International Intervention and Conflict Management-Dr Abdi O. Shuriye

7/28/2019 International Intervention and Conflict Management-Dr Abdi O. Shuriye

1/11


2/11

Keywords: international intervention, United Nations, Arab apprising, conflict

management, war crimes

1. Introduction

The objective of this research is to investigate the role and the ability of the United

Nations in protecting civilians from war crimes and genocide, particularly after the World

Summit in 2005. The researcher adopts evaluative method to comprehensively assess the

subject matter. The data of this research is mainly collected from the available materials.

The significance of this research is that it provides analysis on a current situation which

has huge political, social and religious implications. The Arab apprising is a world major

political issue after the collapse of communism.

The trend of international intervention to combat genocide is currently on the rise.

It seems after painful lessons from history, the UN and the African regional governmental

organizations such as IGAD are ready to take up that mission effectively. Since 2005 the

relationship between the international intervention and the state sovereignty go in line

and not in conflict. In September 2005, at the United Nations World Summit, all Member

States formally accepted the responsibility of each State to protect its population from

genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. (UN World Summit,

2005) At the Summit, the world leaders have also agreed that when any State fails to

meet that responsibility, all States are responsible for helping to protect peoples

threatened with such crimes and that they should first use diplomatic, humanitarian and

other peaceful methods. (UN World Summit, 2005)

So one may predict that we are about to see new UN as far as international

intervention and conflict management is concerned. This is apparent in the Libyan case,

what the international community has achieved in one year in the case of Bosnia and

Rwanda in the 1990s, the same international community achieved in one week in the

case of Libya.

Similarly, Africa's collective interventionism is a new strategic brand new

reflection. The African nations have developed this attitude to get rid of internal conflicts

that are seriously undermining Africa's political and economic developments. The AU

2


3/11

has passed corresponding resolutions and adopted a series of activities in recent years and

seriously showing capability of settling their internal conflicts through collective efforts.

2. The Nature of International Intervention

The fundamental aim of intervention is to lessen the consequences of conflict, usually in

the form of violence and destruction. Although the theoretical and practical aspects of

conflict management are converging, a void of considerable size still separates the two.

The main cause of which is failure to address root causes.

Under normal circumstances political intervention is ingrained on the

implementation of appropriate and authoritative mandates. Protection of human rights

and military or economic interests are part of the justifications for intervention.

The rationale for intervention is to create international society which holds fast to

the international law through diplomacy in order to achieve balance of power.

However, the idea of international society conflicts with the demand of absolute

sovereignty by nations who favor complete political autonomy and the power to act or the

quality of being an independent self-governing nation.

There are two schools of thought in this regard: Pluralists who stick onto minimal

rules for coexistence with non-interference in the domestic affairs of the state but allows

alliance to deter or resist aggression. The other school, the Solidarists, advocates the idea

that sovereignty depends on the full coexistence of international society.

Decades of providing assistance to war ragged nations to resolve armed conflicts,

suggests that international intervention has yet to produce effective and sustainable

results and persistent threat of recurring armed conflict remains conspicuous. The aim of

this paper is to investigate the meagerness of international intervention and its

methodology. The central argument of this paper leads to the fact that current political

crisis of the world has resulted from the dreadful collapse of political leadership in the

international level.

3


4/11

3. Principles of International Intervention

Conflict intervention occurs in three stages conflict prevention, resolution and

management. The first stage is a proactive stage where violence and destruction is

averted by taking positive action to address fundamental concerns and demands. The

outbreak of violent conflict is a direct consequence of a lack of effective preventive

measures, at which time the need to employ reactive actions in the form of conflict

resolution and management arises.

While conflict management seeks to reduce the violence and destruction from

further escalation through instruments such as negotiation, arbitration, adjudication and in

the case of extreme measure the use of force, conflict resolution seeks to address root

causes of the conflict itself by attending to long-term changes and reconciliation to pacify

attitudes and demands.

The end of the Cold War brought along an increase of intra-state conflicts

resulting in large increase in civilian casualties signifying a need to modify traditional

approaches to handling conflicts. As a result, conflict resolution and prevention are now

referred to as peace building and state building (Necla Tshirgi, 2004) indicative of the

change in policy thinking.

