICIDH). Where-
as the ICIDH had a focus on the ‘‘consequences of disease,’’ the focus of the
ICF is on the ‘‘components of health.’’ The ICF understands ‘disability’ as
an umbrella term that not only covers ‘impairment,’ but also ‘activity limita-
tions’ or ‘participation restrictions.’ In considering activity and participa-
tion, the focus is on contextual factors. The ICF also diVers from the ICIDH
in recognizing the importance of the interrelationship between the individual,
and environmental and personal factors. Although personal factors are not
classified in the ICF, they are nonetheless recognized as important. That is,
the WHO now recognizes disability as a complex phenomenon that both
influences and is influenced by a range of contextual variables.
Although the importance of understanding disability, including intellectu-
al disability, within a broader ecological context has been well documented,
in countries such as Australia (Carney, 2000), the U.S., and many Western
European countries (O’Day & Berkowitz, 2001; Thornton & Project Team
of Experts, 1998) eligibility for a disability support pension is still based on
criteria of functional incapacity. Thus, these criteria define disability as a
biomedical construct (Meijers, 1997). Furthermore, eligibility for a support
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 265
pension determines eligibility for other services, including disability employ-
ment services. This form of assessment, based on the medicalmodel, places the
source of disability and hence, eligibility, within the body, rather than within
the broader environment. Thus, people are categorized and become eligible
for government support solely on the basis of a biomedical understanding of
disability. Employment, however, is contextually based; achieving successful
employment outcomes for all employees is dependent on a range of contextual
variables, such as employer attitudes, workplace culture, physical accommo-
dations, and government policies. Hence, basing eligibility for employment
support exclusively on a medical assessment has questionable validity.
A. The Context of Employment and Intellectual Disability
Historically, employment has influenced society’s perception of people
with an intellectual disability as well as other forms of disability. Industriali-
zation, with a need to work at a set rate in spaces that were often cramped
and diYcult to access, contributed to the exclusion of people with a disabili-
ty, including intellectual disability, from economic participation in their
communities (Marks, 1999; Oliver, 1990). People with a disability were seen
as ‘‘unable’’ to work, rather than ‘‘unwilling’’ to work; a distinction that
deemed them worthy of assistance from society. Disability was commonly
understood as ‘‘work disability’’ (Bickenbach, 1996). However, for people
with an intellectual disability, being labeled as ‘‘employable’’ or ‘‘unemploy-
able’’ has been a transient rather than fixed concept, and one that can be
linked to the broader environment in which employment occurs. Bickenbach
(1996) has pointed out, for example, that during times of acute labor
shortage, such as war-time, many people with a disability, who had previ-
ously been institutionalized and viewed as ‘‘unemployable,’’ were successful-
ly employed in the community or conscripted into the armed services, only
to be returned to their institutions as available labor increased at the end of
the war. This illustrates that complex relationships between political, eco-
nomic, and social factors can contribute to the designation of people with a
disability as ‘‘employable’’ or ‘‘unemployable.’’
People with a disability have experienced many forms of exclus-
ion. Ravaud and Stiker (2001) distinguished between early forms of exclu-
sion, which focused on exclusion from society (for instance, killing or
abandoning those with a disability), to more recent forms, which focus on
exclusion within society (for instance, discrimination or segregation in areas
such as employment). Albrecht et al. (2001) suggested that people with
mental conditions were more likely to be separated within their communities
than those with physical disabilities. The history of people with a disability
in society is one that recounts various forms of oppression including stigma,
266 Kaye Smith et al.
segregation, sterilization, and physical and emotional abuse. It is also one that
describes recent collective struggles for human rights and dignity (Braddock
& Parish, 2001). How disability is understood is subject to the specific cultur-
al, social, and economic contexts; disability as a concept is dynamic. Russell
(1998) argued that limited and flawed information has contributed to negative
attitudes held by employers. There is a long history of people with a disability
experiencing economic and cultural disadvantage in western societies.
Economically, people with a disability have been considered one of the
most disadvantaged groups in society (Schriner, 2001). Whereas, economic
independence and empowerment can promote inclusion in the social, politi-
cal, and cultural domains of society, economic dependence can result in
social exclusion. Alston (1995) highlighted a link between economic inde-
pendence and the exercise of various rights and freedoms: ‘‘Unless the
economic and social rights dimension is also addressed, the enjoyment of
civil and political rights can easily become largely illusory’’ (p. 96). The
Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (1999) has reported a much lower
rate of employment participation (53.2%) for people with a disability than
for people without a disability (80.1%). Schriner (2001) gave a similar
account of the employment situation for people with a disability in both
Canada and the U.S. Furthermore, the International Labour Organisation
(ILO) has highlighted an interrelationship between disability and poverty,
with disability contributing to poverty and poverty contributing to disability
(Vocational Rehabilitation Branch–ILO, 1999). This interrelationship is
important, given that poverty has been linked to a restriction in the exercise
of social and economic rights (Beresford, 1996; Marks, 1999). On the other
hand, employment, with its resultant economic benefits, is an important
route to the exercise of social, political, and economic rights. As evidence
of this, recent Australian research has shown that people with an intellectual
disability who are employed in the community experience a higher quality of
life than those with an intellectual disability who are either unemployed or in
sheltered employment (Eggleton et al., 1999).
