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Ibn.. Sina • ....d l.VI~"Ü.c"~:

.1L.~econ.••der_Uo~

A Thesis

Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Slodies and Research

in Partial Fu)fj)Jment of the Requirements

of the Degree of Master of Arts

By

EtinAnwar

The Institute of Islamic Slodies

Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research

McGill University

Febmary 1998

© Etin Anwar 1998

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O~12-43828-7

Canadrl

•Author

Title

Department

Degree

Abstract

: EtinAnwar

: Ibn siDa and Mysticism: A Reconsideration

: The Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

: M. A.

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Ibn Sma bas been the object of many contemporary studies, ail of which have

attempted to examine various angles of the possible connection between Ibn Sfni and

mysticism. These studies, however, have not fullyexplored Ibn sIna's understanding of

mysticism; he is generally seen as the Most rational philosopher who ever lived and,

therefore, unlikely to bave been a mystic in any sense. In response to this claim, the

present study aims to reconsider Ibn siDa's connection with mysticism and to examine bis

OWD perception of this tradition.

This thesis OOt looks at the various factors which May possibly have contributed

to Ibn SIna's mystical tbought. Two of these were bis spiritual consciousness and the

ShI'ite milieu of bis tïmes. The intellectual tradition in which Ibn s'ka lived, and bis

exposure to different aspects of Islamic intellectual tradition, were another factor that

shaped bis mystical thought. This thesis also attempts to reread Ibn Sma's mystical works

in order to reveal bis methodological perspective on mysticism. Ibn siDa incorporates

mystical experience in a symbolic narrative into bis work. He also theorized about

mystical experience, using Siifi terms like mystical knowledge Cilfan) and love ('ihsq),

and tried to explain these experiences in a systematic fashion.

Ibn siDa's main contribution to the field of mysticism is bis attempt to reconcile

and to connect the different traditions of Neoplatonism, gnosticis~ and $üfism. It is

remarkable how these ideas fit into a common framework -that of mysticism. These

ideas May possibly stem from bis close understanding of and sympathy with Süfi

discourse. Ibn siDa also contributed to a new literary genre in $üfi literature, most

notably in bis visionary recitals, which express a sort of mystical experience.

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Résumé

Auteur : Etin Anwar

Titre : Ibn sIni et le mysticisme: Une Reconsidération

Département : Institut d'Études Islamiques, Université McGill

Diplôme : Maîtrise ès arts

Ibn sina a fait l'objet de maintes études contemporaines. Toutes ces études

discutent des différents aspects de sa relation avec le mysticisme. Toutefois, elles n'ont

pas exploré le point de vue d'Ibn s'ina sur le mysticisme, car il est considéré comme étant

le philosophe le plus rationnel jamais connu et donc, peu capable d'être un mystique. En

réponse à cette position, la présente étude reconsidère le lien entre Ibn slni et le

mysticisme. Elle examine sa propre perception de la tradition mystique.

Notre thèse aborde, premièrement, tous les facteurs qui auraient contribué à sa

pensée mystique. Deux de ces facteurs sont sa conscience spirituelle et son milieu ShI'ite.

La tradition intellectuelle dans laquelle Ibn s'ina a vécu, ainsi que sa familiarité avec

differéntes dimensions de la tradition intellectuelle de 1'Isl~ ont contribué à sa pensée

mystique. Une tentative de lire les oeuvres mystiques d'Ibn sIna sous un nouvel angle,

peut révéler son approche méthodologique concernant le mysticisme. Ibn sIna a tenté

d'incorporer son expérience mystique dans un texte symbolique, en utilisant des termes

soufis comme la connaissance mystique ('irjân) et l'amour ('ishq).

na aussi formulé des théories concernant l'expérience mystique et sur la façon de

chercher ces expériences d'une façon sytematique. La contribution principale d'Ibn SiDi

est sa tentative de reconciliation entre le Néoplatonisme, le Gnosticisme et le Soufisme. fi

est tout-à-fait remarquable qu'il ait placé toutes ses idées dans un cadre unique, celui de la

mystique. Ses oeuvres sont peut-être le produit de sa profonde compréhension et de sa

solidarité avec le discours soufi. Ibn sina a contribué à un nouveau genre dans la

littérature soufie -notamment ses récits visionnaires qui cherchent à exprimer son

expérience mystique.

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Acknowledgment

This thesis is the product of a fruitful period of study at McGill University during

the years 1995-1997. Many people have worked closely with me. 1 am especially

indebted to Professor Hermann Landolt for bis inspiring and illuminating opinions, bis

meticulous correction and valuable suggestions, the time he generously spent translating

manuscripts., the discussions 1 have had with him at various points, and for reading my

thesis at its different stages. 1 would also like to thank him and bis wife for their moral

support when 1 was facing a particuIarly difficult situation and for facilitating my

research.

1 am also grateful to Professor Todd Lawson who introduced me to Ibn siDa as the

greatest Islamic metaphysician in the Muslim world. Without bis suggestion, 1 might not

have chosen this figure as a topie of research. Thanks are due to Professor Eric Ormsby

who encouraged me to pursue my study of Ibn Ski as a theologian. 1 would like to thank

Professor Howard Federspiel for introducing me to the mystical tradition of Indonesia,

especially the Acehnese region. Most importantly, 1 would Iike also thank Professor

Parviz Morewedge and bis family for the productive and pleasurable summer in

Binghamton. He a1lowed me to use bis office and bis library to speed up my work.

This thesis, however, would not have been possible without the opportunity

afforded me by the Ministry of Religious Mairs of Indonesia and the funding 1 received

from Canadian International Development Ageney (CIDA). In this eonnection, 1 would

like to acknowledge the assistance of Mc. Mumi lamai (Director of Islamie higher

Leaming of the Ministry of Religious Affairs) and Ors. Endang Soetari (Rector of IAIN

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Leaming of the Ministry of Religious Affairs) and Ors. Endang Soetarî (Rector of IAIN

Sunan Gunung Djati). In addition, 1 would Iike to thank Wendy Allan, acting director of

the Indonesia-Canada Islamic Higher Education Project, 10anna Gacek, Claire Chadwick,

Lori Novale, and Sussi Ricciardelli for their valuable assistance during my stay in Canada

Let me also extend my thanks to Social Sciences and Hllmanities Research Council

(SSHRC) and the Alma Mater Fond ofMcGill for their travel awards, which allowed me

to present my research on Ibn sIni and mysticism at conferences. 1 would Iike to thank

the director of the Institute of Islamic Slodies, Professor Uner Turgay, and bis staff; and

the library staff, especially Salwa Ferahian and Wayne St. Thomas for their valuable

assistance and support .

1 would also like to ackowledge the many people who have helPed me either

materially or spiritually in a number of ways. Among them are Stephen Millier and A.F.

Shaker who read through. and edited my thesis; Professor Sheila who contributed much of

their time to reading the final draft; and all my colleagues, especially Nurasi~ Kang

Pipip and bis family, Gretchen Schimer, and other friends for their support and friendship.

1 would like to thank especially my grandma, Ibi Komalasari; my parents, H. Bakri

and Hj. Siti Hasanah, H. Kafrawi and Hj. Qomarussanah, H. Anwar and Hj. Yuyum; and

Prof. Masdar Helmi and Hj. Anna Anggraena; for their guidance, patience and prayers.

Last but not least, this thesis is dedicated to my husband, Shalahudin Kafrawi for bis love,

support and encouragement -aU ofwhich made this thesis possible.

EtinAnwarMontrealFebruary, 1998

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Abbreviations

Dl: Der Islam

El: Encyclopaedia of Islam

Ei: Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition)

EIR: Encyclopzdia Iranica

ER: The Encyclopedia of Religion

EP: The Encyclopedia of Philosophy

JAOS: Journal of the American Oriental Society

JPHS: Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society

HI: Hamdard Islamicus

MS: Mediaeval Studies

BSOAS: Bulletin of the School Oriental and African Studies

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Table of Coutents

AbstractRésuméAcknowledgmentAbbreviationsTable ofContents

ChapterOneContemporary Seholanhip on Ibn sin••ad Mysticism1.1. Studies on Ibn sIni's Connection to Mysticism

1.1.1. Representative Studies on Ibn sina and Mysticism1.1.2. The Present Study

1.2. The Aims ofthe Study1.3. Methodological Approach ofthe Study

CbapterTwoSocial and InteUeetuai Contem ofIbn SiDi's Mystical Views2.1. Ibn sIni's Life

2.1.1. Ibn s'ina's Spiritual Consciousness2.1.1.1. Dehates on Ibn sTni's Piety2.1.1.2. On the Issues ofDrinking Wine

and Sexual Intercourse with Slaves2.1.2. The ShIl;ite Milieu ofHis Time

2.1.2.1. Ibn sTna's Upbringing and His Political Patrons2.1.2.2. Ibn sTna's Exposure to ShÏ'ite and Ismi'm Ideas

2.2. Three Dimensions ofthe Islamic Intellectual Tradition2.2.1. Philosophy

2.2.1.1. The Characteristics ofIbn sIni's Philosophy2.2.1.2. Ibn sIni's Inclusion ofNeoplatonic Tradition

2.2.2. Ka/am2.2.2.1. Ibn sIna's Relation to the Ka/am Tradition2.2.2.2. Ibn sIna's Views on the Attributes ofGod

2.2.3. ~üfism

2.2.3.1. Ibn Sina's Encounter with Early ~üfiDiscourse2.2.3.2. Ibn Sina's Contacts with Abu Sal;Id

Chapter ThreeMethodological Penpeetives on Mysticism3.1. The Mystical Experience in Ibn sIna's Visionary Recitals

3.1.1. Three Paradigmatic Cases3.1.1.1. The Recital oflfayy ibn Yaq;an3.1.1.2. The Recital ofthe Bird3.1.1.3. The Recital ofSalamQn andAbsa/

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üiv

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114

Il1314

20212324

2629303234353638414246474850

SS5558586163

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3.1.2. Ibn sIna's Uses ofthe Recitals and their Relation to the lshiuatand to ~iifism

3.1.2.1. The Uses ofSymbolic Narratives in Ibn si"ni's Writings3.1.2.2. The Connection between the Recitals and the [sMrat3.1.2.3. The Connection between the Recitals and ~üfism

3.2. The Süfi Terminology and Its Uses in Ibn Sina's Writings3.2.1. An Analytical Description ofMystica1 Knowledge ( ~[r.ran)

3.2.1.1. The Origin ofthe Term '~ystica1Knowledge"3.2.1.2. The Distinctions between fi.Arif; :ibid and zahid3.2.1.3. The Prophetic Model3.2.1.4. The Experiential Process ofMystical Knowledge (~[rftm)

3.2.1.5. The Characteristics ofthe 'Arif3.2.2. The Notion ofLove ('[shq)

3.2.2.1. Ibn sIni'sFarni1iarity witb. the Süfi Discourse on Love3.2.2.2. Ibn s"ini's Theory ofLove

3.3. Ethical Model ofSelf-Perfection3.3.1. The Meaning ofPerfection3.32. The Degrees ofPerfection3.3.3. An Exemplary Way to Perfection: Prayer

3.3.3.1. The Nature ofPrayer3.3.3.2. The Meaning ofPrayer in Ibn sina's Life

and Intellectual Pursuits

Conclusion

Bibliography

vii

656669737576767881858889909294959799

100

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188

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CbapterOne

Contemporary Scbolarship on Ibn sina and Mystieism

1.1. Studies on Ibn Sln.'s Connection to MysticisDl

The connection between Ibn sIni and mysticism, the esoteric aspect of Islam, is

one of the most intriguing subjects for Western scholarship on bis life and thought. There

have been various attempts to explain this connection, including a number of recent ones.

For the MOst part, these studies examine the degree to which Ibn sIna's philosophy is

related to mysticism, or Ibn sIni's own attitude to the latter. They aU provide some

valuable suggestions that must he considered in conducting research on Ibn slni and

mysticism. However, the issue of whether Ibn SIni MaY properly be said to have been a

mystic or an individual theorist bas not been resolved to anyone's satisfaction.

Ibn Sma's reputation as a philosopher is well-accepted. Abü 'Ali al-l:Iusayn b.

'Abd Allah b. IJasan b. 'Ali b. sIni (980-1037) is considered the ''most celebrated

Muslim philosopher."1 He bas even been called the princeps philosophorum (the great

master)2 due to bis magisterial synthesis of speculative thought. His philosophy weot

'parviz Morewedge, Essays in [slamic Phi/osophy. The%gy. and Mysticism (New York: The StateUniversity ofNew York alOneonta, 1995), p. 163.

2V. Courtois, in bis "Introduction," Avicennna Commemoration Volume (Calcutta: AvicennaCelebrations Committee, 1956), p. ix. In bis own lime, Ibn sIni used 10 be caJled Abü 'Ali, probablybecause ofbis outstanding knowledge as a philosopher and a vizier. For bis name, sec Shams Inati's chapter"Ibn Sini," History of [slamic Philosophy, part 1, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Oliver Leaman(London and New York: Routledge, 1996), p. 243, note L Medieval Christian scholars called himAvicenna, a name derived ftom the Hebrew words Aven SiDa.

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beyond that of bis immediate precursor al-Firibi (d. 870-950)3 in that he attempted to

integrate and restructure philosophy within the Istamic tradition, outlining its

development throughout history, and to formulate the school of speculation wbich

incorporated mystical experience.4

Ibn Sma's works are 50 numerous that scholars disagree over the actual number.s

He wrote on a variety of themes, often with encyclopedic range, from medicine, physics,

logic, psychology, cosmology, and metaphysics, to Peripatetic thought and the 'liOriental

philosophy.',6 This body of writings set the standard in the various branches of

knowledge for scholars in bis own time and, to some extent, has done so even in our day.

In addition, studies and publications devoted to bis life, logic, metaphysics, mysticism,

psychology, and bis influence in both East and West, have proliferated.7

3Scholars have varied opinions on the views of al-Firaoi (d. 870-950) conceming the relationshipbetween religion and pbilosophy. However, MOst ofthem agree that al-Faraoi viewed philosophy as superiorto religio~ in that religion does not demonstrate proofs as does philosophy. See Miriam Galston, Politiesand Excellence: The Po/itical Phi/osophy ofA/farabi (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press,1990), pp. 5-6.

4See Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The VenhlTe ofIslam, vol. 2 (Chicago; London: The University ofChicago Press, 1974), p. 174, and Peter Heath, A//ego", and Phi/osophy in A.vicenna (Ibn S'ma1(philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press. 1992), p. 25.

so.C. Anawati estimated Ibn sIni's writings ta be about 276 separate works; see his Mu 'a/lajQt IbnSlna (Carro: Dir al-Ma'am: 1955). This is an increase ftom the "about forty" titles listed in al-JüzjinI'sbiography. Discussion of Ibn s"lni's bibliography and its extent cm be read in W. E. Gohlman's The Lifë ofIbn Sina (Albany, New York: Swe University of New York Presst (974), pp. 13-15 and 91-111. Abibliography of works written on Ibn sini prior to 1960, may be found in A. M. Goichon's article '~nsina.n in Er, vol. 3t pp. 941-947.

6Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Three Muslim Sages: Âvicenna-8uhrawanii-Ibn 'Arabi (New York:Caravan Books, 1964)t pp. 23-24.

7For brief studies on different aspects of Ibn S'inâ's thought under heading "Avicenna," see ElR,edi. Ehsan Yarshater, voL 3, pp. 66-110.

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However, studies on the mystical aspect ofIbn sIna's writings have not been fully

developed, although some ofbis works are patently mystical in nature.8 One reason May

be the fact that Ibn s'ini's writings are usually seen as falling under the headings of

mashshë/i (peripatetic) philosophy and "Oriental philosophy (al-IJi/cmah al­

mashriqiyyah).',,9 In fact, any attempt to understand bis mystical thought must take into

consideration the latter ofthese two headings.

There bas naturally been extensive discussion ofthe philosophy ofThn sIna and its

relation to mysticism. 80th Morewedge and Nasr have summarized the variety of

opinions expressed prior to the 1980s.10 Morewedge, for instance, categorizes the

discourse on the philosophy of Ibn Smi and its relation to mysticism as having arrived at

five different conclusions: (1) bis philosophy and mysticism are '40Islamic;" (2) bis

philosophy is not 404OIslamic" but the Siifi teachings are; (3) bis doctrine is a "religious noo-

mystical philosophy;" (4) bis doctrine is ''philosopbical mysticism" but he is not a '40~üfi;"

and (5) both bis doctrine and that of the SütÏs are influenced by Zoroastrianism. ll Nasr,

IJulian Baldick, Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Sufism (New York: New York UniversityPress, 1989), p. 61.

CJ.rhis may he seen in two recent works, Sbams Inati's article entitled "Ibn Sma" and SeyyedHossein Nasr's "Ibn Sma's 'Oriental philosophy,,n bath to be found in History ofIslamic Philosophy, part1, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Oliver Leaman (London and New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 231­246 and pp. 247-251, respectively. Inati deals with the MOst !mportant aspects of m~hsha1 (peripatetic)philosophy i.e.,logic~ physics and metaphysics, based on Ibn Sini's works: al-Qaninfi al-Tibb (The Can.-onofMedicine), al-Shija' (Healing), al-Najar (De/ivuance), 'Uyiin a/-lfiJanah (Sources of Wisdom)~ DanishJrama-i 'A/a'f (The Book ofScience Dedicated 'A/Q a/-Dawlah), and a/-Isharar wa a/-Tanhihat (Remarksand Admonitions). Nasr, on the other band, empbasizes the significance of Ibn sIna's "Oriental phiJosophy(al-I!ikmah al-mashriqiyyah)" deriving from non-Aristotelian writings. Nasr further lists the last chapter ofa/-Ishâràt wa al-Tanbihat and three VÏSionary recitaJs as examples of"Oriental philosophy."

IOparviz Morewedge, "The Logic of Emanationism and Süfism in Ibn Sma (Avicenna), part l,"JAOS 91, no. 4 (1971): pp. 467-474. 8eyyed Hossein Nasr, An Introduction to Islamic CosmologicalDoctrines (London: Thames and Hudson, (978), pp. 191-196.

11 Morewedge, "The Logic ofEmanationism and Süfism in Ibn sIni (Avicenna)," pp. 467-474.

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on the other band, discusses the scholarly opinions ofboth Westemers and Eastemers on

Ibn Sma's relation to /~awwuf.12 While these two articles are vaIuable as surveys of

scholarship in the 1980s on Ibn sIni's mysticism, they must he reconsidered in the light

ofmore recent assessments ofIbn sina's contributions.