The former UN chief Boutros Boutros-Ghali portrayed conflict management as a

cycle of four distinct but often intersecting activities preventive diplomacy,

peacekeeping, peacemaking and peace building. Peace building was defined as actions

taken to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and solidify peace

in order to avoid a relapse into conflict (Boutros Boutros-Ghali, 1992) which has been

further developed to include, among others, post-conflict peace building, nation building

or reconstruction.

The idea of peace building was initially intended to be applied after the inception

of violent conflict as a measure to prevent the recurrence of armed conflict. The practical

requirements on the ground pointed to another possible application as a prevention

mechanism before the onset of violent conflict.

Thus, traditional roles of UN peacekeepers, the majority of them lightly armed

military personnel, deployed with the consent of warring factions and to whom limited

use of force is allowed only in situations of self-defense, has evolved allowing full

4


5/11

intervention in the form of necessary use of force in order to reduce human suffering and

make humanitarian assistance possible.

Following the unveiling of the UNs Agenda for Peace in 1992, tasks of

peacekeepers were expanded to include protecting civilians, assisting in elections, and

demobilizing and re-integrating former combatants into society. Over the decade,

peacekeeping operations further expanded to included tasks such as interim

administration and establishment of institutions capable of taking over from the UN.

4. From Policy to Practice

A lesson that can be drawn from the experiences of past international interventions is the

need for better alliance and a clearer division of labor between the UN and regional

players whose complementary strengths are yet to be properly harnessed but are usually

the first to respond to the crisis in their neighborhood.

This need for better alliance and division of labor also important since the

majority of conflicts within states do not garner the attention of the United Nations and,

particularly, other super powers.

The persistent failure of peacemakers to guide warring factions towards long-term

security and development has been blamed on several causes. The first is the shallow

approach to conflict management using diplomacy, preventive deployment,

peacekeeping, and peace building as separate instruments instead of the strategic

approach emphasized by Boutros-Ghalis description of conflict management as distinct

but constantly intersecting activities.

The second is the massive void between peacemaking efforts and the actual execution of

peace operations. A significant transformation in the approach of the two is needed for

congruence in development and cooperation efforts for effective management and

prevention of conflict.

Inadequate and half-hearted responses in pre-armed conflict situations, such as the

failure to set up efficient early warning mechanisms, make up the third reason. Also

related to this is the failure to extend peacemaking efforts in conflict riddled regions to

the surrounding vicinity where impending conflict may be looming.

5


6/11

Finally, there is imperative need to nurture the ability of regional players in preventing

and managing conflict in coherence with the efforts of UN-led operations. Regional

organizations and their supporters need to implement a joint strategic vision, which

incorporate local norms, values and ideas with the refined planning resources of the

developed world.

The root cause of all failed peacemaking intervention is referred to as the

process-structure gap by Lederach. Peace is perceived as a process until a peace accord

is signed when, ideally, it should be construed as both a process and a structure. Peace

accords should not be interpreted as an end to conflicts but rather as the initiation of a

continuous process of relationship building taking into consideration the changes and real

life situations on the ground.

Thus, Lederach urges that long-term peace structures should be reviewed such

that they reflect the inherent responsiveness often present in periods of active negotiation

and avoid trappings of isolating peace functions in bureaucracies implementing time-

bound mandates with little capacity to adapt and change to-on-the ground real life needs.

(John Paul Lederach)

5. Compartmentalization in Peace Support Operations

In most peace operations, strategic vision or long-term goals such as rehabilitation of

society and recovery of economy, takes a back-seat to immediate security concerns and

other mechanics of peacekeeping. While security is an immediate priority in warring

regions, there is a tendency to continue making security the main concern long after local

priorities have shifted to long-term development concerns.

A crucial attribute to the detachment of security and development concerns in

peace support operations is the compartmentalization of different components of

peacemaking and conflict management. Each element of peace operations, both civil and

military, have been adjusted and modified in such a way that each is detached and limited

to a narrow area of activity, often operating independently without strategic link to other

activities.

Highest priority should be to ensure a secure environment where peace building

and long-term development activities can take place, especially under extremely volatile

6


7/11

conditions. The ultimate objective of both military and civilian components of the

mission should emphasize on strategic vision to promote development. For example,

social and economic recovery should form part of the strategic aim of all mission

components and not be the sole responsibility of one agency.