From an ecological perspective, interest in achieving successful employment
outcomes for people with a disability, including those with an intellectual
disability, extends beyond those at the microsystem (employers, employ-
ees with a disability, disability employment professionals), mesosystem
(families, advocates), and exosystem (government funding departments,
and so forth) levels. This interest is also driven by broader political, social,
and economic imperatives at the macrosystem level. The ILO (Vocational
Rehabilitation Branch–ILO, 1999) presented examples of three macro-level
imperatives for urgent attention in order to improve employment outcomes
of people with a disability. One was the increasing worldwide political
pressure for both social and economic inclusion of people with a disability,
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 267
including those with an intellectual disability. Pressure from various civil
rights groups in addition to international treaties, documents, and local
legislation have provided an increasing demand for supporting equality of
opportunity and non-discriminatory practices in employment. A second im-
perative was the large and increasing numbers of people with a disability—
estimated by the ILO to be approximately 10% of the population. The ILO
noted that whatever the ‘‘head count’’ for the proportion of people with a
disability, the social and economic outcomes have much wider impact.
A third imperative was the considerable cost implications that result from
excluding people with a disability from employment. The ILO argued that,
rather than investing resources in the form of benefits, resources should be
invested in assisting access to employment (Vocational Rehabilitation
Branch–ILO, 1999). Thus, not only does society impact on people with an
intellectual disability, but also excluding such people from employment
impacts the social, economic, and political fabric of society.
The macrosystem in which employment and disability occur reflects con-
cerns with social justice. These concerns have been evident in the rhetoric
adopted by employment-related organizations surrounding the employment
of people with a disability. Organizations, such as the European Trade
Union Committee, International Labour Organisation, and United Nations
Economic and Social Council, have all supported the equalization of oppor-
tunities for people with a disability, including an intellectual disability, in
relation to employment (European Trade Union Committee, 1995; Interna-
tional Labour OYce, United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural
Organization, & World Health Organization, 1996; United Nations
Economic and Social Council, 1995). The ILO Convention No. 159
(1983a) and ILO Convention 168 (1983b) both support workplace inclusion
for people with a disability. Many of the initiatives important to the ecologi-
cal system in which employment and disability are embedded derive from
human rights’ initiatives at the macrosystem level. Anti-discrimination legis-
lation is an example of such initiatives. For example, the Australian Disabil-
ity Discrimination Act (1992) has been enacted to enforce many of the
human rights obligations endorsed by Australia, and the Americans with
Disabilities Act (1990) has been used in a similar way in the U.S. These
legislations require employers, at the microsystem level of the workplace,
to introduce practices that allow equality in terms of opportunities for
people with a disability. Although anti-discrimination legislation operates
at the macrosystem level and impacts on the lives of people with a disabi-
lity at the microsystem, its implementation was largely due to eVorts by
grass-roots activists operating at the microsystem level. This process de-
monstrates the important interrelationship between diVerent levels of the
ecological system.
268 Kaye Smith et al.
Another influence at the macrosystem level, which also has an important
impact at the microsystem level of the workplace, is the increase in
the diversity of the population and subsequently the workforce. The increase
in the ratio of women, immigrants, older workers, and minority groups in the
workplace has resulted in an increased interest in workplace diversity (Bond
& Pyle, 1998; Stoner & Russell-Chapin, 1997). Several authors (Gilbert &
Ones, 1998; Richard, 2000; Williams & Bauer, 1994) have outlined benefits
associated with workplaces in which diversity is well managed. Hicks-Clarke
and Iles (2000) showed that a workplace culture in which diversity was
valued benefited work satisfaction and commitment of the employees. None-
theless, Stoner and Russell-Chapin (1997) argued that, despite greater diver-
sity in the workplace, many employers have not adopted practices to benefit
from this change. Employees with intellectual and other disabilities are part
of a diverse workforce and their work performance has tended to be well
regarded by employers (Hill & Wehman, 1979; Kregel & Unger, 1993;
Ravaud et al., 1992; Reisman & Reisman, 1993). However, for many em-
ployees with a disability the major barrier to successful job performance is a
lack of workplace accommodations that will help them prosper in their job
(Hendricks, 1995; Lunt & Thornton, 1994). In part, this has been recognized
in countries such as Canada, Australia, and the U.S., where the role of the
workplace environment in promoting or impeding successful employment
outcomes has been acknowledged both by the adoption of workplace prac-
tices to accommodate diversity (Bond & Pyle, 1998; Brady, 1996; Iannuzzi,
1997; LiV & Wajcman, 1996; Lynch, 1997; Stoner & Russell-Chapin, 1997)
and by anti-discrimination legislation (e.g., ‘reasonable accommodation’
requirements).
These policies and practices at the cultural and political level, together with
research confirming the satisfactory work performance of employees with a
disability, should have a direct bearing on practices adopted in employment
settings; yet high levels of unemployment for people with a disability suggest
that this outcome has not been achieved. Changes at the macro level that do not
translate to the workplace have been found in relation to anti-discrimination
legislation. For example, a study byTrupin et al. (1997) used data from theU.S.
National Health Interview survey to show that implementation of the Amer-
icans with Disabilities Act (1990) had not been successful in increasing the
employment rate of people with a disability. Similarly, Sidoti (1998), then
Acting Disability Discrimination Commissioner in Australia, commented on
a similar lack of improvement in employment rates following the promulgation
of the Disability Discrimination Act (1992).