1.1.1. Representative Stadies on Ibn SiDa and Mystieism

In what follows, we will examine some representative studies on Ibn sina and

mysticism. Let us begin with Massignon, who deDies that Ibn sIni was a mystic~ but who

nevertheless refers to hint as a theorist of Siifism.13 Ibn sIni, in Massignon's eyes, was

attracted to the Süfi treatment of the journey of the soul to God and at the same time

"philosophized" Süfi terminology. [4 The term 'ishq, for instance, in Ijallijian discourse

referring to the very essence of Gad, was appüed by Ibn s'ina within the context of the

"Necessary Emanation of Gad" which regulates the smooth motion of ail creatures in a

series of sphericaI cycles. 1S Massignon aIso insists that what Mehren daims to he

"mystical treatises," such as The Epis/le ofthe Bird and lfayy b. Yaq~an, which came to

be seen as "mystical" by the lime of Suhraward! of Aleppo, are much less mystical than

his al-/sharat wa al-Tanbthat. 16 Otherwise, Ibn sIni's commentary on the Qur'an bas no

12 Nasry An Introduction to Islamic CosmologicaJ Doctrinesy pp. 191-196.

13Louis Massigno~ Testimonies and Reflections: Essays ofLouis Massignon, transe Herbert Masan(Indiana: University ofNotre Dame Press, 1989), pp. 111-115.

I.aIbid., p. 112.

15Ibid., p. 113.

I~bid. Massignon's identification of Ibn sini as a sinner is based on such babits as drinking wineand sexual relations with slaves, bath mentioned in the latter's autobiography. However, we should he verycareful in judging such information as Ibn S"fni's autobiography and wbat was appended by bis pupil andcompanion oftwenty years, al-JiizjinI and bis succeeding compilers, for they do Dot represent the completestory of the man. This information, though preserved in oral or written traditio~ cm easily lead to'4falsification." See Dimitri Gutas, "Avicenna: Biography," in EIR, voL 3, p. 68. See also A. F. Me~

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mystical character; rather, it features a purely rationalistic approach built on what are

essentially Gnostic ideas.17 Moreover, Ibn s'ina's persona! life, according to Massignon,

was not marked by an '~teriorization"of the formai ritualistic aspects of Islam; and

rather than having a reputation for humility, he was regarded by many as having been a

sinner untiI the end ofbis life. LB

In a similar vein, Gutas argues against any link between Ibn sInâ and either

Siifism. or the SüfiS. L9 He explains that Ibn Sini's philosophy was established on the basis

of the Aristotelian tradition, which is fully rationalistic; therefore, it has nothing to do

with esoterism or Süfism.20 While Gotas admits that Ibn sIni was aware of Süfi

teachings, even to the extent of incorporating them into bis philosopbical system,21 he

claims that bis use of Süfi terminology in bis works or bis notion of1!atJ?l is intended to

convey knowledge to different audiences. Hence, it is not appropriate, according to

Gutas, to label some of Ibn s'ini's writings as mysticaI, as Anawati23 and Mehren,24 have

Traités mystiques d'Abou Ali aJ-Hosain b. Abdallah bin Sinâ ou d'Avicenne, vol. 4 (Leiden: E. J. Brill,1889-99).

\IIIbid, p. 114.

190imitri Gutas, C4Avicenna: Mystic~" EI~ vol. 3, p. 80.

2e>rbid., p. 79.

2lIbid.

22According to Gutas, /!ads is the main pillar of Ibn s'ini's epistemological theory, and its functionis to reveal the Middle tenn of the syUogism. ft is unfortunate, according to Gutas, tbat this term bas beenmisunderstood as mystical illumination. This is not true, as /!ads stems from a passage in Aristotle'sPoster;or Analytics, ibid., pp. 79-80. Marmura, however, contends that Gutas's approach to l1at!! isquestionable. This te~ in Mannura's eyes, eventually refers ta what was iIIustrated in Ibn Sïni'sdescriptions of the etfect of prayer in resolving the difticulty of the middle term of syUogism and of howdreams otfered him solutioDS. sec Michael E. Marmura, "Plotting the Course of Avicenna's Thought,"JAOS 111~ no. 2 (1991): pp. 335-336.

DG. C. Anawati lists some of Ibn sIni's works onder the heading "T~awwuf' in bis Mu 'allaftnIbn Sfna. pp. 213-244.

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done, since the works in questiOD merely deal with the fonction of the human rational

sou1.25

Gutas refers ta Ibn s'ini's al-Ishiual wa al-TanhlhiIl as '~e last philosophical

summa" among Ibn sIna's writingS.26 He argues that this book represents the peak ofhis

philosophical career, due ta bis acbievement in applying Aristotelian concepts to

"Oriental" philosophy, and that it illustrates weIl Ibn s"ina's method of deriving

"corollaries" based on the "Fundamental Principles through the help of Intuition.,,27

Basing bis judgment on the arrangement of the contents, Gutas points out that the book

imitates the usual classification of the sciences, namely, logjc, physics and metaphysics.28

In fact, according ta Gutas, Ibn sIni himself saw al-fshOral wa al-TanhlhiIt as a product

of "Khwisam" or "Eastern" philosophy, which in rea1ity was none other than bis own

remaking ofAristotelian traditioD.29

Nasr, like Gutas, believes that Ibn sIna was not Siifi but rather dependent on

$iïfism.30 According to him, chapter four of al-IshQral, and especially the ninth class of

the latter, entitled Fi MaqQmQI al- ~r;fin, shows how Ibn SIni relies on the doctrines of

mysticism for bis philosophical views.31 Ibn sIni produced other mystica1 writings -bis

24M. A. f. Mehren was one of the early scholars who labeled Ibn SIna's "Oriental Philosophy" asmystical in nature. See Gutas, "Avicenna: Mysticism,» p. 82.

2SIbid., pp. 80-82.

260imitri Gutas, Avicenna and Aristote/ian Tradition: Introduction to Reading Âv;cenna'sPhilosophica/ Works (Leide~ New York: E.l. Brill, (988), p. 140.

27lbid.

28Ibid., p. 141.

~id.

30Seyyed Hossein Nasr, "Introduction ta Mystical Tradition," in Hùtory of[stamic Phi/osophy, pt.l, edited by Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Oliver Lama" (London; New York: Routledge, 1996), p. 368.

3llbid.

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Qur'anic commentaries, bis treatise on visiting the tombs of saints, and the visionary

recitals.32 However, none of these works leads Nasr to conclude that Ibn sTna was a Süfi.

Nasr reasODS that Ibn sIna's approach to Süfism cannot he compared to that of such ~üfi

masters as Ibn 'ArabI or al-Jm, for bis writings point more to the principles of the Ishrëzql

school which developed later on.33 He suggests therefore that Ibn sTna's mystical

writings should he seen as forming part ofbis Oriental philosophy.

Corbin likewise does not consider Ibn sIna a "Süfi." He, however, recognizes the

possibility that the latter May have been an "'ëuif:' basing this conclusion on certain parts

of Ibn SIna's texts, such as the last part of al-fshDrat wa al-TanblhOt, which deals with

how to he an 'arif; and the Recital ofIfayy ibn Yaq~Qn, wbich cODSists ofan account ofan

<a,.if(mystic-knower).34 This type ofthought, was more thoroughly devel0Ped within the

Iranian tradition by suhrawardI (d. 1191), Mulla Sadri shIrazi (d. 1640) and IradI

Sabzavarl (d. 1878). It marked Ibn Sini's original contribution to what was later called

"Oriental Wisdom (al-l1ilcmat ishraqlyyah)." Another characteristic of Ibn SIna's

mysticism, according to Corbin, is ms belief that experiencing the peak mystical stage

does not abolish the individuality ofa mystic. That is to say, once the adept completes his

ascetic training, and constantly feels intimate consciousness (si"), the upper face of bis

sou! will he fully oriented to face "the true Beïng," at wbich point "it ref1ects ail Lights;"

while on earth it exists through "the angelic Intelligences and the celestial Souls.,,35 In

l2Nasr, "Ibn sini's "Oriental Philosophy"' p. 249.

3~asr, An Introduction to lslamic Cosmological Doctrines, p. 196.

34Hemy Corb~ A:vicenna and The Yisionary Recital, traDslated by Willard R. Trask (Princeton:Princeton University Press. 1960), p. 39.

35Ibid., p. 239.

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this respect, one should not hesitate to classifY Ibn sIni as one of the mystic-knowers

('urajâ ').

Inati bas a different approach to Ibn sina's mystical writings. WhiIe she c1aims

that al-Ishirrat wa a/-Tanblhat is neither a common nor even a predominantly Süfi

wor~36 since the fourth part (eSPeCially the eight and tenth classes entitled ~On Joy and

Happiness,' and ~On the Secret of the Signs,' respectively), is in line with many of Ibn

SIna's ather works (e.g., the last section of a/-8hijQ J and al-Rahiyyat), she nevertheless

characterizes the ninth c1ass as mystical.J1 There Inati suggests that Ibn s'ina describes the

~üfi experience under the heading 'Fi Maqamat al-Ar;jin.' Thus, it is no wonder that this

work has been considered as a treatise on Süfism by scholars from the Middle Ages38

down to our clay.39 Seen from this perspective, Inati assumes that Ibn sIni must have

been a mystic.

Inati further explains that Ibn sIna's mysticism, like that ofPlato, Plotinus, and al-

FarabI, is ··specuIative," ·'theoretical," or '~hilosophical.',4() His mysticism seeks the truth

through ·'the channels of the senses" and by means of ''the theoretical intellect" which is

etemal in nature. Inati concludes that Ibn slni experienced mystical illumination once he

had reached the "ultimate level of philosophy"; therefore, while philosophy provides

J6Shams Inari, Ibn Sin" and Mysticism: Remaries and Admonitions: Part Four (London and NewYork: Kegan Paullntemational, (996), p. 3.

J'Ibid.

J8Ibid., p. 4.

J~e last p~ of aJ-IsharOt wa aJ-Tf!!Iblhat in Sulaymin Dunyi's :ditiof!. bears !.he title"T~awwuf." See Ibn Sini, a/-lsharOt wa al-TanbihOt, with a Commentary by N~ir al-Din al-Tusi, editedby Sulaymin Donya. voL 4 (Cairn: Dar al-Ma'am; (958), pp. 748-908.

4«1nati, Ibn Sina andMysticism: RemQ1'/cs andAdmonitions: Part Four, p. 62.

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"scientific and indirect knowledge," and mysticism "illumjnative and direct knowledge,"

at one level they still share the same mystical illuminative experience.41

"~i too is convinced that Ibn sIni must have been a mystic. According to him,

Ibn Sma's mysticism is a combination of scientific Meditation drawing upon the Truth

and philosophical contemplation drawing upon conceptual intellectual speculation.42 Ibn

Sma's speculative mysticism, "~i points out, is crowned with bis philosophy; hence bis

philosophical thought provides a way to bis mysticism as a product of intellection.43 The

last part of al-IshilrOt wa al-TanbthDt is an exposition of speculative mysticism whose

end, like that ofphilosophy, is to arrive at ';he pure cream ofthe truth.',44

"~T also compiles a list of Ibn sIna's ~üfi writings and groups them into

exegetical texts4S and Süfi texts.46 He considers two aspects ofthese writings. First, he

demonstrates how Ibn sIna's commentaries on the Qur'in agree with exegetical tradition.

Second, he shows how Ibn sIna's Süfi terminology generally accords with Siifi

expression. In the process, '~I elucidates Ibn sIni's understanding ofsuch Süfi tenns as

4lIbid., p. 63.

42I:1asan "~i, al-Tafsir aI-Qur'ani wa a1-Lughah a/-$üfryyah fi Falsafat Ibn Sinâ (Beirut: al-Mu'assasah al-Jimi'iyyah li al-Dirisit wa a1-Nashr wa aI-TawzÏ', 1983), p.38.

43Ibid., p. 39.

"Ibid.

45Amang the exegetical leXIS identified by 'A"$i are "Ayat a1-NÜI"," "Thomma 'stan ili 's-sami',""al-À'l~""al-lkhlis," "aI-Faliq," "al-Nas." Ibid, p. 84-123.

~e sütÏ leXIS, according ta '~i, are "Fi T.wwur (aI-Firdaws)", "Kalimit al-Süfiyyah", "al­'nm al-LadUlUli ." '''Fi Sin- al-SaJih," "al-Karamit wa al-Mu'jizit wa al-A"ijib," "Fi al-~Ishq," "a1-Khawfmin al-Mawt," "al-Du~iwa al-Ziyârah," "aI-Mali'ikah," "a1-Du'i," "Sin' a1-Qadr." "Kalim aI-Shaykh fi aI­Mawa'i~" "l:Iathth a1-Dhikr," "Fi Mihiyat al-I:Iuzn," "al-Wird a1-A'?JIlD," "l:Iayy bin Yaq~" "a1-rayr."(bid., p. 126-343. However, the attribution of some of these works to Ibn s'ina is doubtfid. "Kalimit a1­S~" alsa well-known as "kalimat a1-~wwu(" for instance, according to Nasr in Three MuslimSages, p. 150-151, and Peter Heath in A/legory and Phi/osophy in Avicenna (philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press, 1992, p.Il, note 4), sbould be attributed ta suhrawardi (d. 1191) due to theresemblance ofits contents ta suhrawardI's doc:trine.

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'ishq~ waJyJat aI-wujüd, aI-zuhd, aI- 'a,.if, ma 'rifah, and the like,47 and compares bis Süfi

terminology to that ofal-Qushayrl and Ibn 'ArabI.41

Montgomery Watt similarly believed that Ibn s'ina may have been a mystic.49 Ibn

s'ina's mystical side is intertwined with philosophy to comprise one system.so Watt

suggests that the latter's interest in the mysticallife is apparent from bis writings and from

bis use of sources.SI Fazlur Rahman concurs with Watt. Ibn Sma's mysticism, according

to him, is of the "intellective-illuminative" variety, and differs in nature from "the moral-

ascetic and emotive Süfism oftraditional orthodoxy and the occultistic-gnostic of Ismi'm

heterodoxy."S2 Rahman further explains that Ibn sIna's theory of mysticism May have

stemmed from bis personal intellectual experience.53

Louis Gardet takes a different approach to Ibn s'ini's mysticism. He characterizes

Ibn Ski's theory ofmystical thought as naturaI mysticism. He bases bis view on the way

that Ibn SIna equates the notion of ma <rifat Allah in süfi terminology to ''the ordinary

intellectual knowledge" received by the human intellect through the illumination of the

"Intellect Agent.,,54 Ibn Sma's natura! mysticism, according to Gardel, is a meeting

47Ibid., p. 37-65.

48.~i, a/-Tafti,. a/-QuI- 'œii wa a/-Lughah al $üflJ'Yah. p. 57-68.

49W. Montgomery Watt, Is/amic Philosophy and The%gy (Edinburgb: Edinburgh UniversityPress, 1981 [Paperback Edition]), p. 73.

S«ibid.

Silbid.

52Fazlur Rahman, "Avicenna and Orthodox Islam: an Interpretative Note on the Composition ofHis Syste~n Harry Austryn Wolfton Jubilee Yolume on the Occasion ofHis Seventy-Fifth Birthday, vol. 2(JerusaIem: The American Academy for Jewish Research, 1%5), p. 668, note 2 and p. 669.

S3Ibid., p. 670.

S4Louis Gardel, "The Religious and Philosophical Attitude of Ibn-i-Sïna (and its HellenicSources)," JPHS21 (1973), p. 154.

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between Platonic and Plotinian inf1uences~ on the one han~ and the tradition ofthe Süfis~

on the other. As an example~ Gardet points to the love shared by both animate and

inanimate beings, as described in Ibn sIna~s Risa/ah fi Mahiyyat a/- 'Ishq. This love

sounds similar to the Platonic Eros and, in an ontological sense~ refers to the N ecessary

Existence, the totality of wbich demonstrates a double movement: ascent and descent.55

Therefore, while Ibn sina's mystical writing is contemplative and intellectual, bis

mysticism is natura! in origine It MaY he described as a form of~'intellectualistand monist

gnosis," for wbich Gad is manifested in aU beings~ both necessarily and possibly~ through

emanation.56

Thus far, we have discussed a variety of opinions conceming Ibn sIna's attitude

towards mysticism.. Of course, there are other views that have not been included in this

discussion. Nonetheless, the ones that have been cited suffice to present a broad picture

of bis relationship to mysticism. This exercise was necessary to provide a context for our

own investigation ofIbn sIni's mystical tendencies.

1.1.2. The Present Study

From the preceding survey, it cao he seen that scholars have expressed contlicting

views on Ibn sina's mysticism. Some of them consider Ibn Smi merely to have been a

philosopher who made use of mystical language and ~üfi terminology. Another

consideration is that Ibn sIni was not a mystic but that bis writings were mystical. Still

other scholars believe that Ibn slni must have been a mystic or even a Süfi as weIl as a

SSIbid., p. 155•

S6Ibid.

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theorist ofmysticism. In order to judge between these conflicting opinions, it is essential

to reconsider Ibn sIni's own perspective on mysticism.

l have chosen to examine Ibn s'ina's mystical views for the following reasons.

First ofall, Ibn s'ina's discussion ofmysticism bas been studied alongside bis philosophy.

To recapitulate, bis writings are usually categorized under two headings: those falling

under the Aristotelian tradition, Le. the mashshD 1 (Peripatetic) philosophy, and those

which exemplify bis "Oriental" philosophy. As a result, bis mystical tendencies have not

been fully explored.

Secondly, there is little doubt that some of Ibn sIni's writings are mystical.

However, serious attempts ta analyze them in a systematic way have been very limited.

More often than not, attempts ta elucidate Ibn sIni's philosophy and mysticism have been

rather broad, whereas it is necessary ta study bis mystical writings in some depth and in

isolation. This thesis, therefore, will try to present a systematic picture of Ibn Sma's

perspective on mysticism.

Last but not least, contemporary studies on Ibn s'ina and mysticism assign a great

deal of importance ta the influence to foreign ideas, pointing to Zoroastrianism, Greek

tradition and Manichaeism.57 Therefore, it is important to assess to what extent ~üfi

tradition itselfcontributed ta the making ofIbn sIni's mystical thought.

57Morewedge aJonc bas discussed various opinions pertaining ta the possible sources for Ibn Sma'smystical doctrines. See Morewedge, "The Logic ofEmanationism and $Ufism," pp. 472-473.

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1.2. The Aims of the Stucly

In order to reconcile conflicting points ofview on Ibn s'ina and mysticism, it will

be necessary to incorporate some of the valuable suggestions of previous researchers on

the relation between Ibn sIni and mysticism. One of these is offered by Nenon, who

cIaims that there are certain elements which retlect the mystical dimension of Ibn S'inâ's

notion ofDeity: "(1) the use ofallegory and symboI; (2) the motifof love and divine love;

(3) the symbolism oflight; and (4) the role of the angelic world."s8 Landolt, in a similar

vein, suggests that the study ofIbn sIna's mysticism should include analysis ofIbn sIna's

symbolic narrative, as found in lfayy ibn Yaq~an.S9 Morewedge even proposes a

complete reassessment of Ibn s'ina's doctrine and its relation to ~üfism, and the inclusion

oftopics ranging from emanation and mystical union to Ibn s'ina's life.60 By combining

these theories, some progress May be made in arriving at a realistic picture of Ibn s'inâ's

connection with mysticism.