To remedy over-emphasis of security and other mechanics of peacekeeping, quick

impact projects (QIPs) are now gaining support by UN peace support operations.

Immediate results of QIPs was observed in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and Eritrea, among

others, where local infrastructure such as schools, hospitals and mosques were rebuilt

thus earning UN support operations popular votes among the local population. However,

further effort should be taken to ensure that the implementation of such projects

complements the overall common strategic framework.

The bulk of UN peace building efforts concern civilian tasks, a potential bridge

between security and development efforts which may contribute significantly to a

strategic vision leading to sustainable development. The UN department of political

affairs is in charge of 10 peace building missions around the world and half of these are

in Africa. (see my notes)

Though the vital task of peace building missions is to assist in the establishment

of legitimate states in post-conflict environments, most importantly, it offers a chance to

address root causes of a conflict. Therefore, local ideas should be considered and

included through creative measures leading to desired transformations in post-conflict

surroundings. The right balance and relevance to local needs should be sought in peace

building agendas as each post-conflict context is unique.

6. Including Regional Players in Efforts towards Conflict Management

Regional players are vital in ensuring the success of future conflict management efforts

for a number of reasons. First, they are situated very close to the crises area and are

therefore more responsive to calls for early action. Second, their close relation to the local

population gives them a better understanding of the socio-political context of the

unfolding crisis.

7


8/11

Third, their experience in dealing with violent and difficult conflicts in the immediate

areas gave regional players the ability to adapt the usual norms and standards for

managing and preventing conflicts to give greater impact on local crises.

This is particularly true for African regional organizations such as African Union

and other sub-regional organizations such as ECOWAS and SADC which maintain in

their treaties, the right to intervene in a member state when crisis or humanitarian tragedy

is at hand. Some regional players have undertaken bold measures towards preventing

conflict thus halting the situation from further deterioration that could have spiraled

beyond control (e.g. Nigerian in Sao Tome and Principice; ECOWAS in Guinea-Bissau

and Togo).

Fourth, some regional organizations have further enhanced their collaboration

efforts with local players, particularly civil society groups. This is the case with

ECOWAS which has formalized its involvement with West Africa civil society.

However, regional organizations have weaknesses which may be rectified by the UN and

other development agencies, and vice-versa where the weaknesses of can be overcome by

the strengths of the other in a complementary manner.

The future of successful conflict management lies in the sharing of

responsibilities between regional, national and global players.

7. Development

The UN Secretary-Generals report, In Larger Freedom (United Nations, 2005) stressed

the responsibility of rich countries in developing and ensuring the continuous process of

attaining security and development mechanisms in weak states. He further warned that

ignoring failed states creates problems hat sometimes come back to bite us. (Report of

the Secretary-General, 2005)

The UN High-level Panel oh Threats, Challenges and Change also concurs that

development and security are inextricably linked. A more secure world is only possible

if poor countries are given a real chance to develop. (Report of the High-level Panel on

Threats, 2004)

The vital link between development and security has been observed since the late

1940s where global poverty and the threat of insurrection have always been closely

8


9/11

linked. (Mark Duffield, 2001) During the Cold War, humanitarian aid was used as a tool

for developing newly independent states and concurrently preventing them from

becoming security threats to the Western world.

The evolution of intellectual studies on security and development, however, took

on opposing approach where each progressed independently of the other. Traditionally,

studies on security involved the study of the phenomena of war, threats to peace, and the

use and control of military forces. (Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Sean M. Lynn-Jones,1998)

While security studies dealt mainly with inter-state war and international relations,

development on the other hand focused mainly on the domestic front by encouraging

economic growth.

8. Good governance, Democracy and Human Rights

The concept of good governance became well-known around 1989 and 1990 (Martin

Doornbos, 2003) when the international donor community began attaching certain

conditions prior to granting development aid. Good governance simply refers to judgment

on how a particular nation is run. (Martin Doornbos, 1995) The former World Bank

President, Barber Conable, explained that development can only be realized when

continuous growth is guaranteed irrespective of the process of imperfect governance.