Nonetheless, those operating in the workplace have recognized the impor-
tance of macrosystem influences for achieving successful employment out-
comes for people with a disability. In a recent Australian study, Smith (2002)
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 269
interviewed 50 managers and supervisors who had employed someone with a
disability (approximately 40% of whom had mental retardation or a learning
disability), and 40 disability employment service providers. The majority
from both respondent groups identified the Disability Discrimination Act
(>70%), had attitudes favoring social justice (>80%), and reflected disability
awareness (>80%) as important for achieving successful employment out-
comes. Thus, even though human rights measures at the macro level may
not have the desired influence on workplace practices, those directly
concerned with achieving successful employment outcomes in the workplace
nonetheless recognized their relevance.
The context in which employment and disability operate is complex, and it
would be naive to expect a direct path from legislation to workplace change.
As Bronfenbrenner (1989) has emphasized, it is the interaction between and
among various ecological factors, rather than a single factor, that influences
behavior. Hence, in addition to an array of changes, which occur at broader
ecological levels, research more directly related to the workplace, including
research that seeks the views of those who operate within the employment
context, would be expected to aVect employment outcomes directly.
II. PRACTICES THAT PROMOTE SUCCESSFUL
EMPLOYMENT OUTCOMES FOR PEOPLE WITH
INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
A. History of Disability Employment Support
Eligibility for disability employment services in many countries is commonly
established by way of an economic administrative category. Typically, such
systems have in the past ignored the powerful influence of contextual variables
on employment outcomes. However, the development of disability employ-
ment service provision since the 1980s has reflected a more enlightened view,
consistent with an emerging understanding of disability and employment as
complex phenomena, the influences on which are diverse.
In Australia, government funding for competitive employment services
has been available since the introduction of the Disability Services Act
(1986). This funding closely followed mounting international evidence, prin-
cipally from the U.S., supporting positive employment outcomes for people
with a disability (Brolin & Brolin, 1982; Kregel et al., 1990; Rusch &
Hughes, 1990; Wehman, 1988). Employment service provision has emerged
from an early focus on simply matching the individual’s skills to the require-
ments of the job (Brolin & Brolin, 1982; Callahan & Garner, 1997), to more
recent approaches that have increasingly recognized the important interplay
270 Kaye Smith et al.
between the individual and the complex network of contextual factors in
which disability and employment are embedded. Initially, if a person had
the skills for the job, they were deemed suitable for the position. Employ-
ment strategies were geared toward training the individual to perform as-
signed tasks at an acceptable rate and quality (Callahan & Garner, 1997).
These strategies were closely aligned to an understanding of disability con-
sistent with the medical model. The focus was on the initial placement of an
individual in a specific job, with an emphasis on fitting the person to the job,
not on changing the workplace environment to accommodate the person.
Training was the domain of the disability employment professional and was
focused on bridging the gap between the skills of the employee and the
demands of the job (Callahan & Garner, 1997; Moon & GriYn, 1988;
Renzaglia & Hutchins, 1988; Rogan et al., 1993).
B. Current Trends in Disability Employment Practices
Subsequent redirection of policies has recognized the relevance of the
workplace environment to achieving successful employment outcomes.
The culture within the workplace has increasingly been viewed as critical
(Callahan & Garner, 1997; Hagner, 1992) and placement practices have
increasingly embraced work-related ancillary skills, such as the ability to
form friendships, to conform to the required rules in the work place, to
interact positively with supervisors and coworkers, and to be able to access
the wider work environment. Such practices have been referred to as achiev-
ing a ‘‘person-environment fit’’ (Calkins & Walker, 1989; Schalock, 1989).
According to this view, not only is it important to be able to perform the
job, it is also important for the employee to feel accepted in the work
environment and to be accepted as a valued staV member (Hagner, 1992).
Person-environment fit places both job skills and social behaviors under
the spotlight; both need to be compatible with the work environment. Social
behaviors of people with an intellectual disability have been considered an
important aspect of successful employment outcomes (Butterworth &
Strauch, 1994; Ferguson et al., 1993; Holmes & Fillary, 2000; Martella
et al., 1993; Salzberg et al., 1986). Butterworth and Strauch (1994) showed
that both task and non-task related social skills contributed to supervisor
and co-worker ratings of the quality of work performance. Nonetheless,
although the social skills and social competence measured were shown as
important to the development of social relationships, the contribution was
small. Physical integration, not social integration, in the workplace was
considered successful for the 98 subjects in the Butterworth and Strauch
(1994) study. Salzberg et al. (1986) identified task-related social skills as
important to entry-level employment. Martella et al. (1993) showed that
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 271
individuals with an intellectual disability could be taught certain task-related
social skills (such as asking for assistance) using verbal problem-solving
strategies. Holmes and Fillary (2000) have pointed out that, although casual
workplace interactions are important for social integration, such interac-
tions require complex social skills that typically take years to acquire
through exposure to diVerent social contexts. Therefore, Holmes and Fillary
(2000) advocate that strategies need to be devised to provide this exposure.
Although the importance of social skills places the focus on the individual, it
is, nonetheless, recognition of the need to attend to the interrelationship
between the individual and their environment. In other words, the specific
social skills required to operate within a specific context (e.g., the spec-
ific employment site and specific coterie of coworkers and customers) must
be the focus of any targeted training or support.