Another purpose of this research is to pursue different elements of Ibn sIna'5

methodological perspective on mysticism. Apparently, he created bis own syste~ one

that satisfied bis rational and religious demands. Although. he oever declared himself to

5J-rhese aspects were developed in Ibn s'ini's Oriental philosophy which, in tom, inspired later$üfls such as Shihib al-Dio YalJyi aI-Suhrawardi (d. 1191), whose main work is entitled Ifikmat a/-Ishrizq.Other than that, al-SuhrawardÏ's idea of the Orient is the same as Ibn sIni's as expressed in Ifayy ibnYa~an. Sec [an Richard Netton. A//âh Transcendent: Studies in the Structure and Semiotics of IsJamicPhi/osophy. The%gy and Cosm%gy (London and New York: Routledge, 1989), p. 174.

5~ermann Landolt, "[bn S~ Abü ~Ali al-IJusayn b. ~Abcfallih," in Companion 10 ÂrabieLiterature, forthcoming.

6OSome aspeâS to be considere<! in studying Ibn s'ini's doctrine and mysticism are as follows: "Ci)the themes of creation-emanation, salvation-immortality and various doctrines of 1s1~ classicalZoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and omer simiIar religious sects; (ii) the doctrine of persans, mystical union.!steps of the mystical ascent, types ofmystical knowledge, and re[ated tapies found in the vast body of Süfiliterature; and perhaps (iül the life of Ibn s'ina and the conditions of Iran during bis life." SCe, ParvizMorewedge. "The Logic: ofEmanationism and Süfism in the Philosopby oflbn sini (Avicenna):' p. 474.

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he a mystic or referred to his experience as mysticaI, this does not prevent us from

recognizjng bis affinity to mysticism. It is quite possible that he never admitted to being a

mystic because he was fearful of persecution or rejection by the jurists or even the other

mystics ofhis time.61 Furthermore, ifit seems strange to think ofhim as a Süfi, it May he

because Ibn sIna. bas been characterized by Many SüfÎs as the chief representative of dry

rationalism.62 This description will be considered before we decide on the nature of Ibn

ska's relationship to Süfism.

This study will also present the intellectuaI sources that contributed MOst to the

formation of Ibn sIni's mystical persona This is bighly important, since it bas been said

that the theoretical formulation of t~awwufdoes not paraUel its practice, as the latter

entails adherence to a variety ofprinciples, reügious practices and uGrace (barakah)," aIl

of which fonn '~e essence of Islam, the realization of Unity (Tawl.iid).,,63 Therefore Ibn

ska cannot he treated in the same way that SiitÏ masters like Ibn 'ArabI or al-Jill are.64

However, if sorne aspects of Ibn sIna.'s writings are mystical, it is essential that we

analyze them in terms of their mystical content. Only in this way can we tn1ly appreciate

Ibn Sma's contribution.

1.3. Methodologieal Approaeh of the Study

Asking whether Ibn sina was a mystic or not usualIy entails an endIess discussion.

Sînce we know next to nothing about bis üfe in any objective detail, the question cannot

61Inati, Ibn Sina and Mysticism, p. 64.

62Annemarie Schimmel, MyslicQI Dimensions ofIslam (Chapel Hill: University ofNorth C8rolinaPress, 1975), p. 19.

~asr, An Introduction 10 Islamic Doctrines, pp. 191-192.

64Ibid., p. 196.

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be given a definitive answer. We are reduced to analyzing the significance that anything

we might regard as mysticism bas in Ibn Sma's works, and the extent of the importance

he gave to this tradition. Of course, Ibn Sma's mystical thought inspired written texts,

although mystical experience is ineffable and ordinary language barely captures it in

written forme This hampers our effort somewhat to discover whether or not he was

actually a mystic.

What remains is ta situate Ibn s'ina's position within mystical and intellectual

discourse. This will help us to understand the Problems that confronted Ibn sTna in bis

effort to write on a subject which is quite dissimilar to those addressed in bis other, more

rational works. As for the starting point of this discussion, it involves defining mysticism

to the best of our ability. Of course, there is no universal definition for mysticism. It is,

however, possible to distinguish a variety of thought and expression which customarily

belongs to the camp of the mystics. Any attempt to define mysticism, however, should

also he pertinent to the particular context oftenth-eentury Islam.

One way to begin a reconsideration of Ibn slnâ's identification with mysticism is

by clarifying the relation of mysticism, in the broader sense, to ~üfism. The responses ta

this May vary. Here, we shall refer to Izutsu's and Landolt's discussions. Izutsu assumes

that ~iifism is one form of mysticism and that it May be translated as Islamic mysticism.

Landolt goes further, saying that the literai meaning of ~üfism does not always portray

mysticism as such, for it MaY he a reference to the history of the movement of people

called $iifis, who were at first predominantly ascetics and, later on, were organized into

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different orders throughout the Muslim world.6S In this sense, therefore, a Süfi may

therefore not necessarily have been a mystic, just as not aU mystics in Islam can he caIIed

Siifis.66 Seen from this perspective, a1though Ibn sini bas been declared by such scholars

as Massignon, Nasr and Gutas as not having been a Siifi, there is no reason to deny that he

might nevertheless have been a mystic.

In fact, there are, according to Chittic~ certain standards for deciding whether

someone or sorne institution is detinable as Siifi, namely, works, faith and perfection.67

Of these three, the SUfi is most concemed with perfection, while also emphasizing the

significance of bis works and faith.68 In this respect, Chittick attempts to define Siifism

both broadly and narrowly. He defines it broadly by refening to aIl practicing Süfis or

Muslims who observe these three standards; and narrowly by including all the Sufls who

assign priority to the third standard of Islam, while maintaining a balance between works

and faith.

Based on Chittick's definition of Siifism, it is possible for us to include Muslim

philosophers in the category of the Siifis. It is well-known that they speak of an

6ST. lzutsu and Hermann Landolt, "Sufism, Mysticism, Strueturalism: A Dialogue;' in ReligiousTraditions. vols. 7-9 (1984-1986), p. 4.

~bid.

67Chittick employs these three terms for a general understanding ofIslam, as taugbt by the Prophet:"islam (submïssion), iman (faith) and i1]san (virtue)." The term "works" stems ftom Chittick'sunderstanding of Islam. As mentioned in the Qur'in, the word Islam explains the relationship between Gadand His creatures but it is only a reference to the outward expression of Islam as opposed to the inwardreligion. "Faithtt bas been defined by its object, such as "to have tàith in Gad, the Last Day, the Angels~ thebooks and the propbets (2:177)." The totality of these abjects were later known as tawl!id (the assertion ofGod's unity), Propbecy (nubvwwah) and "Retum to Gad" (ma'ad, translated as eschatology)." The laststandard, "perfection" (i/!san), means to achieve the MOst perfect, beautifuI, good and virtuous qualities. Forthe complete discussion, sec William C. Cbittick Faith and PraClice ofIslam: Three Thineenth Century$ü/i Texts (Albany: State University ofNew York Press, (992), pp. 1-67 173•

68Ibid., p. 175.

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intellectual pursuit that faIls under the third standard of Islam, which to some extent puts

Islam into practice.69 They also embrace Sufi language and terminology in presenting

their writings. As a result, numerous philosophical works incorporating Süfism may offer

guidance in attaining perfection. Seen from this perspective, Ibn sIni could have been a

Siif1 as bis visionary recitals lead to a Süfi point of view, and since the ninth part of a/­

Isharat wa al-Tanhthat deals with the different stages of human perfection that can he

attained by the mystic-knowers (al- 'uraJQ 'J, who appear to he Süfi shaykhs in the SiifÏ

tradition.70

In considering Ibn Sma's status as a mystic, we should recall Corbin's opinion.

He suggests that we should delimit the concept of mystic in order to include Ibn sIna

within its boundaries.71 By the same token, Landolt believes that we ought to redefine

mysticism in such a way as to encompass oot ooly the traditiooal definitions as reported

by the SüfÏs,72 but also different religious eXPeriences as long as they acknowledge the

unity ofGod (tawl!fd) as the basis for their mystical experience. In addition, both mystics

and SüfÏs share a similar interest in seeking, searching and loving Allah or the IDtimate

Being. The ways to attain this goal May vary. The purpose, however, is to perfect oneself

as a human being in order to have a hannonious relation with the Ultimate Being.

This study, therefore, will first of all survey the discourse on Ibn sIni and

mysticism in the contemporary scholarship. This first cbapter bas attempted to present

69lbid.

7CThid., p. 177.

71Corbin, Avicenna and The Visionary Recital, p. 243.

72Personal conversation with Prof. Hermann Landolt, February 13, 1997.

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representative studies of this subject, including those of the present day. While it

reconsiders sorne suggestions which must he reckoned with in studying the research in

this SUbjec4 it aIso emphasizes the significance ofthe present study to this discourse. The

reconsideration ofthese valuable suggestions is continued in the two following chapters.

The second chapter will explain the social and intellectual factors that contributed

to Ibn Sma7 s mystical views. Here, we will deal with the life of Ibn sIn~ as an

embodiment of bis spiritual consciousness, i.e. the ShI'ite milieu of bis time in wbich he

was brought up and wherein he dedicated bis life to numerous royal patrons. Special

attention will also he given to selected Islamic schools of tbought wbich May have

facilitated Ibn Sma's encounter with Süfism.

Ibn Sma's methodological persPectives will also he examined in the last chapter.

This chapter is primarily concemed with the methods employed by Ibn SIni in presenting

mystical experience and bis Siifi tenninology. The first section presents the paradigmatic

cases of Ibn sIna's mystical experience as expressed in these of bis works: the Recital of

lfayy ibn Yaq~an,73 the Recital ofthe Bird74 and the Recital ofSalaman and Absal?5 The

uses of symbolic narrative and its relation ta the !sharol and Süfism will he considered in

the first section. Süfi terminology and its emploYment in Ibn SIna7s writings is addressed

in the next section. The first part discusses an analytical description of mystical

73 Ibn ski, "lfayy ibn Yaq;an," in lfayy ibn YatNOn li Ibn Sinâ. wa Ibn Tufayl wa al-Suhrawardi,ed. A.lJmad AmIn (Cairo: Dit al-Ma~irifUaI-Tibi'ah wa aI-Nasbr, 1952). Sec aIso its tnmslation by HenryCorbin, "The Recital of/fayy ibn Yal/+Qn," in his wode, Av;cenna and The Visionary Recital, pp. 137-150.

74[bn slni, "aI-Tayr," in l:Iasan ~~i,AI-TafsÎr aJ-Qur'anlwa al-Lughah al~uflJ'YahfiFa/safat IbnSÎna, pp. 338-343. Sec also its translation by Henry Corbin entided "The Recital ofthe Bird' in his wode,Avicenna and The Visionary Recital, pp. 186-192.

75Ibn sina, '''The Recital ofSaraman wa AbsQ/," transe Henry Corbin in bis work, Avicenna and TheVisionary Recital, pp. 224-226.

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knowledge «irjQn) and other relevant issues, white the second part treats the notion of

love Cishq) in Ibn sIni's Risa/ahj Mahiyyat a/_<Ishq.76 The last section touches on Ibn

Sma's ethical model for the perfection of the soul. After defining the meaning of

perfection, we will take up '6fitual prayer" as an example of the means towards perfecting

the self as well as its meaning in the contexts of Ibn sIni's life and bis intellectua1

pursuits.

76Ibn s'ina, RisQ/ah fi MQhiyyat a/-"/shqt ed. Ahmad ~A_ (Istanbul: M~~at IbribIm Iazü~~

1953). See also its translation by Emil L. Fackenbeim in bis wo~ "A Treatise on Love by Ibn Sfni." MS 7(1945): pp. 208-228.

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Cbapter Two:

Social and Intelleetual Contexts

of Ibn Sini's Mystieal Views

One way ofreconsidering Ibn sIni's mystical views is by looking at the social and

intellectual environment in which he lived and wrote. This type of approach reveals a

variety of dimensions. A description of Ibn Sma's life, for instance, May show bis

acquaintance with. Islamic teachings and other inteUectual traditions, and their possible

influence on bis religious thought and practice. It aIso helps one ta understand the

intellectual, political, and cultural circumstances that Ibn sIna was faced with, including

the Shl'ite milieu in which he was raised and where he spent his Iife as a courtier ta

severa! Sbi'ite rulers.

Ibn s'ina's inteUectual background is another dimension. Here we are especially

concemed with three domains of knowledge: philosophy, theology and mysticism. In

trying to determine bis views on the last of these, it wiU he necessary to look as weIl at

other [ines of thought which, while not expressly mystical, touch on areas of common

concem, thus providing us with a more comprehensive picture. His mystical perspective

reflects an intellectuai dialogue among different traditions such as philosophy, ka/am, and

Siïfism, a dialogue which is reflected in a number ofhis other writings as weU.

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2.1. Ibn S"ini's Life

The main sources for Ibn s'ini's life are bis autobiography and the materia! that al­

Jüzjam added to il.77 Unfortunately, this material does not appear to fumish many details

on our author's life. In fac!, Ibn s'ina chose to conceal bis persona! life, forcing us to

guess at the actual events. For instance, he does not a!ways explain why he had to flee

from one place to another during bis life,78 or why he had to go about disguised as a SUfi.

He does not even tell us the name of bis mother or that of the grocer who taught hîm.79

Consequently, bis autobiography ought to he read with a critical eye and caution must he

exercised regarding the truth of the stories he tells.

Nevertheless, it should he borne in mind that Ibn sIni's autobiography/biography

helps us to unde~"1and the method he used to educate himself and to develop bis spiritual

consciousness. It also sheds light on how he had to struggle in pursuit of this while faced

with the unstable political conditions of bis tîme. More interestingly, it provides

historical information on the tradition of leaming preserved within the Muslim family and

how the transmission ofGreek thought took place in a manner that shaped the character of

what we calI today Islamic philosophy. Despite its shortcomings, therefore, Ibn s"ina's

autobiography/biography is still valuable as a source of information because it meets two

conditions which are usually used as a measure of the usefulness of biograpbical

literature: (1) the author must have produced numerous writings in which he very often

n An excellent and comprehensive English translation ofIbn sina's autobiography may he found inGohIman's work, The Lije of Ibn Slna. Unfortunately, Gohlman's notes on this lutobiographyare velYdescriptive. Gutas's .oAvicenna fi: Biography," pp. 67-70, takes a more critical approach ta this biography.

71Soheil M. AfiJan, Avicenna: His Lifë and Works (London: George Allen & UnWÏD, (958). p.76.

79Gutas, "Avicenna fi: Bïography," p. 67.

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expresses bis own experience; and (2) he must aIso he a public figure whose opinions and

deeds are broadlyaccounted for in contemporary annals.80

Before tuming to the detaiIs ofIbn si'ni's Iife, it is interesting ta note bis PUlPOse

in writing bis autobiography/biography. Scholars have put forward a variety of

interpretations, of wbich Gutas Hsts severa!. One of bis primary goals was to present the

curriculum according to which he had leamed the philosophical sciences in the order

given by Aristotelian tradition.81 The other significant purpose of Ibn sIna's

autobiography, according to Gutas, was to show how he went about teaching himself

numerous subjects, and the different methods of study, wbich in tum led him to discuss

various epistemological issues.82

In contrast to Gutas' view, Marmura contends that Ibn sIni's autobiography aims

to illustrate the notion ofdirect intuition, including the intuition of the middle tenn.83 He

bases bis opinion on the affinity between Ibn sina's autobiography and bis other worles.

In the Physics section of the Phi/osophyfor 'A/a a/-Dawlah, for instance, Ibn sIni speaks

of the person "who is not a prophet but who nevenheless dispensed with excessive bard

work through bis strong Intuition" and '~ho at the age of eighteen or nineteen ....

~ Stephen Humpbreys, lslamic History. Â Framewo,.k jô,. Inquiry (Princeton and New Jersey:Princeton University Press, 1991), p. 192.

BlGutas has made a careful comparison between Ibn sina's and Aristotle's biographies. The resultis striking. similarities heing detailed information about their parents (especially their role in teaching IbnSma and Aristotle as children). Aristode's refutation ofEpicurean doctrine and Ibn Sma's denial of[smi~îlidoctrines, and so on. From these similarities, Gutas draws the conclusion that Ibn Sma's autobiographyresembles Greek Aristotelian tradition. The only difference is tbat Ibn sina had the Qur'an as an additionalsubject in his curriculum. However, while Gutas' comparison is compelling, we cannot generalize about IbnSma's life and works. As seen ftom Ibn Sfna's own writings, he was a man with encyclopedic knowledgewhich, of course, he acquired ftom a variety of intellectual sources. See Gutas, Avicenna and TheAristotelian Tradition, pp. 196-197.

S2lbid.

13Michael E. Marmora, "Plotting the Course ofAvicenna's lbought," pp. 335-336.

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understood the philosopbical sciences .... in such a way that he saw no one Iike himself.',84

A similar account is found in bis autobiography to the effect that he mastered ail these

sciences by the age of eighteen.8S Marmura relies on this piece of evidence to

characterize the aims of Ibn sIni's autobiography as demonstrating the plausibility of

intuition.

In view of the way scholars have interpreted the purpose of Ibn Sma's

autobiography, it is clear that the issue may he approached from a variety of angles. lbis

is inevitable, as Ibn S'na's autobiography is an open book, one which May he read in

various ways. However, it must he admitted that no one actually knows the exact purpose

for which Ibn Smi comPOsed bis own autobiography. Therefore, we cannot say that one

purpose outweighed ail the others, but ooly that each one of them helps us to understand

and to reconstruct the relevance of Ibn SiDi's autobiography and works. Our own

discussion of Ibn sInâ's autobiography is meant to highlight the spiritual consciousness

that appears to have been part ofbis life, and wbich was often expressed in bis works.

2.1.1. Ibn Sina's Spiritual CODseiousDess

Ibn sTni's autobiography gives indications of bis spiritual consciousness at

different stages in bis life and explains how he taught himself the fundamental Islamic

sciences, as these were known in bis time. For instance, he had memorized and mastered

84Ibid., p. 335. See aIsoG~ Avicenna and The Aristote/ian Tradition, p. 21.

ISWhat he regards as the sciences here, as mentioned in the Physics of the Phi/osophy for 'A/a a/­Daw[ah~ are the philosophical sciences - including logic, physics~ metapbysics, geometty, arithmetic,astronomy, music, medicine- and many abstract sciences. See Gutas, Avicenna and The Aristote/ianTradition, p. 21. His au1obiography, however, does not list these sciences, but refers instead 10 some bookson Arabie language, poetty andjurisprudence. See Goh1man, The Life ofIbn Sina, p. 37.

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the Qur'an and studied aU the literature (izdiIb)86 by the time he was ten.17 He also

mentions that he had completed the study of Islamic jurisprudence (al-jiqh),88 under the

supervision of Isma'il al-Zihid,89 by the age of sixteen.90 Given these facts, bis early

education provided a solid grounding for bis attachment to Islam on a personal as weil as

intellectual level.

2.1.1.1. Debates OD Ibn Sini's Piety

Ibn s'ina's personal attachment to Islam, however, is a matter of debate. He was

indeed a religious person who was clearly concerned about Islam, and who often

incorporated Islamic teachings into bis doctrines.91 This personal faith was strong and

remained so to the end ofbis life.92 Given this evidence, scholars such as Nasr, Rahman,

and Corbin consider that Ibn s'ina was sincerely religious.93 They point to bis observance

of religious acts of worsbip, like prayer, which they argue, indicate bis piety. Ibn Smi

also frequently read the Qur'an and perfonned acts ofcharity like treating patients without

B&rhe word adab by Ibn sIni's time had a variety ofmeanings. At an ethical and practicaJ level, itmeant "high quality ofso~ good upbringing, urbanity and counesy." In the sense ofliterature, it referred toArabie and Persian poetry and prose, Persian heroic stories, and the corresponding sciences, sucb aslanguage, geography, history, and philosophy. See F. Gabriel~ uAdab" in El, vol. 1, pp. 175-176, andHodgso~ The Venture of/siam, vol. 2, pp. IS9-16S.