(World Bank, 1992)

9. Politics of Humanitarian Intervention

The complex human crises brought along after the end of World War II and during the

bitter struggle between the Soviet Union and industrial democratic nations saw a sharp

increase in humanitarian relief operations. In addition, the number of violent intrastate

clashes in developing nations escalated, steadily increasing the demand for humanitarian

aid. This demand, in turn, transformed voluntary organizations and multilateral

institutions into influential development players.

The Cold War marked the bitter clash between East and West, constantly locked

in an ideological battle. Thus, humanitarian aid was also used as an ideological weapon.

A large amount of the assistance was used to fuel corruption, contributed to coercion on

the domestic front, and brought about mismanagement of funds. On the positive side,

9


10/11

relief operations gave an opportunity for the citizens of affluent nations to learn about the

reality of conflict and deprivation in poor nations.

To the dismay of many, the end of the Cold War did not bring about the swift

improvement towards peace and democracy. Instead, it further intensified the existing

political instability and public discord, causing violent civil war especially in countries

ruled by authoritarian regimes. These violent clashes resulted in large numbers of civilian

casualties and refugee flows necessitating intervention by the UN and other voluntary

organizations.

Away from the warring regions, humanitarian aid was used as an instrument to

encourage support for market-based policies and global economic integration. The

practice of offering aid with conditions attached soon was later contended by various

development groups which later teamed up in support of debt reduction and poverty

reduction. At the turn of the century, the agenda forwarded by these organizations was

adopted by the member countries of the UN.

At the Monterrey Conference of 2002, a consensus was reached to adjust policies

in affluent countries relative to increasing the number and ensuring the quality of aid

offered, promoting debt reduction, and giving greater access to domestic markets in

parallel with good governance efforts and implementation of poverty reduction strategies

in indigent countries. Unfortunately, trans-national terrorism in 2002 had impacted

negatively on international relations between affluent and indigent nations, thus

undermining the consensus reached at the Monterrey Conference.

References

Necla Tshirgi. (January, 2004). Peace building as the link between Peace and Security:Is the Window of Opportunity Closing? International Peace Academy.

Boutros Boutros-Ghali. (1992).An Agenda for Peace, United Nations.

John Paul Lederach, Justpeace The Challenge of the 21st Century, European Center

for Conflict Prevention, (Utrecht: People Building Peace). Available at:http://www.gpac.net

UN Peace-building mission in Africa include those in Central African Republic (since

February 2000), Office of the SRSG for the Great Lakes (since December 1997), Peace-

10
http://www.gpac.net/http://www.gpac.net/


11/11

building Support Office in Guinea-Bissau (since March 1999), Political Office for

Somalia (since April 1995), and the Office of the SRSG for West Africa (since

November 2001).

Report of the Secretary-General. (United Nations, 2005), In Larger Freedom: Towards

Development, Security and Human Rights for All available at:http://www.un.org/largerfreedom/contents.htm

Report of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, (United Nations,2004). A More Secure World: Our Shared Responsibility available at:

http://www.un.org/secureworld/report2.pdf

Mark Duffield. (2001). Global Governance and The New Wars: The Merging ofDevelopment and Security (London & New York: Zed Books, p.35.

Joseph S. Nye, Jr. and Sean M. Lynn-Jones. (1998). International Security Studies. A

Report of a Conference on the State of the Field, International Security Studies Vol. 18,No. 4 p. 5-27.

Martin Doornbos. (Fall, 2003). Good Governance: The Metamorphosis of a Policy

Metaphor,Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 57, No. 1 p. 3. An earlier version of this

paper appears as Good Governance: The Rise and Decline of a Policy Metaphor?,(2001). Journal of Development Studies, Vol. 37, No. 6 pp. 93-108.

Martin Doornbos. (1995). State Formation Processes under External Supervision:

Reflections on Good Governance, in Olav Stokke, ed.,Aid and Political Conditionality(London: Frank Class,

The UN Summmit (2005).

World Bank. (1992).Proceeding of the World Bank Annual Conference on Development

Economics 1991 (Washington, DC: World Bank.

11
http://www.un.org/largerfreedom/contents.htmhttp://www.un.org/secureworld/report2.pdfhttp://www.un.org/largerfreedom/contents.htmhttp://www.un.org/secureworld/report2.pdf

Documents

International Intervention and Conflict Management-Dr Abdi O. Shuriye