Recognizing the importance of the social environment to satisfactory
employment outcomes is consistent with the social model of disability
(Bickenbach et al., 1999; Lunt & Thornton, 1994). Rather than expecting a
person with a disability to fit into a static work environment, there is a
realization that environments can also change to accommodate individual
needs. Employers have become important stakeholders in the development
of placement strategies and, therefore, have become increasingly viewed as
part of the ‘solution’ rather than as ‘barriers’ to eVective employment out-
comes (Flexer et al., 1994). In addition, collaboration with people with a
disability has gained momentum in being considered an important aspect of
employment service provision (European Trade Union Committee, 1995;
Parent et al., 1996). Flannery, Slovic, Treasure, Ackley and Lucas (2002)
argued for the importance of ensuring that people with a disability have the
necessary skills and knowledge to be active partners in identifying their
employment goals and the necessary resources to achieve these goals. Thus,
the importance of sharing responsibility for eVective employment outcomes
between service providers, employers, and employees with a disability has
become evident (Albin, 1992; Fabian et al., 1994). In addition, past reviews
of employment for people with an intellectual disability (Gold, 1973; Kirby,
1997) concluded that more research was needed that involved the employer
and placement agency because both recognized that these people played an
important role in the future employment of people with intellectual disabil-
ities. It has also been argued that these partnerships assist integration and
job tenure (Fabian et al., 1995).
The value of a partnership approach for successful employment outcomes
appears to have gained recognition and widespread acceptance among aca-
demics and policy specialists during the past decade (Albin, 1992; Brooke
et al., 1998; European Trade Union Committee, 1995; Fabian et al., 1995;
Flexer et al., 1994; Kenny, 1995; Mank et al., 1998; Nietupski et al., 1996;
272 Kaye Smith et al.
Peterson, 1995; Petty & Fussell, 1997; Rhodes et al., 1991; Stansfeld et al.,
1995; Thornton & Project Team of Experts, 1998; Vocational Rehabilitation
Branch–ILO, 1996). However, despite the changing paradigm within which
academics have viewed employment, changes in employment practices have
been slower. Thus, although collaboration with people with a disability is now
a requirement for services funded under the Australian Disability Services Act
(1986), collaboration with employers has not been a requirement for funding
under this legislation. This is despite the fact that directing responsibility for
successful employment outcomes from disability employment professionals
to employers has been shown to improve job-retention (Fabian et al., 1993).
Involving employers in service provision shifts the role of disability employ-
ment professionals from being the sole provider of services, to one that
facilitates supports in the workplace; disability employment professionals
become consultants to the organization (Trach & Sheldon, 1999).
In addition to concerns about the compatibility of individuals and the
workplace environment (person-environment fit), attention has also been
directed at ensuring that intervention programs are compatible with work-
place environments (Callahan, 1992). This concern with designing program
implementation to be compatible with a range of aspects in the work
environment has been termed ‘‘program-environment’’ fit in the literature
(Calkins & Walker, 1989; Schalock, 1989). Program-environment fit is con-
sistent with the view that no single model of service provision works best.
Rather, intervention programs need to be tailored to specific individuals and
specific work environments (Buckley et al., 1990). Importantly, the recent
literature provides support for positive relations between program-environ-
ment fit and job retention (Calkins & Walker, 1989; Schalock, 1989). Ben-
efits from approaches that actively involve those other than disability
employment professionals (employers and co-workers) in the delivery of
workplace training have been recognized (Callahan, 1992; Fabian et al.,
1995; Hagner et al., 1992; Mank et al., 1998). For example, Mank, O’Neil,
and Jensen (1998) examined the main features of a demonstration project
in the U.S. that resulted in the employment of 55 people with a developmen-
tal disability (95% of whom had an intellectual disability). These 55 employ-
ees had worked an average of 3 years and received 3 times the wage and
benefit outcomes of other nationally supported employees. Mank et al.
(1998) stressed the importance of developing strong relationships between
employers and service providers, in particular the importance of a commit-
ment from managers and coworkers and the active involvement of co-work-
ers in training and supporting employees with a disability. Fabian et al.
(1995) also stressed the importance of a close collaboration between employ-
ers and service providers; they argued that, rather than simply focusing on
an employee’s ability to perform the job, service providers need to also
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 273
include the performance of their own service to an employer when assessing
employer satisfaction. Furthermore, Fabian et al. (1995) reasoned that
engaging employers in training their employee with a disability promoted
workplace integration.
Anti-discrimination laws in countries such as Australia, Canada, and the
U.S. place requirements on businesses to make reasonable accommodations
to workplaces, in order to promote equal access to employment opportu-
nities for people with an intellectual and other form of disability. Identifying
and implementing accommodations, in collaboration with employers (an
aspect of program-environment fit), are considered important strategies for
service providers when promoting job retention (Roessler & Rumrill, 1995;
Rumrill et al., 1998; Thornton & Project Team of Experts, 1998).
Recent approaches to employment have focused on identifying variables
important to job retention. For example, job retention and return to work
were the focus of an international research project by Thornton and Project
Team of Experts (1998). This project was a joint initiative of the ILO and the
Global Applied Disability Research and Information Network on Employ-
ment and Training, and involved participants from several countries. These
researchers noted that internationally, largely due to legal and economic
imperatives, the business sector has shown an increased interest in retaining
employees with a disability, including those with a deteriorating mental
condition. This has resulted in businesses developing policies and practices
to minimize turnover of employees with a disability. Thornton and Project
Team of Experts (1998) considered that this level of interest in job retention
was not as strongly embraced by disabled people’s organizations, where
entry to work, rather than job retention, was the overriding concern. The
importance to job retention of involving key players, including employees
with a disability, in the development and implementation of policies and
practices was highlighted by these authors, as was the importance of chang-
ing physical aspects of the workplace and workplace practices to accommo-
date the needs of people with a disability. The ILO has also reinforced
adopting a partnership approach between those operating in the employ-
ment context (the employee with a disability, employers, co-workers, and
service providers) to ensure ongoing support. That is, the environment in
which employment is embedded impacts on employment outcomes.