S7Ibid, p. 19

18 Gutas interprets Ibn sini's purpose in mentioningjurisprudence as an attempt to echo Porphyry'sEisagoge. See Gutas, A.vicenna and The A.ristote/ian Tradition, p. IS5.

&9According ta Goodman, he was a well-known l:Ianaft jurist ofthe toWD. Gohlman, however, sayshis name is Dot found in the standard biographical dictionaries. See, Goodman, Avicenna, p. 12, andGohlman, The Life of/hn Sina, p. 121, Dote 16.

9C1bid,27

91Nasr, Three Muslim Sages, p. 40.

92See. Rahman "Avicenna and Orthodox Islam," p. 668.

93See Hemy Corbin, History of /slamic Philosop..l'2. trans._ Liadain S~errard (London andNewYork: Kegan Paullnternational, 1993), p. 169, and also ~A$i, al-Taft;,. aI-QIIr'a"i, p. 35.

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charging a fee, actions which won for hint blessing from Allah.94 Given this fad, Corbin

does not hesitate to identify Ibn sIni as a pious Muslim.9S It was in keeping with this

interest in the spiritual and the intellectual that Ibn sIni must have been compelled to

write works ofa mystical nature such as al-fshQrat wa al-Tanblhat.96

Although many scholars believe that Ibn sIni's spiritual consciousness was

retlected in bis life and works, others Iike Massignon and Afitan do not accept bis piety.

According to Massignon, Ibn slni was not known for bis "interiorization" of the formai

rituals of Islam, and far from having a reputation for humility, he was thought to have

been a sinner untiJ the end of bis life.97 Similarly, Afilan remarks that Ibn sIni had no

inclination towards asceticism, unlike bis predecessor al-FiribI.98 Both Massignon's and

Afuan's characterization of Ibn sina as a sinner is based on such habits as wine-drinking

and the sexual relations with slaves mentioned in bis autobiography.

However, one should not accept this without considering that, while this

information May have been passed on oral1y or through written traditions, it could just as

easily have been falsified.99 It is true that aImost all biographies touching upon Ibn sina's

life include these staries, but we do not really know whether Ibn s'ina ever drank wine and

was overindulgent in sexual matters, or whether these staries were somehow inserted inlo

bis autobiography. Even ifwe are ta believe, with scholars Iike Kishl, Goblman, Afilan,

94,~i, al-Taftir al-Qur'âni, p. 35.

9SCorbin, History of/slamic Philosophy, p. 169.

~an, "Avicenna and Ortbodox IsI~" p. 670.

97Massignon, Testimanies and Rej1eetians, p. 114.

98Aman, Avicenna: His Life and Warka, p. 76.

99GUtas, "Avicenna Il: Biography," in EIR, vol. 3, p. 68.

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and Goodman, that these stories are true, Ibn sini must have had some justification for

these aets. In light of this petspe...~ve, it would he useful to examine the issue of Ibn

Sma's habits of drinking wine and indulging in sexual relations with female slaves, and

we shall do so in the following.

2.1.1.2. On the Issues ofDriDkiDg WiDe and SexuallDtercoane with Slaves

Regarding the first issue, Ibn slni wrote in bis autobiography "sharaba qadJIan

min al-sharab."loo This statement is usually translated as '~drinka eup ofwine."lol But

there are sorne questions as to whether the type of drink meant here had similar legal

consequences to the term Ichomr in the Qur'an. 102 In response, we must first elarify the

meaning of the word '"shorab.''' In Arabie lexicons, the term "sharab" is described as a

general word. 103 It MaY he applied to any drink consumed in any situation whatsoever.

However, when the persan is described as a heavy drinker (sharrâb), he is a person who

gets drunk (khimmir). These two terms indicate someone who continually ingests

intoxicants, wbich act causes him to succumb to a state of drunkenness (sulc:Qrëi). This

type ofdrink is not permissible in Islam.

1000aQyi b. Alpnad Kishi, Nukatjî Al!wal al-8hay/ch al-Rais Ibn Sfna, edited by~ad Fu'ad al­Ahwam (Cairo: Dar al-Ma"irit: 1952), p. 13; Gohlman, The Lifë oflhn Sina, p. 30.

IOIIbid., p. 31.

Icnne word /chanu originales from the verb /chamara, ''he concealed or obscured,n and applies toall substances, used to darken the intelled, i.e., intoxicants. The banning of intoxicants in the verses al­Mi'idah: 90-91 signifies not only alcoholic drinks but all drugs which have these side-effects. SeeMuhammad Asad., The Message ofthe Qur'a,. (Gibraltar: Die al-Andalus, 1980), p. 162, note 105.

I03See MuI)ammad b. Mukarram ibn al·M~,Lisa,. al- 'A,ab (Beirut: Dir $idir, 1955-56), vol.6, p. 488.

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Legally speaking, the Qur'an's prohibition on the drinking of intoxicants is due to

their efIect on the mind.104 Such drinks induce a state ofdnmkenness (sulcQra), defined as

"any state of mental disequilibrium which prevents man from making full use of his

intellectual faculties: that is to say, it cao. apply a1so 10 a temporary clouding of the

intellect by drugs or giddiness or passion, as weU as to the state metaphorically described

as 'drunk with sleep.",lOS On the basis ofthis prohibition, MOst legal scholars share the

view that any tyPe ofdrink which makes one drunk is illicit.

However, there are a variety of opinions with regard to wine, which MaY be

ingested without causing drunkenness. For example, I:Jamid b. Abi Sulaymin, the teacher

of Imam Abü I:IanIfah says that if the wine (nabidh) is ''well-eooked,'' it is permissible to

drink it. Similarly, Abü Yüsuf believes that if it is cooked weU and if its alcohol content

is less than 50%, drinking it is not banned. In fact, MOst I:Janafite scholars, including Abü

I:IanIfah himself(d. 767), agree that as long as the a1cohol concentration of the wine is as

high as two thirds, the drink is not permissible.106

Given this debate, it would have been understandable for Ibn s'ina to allow himself

to drink an alcoholic beverage insofar as it was alIowed by the l:Ianafite rites. His

drinking, furthermore, was meant to augment his strength and thus permit him to pursue

ms heavy program of reading. 107 As a physici~ he was probably influenced by the

(()4Sherif translates the term lcJramr as "wine." See Faruq Sherif, If Guide 10 Ihe ConlenlS of TheQur'an (Reading: Ithaca Press, 1995), p. 165.

IOSSee Asad's note on the translation of verse of al-Nisi, in The Message of Ihe Qur'an, p. 112,note 66.

I~ opinion of J:lanafite ~holars on wine is take,! ftom the wode of elevent!t-centwy l:I~teauthor Mu4ammad b. A4mad Sarakhsi, aI-MabSÜI al-MlÜ1Iawi 'ala KUIIIb li al-Shaybani 'an Abi lfanifah,ed. Mu4ammad R.i41 a1-l:Ianafi (Cairo: MaJba'ata1-Sa~~ 1906-1912), p. 4.

I07Gohlman, The Lifè oflbn Sina, p. 31.

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pharmacological consideration that when taken in a modest amount, wine heightens one's

ability ta think.108 Drinking wine, coincidentaIly, was a common practice in the Persian

provinces ofthe 4 Abbisid Empire. The residents ofthis region for the MOst part followed

I:Ianafite ordinances on drinking wine at gatherings and during debates. From this

perspective, wine-drinking cannat have been a habit practiced solely by Ibn s'ina, but one

which was accepted culturally, religiously and scientifically in ms own day.l09

We are also told that Ibn sIni engaged in sexual relations with bis female slaves,

and frequently continued to do 50 when in a state ofphysical weakness.110 In view ofthis,

it is often argued that he could not have been a very pious Muslim. ll1 However, this

judgment is not quite correct, since the shari Cah is usually interpreted as alIowing a slave

owner to consort with bis concubines. A1though the Qur'an itself does not fuIIy

encourage slavery, it seems to indicate that sexual relations with a female slave is a

permissible alternative to sexual relations with one's wife or wives. 112 ln addition to this

Legal basis, Ibn sIna lived at a time when the '4harem system" had been institutionalized in

upper class families. 113 It is bardly surprising, therefore, that he had sexual relations with

I08Ibn Sm~ in bis Canon of Medicine. descn"bes the funetion of wine "in terms of humoralpathology and the heneficial etfeet on the body." See Gutas. Avicenna and The Aristotelian Tradition. pp.184-185.

lœn,id.• p. 187. See aIso Goodman, Avicenna, p. 43.

IIOSeeGo~ The Lifè ofIbn Sina. pp. 86-87; Afuan, Avicenna: His Life and Works. p. 77; andL. E. Goodman, Avicenna (London; New York: Routledge. 1992). p. 44.

Il 1One feature ofSüfi life and practice is mat the adept abstains ftom sexual relations. even with hiswife or wives. For instance, there was a sütÏ in shiriZ whose belly had bec:ome knotted after restrictinghimselffrom eating and sexual relations. See Hodgson, The Venhtre of/siam, vol. 2. p. 142.

lI20~And who guard their modesty. Save from their wives or female [slaves] that their right bandspossess. for then they are not blamewonhy" (Al-Mu'miniin: 5-6). See Marmaduke Picktha1l. The MeaningofThe G/orious Koran (New York: A Mentor Book, 1972). p.248.

1130ne common phenomenon in the medieval period was that wea1thy men. the powerful, andpossibly even the lower classes, had a household which included wives. servants. slave concubines and otherfemale or male dependents. See, Hodgson, The Venture of/siam, vol. 2, pp. 143-134.

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female slaves~ since there was aIready a cultural and religious foundation for such a

practice.

Having discussed the issues that usually lead scholars to reject the suggestion that

Ibn sIna was pious~ it is clear that he was probably not acting in a manner that was foreign

to bis own time and place~ or contradictory to bis religious understanding. Yet, even ifhe

might be considered 10 have sinned in a camal sense~ he nevertheless possessed spiritual

consciousness which gave direction to bis intellectual life. In fact, his religious

experience allowed him to harmonize what he felt and thought in bis works. And this

spiritual and intellectual consciousness remained with him to the end of life. As he

neared this point, he sai~ "The Govemor who used to govem my body is now incapable

of governing~and 50 treatment is no longer of any use.,,1l4 Ibn sina finally died in 1037

and was buried in Hamadhin. lls

2.1.2. The Slrl'ite Milieu ofHis Time

Another aspect of Ibn s'ina's life which may he said to have contributed to bis

mystical bent was the SJrllOite milieu of bis time. During this period, different strands of

intellectual knowledge were merging the fulama ' and udaba' with the HeUenistic-SYriac

philosophees and scientists; aU these traditions had reached maturity.116 This

development was made possible by the fact that the shIlOI rulers did not impose their

beliefs upon the lama'! sunnI fulama' or the general population. Under these

114GohIman, The Lifè ofIbn Sina. p. 89.

IISorbe year of Ibn sIni's death seems certain but tbere are slight diffcrences ofopinion on bis placeof burlaI. Ibn aI-Atfiir and Ibn Abi U~ybi'a, for instances, say that he was buried in IPahin- See Goh..lman,The Lifé of/bn Sino, p. 137, note 113.

ll~id., 153.

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circumstances, the combination of ShI'ite neutrality and intellectual patronage by

individuals provided the impetus for the pursuit of knowledge.117 As for Ibn s'ina

bimseIt: there were two factors which shaped bis mystical perspective, i.e. bis upbringing

and partronage and bis exposure to Shi'ite and Ismi'm ideas.

2.1.2.1. Ibn sin.'s Upbringing and His PoUtical Patrou

Ibn sIna was born into a ShI'ite family in 980 in a village called Afshana, near

Bukhari, 118 in the midst of what bas been called the "S&I'ite century.,,1l9 His first

encounter with Shl'ite, and particularly Ismi'm thought, was through bis family, as bis

father and brother were propagandists (dQ;;) to the Egyptians on behalf of the

Isma'Uiyyah. 120 His father, 'Abd Allih, a native of Balkh, and at one lime govemor of

Bukhari under the Saminid SulJin Nü4 il b. al_M~,121 used to discuss, in Ibn sina's

presence, questions conceming the soul and the intellect in the manner of the

Isma'iliyyah. lll Significantly, according to Daftary, Ibn sIni explicitly deDies that he was

himself an adherent ofIsma'Uism.123

117Ibid.. 152.

ll'This is the commonly accepted date. see Arberry. Avicenna on The%gy (London: John Murray.(951), p. 1; GohIman, The Lifë ofIbn Sina, pp. 18-19; and~ Avicenna: His Life and Worts, p. 57.However, Gutas argues that Ibn SIni was probably born a few years before the year 980. See Gutas,"Avicenna: Mysticism," p. 68.

ll~odgson has calIed this period the ShÏ'ite century (945-1111); see bis The Venture ofIsl~ vol.2, pp. 152-200.

12~or it shouid be borne in mind tbat there were a number of ShI~ite families in Rayy, Aba,Qishan. and the province ofTabaristin and Mizandarin, several years before the coming oflsmi~ilidQ-ls.Once the presence ofthe Ismi'Üiyyah began to tlourish, there were conversions to that sect. See SM. Stem,"The Early Ismi~iliyyah Missionaries in North-West Persia and in Khurisin and Transoxiana," BSOAS 23,no. 1 (1960): pp. 56-79. SeealsoGohIman. TheLifëofIbnSina, p. 19.

121Arberry, Avicenna on The%gy, p. 1.

I22Gol1Iman, The Lifè ofIbn Sina, p. 19.

123Farhad Daftary, The Is",a -,lis: Their History and Doctrines (Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, (990), p. 212.

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Whatever bis religious loyalties, it is noteworthy that Ibn s'ina had severaI patrons

during bis life. He hegan bis career as a physician to the Saminid ruler Niil}. b. al-M~

Cr. 976-977). As Ibn sini's reputation as a physician and courtier grew, he moved from

one court to others.124

However, Ibn siDa avoided the Ghaznavids, who were hostile to

the ShI'a and to the rationalistic school of ka/am of the Mu,tazila.l2S

He 50ugbt the

protection of the two Buyid princes. He served as vizier at the Buyid Shams al-Dawlah's

court in Ramadan for nine years. After this ex:perience, Ibn sIna joined the service of

"Ali al-Dawlah ofI~fahin and remained bis employee until the end ofbis life.l26

It is hardly surprising then that Ibn sIni should he associated with SIll'ism. With

this in mind, Corbin and Gardet point out that Ibn sIna must have been a Shi'ite, as he

associated himself with ShI'ite rulers in Hamadhan and ~fahin.127 This choice May

indicate that Ibn sina was not averse to adopting ShI'ite doctrines.128 This last point,

however, remains open to debate, since Ibn sIna's philosophica1 position was in Many

ways acceptable to bath sUJUJi and shi"i,129 and Ibn sIni declared no sectarian aIlegiance

to any particular group. But it is not our purpose to decide whether he was a shi'ite or

124From 999 (?)-1012 A.D., he, for instance, joined the Ma'münid ruler Abül-l:Iasan 'Ali Ma'miin(r. 997-I009) in Gurginj. lben he moved to Jurjin in the year 1012-1013 to serve as an employee ofManüshir b. Qibüs. See, Gutas, "Avicenna II: Biography," p. 69.

125Goodman, Âvicenna, p. 22.

126See Gutas, "Avicenna U: 8iography," pp. 69-70; Heath, Â/legory and Phi/osophy, p 21; andGohlman, The Lifé ofIbn Sina? pp. 41·87.

127Corbin, History ofIs/amic Philosophy, p. 170. See aIso bis Avicenna and The Yisionary Recital,p. 248 and Gardel, '~The Religious and Philosophical Attitude," p. 149.

IDSyed Hasan Barani, "Ibn SiDa and aI·Benmi," in Âvicenna Commemoration Volume (Calcutta:Avicenna Celebrations Committee, 1956), p. 7.

129Ibid.

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not. Our concem is to exalnine the extent ta which this ShI~ite milieu and bis exposure ta

Shl'ite and Ismi'm ideas had an effcct on bis mystical views.

2.1.2.2. IbD SÏDi's Exposure to Shi'ite and Ismi'ili Ideas

Ibn sTni's hesitation at acknowledging any ShI'ite or Ismi'ili loyalties does not

necessarily Mean that he was never influenced by Ismi'ffi and Shl'ite teachings or that he

adopted none of their ideas. Paul Walker, for example, suggests that some of the

doctrines discussed by Ibn Sin3's family were unquestionably al-Sijistini's (d. 972), the

best-known Ismi'm thinker of bis time. 130 Walker's identification is likely accurate in

that Ibn Sma's understanding of the soul as "descending and ascending" in the sear~h for

perfection May retlect al-SijistinI's soul longing for union with the intellect. Ibn slni

discusses this double movement ofthe soul in bis Risa/ahfi Mahiyyat a/- ~lshq.

Another striking example of Isma'ili or Shi'ite influence on Ibn sina is bis

approach ta the Qur'an and its interpretation (ta·wil). ShI'ites emphasize that the Qur'an

has an exoteric and an esoteric language.131 The paradoxical language ofcertain Qur'inic

verses seems ta affirm bath the sUIlDÏ and the ShI'ite positions. For the former, the

Prophet Muhammad is the one who was charged with the task of interpreting the

ambiguous (mutashâbihàt) verses of the Qur'in.132 By contrast, the SIif'ite position

insists that the imams had and continue ta have the authority to interpret the Qur'an on the

basis of their identification with those described in the holy book as firmly rooted in

IJOpaul WaIker, Early Philosophical Shiism: The !smaili Neop/atonism ofAbU Ya'qüb al-Sijistanf(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. xii.

13IIbid, pp. 27-28.

132Ibid., 27

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knowledge: Le. the rasilchünfi al- ·ilm..,,133 In other words, the sequence of prophethood

(dO'iral al-nubuwwah) by which the prophets brought different laws as part of their

exoteric function, came to an end with the arrivai of the Prophet Muhammad. However,

the need ta understand the inner meaning of the Islamic message bas never ceased. l)4

According to ShI'ite belle±: certain persons were charged with fulfilling the mission of

ta 'wil or walayah, namely, the imams, who functioned as the awliya' or "friends" of

Allah. 135 These awliya' have, in faet, been "the holders of the divine command [uli al-

amrJ"; they have been selected to present the "true meaning of the Qur'an" and the

knowledge of the hidden ('ilm al-ghayb) and have thus played an important role in

salvation.136 These functions demonstrate the significance bath of the imams' position in

Shl'ite doctrine and the prevalence ofesoterism and gnosis (·irjQn) among the Shi'ites.137

In this conjunction, it is interesting to note how rapidly ShI'ite esoterism

developed in the bands of the Ismà'illyyah.138 The Fi~d Ismi'ilis, for instance,

distinguished the exoteric (~ahir) language of the Qur'an and the Shari'ah from the

esoteric (batin).139 According to their way ofthinking, the literai meaning (the ~ahir), is

found in the sources ofthe law, "the apparent," "the patency ofthe letter," and "the text of

133Ibid The shi~ls have "a1ways" -as Walker puts it- made full stop (waqf) after "wa'[- TasiJchünafi '1- 'ilm," not before. They read the verse seven of the Sürah 3 as follows: "It is He who sentdown upon tbee the Book, wherein are verses clear that are the essence ofthe Book, and the othersambiguous ... and none knows its interpretation (ta'wil). save only Gad and those firmly rooted inknowledge (al-rasjkJrün fi a/- 'jlm). They say, ~We believe in it; ail is trom our Lord'; yet noneremembers. but men possessed ofmimis."

1340aftary Th T. - '-=l": 87, e ~sma 1 U, p. .

135Ibid., p. 87.

13~ermannLandolt, "Waliyah,tt inE~ vol. 15, p. 319.

1370aftary, The /sma 'iiis, p. 87.

IJ1Ibid., 87.

139Ibid., 137.

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the Qur'an," whereas the esoteric (hatin) is the true, inner and hidden meaning behind

what was written in the Qur'an.l40 As a result, the Ismi~fuyyah produced a gnostic

system containing "an esoteric world of hidden spiritual reality," especially during the

period before the coming ofthe Qa 1m. 141 This type ofunderstanding is accessible only to

the elite (khaw~~), who are pledged to secrecy among themselves. 142 Those who are able

to perceive only the literai or outward meaning of the sources are, on the other band,

considered to he members ofthe ordinary masses ('awamm).143

This Slrl'ite esoterism may weU have been adopted by Ibn sIna. It is true that he

did not speak out on ShI'ite, particularly Ismi'm thought, as openly as he did on

philosophy. However, there is an affinity between particular aspects ofIbn sIna's thought

and Shl'ism. The end of the story of Sa/aman wa Absa/, for instance, shows that the

physical death ofAbs31 in this world May be related to the idea of the "hidden imam" and

the "great occultation," for while bis presence is unknown ta the masses, nevertheless he

is essential for '~e leaven of Wisdom ta continue to ferment among them and for the

perpetuation ofa humanity ofwhich the imam is the 'pole' (qutb)."I44

2.2. Three Dimensions of the Istamic InteUectual Tradition

In addition ta Sb.1'ite and Isma'ili ideas, the Islamic intellectual tradition as a

whole inevitably pIayed an important role in forming Ibn sIna's views on mysticism. As

I40Ibid., 137. See also Corbin, Avicenna and The Visionary Recital, p.30.

l,uThe notion of al-Qa~m, beld by Ismi'ilis and Shi'ites, but accepted also by other Muslims,indicates the coming ofthe Messiah on the verge ofthe completion ofbuman history, before the souJs gatherwaiting for the rewards and penalties for their deeds. See WaIker, Ear/y Philosophical Shiism, p.IO.

142Daftary, The Isma "lis, p. 137.

J43Ibid., 137.

144Corb~Avicenna and The Yisionary Recital. p.249.

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is known, Ibn sIni was exposed ta a number of intenectual and doctrinal traditions early

in bis life. Three intellectual traditions in particular, namely philosophy, theology and

$üfism, provided very rich soil for the growth of bis mystical interests. A discussion of

all three is necessary if we are to establish the intellectual setting for bis views on

mysticism, since philosophy, ka/am and Süfism all played a role in forming bis mind.

2.2.1. Philosophy

Ibn sIoi's interest in philosophy, as shown in bis autobiography, is

unquestionable. However, bis philosopbical heritage bas been differently interpreted by

Gutas, Marmura and Arnaldez.145 Gutas reconstructs the curriculum imposed on Ibn sIna

by Abü al-Sahl -logic, mathematics, non-mathematics, physics, metaphysics and

ethics,146_ in order to demonstrate bis debt to Aristotelianism, a tradition wbich

contributed to the formation ofa Peripatetic school within Islam. Gutas views this course

of study as evidence that Ibn sIna based bis philosopbical thought, as a whole, on

Aristotelian tradition. Marmura contends that Ibn s'ina's philosophy was more than a

mere product of Aristotle's influence. This influence merged with ManY non-Aristotelian

elements such as Neoplatonism, Plato's political philosophy, Galen's psychology, Stoic

logic, Islamic theology and Islamic philosophy.147 Arnaldez goes one step further by

adding mysticism to the list of elements in Ibn s'ina's philosophical synthesis. 148 Seen

145See Gutas, Avicenna and the Aristote/ian Tradition, pp. 151-153 and ide~ "AvicennalI:Biography," p. 68. See also Michael E. Mannura, "Avicenna," in EP, vol. l, p. 227 and R. Amaldez, ..Falsafa," in d, vol. 2, p. 721.

146GUtas, Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition, pp. 151-153.

147Mannura, "Avicenna,n p. 227.

148Amaldez, .. FaIsafa," p. 721.

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from this perspective, Ibn sIni's philosophy indeed appears as a synthesis of ideas,

ranging from Greek tradition to Islamic theology and philosophy. In light of this

perspective, the two following sections will deal with the characteristics of Ibn s"ini's

philosophyand bis inclusion ofNeoplatonic tradition into bis works.

2.2.1.1. The Charaeteristics of Ibn SiDi's Philosophy

It May he said that Ibn sIna's philosophy in many ways provided fertile ground for

bis mystical approach and thought. In order to show this, however, one must properly

assess the philosophical character of Ibn s'ina's works~ wbich feature (as do Many Islamic

philosophical writings) bath exoteric and esoteric aspects. 149 The first aspect derives

from the Aristotelian and Platonic system, usually referred to as 'yalsafàh (scholastic

philosophy)" or "Peripatetic" though!, whereas the latter is known as "&irjQn. "ISO Because

of the fundamental difference between these qualities, bis falsafah and 'irfan are

essentially dissimilar. It is true that he sometimes uses the technical concepts of

Aristotelian tradition to express bis "imaginaln notion of irfan. 151 In this respect, Gutas'

doubts regarding Ibn s'ina's qualifications as a mystic are more understandable, especially

given the fact that he places the latter's writings wholly within the Aristotelian

tradition. 152

14<J.roshihiko Izutsu, "Ishriqiyah," in ER, vol. 7, p. 296.

1SGn,id.

I51Ibid.

IS2Gutas. Âvicenna andAristote/ian Tradition. p. S.

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Ibn si'na's cultivation of "irran may have begun when bis father began reading the

works of Isma'Ili philosophers.III One report by al-BayhaqI, the twelfth~entury

historian, cited by Fakhry;S4 says that many ShI'ites, like Ibn sÏni's father, were

accustomed to read the Epistles ofthe Brethren ofPurity (11chwim al-$afa '). l55 Afuan also

confirms that Ibn s~ like bis father and brother, had supposedly studied the

encyclopedia either in Arabie or in its Persian translation. 156 His readings of l/chwan

writings presumably inspired in him. the idea ofthe soul's yeaming for union with God, in

whom May he found the final goal shared. by Neoplatonists, the Dchwan and the ~ülis

alike. 157

It is often said that the idea of the soul striving for union with God originated in

Neoplatonism. Plotinus (204-270 AD.), for instance, says "the soul in its nature loves

God and longs to he at one with Him."158 One way to achieve union with God, according

IS30aftary, The lsma -ilfs: Their History and Doctrines, p. 212; and Gohlman, The Lijë ofIbn Sina,p.212.

lS4Majid Fakhry, A History ofIslamic Philosophy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983),p. 132. Gutas, however, contends that al-Bayhaqi's additional information is misleading, as the lattermisreads certain statements ftom this particular passage. See Gutas, Avicenna and The AristotelianTradition, p. 24, note 7.

IssThe Ilchwan al-$ajQ', or the Brethen of Purity, was a group of medieval Arab philosopherswhose corpus of writings is known as the Epistles (Rasa'il). This work encornpasses ail disciplines,including sciences, music, logie, mineralogy, physics, philosophf, and theology. The work itselfis a produetof regular meetings by the /khwan, who belonged ta the Ismi'i1iyyah, where they discussed philosophicaJmarters in an esoteric manner. Our ignorance of exactly who attended these discussions bas causeduncertainty over the authorship of the Epistles (Rasa 'il). An atternpt ta resolve this problem bas led to thesuggestion ofvarious names, like al-MajrltL 'AlI (d. 661), Ja'far a1-Sidiq (c.700-6S), and Jâbir bin E:layyin(c.721-e.815). For more detaiJs, see lan Richard Netton, Muslim Neoplatonists: An Introduction to theThought ofthe Brethren ofPlITity (lkJfwan a/-$aJQj (London: George Allen &. UnWÏD, 1982), p. 3.

(56Afban, Avicenna His Lifè and Works, p. 38.

IS7This similarity of goals may have been due to the political unrest prevailing in their respectiverimes, when "the interiorization of the soul becomes a secure way during a period of tunnoil and change.n

The era of Plotinus' life did Dot ofTer any security. Similarly the $üfÏ movement promised security andrefuge from both political and sectarian problems. See Netton, Muslim Neoplatonists, p. 49.

IS8Plotinus, The Enneads, translated by Stephen MacKenna (New York: Penguin Books, 1991), p.546.

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to Plotinus, is through the purification of the human sou! which can he attained through

philosophy.159 This interiorization of the soulleads man ta the following stage; there he

is "no longer himsett: nor selt:belonging; he is merged with the Supreme, sunken into il,

one with it: centre coincides with center, for centers of cycles, even here below, are one

when they unite, and two when they separate..."l60 Although we are toid that

Neoplatonism, the /lchw"" and the ~üfis share the idea ofthe souI's goal, this May weIl be

by chance mther than through deliberate borrowing.

2.2.1.2. Ibn sin.'s Inclusion of NeoplatoDie Tradition

As mentioned earlier, Ibn sIna. was familiar with the Platonic and Neoplatonic

traditions. In fact, he bas been identified as "being Islam's greatest Neoplatonic

philosopher.nl61 Netton bases bis opinion on some ofThn s"1nâ's characterizations ofGod,

which sound 50 Platonic that they resemble the ~~eoplatonic via negativa." Indeed,

elsewhere in his metaphysical works, Ibn siDa describes Gad using negative terms: "the

Necessary Existent, Gad, bas no cause (la 'i//at [ah), and is neither relative (ghayr

muqaj), changing (/a mutaghayyir), nor bas anyassociate (la mushQrik) in the existence

which is His own.n162 In another of bis works, Risalah fi Mâhiyyat al- IIshq, Ibn Sma

identifies the goodness ofGod in terms similar ta those ofthe Neoplatonist Good as being

the Absolute Good (a/-Khayr al-Mu(/aq).

IS~id., p. 27. Sec also Netton, Muslim Neoplatonist, p. 49.

16Opiotinus, The Enneads, p. 547•

161Netton, Allah Transcendent, p. 149.

162Ibid, p. 158.

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However, this remarie is true ooly to the extent that Plotinus identifies the One as

containing ''the negation of plurality," wbich cannot bear "to be numbered with anything

else," immeasurable," and having no counterpart.163 As for Ibn siDa, we should not forget

that the negation ofGod's attributes was aIso used "to refer" to Gad by the Mu'taziïites.

Moreover, there are other dissimilarities between Plotinus' One and Ibn sIni's Gad, in

that the One knows things without cognition whereas the latter knows everything '~y

means of universal knowledge.,,164 This is to say that there is indeed a Neoplatonic

element but aIso an Islamic one at the same time.

Another Neoplatonic note, according to Landolt, is to he found in Ibn Sma's

"nobler" proofofthe existence ofGod 'iÏ'om existence." Landolt writes: 165

Being the ooly ones, among all the groups surveyed in the "VeiIs-section,"to distinguish between the cause of universal motion and the cause ofexistence itseIt: they are, in fact, in line with truly Neoplatonic traditionwhich is the one followed by Avicenna in bis ''nobler'' proof of theexistence of Gad, ''trom existence" itself; and it should be noted thatA vicenna himself in the lsharat points out that this unobler" praof is theone which distinguishes"the saints (a[-fiddfqün)."

This proof helps us to understand '~hy the Attainers tumed their face from all the

celestiaI Movers, including the one who ordered celestial motion [wa min alladhi amar hi

tal1rikiha], to He who originally created [alladhffâtara] the Heaven;" that is to say, the

level of ''the cause of the existence" who is described as '~e Pure One" is much higher

163See Plotinus, The Enneads, pp. 395-396.

164parviz Morewedge, The Melaphysica of Avicenna Ubn Slna): A Criticaf Translation­Com'!.'enlary ont!Ana/ysis ofthe FundamentalArguments in Avicenna's Metaphysica in the Danish ftrama-i'A/a'; (The BoolcofScientiftc Knowledge) (London: Roudedge and Kegan Paul, 1973), p. 165.

165See Hermann Landolt's article, "Ghiziji and Religionswissenscbaft," in Asiatische Stlldien, 45,no. l (1991), p. SI. See also Ibn sIni, /sharat wa af-Tanbihat, voL 3, pp. 482-483.

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than that of the cause of universal motio~" who is represented by "the Obeyed One."I66

In this sense, Ibn slni is somewhat closer to Neoplatonic tradition, and may thus have

been a mystic in a Neoplatonic sense.167

Similarly, Gardet sees Neoplatonism, especially Plotinus' work the Theology of

Aristotle,168 as having influenced Ibn sIna's mysticism. One manifestation of this

influence, in bis eyes, is in the way that Ibn sina divides bis commentary on Plotinus'

book as foUows: Uabout the destiny ofthe soul after the death, the prayer for the dead, the

world of the intelligible, the knowledge of the upPer [SUPerior] worid by the human soul

and the memory which it retains of it, the emanative creation and bis contingence.,,169

This understanding of the soul is clearly expressed in the last coopter ofal-Isharot which

Mehren includes among the Mystic Treatises. 170

In addition to these extemal influences, we might consider the efIect that the full

development of bis own philosophy must have OOd on bis mysticism. This is particularly

apparent in one of the most important aspects of bis thought -the notion of the Necessary

Existence (Wâjib al-Wujud), the pivotai idea ofbis philosophy. Evidently, this concept is

discussed in various ways in some of bis works, e.g., the llâhiyyat of al-ShijQ', the

llahiyyat of Danish }Tama, and the Rahtyyat of al-Isharat wa al-TanbfhOt. Morewedge

describes it: 171

I~id.

161Ibid., p. 50.

16lGardet, "The Religious and Philosophical Attitude," p. 151.

l~id.

l-ron,id.

17lMorewedge, The Metaphysica ofÂ1IÎcenna, p. 229.

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(1) as an ontological principle, in the context of a cosmology wheremodalities of necessity and contingency play a crucial role, as for instancein the analysis of problems dealing with causation and existence (we callthis view NEI); (2) as a theological principle in the sense of being aphilosophical explication of the religious notion of God (NE2); and (3) asa convenient phenomenological postulate, or as a phenomenonexperienced in the ultimate stage ofthe mystical experience ofthe person'ssoul in its ascent towards ultimate happiness through SPeCified states(a/[wal) and stations (maqamat) (NE3).

Among the various ways in which the Necessary existence is established, it is the

third perspective (NE3), as shown in the last part of a/-lshiuat, that Ibn sIna used to

depict the relation between the Necessary Existence and mystical experience. Hence, it

can be said that Ibn sIna's encounter with Greek tradition and bis philosophy did in fact

provide the intellectual setting for the development ofhis mysticism.

2.2.2. Kalam

After surveying some of the philosopbical themes ta which Ibn s'ina was exposed,

we come to the contribution of /ra/am to bis thought. One might dispute the inclusion of

theology, as it bas little to do with mysticism. While God is central to the mutakallimün,

as he is for the SüfÎs, He becomes in /ra/am "an object of rational thought and cold

analysis.n He thus may he perceived as too remote, inaccessible, and incomparable. l72

The proponents oftheology claim that Gad is knowable only insofar as He reveals himself

through the law or the prophets. By contrast, the SütÏs consider God as "ever-absent" and

"ever-present," a state of affairs which drives human beings ta desire and ta love Him at

every moment to the point ofjoy and calamity.l73 In this perspective, it is interesting to

pursue Ibn sIna's relation to /ca/am and bis use ofka/am in characterizing God.

172Chittick, Faith and Practice oflslam, p. IS.

173Ibid.

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2.2.2.1. Ibn Sln.'s Relation to the Kali", Tradition

There is little incentive ta see any role played by theological discourse in Ibn

SIna's mystical though~ as he himself was considered a philosopher,174 not a theologian.

Indee~ he refutes the tenets oftheology or ka/am in many ofhis works. 11S Ibn sina was

accused of heresy, free thinking, and atheism after his death, eSPeCially in the writings of

Ghazali (d. 1111), whose Tahàjüt al-FalOsifah was directed mostly against him.176

Commenting on this fact, Arberry claims tbat Ibn s'ina would have contributed greatly to

the development of Islamic theology, had the mula/callimiin made any effort to access Ibn

sIna's discussion ofthis subject. l77

Ibn SIna's criticisms of theology actually resemble those of the Isma'Il thinkers

and philosophers. Kraemer considers this intellectual tendency to he characteristic of that

perio~ Le., the "renaissance" of Islam. 178 Abii Sulaymin al-SijistinI (d. 985), for

example, claims that /ca/am's dialectical methodology 100 the mutakal/imün to "impiety

and irreligiosity, and eventually to advocate the equivalence of proofs.,,179 Abii l:Iayyan

al-TawqictI (d. 1009), another example, argues that the only way to attain the perfection of

asceticism (a/-zuhdft a/-dunyà) is by abandoning diaiectical disputation Vidal) in religion

and the nonsensical discussions basic to /ca/am tradition, as this method does not lead to

I7..Heath, A//egory and Philosophy, p. 24.

17SWatt. W. Montgomery, The Formative Period of/slamic Thought (Edinburgh: The UniversityPress, 1973), p. 317.

176Al-Ghazilf condemns Ibn Sini's doctrines, especiaUy those touching on the etcmity of theworId, God's universal knowledge and the denial of bodily resunection. According to him, whoever holdssucb opinions is an infidel and should be killed. See bis Tahajüt a/-FaiQsifah, ed. SuJaymin Dunyi (Caire:Dar al-Ma'irif, 1980), pp. 307-309. Sec also Arberry, Avicenna on The%gy, p. 6.

177Ibid.

I7IJoel L. Kraemer, Phi[osophy in the Renaissance of/siam (Leiden: E. J. BriII. 1986).

179lbid., p. 247.