Because of the dynamic nature of the work environment, including those
operating within the workplace, interactions among variables influencing
employment outcomes will also operate dynamically. It is this changing
nature in the composition of variables operating in the ecological system,
which impacts on employment outcomes for a worker with a disability, and
which highlights the importance of a flexible and long-term approach to
support strategies. Yet little or no research has focused on the dynamic
274 Kaye Smith et al.
interplay between variables that aVect employment outcomes of people with
a disability.
The literature reviewed thus far suggests that successful employment out-
comes for workers with an intellectual disability are influenced by both the
interaction of the person with the work environment (person-environment
fit) and the strategies adopted (program-environment fit). In addition to
service provision strategies, which reflect a growing appreciation of the
importance of the environment for achieving successful employment out-
comes, research has also been concerned with the views of employers.
Because of the central decision-making role held by employers, their opi-
nions, attitudes, and behavior toward the employment of someone with a
disability contribute an important influence on the ecological system in
which disability and employment are embedded; an ecological system that
influences whether employment outcomes are successful or not.
C. The Perceptions and Attitudes of Employers
In this section, we shall first overview the literature that has examined the
attitudes and the importance of strategies that promote the job retention of
people with a disability (Vocational Rehabilitation Branch–ILO, 1999).
A recent trend in the disability employment literature has involved a focus
on ‘natural supports’ (Butterworth et al. 1996; Callahan, 1992; Fabian et al.,
1995; GriYn, 1994; Hagner et al., 1995; Mank et al., 1997; Sandow et al.,
1993). Cimera (2001) has argued that definitions of natural supports are
varied and numerous. Butterworth et al. (1996) provided the following
definition of ‘natural supports’: ‘‘Assistance provided by people, procedures,
or equipment in a given workplace that (a) leads to desired personal and
work outcomes, (b) is typically available or culturally appropriate in the
work place, and (c) is supported by resources from within the work place,
facilitated to the degree necessary by human service consultation’’ (p. 106).
Although supports may be considered ‘natural’ to the workplace,
their successful implementation often requires extensive planning (Trach &
Mayhall, 1997; Trach & Sheldon, 1999). Providing ‘natural supports’ for
disability employment can involve: tapping into training that is available to
other employees; training co-workers to train employees with a disability;
partnership development; and the execution of training programs that incor-
porate, as near as practicable, training strategies used in that particular work
environment. By identifying factors and processes that promote successful
employment outcomes, employment programs that encompass the use of
‘natural supports’ take an approach that considers a range of factors in the
context of the workplace. Taking a contextual approach provides a social
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 275
perspective to disability employment policy, one that extends the focus
of intervention beyond the individual to the environment in which they
work (Lunt & Thornton, 1994).
A recent study by McHugh et al. (2002) indicated that the use of natural
supports by three job coaches increased workplace integration for each of
three targeted employees with a developmental disability (one per job
coach). This study comprised: training the job coaches to implement a range
of natural support strategies; recording the use of natural support strategies;
using the Vocational Integration Index to record indicators of vocational
integration; and using a social validation assessment instrument to record
the views of the employer on four questions related to social integration in
the workplace. Although the social validation assessment returned mixed
results, the Vocational Integration Index showed a general increase in all
four areas of vocational integration, with all three employees showing an
increase in the area of employee benefits.
The notion that ‘natural supports’ can facilitate employment outcomes for
people with a disability is consistent with research by Mank et al. (1998),
which has demonstrated the important relationship between workplace
practices and employment outcomes. As mentioned previously, employment
outcomes in this program showed 3-year average job tenure and three times
the wage levels of the average competitive employment placement. Charac-
teristics of their employment program included: co-worker involvement in
the design and delivery of supports; partnership development; a workplace
culture that valued and managed diversity; and long-term support. Of the 55
participants in this program, 34 with a developmental disability continued to
receive long-term support.
Post-placement support has been considered an important component of
service delivery for promoting job retention (Brooke et al., 1998; Rumrill
et al., 1998) and career advancement (Brooke et al., 1998). These authors
(Brooke et al., 1998; Rumrill et al., 1998) also recognized the importance
of within the general population of employers, some of whom have em-
ployed people with a disability, before proceeding to the literature that has
specifically targeted attitudes of employers who have used a disability em-
ployment service. Overall, this literature suggests that many factors interact
in aVecting employers’ attitudes.
Russell (International Labour Organisation Report, 1998) has argued that
inappropriate information has contributed to prejudicial attitudes among
employers about people with a disability. Both disability employment pro-
fessionals and employers have identified disability awareness training as an
important strategy in improving the employment outcomes of people with a
disability (Smith, 2002).
276 Kaye Smith et al.
Tse (1994) sought the views of 38 employers in Hong Kong who had
employed someone with a mild intellectual disability. Tse reported that the
majority of these employees had received some training since commencing
work, but had been given no additional support. The employers’ expecta-
tions for employees with an intellectual disability had been met or exceeded
in all but 5 of the 25 performance areas rated. Although performance by
workers with mental retardation was significantly higher in seven areas,
including speed, reliability, and willingness to work hard, the wage earned
by these employees was 30% less than co-workers without a disability
performing similar work. Tse suggested that although lower wages in some
circumstances could result from lower productivity rates, the lower wages
reported here reflected discrimination against employees with an intellectual
disability, given that employers indicated that the productivity of mentally
retarded workers was adequate.