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any goOd.180 Parallel ta the Ismi~ilithïnkers, the philosopher al-Firibi criticizes fcalQm as

a mere apologetic tradition formulated ta '~defend the opinions and actions of one's

religion.~,181

Despite their differences, philosophy, $üfism and Ica/am, as mentioned earlier,

share similar perspectives in matters of fai~ namely tawJiid, prophecy (nubuwwafi) and

the Retum (ma 'Od). 182 These tapies are pivotaI to any discussion in either theology and

philosophy, whieh usually emphasize the ontological analysis of the temporal and the

etemaI, and the understanding of the notion ofnecessary or contingent being.l83 It is the

idea of contingency and its link with creation that makes the metaphysies of lcalam

("Being is what God made and is as God makes it'') important to philosophy.l84

Ibn sina, for bis part, utilized certain Ica/am ideas. One such idea was

contingency, which refers ta the possibly existent in every compound whose existence

depends on an outside source;8S namely, Gad, the Creator or the Necessary Existence.

This Ibn sina incorPQrated ioto bis metaphysics (i/ahiyyat) in sueh works as al-8hijQ 7,

Danish ~amt:H 'Ala if and a/-/shQrat wa a/-Tanbïhat. 186 These works toueh upon various

l~idL,pp.248-249_

ISIGUtas, Avicenna andAristote/ian Tradition, p. 249.

182Chittick, Faith andPraetice of/siam, p. 27.

113Richard M. Frank, "Kalam and Philosophy, A Perspective from One Problem," in lslamicPhilosophical Theology, ed. Parviz Morewedge (Albany: State University ofNew York Press, (979), p. 74.

114Goodman, Avicenna, p. 53.

I~erbert A. Davidson, P,ooft fo, Eternity. Creation and the Existence of God in MedievalIslamic andJewish PhiJosophy (New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 149.

lB&rhere is an extensive discussion on whetber Ibn sina's metaphysics is identical with theology (inthe sense of lcaJâm in the Islamie tradition). Gutas, for instance, argues that theology is part ofmetaphysics.However, these two traditions may be reconciled in view ofthe fact tbat lcaram is Islamie metaphysics -both.are interested to different degrees in discussing the Dotion of the oneness of Gad and His attributes on thebasis ofreason. See Gutas, Âvicenna andAristotelian Tradition, pp. 248-253.

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aspects of what Chittick caUs the dimension of faith. AI-8hijQ 1, for instance, emphasizes

the necessity of a Prophet who receives the law to regulate the masses, whereas in other

works, Ibn s'ina deals with the Return, in which context he discusses punishment and

reward. 187 Keeping these in mind, Ibn sina establishes the metaphysical framework

which allows him to show the Necessary Existence in a religious üght.

One May still argue that Ibn Sini's notion of divine attributes does not always

accord with religious criteria. As mentioned earlier, al-GhaziIi condemned Ibn s'ina for

claiming that God's knowledge was universal. This critique, according to Marmura,

arises from a certain ambiguity in the terms '4;particuIar" and 'WiversaI," as found in Ibn

Sma's statements that ''the Necessary Existent conceives everything in a universaI way"

and that "God apprehends particulars in as much as they are universal.,,188 The

implication of this theory appears to deny the theologians', especially the Ash"arltes',

claim that "the divine attributes were additional to the essence," because if the nature of

God's knowing is similar to His essence, then it absolutely refuses the divine attrlbutes. 189

In this respec~ we are reminded of the Mu'taziIIte position that God knows through His

Essence, mther than through His knowledge, power or living. 19O Il is this point that

became the object ofsevere criticism and attaek.

Ibn sIni's discourse on God's knowledge ofthe universal, according to Marmura,

alludes to a knowledge which is "conceptual," 4;4;changeless," and 4;'one;" which means that

117Morewedge, The Metaphysiea ofAvieenna, p. 231.

IIIMichael E. Marmora, "Some Aspects ofAvicenna's lbeory ofGod's Knowledge ofParticulars,"JA OS 82, no. 3 (1962), p. 300.

'19Ibid., p. 312.

I90See Watt, The Formative Period of/slamie Thought, pp. 245-246.

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God knows aIl things without sensation or imagination, in contrast to human experience.

That is to say, the knowledge of Gad does not change because of particular events;

therefore, it remains identical to His essence. "Universal" also refers to the conceptual

process of "God's knowing" and to the object known by God, including ''the corruptible

particuIars.,,191 There are two fundamental elements making up God's knowledge of

particulars, "one for entities, the other for events," which excuses God from knowing

particular things in the corruptible and destructive world. l92

Surprisingly enou~ while Ibn s'ina characterizes God's knowledge as being

particular in a universal way, elsewhere in bis works he also insists that God bas a self-

knowledge wbich is similar to His essence, and that through this essence God knows all

things. In the section on metaphysics of the Danish ftTama-i ~la1, for instance, he

mentions that all things are known through God's universal knowledge; hence nothing

either small or great is hidden from him.193 Marmura harmonizes this contradiction by

saying that the word "alI" can he understood as knowing ''their [general] actions and

natures," which is related to "God's knowledge ofparticulars in the world of generation

and corruption."I94 It is also possible to understand this as Ibn sIni's way of attributing

knowledge to God by showing that this attribute is beyond our ordinary human manner of

knowing things. In this way he also avoids the charge ofanthropomorphisme Also, there

is much evidence to confirm that the divine attributes which Ibn ski attached to the

191Ibid., p. 303.

192Ibid., p. 311 .

193Morewedge. The Metaphysica ofAvicenna, p. 66.

I94Ibid., p. 311.

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Necessary Existent are not only theological but, as will he seen in the following sectio~

mystica1 al the same tÎme.

2.2.2.2. Ibn Sln.'s Views OD the Attributes ofGod

One of the most important of God~s attributes in Ibn sIna~s eyes is that of being

One. This attribute conveys many things: that Gad cannat have "a multiplicity

(kathrah)"; that He cannat he ''more than one entity," "whose essence (mâhiyyah) cao he

none other than existence (anniyyah)" and "is neither a substance Ûawhar) nor an

accident (ara4J." This is because ifGad had multiple and different qualities as such, He

would then he composed ofelements impossible for Him ta have. 195

The method of negating the attributes of God is also found in Ibn sIna's other

works, especially in the "Oâhiyyât" ofa/-/shârat wa a/-TanblhiJt. Here he mentions that

"The First (al-Awwal) bas no parallel, no comparison, no genus, and no division." These

negations are intended to make Gad knowable and, al the same time, to preserve His

transcendence. Regardless of any attempts at demonstrating the existence and the

attributes ofGad, He Himselfremains the Unknown God, which drives us to desire and to

yearn for union with Him. However, it does not Mean that we have no ability to know

God; rather~ the means to define and to allude to the knowledge of God can ooly he

attained through the direct recognition ofthe apprehension (bi ~arilJ a/- ~ir.ran a/- ~aqli).I96

Ibn S'ini's listing of God's attributes a1so reminds one nol ooly of Mu'tazilite

discourse on Gad, as indicated earlier, but also of the way that the ~üfis conceive of

19SIbid.• pp. 53·S7 and pp. 221-229.

196Ibn s'ini, a/-/shàral wa al-TanlÏiJiizt, p. 481.

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God's attributes. Al-KaIàbidhi, for instance, reports that a great ~iitÏ, usually referred to

as al-HaIlâj, had spoken on the unity ofGod as follows: "~Before' does not outstrip Him,

'after' does not interrupt Him, ~of' does not vie with Him for precedence, 'from' does not

accord with him ...,,197 In a similar vein, he himself descnDes God in a negative way:

"...that His Essence does not resemble the essences, nor bis attribute the attributes...; that

there is no Eternal but He, and no god beside Him; that He is neither body nor shape...,,198

By the same token, Ibn sina applies certain theological attributes ta God. God is

described as the Most Perfect Beloved (al-Ma 'shûq al-Aftfal)r who is the abject ofhuman

perfection, since every living entity bas the love and innate desire for unity with the Pure

Good (Khayr Mu{laq).I99 Other attributes include Love ('lshq), True (lfaqq), Intelligence

('Aqf), Wise (lfakim) and the Light (al_Nür).2oo These attributes are similar to those of

the Sufls, as enumerated by a1-KalibMhI, e.g., Gad is "Desirous" and uWise." Seen from

this perspective, it seems there is sorne affinity between the attributes which Ibn sIna

assigns ta God and those ofka/am and ~üfism.

2.2.3. Sufism

Fazlur Rahman argues that Süfism constituted the MOst profound and significant

influence upon Ibn sina, even more 50 than bis Islamic education in the early part of bis

197Abii Bakr Mul]ammad b. IsIJiq al-KalâbidhI, a/-Ta'arruf/i-Madhhab Ahl a/-T~awwtif(Beirut,Lebanon: Dar al-Kutub al-~I1miyyah, 1993), p. 33. See also ils translation in A. J. Arbeny's work, TheDoctrine of the Siifis (Kitab al-Ta'arruf/i-Madhhab A.hJ o/-T~awwuf) (cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress, 1977), p. 15.

19S1bid., 14.

I~n sIni, Risalahji ~ahiyyatal-·lshq, p. 29. See aIso Fackenheim's translation in bis work '~A

Treatise on Love by Ibn SiDa," p. 212•

2~etton, A.llQh Transcendentr pp. 155-157. See aIso the translation of the Metaphysics of theDanish NQma-i 'AGi[ in Morewedgc's work, The Metaphysica ofAvicenno, pp. 70-72.

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life.201 He furthermore characterizes the nature ofThn Sini's mysticism as "intellectual-

illumination." Unfortunately, bis claim is not substantiated weIl enough to indicate wbich

$üfi shaykh had influenced Ibn sIni and what specifie sütÏ teachings had inspired him.

Regarclless ofthis fact, Rahman's identification ofthe mystical influence upon Ibn sIni's

life and thought is a valuable indication of the ~iifÏ element in the latter's intellectual

pursui~ which after ail contributed towards bis perspective on mystieism. In fact, there

are several components that must he considered in order to determine the significance of

$üfism in Ibn sIna's context. One of these is, as will he seen in the next section, Ibn

Sma's exposure to early Süfi discourse.

2.2.3.1. Ibn sin.'s Encounter with Early ~üfiDiscoune

$ü:fism would have been something very familiar to Ibn sIni. In fact, bis

autobiography contains severa! references wbich point to his familiarity with this

discipline. For instance, as mentioned eartier, he routinely visited Isma'il al_Zihid202_

who may have practiced ascetieism (al-zuhd)- to study jurisprudence (al-fiqh). On

another occasion, Ibn sIni tells us that he was asked to write a book entitled al-~ilwa

al-Ma1Mü/ for Abü Bakr al-Baraq, who was interested in jurisprudence, exegesis, and

asceticism.203 It is noteworthy tbat, later on in bis life, he discussed the notion of zuhd

(asceticism) in bis work al-fshOrot wa al-Tanh/hat. Ibn sIni also mentions that he and

201Rahm~ "Avicenoa and Orthodox Islam: An Interpretative Note on the Composition of HisSyste~n p. 669.

202See, Goodm~ Allicenna, p. 12, and Gob1Jnan, The Lifè oflbn Sina, p. 121, note 16.

203Abü Bakr aI-Baraq died when Ibn sIni was only six years old and bad just moved to Bukhiri.But one of Abü BaIa's son, Abü 'Abd AlIih Mu{1arnmad. whose expertise in jurisprudence. poetry andphilology was widely recognized, worked under the Siminids and thm Tamgbijkhin, who defeated thefonner rulers in 999. Gohlman suggests tbat it is probably Abü 'Abd Allah b. Abi Bakr who is meant by IbnSma. See Gohlman, The Lifè oflbn Sina, p. 123, n. 36.

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his companions, who included bis brother and two slaves, once disguised themselves in

Süfi gannents to bide their identities on a visit to ~fahin.204 These anecdotes tell us that

Süfism had a certain vitality and dynamism at that tinte.

Ibn Sma's perspective on mysticism corresponds in some ways to the discussions

that took place in the early development of ~üfi~ especially as these are recorded in

reports from al-Junayd (d. 910). We will not enter into the specific aspects ofal-Junayd's

thought; rather we will confine ourselves to discussing Ibn sIni's encounter with it.

Landolt pointed out the relationship between Ibn s'ini's mysticism and that of al-Junayd

in comments on Davidson's view that Ibn sIna's "~üfi theme,,20S derived from that of the

Egyptian SUfi Ibn 'A~' Allah (d. 1309).206

According to Landolt, Ibn si"na's "~iifi theme" refers to a crucial topic in ciassical

Süfism, i.e. al-Junayd's categorization of ma'rifah (gnosis) as expressed by al-KaIibadhI

in his writingS.207 Furthermore, Landolt reasons that it is likely that Ibn sTni might have

leamed this "Süfi theme" from al-Kalibidhi himself since he was fifteen years old when

the latter died in 995 in Bukhiri.208 Ibn sIna seems ta employ the word ~iddiqün as a

reference to the "elect" (Ql-Ichaw~~)in al-Kalabidh.'s work.209 In this respect, Landolt's

identification of Kalibidlrl's influence upon Ibn sIna helps us ta identi.tY other ideas

which May have been incorporated into the latter's works. The identification of other

204Afilan, Av;cenna: His Life and Works, p. 70.

losDavidson believes tbat Ibn sina's prooffor the existence ofGod embraces wbat the autbor calIs"a ~üfi theme." See Davidson, ProofsfOr Etemity, Creation and the Existence ofGod., p. 287.

206See Landolt, "Ghizali and Religionswissensc~"p. 51, note 125.

207See al-Kalibidhl a/- Ta'tuTIl.f/i-Madhhab Ahl al-TtJ1awwuf; p. 70.

2OILando1t, "GhizitI and Religionswissensc:haft,tt p. 51.

209Ibid.

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ideas in Ibn sina's writings may also he made on the basis of the legend of the meeting

with Abü Sa'id, is described as in the following.

2.2.3.2. Ibn sini's Contaets with Abi s.'id

Ibn slni was reported to have been in contact with one ofthe most notable mystics

of bis time, Abü Sa'id b. Abi al-Khayr (967_1049).210 Their encounter is described in

Abü Sa'ld's biography, the Asrar al-Tawliid, as follows:211

One day when our Shaikh Abu Sa'id, Gad sanctify bis awesomesoul, was discoursing before an assembly in Nishapur, KVija Bu 'Ali (-yeSïna) came into the Shaikh's kinaqih. The two men had not previouslymet one another, although they had carried on a cOIreSPOndence.

The moment Bu 'Ali walked through the door, our Shaikh tumed tohim and said: "Someone versed in philosophy bas arrived."

KYija Bu 'Ali came in and took a seat and the Shaikh went on withhis diseourse. Having brought the assembly to a close, the Shaikh camedown from bis raised tlatform and retired to bis apartment. KVija Bu 'Aliwent into the apartment with the Shaïkh and they closed the door behindthem.

Three days they were with one another in private, talking. No oneknows what they said, nor was anyone admitted into their presence unlessthey gave him permission, and they only emerged for the congregationalprayers.

After three days and nights KYaja Bu 'Ali departed. KVaja Bu~Ali's student asked him: How did you find the Shaikh?"

He replied: "Everything 1know, he sees."And when the Sufis and the Shaikh's disciplines came before the

Shaîkh, they asked him: "0 Shaikh, how did you find Bu 'Ali?"He replied: "Everything 1 see, he knows!"

210Abü Sa~Id, a celebrated ~üfi in the carly period of Islamic mystici~ was barn at Meyhana, 7December 967 and died in the same town on 12 Ianuary 1049. He was weU-known for bis severe asceticismand joyfuJness -in the wearing ofsilk, enjoyment ofsama' during prayer time~ and eating succulent foods­later on in his liCe. A detailed account ofhis life may he read in bis biography, compiled by his great-great­grandson Muhammad Ibn a1-Munavvar, entitIed, The Secrets ofGod's Mystical Oneness, or, The SpiritualStations ofSyaikh Abii Saifd=AsrOr al-Towhidft Maqamat al.$ey! Abi Sa'id, translated with notes and anintroduction by John O'Kane. (Costa Mesa, California and New York: Mazda Publishers in association withBibliotheca Persica, 1992). For Ibn sÎni's record ofhis contact with Abü Sa~id, see Gohlman, The Life ofIbn Sina, pp. 11O-lII,

lllIbn a1-Munavvar, The Secrets ofGod's Mystical Oneness, pp. 300-301.

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The story goes on to tell ofhow Ibn slni joined the Shaykh, visited him regularly

and performed devotions with him. The former also witnessed the Shaykh's miraculous

powers. From that time onwards, Ibn Sma's writings were enriched by Siifi notions, such

as spiritual stages and miracles, both of which concepts are mentioned in bis al-Isharat

wa al-Tanbthat.212

The historical accuracy of this account bas been a matter of debate. Goblman ,

Gutas, and Q'Kane believe that it never actually took place.213 Rather, it represents a

mere anecdote aimed at equating the Sbaykh with Ibn Sma who was "the greatest

representative of rational knowledge," and to show that the former had outstanding

powers.214 Such legends, of course, like so Many others,2lS are common in siifi tale-

cycles. They are meant to demonstrate the superiority of the self-presentation of the

Shaykh over Ibn sina and to represent two different traditions, Süfism and philosophy.

Nonetheless, Nasr and Achena contend that such a meeting May weU have

happened. Ibn s'ini's meeting with Abü Sa'id, according to Nasr, may have occurred by

1012 A.D. when the former was on bis way to Jurjin, where he hoped to come onder the

212Ibid., p. 302.

213Gohlman, The Lifë oflbn Sina, p. 140, note 16. Sec aIso Ibn al-Munavvar, The Secrets ofGod'sMystical Oneness, p. 618, note 6 and Gutas, uAvicenna V: Mysticism," p. 80.

2141bid.

21~icbolson cites the story, according to which Ibn sina met Abu 'I-J:lasan Khuraqinl (d. 1034), anative ofKhurisin: uAvicenna paid a visit to Abü al-l:Iasan KhuraqinI and immediately plunged into a longand abstruse discussion. After a time the saint, who was an illiterate person, felt tired, 50 got up and said,'Excuse me : 1must go and mend the garden wall'; and otfhe went, taking a hatchet with him. As soon as hehad climbed on ta the top of the~ the hatchet droppe<! ftom bis hand. Avicenna ran ta pick it up, butbefore he reached it the hatchet rose ofitselfand came back into the saint's band. Avicenna lost ail bis self­command, and the enthusiastic belief in Süfism which then took possession ofhim continued until, at a lalerperiod of bis Iife, he abandoned mysticism for philosophy." Sec Reynold A. Nicholson, The Mystics ofIslam (London, Boston and Henley: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974), pp. 145-146.

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patronage of AmIr al-Ma'ilI Qabüs Ibn Vushmag'Jr (d. 1013).216 Achena too considers it

likely that they had probably met at Meyhana (not Nishapur as stated by Ibn al-Munavvar)

in 1012 A.D. after Ibn sIni had left Bukhiri, passing through Kh~N~ and

Meyhana.217 In any case, since it is far from certain that Abü Sa'ld's fame as a great ~üfi

Shaykh was already established at that lime, the possibility of Ibn Sma's visit remains a

218tenuous one.

RegardIess ofits historical accuracy, the point orthe legend was to emphasize that

Ibn Smi knew what Abü Sa'Id sawand that what the latter saw the former already knew.

This idea became significant in the later development of both the philosophical and the

~Ufi traditions, because quite often the differences between knowing ('i/m) - involving

rational inquiry- and seeing (ma'rifah) -a supra-rational experience- are emphasized.219

While Ibn sIni was clearly aware of the distinctions between 'i/m ("knowledge") and

ma 'rifàh ("direct eXPeriential knowledge''), tinguistically and philosophically he employs

these terms interchangeably.220

21~asr, An Introduction to Is/amic Cosmo/ogica/ Doctrines, p. 179.

217MuQammad Ibn al-MWlavvar, Les étapes mystiques du Shaylch Abu Sa'id: Mystères de laconnaissance de l'Unique (Asrar a/-Tawhidji Maqâmâl-e a/-8hayfch Abu Sa'iâ), transe M. Ac:bena (paris:Unesco, 1974), p. 14.

211 -Fritz Meier, Abü Sa-id-l Abii I-Hayr: Wirklichkeit und Legende (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976), pp.

26 ffand 39-64.

219Chittic~Faith and Practice of/siam. p. 19.

~armura fonnulates tbis distinction as follows: having Jcnowledge means ...A bas an attribute,and the experiencing ofA as baving tbat attribute." see bis '1Jlotting the Course ofAvicenna's Tbougbt," p.340.

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Like their meeting, the historical authenticity of Ibn sIni's and Abü Sa'id's

correspondence bas al50 been the subject ofdebate.221 Ofthis correspondence, a total of

Il questions addressed by Abü Sa'id to Ibn sIni have been preserved together with the

latter's answers. 222 These letters raise a number of issues, one ofwhich Ibn sina's reply

to Abü Sa'Id's sceptical question regarding the validity of syllogism (qiyas).223 Another

letter, which is known as the "Risâlah on Zuhd", bas also been transmitted down to the

present through the works of 'Ayn al·Qu4it HamadinI (executed 1131).224 115 contents

are as follows:22S

The Shaykh [al- 'âriff Abü Sa'id of Meybana wrote to the Sbaykh Abü'AlI (mercy he upon him): "Guide me to the proof:" and in bis reply, hewrote: "(It is) entry to real infidelity and departure from metaphoricalIslam, that you do not tum your face towards (anything) except that whichis beyond the three individualities, 50 that you become a submitter[muslim1 and infidel [kirfir}. If you are beyond these, you are neitherfaithful [mu'min], nor an infidel [kDfir], and ifyou are below these, youare a Muslim idolater [muslim mushrik]. If you are ignorant of all this,then you know that you are worthless, 50 do not account yourself as a partof the totality ofheings."

22IIbn al-Munavvar, The Secrets ofGod's MysticaJ Oneness, p. 300, note 6; GohJman, The Life ofIbn Sina, p. 141; Gutas, "'Avicenna V: Mysticism," p. 80; Carl W. Ernst, Words of Ecstasy in Sufism(Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 1985). p. 81; and Meier, Abü Sa ~d-lAbü l-Hayr, p. 26.

222Mw,ammad Taqi-i Dinisbpazüb, "P8sukh-i Ibn-i sini ba-Sbaykh Abü Sa'id-i Abi'i-Khayr,azitar-i Ibn-i sina," Farhang-i ïran Zamfn 1 (1332), pp. 189·204.

223Mw,ammad Taqi-i Dânisbpazüb, "Pisukh-i Khwija Abü 'Ali-i sini ba-pursisb-i Abü Sa'id-iAbü 'l-Khayr dar bira-i rib-i dfn-i durust, hi guzirishbiy-i Sa'dud-dfn-f Kizarüni wa Dinishmand-igumnam wa 'Ayn ul-QueJjt-i Hamadini," Dânish 3 (1331-1334), pp. 325-330.

224Ibid., p. 327. See also Goh/man. The Life oflbn Sina, pp. 110-111.

225parts of tbis translation are talcen fi'om Ernst, Words ofEcstasy in SuflSm, pp. 81-82. See alsoDanishpazhüh, "Pisukh-i Khvija Abü 'Ali-sini ba-pursish-i Abü Sa'id Abü 'l-Khayr," pp. 327-328, and'Ayn al-QueJjt al-l:Iamadini, TamhfdOt, edited by 'Afif'Usayran (Tebcran: Manüchihri, 1962), pp. 349·350,no. 463; and Louis Massignon, Recueil de textes inédits concernant l'histoire de la mystique en paysd'Islam: réunis, classés. annotés etpubliés (paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1929), pp. 189-190.AIso see and Meier, Abü Sa 'fd-I Abü l-Hayr, p. 26f.

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After viewing the different fundamental elements which presumably contributed

to the setting ofIbn sina's perspective on mysticism, it is absolutely vital ta obtain a more

complete picture of bis own attitude towards mystical tradition. One way of determining

bis viewpoint on this tradition is by presenting Ibn sIni.'s methodological approach ta

mysticism. His approach to mystical experience, and the terminology through which the

experiential process is expressed, will inevitably shed new light on Ibn slni and on

understanding Ibn sIna's perspective on mysticism.

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Chapter Tbree

Methodolocical Perspectives on Mystieism

Ibn sTna touches in various ways on mystical experience in bis writings. In this

respect, we May distinguish three approaches: bis symbolic narratives, bis analytical

descriptions of <irfan and <ishq, and bis perspective on the perfection of the self: His

narrative-symbolic approach is represented by the trilogy ofvisionary recitals entitled the

Recital oflfayy ibn Yaq~an, the Recital ofthe Bird (Risalat al-Tayr), and the Recital of

Sa/aman and Absal. His analyses of <irfan and <ishq are found in the last part of bis al­

Isharat wa al-Tanbihat and Risalah fi Mahiyyat al-<Ishq. Ibn sIna's views on the

perfection of the self will he drawn from the above works and from bis treatise On The

Secret ofPrayer (Fi Si" al_$alah).226

3.1. The Mystieal Experience iD Ibn Sini's Visionary Recitals

Ibn sIna introduces mystical experience in the fonn of recitals. This attempt is

very striking as he was aIready in bis own day regarded as an author of the most carefully

reasoned treatises on physics and logic. Il may he, on the surface, surprising that he

should have been tempted to incorporate mystical experience, aIlegories and mysticai

terminology into bis rational writings. What indeed is the significance of the symbolic

22~n sina, Fi Sïrr aJ~arah. in l:Iasan ~~L a/-Tafsir a/-Qur 'anf wa aJ-Lughah a/~uflJ'Yah fiFa/safat Ibn Slna. pp. 205-213. See aIso its translation in Arberry's Âv;cenna on The%gy, pp. 50-53.

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expressions and aUegorical style employed with respect to the agenda ofthe mystics?

AlI three of Ibn sina's symbolic narratives have been the object of numerous

studies. Heath, for instance, considers these treatises as aUegorical,227 arguing that they

should he treated in relation to Ibn sIni's philosophical system. For this reason, he

further suggests that one bas to refer to a philosophicallliterary dichotomy which is called

by Plato logoslmuthos, in order to understand their significance.228 While the logos

aspect of these allegories bas some similarities to Peripatetic philosophy, especially as

regards the usage of philosophical terminology and rational method, the mulhos'

dimension represents the story (1#kilyah) ofthe cosmos and the human role within it.229

By contrast, Corbin and Nasr do not consider these three treatises as either

allegories or stories,230 but as ~'recitalS.,,231 As recitals, they do not contain mystical

aIlegories, philosophical narratives or legends per se; rather, they are a record of Ibn

Sma's own experience,232 a part ofhis spiritual autobiography, containing symbols which

belong to Persian culture.233 These symbols must he interpreted in order to disclose the

227Allegory derives from a/los ("other") and agol'ellein ("speak openly") that is ta "speak in theassembly or market." In Western literature. it is to he understood in the sense of saying something butmeaning something else. See. Angus Fleteher·s work, A//egory: The Theory of Symbo/ic Mode (lthaca andLondon: Comell University Press. 1970). pp. 2·3. While literary works range ftom chivalric romances toencyclopedic epics. Islamic allegories. like the romantic story, visionary recitaI. exegesis, debate and legendare used to encode different moral values. based on philosophicaI. mystical. theological. political. and socialprinciples. See also Heath. A//egory and Phi/osophy in Âvicenna, p. 3.

228Heath. A//egory and Phi/osophy in Avicenna, p. 8.

~id.

23<Renry Corb~ Âvicenna and the Visionary Recital. p. 33 and Nasr, An IntI'oduetion to IslamicCosmo[ogica/ Doctrines. p. 263.

2J1Corbin. Âvicenna and the Yisionary Recita!. p. S.

232Ibid.

233Ibid.. p. xi.

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inner reaIity ClJaqfqah) beneath their exoteric form (;ahir).234 Seen from this perspective,

there are two aspects of the recitals, ''the ta 'wfl of the text" and ta 'wll as the exegesis of

the soul-which means restoring the real meaning ofthe soul.235

Despite the different readings of Ibn sIni's symbolic narratives, both Heath and

Corbin seem ta agree that the recitals were ofgreat significance to the development ofthis

literary genre. There are three representative trends in the history of the IsIamic symbolic

narrative after Ibn s'ina's time, i.e., (1) the philosophical and theological approach

developed by Ibn Tufayl (d. 1186) and ShihaD al-Dio al-Suhrawardi al-Maqtül (d. 1191);

(2) the concem for practical morality and ethics evident in the works ofNj~ml(d. 1203)

and Amir Khusraw (d. 1325); and (3) the mystical tradition of al-I:IakIm Sana'i (d. 1130)

and FarId al-Dio al-'A~ (d. 1229).236

In view of the rich symbolism of Ibn sIna's narratives, in this section we will look

at the underlying narrative meaning of lfayy ibn Yaq;an. The Recital ofthe Bird (Risa/af

al-Tayr), and Sa/aman and Absa/. Here, we do not seek to determine whether Ibn s'ina

speaks of bis own experience or intends to teach something else in these treatises; mther,

we will consider how they depict the transformation of the self in terms of whether it is

more integrated or alienated. For this purpose, we will divide our topie ioto two parts.

The first presents a glimpse at the narratives themselves, while the second tries to explain

the reasons why Ibn s'ina used symbolic narratives to express bis ideas. The connection

of the recitals ta the Ishiuot wa a/-TanbfhOt and to ~üfismwill also he part ofthis section.

234Ibid.~ p. 29.

235(bid.~ p. 34.

23~ea~ AJ/egory and Phi/osophy in Avicenna. p. S.

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3.1.1. Three Paradigmatie Cases

The three visionary recitals, The Recital oflfayy ibn Yaq~Qn, The Recital ofthe

Bird (Risâlat al-Tayr), and Sa/aman and Absa/, display in coherent form the spiritual

journey of an adept in search ofhigher knowledge. The narratives themselves are framed

in a symbolic language. This mises the question of whether the IeCitais represent Ibn

Ski's mystical experience or are only an intellectual exercise. Regardless of this issue, it

would he interesting to meditate upon these narratives as records of the spiritual joumey,

a mystical path, without necessariIy neglecting the intellectual vision they embody.

3.1.1.1. The RecitaiofEfayy ibn Y"q;jll

The joumey begins with the initiation ofan adept before the sage known as I:fayy

ibn Yaq~ in the hoPe of coming before the King, the One and the Obeyed.237 Here

there are two visual elements. The tirst is an Angel who fonctions as a Pir and whose

charisma attracts the adept to seek bis guidance; the second is the disciple in whom arises

(inba <a/ha) the desire to he close to Him.238

Part of the conversation between the adept and the sage consists in a discourse on

science and the way to resolve its difficulties. They eventuaIly come to SPeak about "the

science of physiognomy" «ilm al-ftTasah).239 This kind of knowledge enables one to

choose the right path and to avoid the inducements of evil companions.240 I:IaYY further

23'Ibn sini, "/fayy ibn Yaq;a". J. pp. 43 and 51.

23slbid., p. 43.

239Corbin's translation ofThe Recital oflfayy ibn Yaq;an, in bis work, Âvicenna and the VisionaryRecita/, p. 138.

244Thid.

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explains that there are three types of companions: the one before him either combines

truth and falsehood or presents errar in a beautiful way; the one on bis right is full of

anger, and is unable to give him any advice or even he rid ofbis anger; and the one on bis

left is hungry all the time, as ifthe whole earth alone can bring him enough nourishment.

The Sage finally insists that the adept must escape from aIl these companions in order to

prepare himself for the joumey.

After discoursing on the preparation for this joumey, the sage explains the

conditions which the adept bas asked him. to provide as guidance for bis joumey. The

journey which the sage makes, however, is not yet attainable for the adept, as the time bas

not come for him to set out. When the moment comes, it leads the sou! to the attainment

ofgnosis. The moment the soul is receptive to the joumey, it travels from the Occident to

the Orient. In the MOst distant part of the Occident, there is a vast sea, which the Book of

Allah bas called the Hot Sea «ayn l!amrah).241 This hot and muddy sea is Matter which

symbolizes absolute non-being. In these parts, there is a sunset which May mean Form -

-'for just as visible things become visible because of the light of the sun, 50 all Matter

becomes being because of Form.,,242 There, no inhabitants can he found; rather

"PerpetuaI Darkness reigns in that country.,,243 Part ofthe Occident ofthe universe is also

the Terrestrial world inhabited by aIl kinds of animais, human beings and plants. As

241Ibn sini, /fayy ibn Yaq;ân. p. 47. This aIso refers ta surah 18:86, "[And he marcbed westwards]till. when he came to the setting of the sun, it appeared to bim that it was setting io a clark, turbid sea, andnearby he found a people [given to every kind ofwroogdoing)." Sec Asad's traDslatioo, The Message oftheQur 'an, p. 452.

242Corbin's translation ofThe Recita/oflfayy ibn Yaq;ân, in bis work, Avicenna and the VisionaryRecital, pp. 328-329.

243Ibid.. p. 327.

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human beings continue to live in this worl~ their human state would he a mix of joy,

sorrow, peace and battle. Apparently, the adept, even perbaps Ibn sIni, might also have

been the inhabitant of this region. Nevertheless, since the adept bas already drunk from

and bathed in '~e permanent Spring of Life" prior to bis joumey, he would have had the

quality of the Spiritual Angels and departed from the "demonic troops." In other words,

he possesses the divine characteristics necessary to enable him to continue onwards into

another clime.

The next joumey involves traveling through. the celestial matter wbich lies beyond

our clime; this lies just outside the place where '~e Pillars of the Heaven are set.,,244

These celestial spheres differ in many respect from the terrestrial world because the

former consists of matter and form, which are separable. The adept joumeys through the

nine celestial spheres of traditional Ptolemaic astronomy -namely, the Moon, Mercury,

Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter, Satum, the Heaven of the Signs of the Zodiac and the

Ninth Heaven.245 This last Heaven is starless and nothing in it is perceivable by eyesight.

No human being cao reach it; the ooly dwellers there are the spiritual angels. This is the

source for "the divine Imperative and Destiny" (al-amr wa al-qadar), which descends

upon ail the climes below. The two climes, i.e., terrestrial and celestial Matter, belong to

the Occident ofthe universe. Thejoumey itselfhas to continue toward the Orient.

The joumey toward the Orient which proceeds beyond the celestial spheres, is

attainable by those who are guided toward its accomplishment. Found there is "the

244lbid., p. 333.

245Ibid., pp. 336-342.

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posterity of the Primordial Creation over which ndes as King the One, the Obeyed.,,246

There are also different levels of ''pure peoplen occupied with PeIforming different

services in order to contemplate the face of the King and to maintain their intimacy with

and cIoseness to Him. The King to whom the meditation is aimed is "all a face by His

Beauty, all a band by His Generosity. And His Beauty obliterates the vestige of ail other

beauty. His generosity debases the worth ofaU other generosity.,,247 In effect, those who

emigrate to the Kingdom and come closer to the King have achieved the angeHc

perfection, receiving the "sweetness of a subtle grace in their nature, goodness and

penetrating wisdom in their thoughts, the privilege of being the final term to which all

knowledge refers"; hence when they retum from His Palace to the Terrestrial world, they

all depart bearing a "mystical gift.,,248 Towards the end of the conversation, l:Iayy ibn

Yaq?in, finally, invites the adept to the Orient with him as the former has to fulfill bis

service to Him. Nevertheless, as the adept bas been awakened to himseIt: he is welcome

to follow the sage and join with him in meeting the King, the Obeyed.

3.1..1.2. The Recitalofthe Bird

The realization of the Sage's invitation to joumey towards the Orient is described

by Ibn sTna in bis wode, The Recital of the Bird. This leCital touches UPOn the adept's

journey to the Orient in the form of a bird.249 Before bis joumey, the adept falls into a

trap laid by hunters and is unable to free himself. This situation forces him. and the rest of

2~id., p. 362.

247Ibid., p. 372.

2"sIbid., pp. 364 and 374.

249Ibn sini, "al-Tayr:' in J:lasan ~~i's AI-Taftjr aI-Qur'ani wa al-Lughah aI-$üfryyah, p. 339.

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the birds to strive for their liberty and, together as brothers, to forget their other sorrows

and pains. He is no longer conscious ofthe state which he is experiencing. Moreover, he

forgets their existence and the cage confining them. Thanks to a group of birds that have

managed to free their heads and wings from the cage, they prepare to escape. They finally

answer bis request to help free him from the same suffering, but are unable to remove the

cord from bis feet. Along with his fiiends, the Bird begins bis sojoum.

After avoiding further mares and two mountainsides, they finalIy reach the peak of

the tirst mountain and continue to fly until coming ta the eight mountain.250 They rest for

an hour as they are too fatigued to continue their joumey. There, they enjoy such delights

as gardens, a Iovely palace, a captivating Pavillon and streams of living waters. There,

they hear lovely songs and instrumental music, and inhale the MOst beautifully scented

perfumes. However, recalling the danger that aftlicted them, they leave the place and

direct themselves to the ninth mountain. There they are welcomed by attractive music,

gorgeous colors, and hospitable associates. The companions tell them of the sufferings

they have endured. Told by their hosts that the King lives beyond that mountain, they

hasten ta the city of the King. After waiting for a while in His court, they are finally

brought before Hîm. The description oftheir experience.is as follows:

When we had crossed il, a curtain was drawn before us, disclosing a hall sospacious and radiant that it made us forget the first court, or rather,compared with this the other seemed of liule account. Finally, we reachedthe King's oratory. When the last curtain had been drawn and ail theKing's beauty shane before the eyes, our heart bang upon it and we were

25ou,id., pp. 340-341.

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seized with a stupor 50 great that it prevented us from giving words to ourcomplaints.2S1

The King aIso realizes their weakness, and graciously allows them to recite their story to

Rim. But He replies: "None can unbind the bond that fetters your feet save those who tied

it. Now will 1 send them a Messenger to lay it uPOn them to satisfy you and remove your

fetters.,~2 In the end, they depart on another joumey with the King's Messenger, that is

the Angel, as their companion. This last joumey of the adept, who bas by now reached

the level ofal- 'âriJ: is perhaps reflected in the RecitalofSatiunan wa Absal.253

3.1.1.3. The RecitalofSali""" andAbsil

Salimin and Absil are brothers. Absil, being the younger of the two, was

brought up in the presence of bis brother. He grew to become intelligent, handsome and

learned. Salamin'5 wife had fallen desperately in love with him. She tries a number of

tricks in order to draw him to her bosom. One of these tricks is to Persuade Absil to

marry her sister. She tells Absil that her sister is a shy person, so that he is forbidden to

speak to her during the day. On the night of bis wedding, Salimân's wife takes her

sister's bed and lies there. Once Absil comes to the bed, she passionaœly reaches for

him. Absil is surprised for a moment and wonders why this normally shy woman has

251Ibi~ p. 342. Sec aIso Corbin's translation in bis work, Avicenna and the Visionary Recitals, p.191.