A range of variables has been found to influence employers’ attitudes
toward employing someone with a disability. For example, the existence of
policies on employing someone with a disability (Jones et al., 1991); higher
levels of education among managers, having a female manager, and/or being a
public sector employer (Levy et al., 1992); previous contact with a person with
a disability, and level of disability (mild, not moderate intellectual disability)
(Rimmerman, 1998) have all been associated with more favorable attitudes
toward the employment of people with a disability. However, the influence
of some variables has not been consistent across studies. Thus, whereas Levy
et al. (1993) and Rimmerman (1998) found that larger organizations held
more positive attitudes, this was not the case in a study by Kregel and
Tomiyasu (1994). Furthermore, previous contact with people with a disability
was found to be a predictor of favorable attitudes by Rimmerman (1998) but
not by Florey and Harrison (2000) or by Levy et al. (1992). This inconsistency
between studies suggests the importance of the interplay between contextual
variables. That is, ‘predictors of favorable attitudes’ do not operate in
isolation; rather, they are in turn subject to influences from other variables
operating within the employment context.
Nonetheless, one variable appears more reliable when predicting employ-
ers’ favorability in attitude toward employees with an intellectual or
other disability, namely, previous positive experience with a person with a
disability that is work-related (Levy et al., 1992, 1993; Rimmerman, 1998;
Smith, 2002). This suggests that experience with just one employee with an
intellectual disability can impact the future employment opportunities
of others with an intellectual disability, and highlights the importance of
working with employers to ensure their satisfaction with an employment
outcome.
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 277
D. Employer Satisfaction With Work Performance
Although positive experience in employing someone with a disability
appears to be an important determinant of positive employer attitudes
toward other people with a disability, little research has examined the eVect
of diVerent aspects of the employees’ work behaviors on employer satisfac-
tion. Furthermore, much of the research related to employment outcomes
for people with a disability has tended to focus on practices at just one
specific level of the ecological system—such as the workplace environment—
rather than take a broader ecological approach. Recently, Smith (2002) used
Bronfenbrenner’s (1989) ecological systems theory as a framework for ar-
ticulating how variables internal and external to the workplace environment
might influence employment outcomes. Smith’s work comprised two major
studies: one that explored variables within the workplace (e.g., speed/rate
or work) important to employer satisfaction (Smith et al., in press), and one
that identified contextual factors (e.g., community attitudes) important to
successful employment outcomes (Smith, 2002).
Smith et al. (in press) examined questionnaire responses from 656 employ-
ers, each of whom had employed a person with a disability, using the services
of a disability employment agency. Approximately 47% of these employers
employed a person with an intellectual or learning disability. Comparing the
employer ratings on employer satisfaction and work performance between
employees with and without a disability yielded three interesting findings.
First, employers rated employees with a disability significantly lower than
other employees on employer satisfaction and on each of three work perfor-
mance variables tested. The variables represented were: work performance;
speed/rate and accuracy/quality of work, and workplace climate (an amalgam
variable that included work group eYciency, supervisor eYciency, impact on
workplace morale, behavior of co-workers, inclusion in team, consistency of
work behavior, and stability of social behavior). Second, although all three
work performance variables influenced employer satisfaction with employees
with adisability, onlyworkplace climate influenced employer satisfactionwith
other employees. Third, employers were more satisfied with employees with a
disability than other employees in relation to the three variables representing
work performance. Taken together, these findings suggest that employers
have diVerent expectations for their employees with a disability than for other
employees. This highlights the complex interplay between variables at the
microsystem level of the workplace in determining employer satisfaction.
Although reasons for diVerences in the relative eVect of the work perfor-
mance variables could not be identified, Smith et al. (in press) and colleagues
speculated that the employers’ expectations and concerns could be responsible.
278 Kaye Smith et al.
This would be consistent with work by Nietupski et al. (1996), who iden-
tified a lack of necessary work skills among people with a disability as an
important concern to potential employers.
Finding that the same determinants of employer satisfaction are not
common to all employees has important practical implications for service
provision, and supports the view that employer satisfaction is sensitive to a
complex interplay between factors that occur within the microsystem of the
workplace. The study by Smith and colleagues (in press) compared two
groups of employees: those with and those without a disability. An earlier
study by Salzberg et al. (1986) was concerned with the diVerences in deter-
minants of successful employment outcomes for employees with an intellec-
tual disability in diVerent kinds of jobs. These researchers reported
diVerences in the relative importance of certain work behaviors between
diVerent job types. They suggested that such diVerences were related to the
perceived importance of these behaviors to employee productivity.
Smith (2002) also investigated whether the employers’ perceptions of job-
match aVected employer satisfaction. Path analysis showed that job-match
had both a direct eVect and an indirect eVect on employer satisfaction
(through the three work performance variables previously described for
Smith et al. (in press)). Second, almost all employers who rated their satis-
faction with their employee with a disability as equal to or higher than their
satisfaction with other employees, identified their employee with a disability
as well matched to the job.
The finding that the employers’ perceptions of job-match were related
to their satisfaction has important implications for service provision. If the
goal is to achieve positive employment outcomes, then involving employers
in decisions relating to the job-match process, so that a positive perception
of job-match is developed and maintained, should help to support this goal.
Results from the Smith (2002) analysis were consistent with the literature
previously described that has recognized the importance of employer
participation in achieving successful employment outcomes (Albin, 1992;
Brooke et al., 1998; European Trade Union Committee, 1995; Fabian
et al., 1995; Kenny, 1995; Mank et al., 1998; Nietupski et al., 1996; Peterson,
1995; Petty & Fussell, 1997; Rhodes et al., 1991; Stansfeld et al., 1995;
Thornton & Project Team of Experts, 1998; Vocational Rehabilitation
Branch–ILO 1996).
In response to the question as to whether employer satisfaction with
employees with a disability aVected future hiring intentions toward other
people with a disability, Smith (2002) found that, when employers rated their
employee with a disability higher or at the same level as other employees
on employer satisfaction, they were much more likely to report an intention
to employ a person with a disability in the future than employers who rated
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 279
employees with a disability lower on employer satisfaction. This finding
is consistent with previous research linking a positive work-related experi-
ence when employing someone with a disability with the employers’ favor-
able attitudes (Diksa & Rogers, 1996; Florey & Harrison, 2000; Levy, 1992,
1993; Rimmerman, 1998). This suggests that the employers’ positive experi-
ences with one employee with a disability can aVect the future employment
intentions for other people with a disability.
This generalization from past experience to future intention to employ
someone implies that many employers are treating people with a disability as
an homogenous group. This has serious implications for service provision,
suggesting that when employers are less satisfied with their employee with a
disability than with their other employees, the employment opportunities for
other people with a disability are aVected. Thus, unfair discrimination
against other people with a disability in their employment endeavor is a
possible outcome. Millington et al. (2000) have warned against this possibil-
ity, emphasizing, that ‘‘unfair discrimination is the logical interpretation of
biased values attached to the job candidate’’ (p. 42).
A second study by Smith (2002) sought the views of employers and service
providers on aspects important to employment outcomes for people with a
disability. An ecological framework was used to interpret data from the
following three sources: (1) interviews with 50 disability employers (employ-
ers who had employed a person with a disability through a disability
employment service, 40% of whom had employed someone with an intellec-
tual disability or a learning disability); (2) interviews with 40 disability
employment service professionals; and (3) survey responses from 36 non-
disability employers (employers who had not employed someone with a
disability) to open-ended questions.
Two thematic analyses were undertaken to identify the importance of
factors at the levels of the micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro-systems. The
first was based on interviews with disability employers and service providers.
Interviewees identified characteristics at the micro, meso, exo, and macro
levels that they considered important for successful employment outcomes.
Smith (2002) found support for the impact of context on concern. Service
providers, whose involvement with employees with a disability extends
beyond the workplace, were more attuned than employers to aspects exter-
nal to the workplace that can aVect successful employment outcomes, such
as access to support services and education. Nonetheless, both employer and
union organizations have emphasized these broader concerns. For example,
an International Labour OYce report by Russell (1998) argued that a lack of
appropriate skills (academic and practical), rather than ‘‘inherent capacity,’’
prevented people with a disability, including those with an intellectual
disability, from achieving successful employment outcomes. The European
280 Kaye Smith et al.
Trade Union Committee (1995) advocated the importance of broader eco-
logical factors in promoting successful employment outcomes for people
with a disability. In addition to aYrming the importance of relevant experi-
ence and qualifications in achieving economic and social integration, the
European Trade Union Committee also identified other factors, such as
adequate housing and transport.
Using an ecological framework provided Smith (2002) with a model for
understanding the similarities and diVerences in the responses of service
providers and disability employers. Nonetheless, the model could not ex-
plain why the majority of disability employers, but not service providers,
identified ‘relationships between employers and service providers’ as impor-
tant. This relationship occurs in the work environment—the microsystem
common to both respondents. Smith (2002) suggested that this unexplained
discrepancy could indicate that service providers were underestimating
the importance of their services to employers. Consistent with this interpre-
tation, a study by Fabian et al. (1995) also found that employers placed
greater emphasis on the importance of service provision than service pro-
viders themselves. Because service providers support work performance,
a behavior shown as important to employer satisfaction (Smith et al., in
press), service providers, in undervaluing the importance of their services to
employers, might be missing worthwhile opportunities for promoting
successful employment outcomes.
The second thematic analysis used the views of three groups of respon-
dents—two groups of employers (disability employers and non-disability
employers) and one group of disability employment service providers—to
analyze the barriers to successful employment outcomes and detail possible
strategies for achieving successful employment outcomes for people with a
disability. Considerably more employers (both employer groups) than ser-
vice providers identified ‘resources/costs’ as a barrier, and the importance of
service provider strategies, in particular job-match, to successful employ-
ment outcomes. This diVerence in the importance of service provider strate-
gies further supported the view that service providers can underestimate the
importance of services that they can oVer employers.
Using an ecological framework highlights the importance of attending to
the perspectives of others in the ecological system. Although somewhat
broader than the partnership approach between employers, service provi-
ders, and employees with a disability as advocated by Fabian et al. (1994),
an ecological approach is nonetheless consistent with a partnership ap-
proach because it highlights the contribution that interrelationships between
those operating at diVerent levels of the ecological system can make to
employment outcomes. Importantly, an ecological framework allows com-
plex information to be interpreted and subsequently used for augmenting
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 281
successful employment outcomes. Furthermore, using an ecological frame-
work draws attention to the dynamic nature of the interplay that occurs
between the many factors, internal and external to the workplace, which
influence employment outcomes. Thus, the Smith studies (2002, in press)
have highlighted the importance of attending to aspects in the workplace
and in the broader environment for achieving successful employment
outcomes.
III. MAXIMIZING THE ACHIEVEMENT OF SUCCESSFUL
EMPLOYMENT OUTCOMES: FUTURE DIRECTIONS
Examining employment outcomes within an ecological framework has
drawn attention to the complexities involved when considering the variables,
both internal and external to the work environment, that impact employ-
ment for people with an intellectual disability. An understanding of this
complexity is necessary in order to maximize the eVectiveness of strategies
and policies aimed at promoting successful employment outcomes. Further-
more, in highlighting the dynamic nature of the interplay between indivi-
duals and environments in which they operate, the literature reviewed here
suggests that achieving successful employment outcomes requires ongoing
monitoring of service delivery and its influence on outcomes, and an appre-
ciation of the interplay of variables in the ecological system that contribute
directly and indirectly to this outcome.
Not only are the diVerent contexts in which employment occurs dynamic,
employment aspirations of employees are also inclined to be dynamic. That is,
what constitutes a successful employment outcome for an individual can diVer
across time. The ILO argued that merely concentrating on job acquisition does
not meet the employment needs of those who have a disability. Job security and
career advancement need to be on the agenda (Vocational Rehabilitation
Branch–ILO, 1996). The ILO has argued that ensuring that workers who have
a disability have the same opportunities for career advancement as other work-
ers has received little attention from policy makers. Yet the issue of equal career
prospects is a requirement under the ILO Convention 159 (Vocational Reha-
bilitationBranch–ILO, 1996). Themajor focus of policymakers concernedwith
employment prospects for people with an intellectual disability has been place-
ment in employment, with little attention beyond job acquisition. For many
people who have a disability, employment access and career advancement are
elusive goals without the appropriate support mechanisms in place; yet such
mechanisms require funding. Ensuring equal opportunity in employment is a
social justice commitment, but the realization of the commitment is an
economic issue.
282 Kaye Smith et al.
The literature reviewed herein underscores the importance of coordinated
and multi-pronged approaches to service provision that target diVerent levels
of the ecological system, including those who operate within them. Yet
research in this area is of little more than academic interest without the
practical application of this knowledge. However, much of the practical
application is dependent on adequate resourcing. In many Western countries
a large proportion of the funding related to successful employment outcomes,
such as funding for disability employment service provision, education,
and disability awareness, is government funding. Governments, however,
have both economic and social responsibilities towards the community
(Saltmarsh, 1994). These responsibilities can be influenced by conflicting
ideologies that need to be recognized. Although most governments are
committed to human rights values, tensions exist between these values and
economic rationalist policies (Saltmarsh, 1994). Ling (1999) has recently
suggested that tensions between the overt and covert goals of government
create diYculties for practitioners in the disability sector.
Tensions between social justice and economic rationalist paradigms are
just part of the wider environment in which employment and disability
operate (Smith et al., in press). The existence of these tensions highlights
the importance of recognizing interrelationships between the levels of the
ecological system. Merely identifying factors of relevance to employment
outcomes without considering the often-complex nature of the interplay
between factors, can reflect a simplistic and distorted picture of the environ-
ment in which disability and employment operate. Maximizing successful
employment outcomes is fraught with many challenges. Not only is attention
required to all levels of the ecological system in creating an environment that
supports positive employment outcomes, but also service providers must be
cognizant of factors important to this goal and negotiate a path relevant to
the employment aspirations of specific individuals with a disability, includ-
ing persons with an intellectual disability. Not only will factors important to
this goal diVer between individuals, settings, and prevailing cultures, but
these factors will fluctuate across time. For example, the literature reviewed
herein has highlighted the importance of flexible and long-term planning
approaches that account for changing goals and circumstances.
IV. CONCLUSIONS
The literature reviewed herein attests to the wide acceptance of the impor-
tance of achieving successful employment outcomes, and identifies a range of
factors that can influence this goal. Nonetheless, literature on the low rates
of employment for people with an intellectual disability also confirms the
inadequacy of current measures employed toward this goal. Bronfenbrenner
EMPLOYMENT AND INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY 283
(1989) has argued for the importance of considering not just the impact of
specific variables on development, but also the eVect of the interplay between
these variables. Although Bronfenbrenner’s focus was on child development,
Smith (2002) showed Bronfenbrenner’s theory to be applicable when inter-
preting the influence of an array of factors across the ecological system on
employer satisfaction with employees with a disability, including a high
proportion with an intellectual disability. The importance of measures, both
internal and external to the workplace, in improving employment outcomes
has been recognized (European Trade Union Committee, 1995; Russell, 1998;
Smith, 2002). Yet research on employment and disability and subsequent
recommendations for improving employment outcomes, have tended to tar-
get specific levels of the ecological system, usually, the employment setting, or
disability service provision, rather than taking a multi-level approach.
The literature reviewed herein has depicted disability and employment as
dynamic and complex phenomena with diverse influences. The future chal-
lenge for the disability employment sector is to consider ways in which these
complex phenomena intersect, and how to work with this complexity to
achieve successful employment outcomes, not only for specific individuals,
but also for people with a disability in general. Scrutinizing disability and
employment within an ecological framework provides a means for clarifying
and interpreting complex information, and highlights the importance
of interrelationships both within and between the diVerent ecological levels,
including those who operate within these levels. Both this framework and the
literature reviewed uphold the importance of ensuring interrelationships
between all stakeholders involved in the employment area. These interrela-
tionships are important for the development of negotiated strategies based
on shared goals and commitments. In achieving successful employment
outcomes for people with an intellectual disability, service providers are
faced with challenges that are both exciting and considerable. Strategies
and information that can assist service providers to understand the
many layers of complexity that can impact on employment outcomes are
important in surmounting this challenge.
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