252Ibn sTni, "ai-Tayr,n in I:fasan ~~i's AI-TaftÎr al-Qur'anÎ wa a/-Lughah al~ufryyah, p. 342. Seealso Corbin's translation in bis work, Avicenna and the Visionary Recitals, p. 191.

253There are two versions of the Recital ofSalQma" and Ahsal. The tirst one a translation of aGreek original A RecitalofSaraman and AhsQ/ by the famous translator, l:Iunayn ibn Isl)iq (cl 873), whilethe second one is the work entided the Recital ofsaraman and AbsQ/ attributed by N~ir aI-DIn 81-rüsI taIbn Sina. However, since the work bas an af6nity with Ibn SIni's other work and is also mentioned in bisautobiography by his faithful studen~ al-JurjinI, the the Recital ofSaTaman andAhsQ/ is considered one ofIbn Sina's worlcs. See Corbin, Avicenna and The Visionary Recital, pp. 204-205.

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acted so aggressively. At that time, a heavy cloud covers the heavens and the flashes of

lightening allow Absat to recognize her face. At once, he shoves her away and leaves the

room.

Absm asks Salimin's permission to let hint participate in a military expedition.

He wins many victories on land and sea, in both East and West, for bis brother.

Salaman's wife, however, bas not stopped loving him. Now that he is back, she once

again falls in love with him, but he refuses. She discovers a way to take revenge on him

for bis refusai when he is sent by Salimin to lead the troops to war. She induces bis

generals to abandon the battle. As a result, Absil is defeated and seriously wounded, but

a wild beast nurses him. until he recovers. Absil once again retums to bis brother, who by

then is surrounded by enemies. He seizes the enemies and restores bis brother to bis

position as King. Seeing tbat her tricks have not yet succeed~ Salamin's wife finally

persuades the cook and the food server to poison Absàl and he dies. Absil's death causes

Salaman to faIl into a deep depression. Appointing some people to manage bis affairs, he

begins meditating and conversing secredy with the Lord. At Iast, God reveals the

circumstances of bis brother's death. Salimin then poisons bis wife, the cook and the

food server,just as they had done to Absat.

After this brief survey of the trilogy of recitals, we must now examine wbat Ibn

Sma's purpose was in aIluding to tbis type ofsymbolic tales in the last part ofbis work 01­

/shOrat wa al-Tanb/Mt. Did he intend to pursue the explanation of the Oriental

philosophy, as bas been suggested by scholars such as Corbin, Nasr, Bakr and Inati; or did

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he intend something else"fS4 Does this confirm that he possessed or adopted a mystical

strain in bis thought? Why did he, as one of the MOst rational philosophers in Islam, use

such recitaIs ta malee bis point? Ofcourse, this attempt to argue the connection between

mysticism and rationalism bas been the subject of debate even since A. F. Mehren first

analyzed Ibn S'ini's mystical treatïses, and the debate continues.255 It would nevertheless

be useful here to consider once again Ibn sIni's uses of the recitals as well as their

relation to bis other worles, like the Ishëzrat, and to Süfism in general, as we shall do in the

foUowing part.

3.1.2. Ibn S'ini's Uses of the Recitals and their Relation to the [slli,it

and to ~üfism

As noted in the preceding, scholars interpret differently the three narratives.

While Brocke!mann insinuates that Ibn sIni's recitals are a "dry allegory,,,256 Heath

insists on the dimensions of logos and muthos in the stories. In a different light, Corbin

and Nasr focus on understanding the symbolic language and the presentation of the

narratives. For them, Ibn s'ina's recitals constitute far more than a type of allegorical

literature, in which the written words of the narratives are meant to he something eise. In

this respect, it is interesting to note the way in which Ibn sInâ employs the recitals.

2S4Ibid., pp. 271-278; Nasr, An lruroduetion 10 /s/amie Cosm%gica/ Doctrines, pp. 263-274; lnati,Ibn Sfna and Myslicism RemQ1'k and A.dmonitions: Part FoUI', pp. 64-65; and Baia, "Ibn sini'sMethodological Approach Towards the Study ofNature in His 'Oriental Philosophy'," Hl 7, no. 2 (1984):pp. 33-49.

25sHea~A/legory andPhi/osophy in Avieenna, p. 7.

2S6C. Brockelmann, A History ofthe /s/amic Peop/es, tr. J. Carmic:hael and M. Perlmann (NewYork: G. P. Putnam's SOO5, 1944), p. 210.

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3.1.2.1. The Uses ofSymboUe Narratives in Ibn Sini'i WritiDp

There are various considerations to he made when identifying the uses ofsymbolic

narrative in Ibn sIni's works. Corbin insists on describing the trilogy of recitals as

symbolic narrative, as distinguished from "allegory." In other words, "symbol" and

--allegory" are not the same. While symbol refers to the unique expression of reality

symbolized in a certain way, because it cannot he better expressed in ordinary language,

allegory, by contrast, retlects an artificial description or notion expressible in a variety of

ways.257 To understand the meaning of a symbol, one must tom back to wbat it

symbolizes, i.e., to the hidden rea1ity underlying il. The close connection between

symbol (mi/ha!) and the symbolized (mamthül) is similar to that ofthe exoteric aspect of

religion (~ahir) which retains a connection to the esoteric dimension (batin).258 To put it

differently, there is no need to allegorize, when the meaning ofthe subject is found at the

LiteraI level.2S9 Seen from this perspective, the symbolic recital is not the same as an

allegorical work -the former communicates the spontaneous experience which bas been

attained by the soule Thus because Ibn s'ina'5 trilogy of recitals touches uPQn the

experience of the soul, it is appropriate to classify them as symbolic narratives.

However, those who argue that Ibn sIna's trilogy consists of aIlegories cannot he

faulted. Heath, as mentioned earlier, points out that aIlegory encompasses genres, ranging

from fiction to recitals and exegeses.260 Ibn Sma's trilogy fits into this framework.

2S7Corbin, Avicenna and The Visionary Recital, pp. 30-31.

25&lbid.

25~leteher, A.llego",: The Theo", ofA Symbolic Mode, p. 7•

2~eath, Allego", and Philosophy inAvice~p. 4.

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TraditionallY7 allegory is oftwo types. One is 5~terpretive a1Iegoryn which bas ta do with

the notion of 5'wisdom7~ and, as wisdom cannot speak for itseIt: the author bas ta

transform this notion into the life of a man who is wise. The other is 55compositional

allegory" which personifies a varlety ofcharacters and thoughts, 50 that the agenda of the

story cornes ta life.261 These two features of aIlegory can he combined in a story

communicating the message ofwisdom through characters personifying men or thoughts.

Thus it is not surprising that Ibn SIni7s trilogy also bas something to do with Oriental

Wisdom (al-/IÎlcmah al-Mashriqiyyah). Ibn sIna personifies the characters and the

thoughts which are closely connected to the notion of wisdom7 50 that bis recitals

transform the primary message. For this reason, the application of alIegory to Ibn Sma's

recitals at this level is understandable.

Ibn Sma's use of the recitals, however7extends beyond communicating the secret

of"wisdom." His purpose is al50 ta transform mystical experience symbolically, 50 as ta

make it comprehensible to others. Indeed, Ibn Sma's manner of expressing mystical

experience and thoughts was borrowed from a varlety of traditions -Mazdaism,

Neoplatonism, the IshriqiyyüD, Hermetistic gnosticism, Manichaeism, and Greek and

Isma'ili gnosis, as noted by Corbin. His use ofrecitals, however, does not invalidate the

mysticai experience and technique ofthe author in expressing bis mystical experience.

The most substantiai influence on Ibn Slni's recitals, for Corbin, is probably

261Jon Wbitm~ A/legory: The Dynamics of An Ancient and Medieval Technique (Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1987), pp. 3-7.

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gnostieisIll,262 rather than classical $üfism.263 This is why he insists on the importance of

the Angel, something which is not emphasized by the tawl1fd of classical ~üfism. The

idea of the Guide in The Recital ofIfayy ibn Yaq~Qn, which apPearS also in suhrawardi's

Recital of Occidental Exile, corresponds to the feminine angel Daëna in Mazdaïsm.

Another instance is the pair of Salimin and Absil, which resembles that of Prometheus

and Epimetheus in Hennetistic gnosticism. The celestial ascent, which confonDS to the

cosmogonie myth of Isma'ili gnosis, apPeaIS as the "mystical earthly pilgrimage" in Ibn

Sma's Recital of the Bird and Suhraward1's Recital of Occidental Exile. Of course,

Corbin points also ta the possible links between gnosticism and Süfism, especially Ibn

Sma's allusion ta the RecitalofSataman andAbsal in IshOrat and the development of the

mi 'raj idea.

The Recital ofSalaman and Absal itself, according ta Ibn sIni, is an allusion ta

one's life and rank in mystical knowledge CirjQn). Salaman exemplifies the self in

attempting to follow the mystical way, while Absal is one's rank in mystical knowledge.

Interestingly, this recital refers to the theory ofmysticism which he intended ta describe in

the Isharat.264 Therefore, Ibn sIni had bis own agenda, intending the recital to serve as a

prelude to bis discussion ofthe mystic-knower ('âri/), the rank ofmystical knowledge and

2621t derives from the Grcek word, "gnosis" which means "knowledge." HistoricaUy, it refers ta amarginal heterodox movement in Cbristianïty during the second century A.D. The Fathers of the ChristianChurch were vigorously opPOsed ta this movement due ta the gnosties' rejectîon of the Gad of Israel andtheir views that "the spirit was good and matter wu evil.ft As the material world was created, its creator hadto he an evil. They, nonetbeless, claimed to be Christians, believing Jesus ta be the Messiah who came to theworld of darkness. See Dan Merkur. Gnosis: An Esoteric Tradition of Mystical Visions and Unions(Albany: State University ofNew York Press, 1993), p. Ill.

26JFrom a conversation with Prof. Hermann Landolt, 27 October 1997.

264Corb~Avicenna and The Visionary Recitals, p. 226.

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the experiential process ofmystical experience.

3.1.2.2. The ConneetioD betweeD the Recitals and the [slli,it

There is no doubt that a connection between the recitals and the Ishârat somehow

can be made. While the recitals may be said to he gnostic in nature, the Isharat retlects

existing Süfism. In fact, the word "ishOraf' itself means '~signs, remarks, indications,

allusions, symbolic expressions, or hints," while "tanhthat" means '~arnings,

admonitions, or cautionary advice." Perhaps Ibn sIna chose the title al-IshQrizt with al-

KaIibidhl's definition of the science of allusions ('ilm al-ishOral) in mind. Al-

Kalibidhl's description is as follows:

Beyond this are the sciences of thoughts, the sciences of contemplationsand revelations: these sciences are entirely comprised in the science ofallusion (ishârah), and this is the science par excellence of the Siifis,which theyacquire after they have mastered all the sciences which we havementioned. The term '~allusion" is given to this science for this reason: thecontemplations enjoyed by the heart, and the revelations accorded to theconscience (si") cannot he expressed literalIy; theyare leamt through theactual mystical experience, and they are only known to those who haveexperienced these mystical states and lived in these stations.265

Before mastering this knowledge, al-KalibidhI suggests, one bas to start with

religious knowledge, and proceed to the "science of wisdom" «ilm al-tzilcmah, by which

he means psychological introSPection) and, then, the "science of gnosis" «ilm 01-

ma 'rifah, which, again, means here '~tching over the thoughts" rather than '~gnosis" as

"the knowledge of 000,').266 ln other words, al-KalibidhI's "science ofwisdom" and of

265al-Kilibidhi, aJ-Ta'tlIT!if li Madhhab Ah! al-Ttl.fawwuf, pp. 99-100. See aIso A. J. Arberry'stranslation, The Doctrine ofthe ~üfis, p. 76•

266al-Kilibidhf, a/-Ta'arnrf li Madhhab Ah! a/-Tarawwuf, p. 99. Sec aJso A. J. Arberry'stranslation, The Doctrine ofthe ~ufis, p. 76.

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~'gnosis" correspond here to 'Um al-firasah in the beginnjng of the Recital oflfayy ibn

Yaq~an. As mentione~ this knowledge allows the perception of the hidden character of

every man, i.e. a kind of supematural psychology. Moreover it is according to al-

Kalabadhi followed by "contemplations and revelations" which are reserved for those

who have had "mystical states and Iived in these stations.,,267 ln this connection, al­

KalabadhI's curriculum is remarkably similar to Ibn Sini's training. Having started with

religious sciences, philosophy, and Oriental Wisdom, Ibn sIna, as evidenced in his

writings, ended with the science ofmysticism ( 'irjQn).

Let us DOW retum to the connection between the recitals and the /shâra/. One

connection is the idea of joumey. The recitals, for instance, refer to the cosmological

joumey. They describe the ditTerent spheres which l:Iayy invites the adept to visit and

which the Bird will reach. The /shQrat, by contrast, is more concemed with the

psychological movements (/;zaralcQt) of the sout, just as a1-KaIabidhI was concemed with

psychological introSPection. It a1so expounds on the training which the sou! bas to follow

and the rank to he reached by the soul. However, both the recitals and the fshâra/ point to

the significance of the joumey of the soul and the soul's presence before the Obeyed

King, so that no othemess separates the soul from the One as it reaches the One and then

retums to the terrestrial world.

Another connection between the recitals and the /shOra/ is the initiation of the

joumey. Both works indicate that the initiation of the joumey is spontaneous willingness

267a1_KiIibidhl, a/-Ta'arru.f li Madhhab Ahl a1-T~awwuf, p. 100. See aIso A. J. Arberry'stranslation, The Doctrine oflhe ~uiis, p. 76.

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(al-irëulah) which drives one ta perform the joumey in arder ta reach the One. In the

recitals, the moment ofdeparture for the initiation of the joumey begins by the time I:Iayy

ibn Yaq~ converses on the science ofphysiognomy ti/m al-firâsah). This science was

originally reserved for the Angels ta excel~ but it is a1so possible for those who are able

ta perceive the hidden depths of the their nature and ta choose the right companions.

Similarly, the lshiuat depicts the initiation of joumey as a spontaneous willingness (a/­

iradah) to reach the Truth. The combination of wilJjngness and spiritual exercise leads

one's soul into the tranquillity that allows him ta perceive the hidden nature of the

supematural, as depicted by the science ofphysiognomy ('ilm al-firasQh).

The guide on the path a1so points ta the connection between the recitals and the

/sharat. The recitals assume that the Guide is an Angel, whereas the lsharat empbasizes

the role of the Prophet. The recitaIs, as seen earlier, accentuate the importance of the

Guide in leading the adept back to bis original disposition and in pointing the way ta the

One. The Guide May he identified by different means. Corbin, for instance, suggests that

a possible link May exist between the idea of guide and gnosticism. However, it is a1so

possible ta connect the notion of Guide to "the King Messenger," the Angel Gabriel

depicted in the Recital ofthe Bird. In the lshârat, the Guide is difIerently named. The

reference to one who wishes to lead the adept to the Truth is based on the model of the

Prophet.

In addition to what we have mentioned above, Ibn sIni himself in the IshOrat

points to the significance of mystical stations and states that Salamin represents the seIt:

white Absil is an instance of one's rank in mystical knowledge ('irfan). It bas been

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suggested that the Recital ofSalaman and Absal symbolizes the stations (maqamat) and

the ranks (darajat) of the mystic-knowers (al- ~Qrijün) insofar as they deserve il. In this

connection, Absil perhaps represents one of the mystic-knowers (01- ~arijUn) whose life

has been guided by the Angel (the K.ïng's Messenger) ofl:layy ibn Yaq?-in. More simply,

one could say that Absil represents the mystic-knower (al- ~Qri.fJ, because he attempts to

free himselffrom the temptation of the world (Salimin's wife). One's degree in ~irjQn is,

then, simply the extent to which one is capable ofsuch hœration.268

Without endorsing N~Ir al-Dm al-TüsI's interpretation as such, Corbin agrees

with him that Absil exemplifies "the intellectus contemp/ativus," meaning the upper part

of the soul, the ''terrestrial ange!" that desires union with ''the Angel Holy Spirit" and thus

typifies ''the degree ofprogress in mystical gnosis.,,269 Insofar as the practical intellect is

paired with the contemplative intellect, Salimin is, then, a symbol of the second

"terrestrial angel," the one whose acts and writings are dictated by the first. Therefore,

Saiamin and Absil are two figures representing the two guardian angels mentioned in

I:Iayy ibn Yaq~.270 Of course, Absil is spiritually superior, since he is the mystic-

knower (the 4ZuifJ whose life and death is to he read in a mystical sense.

ln the light of the connection discussed above, there seems to he an overlap of

ideas between Ibn s'ina's recita1s and the /shQrat. This does not Mean that the two cao

simply be identified from the outset; but it May he seen in various ways. One such

overlapping is the way in which Ibn sIni expresses bis ideas ofmystical knowledge. His

261Personal conversation witb Prof. Hermann Landolt, 27 October 1997.

269See Corbin, A"icenna and The Visionary Recilal~ p. 227.

270lbid.

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expressions do not always conform to the existing ~üfism of bis clay. Being indebted ta

gnosticism, he uses examples whicb have much more in common with gnostic tradition.

The Recital of Salaman and Absal, for instance, bears a similar title to that of the

Hennetistic version ofSalaman andAbsa/, while the ascension shares a resemblance with

a passage in the Helcha/ot Rabbati ofMerkabah mysticism.271 Nevertheless, this does not

Mean that there is no link al aIl hetween the recitals and ~üfism. As we will he seen, such

a connection does exist.

3.1.2.3. The ConneetioD betweeD the Recitals and ~uJSm

The recitais are connected in sorne way or another with Süfism. This connection

May be viewed in a variety of ways. One way is a method shared by Ibn sina and the

Süfis. The manner in wbich Ibn sina expresses bis ideas in the Recital of /fayy ibn

Yaq~an is remarkably similar to that found aIso in some ~üfi rnanuais. As a matter of

fac~ this recital is written in the form of questions and answers, just like Tirmidhi's sirat

al-Awliya '.

The ~iïfi method is also apparent in Ibn siDa's Recital ofthe Bird. In the form ofa

Bird, an adept, accompanied by bis Guide, joumeys to the city where the King bas bis

abode, traveling through aIl the climes like the Prophet in bis ascension (Mi lral) ta meet

the beloved God, the One and the Obeyed.272 Abü Yazid al-Bi$mi (d. 875), for instance,

modeled bis ascension on aIl the stations which Mul}ammad visited during bis Mi lrQj.273

27IMerkur, Gnosis: An Esoteric Tradition ofMystica/ Visions and Unions, p. 196-197.

272For the mi'ra.; - theme, see Gerhard Bowerïng's article on "M;'raj," in~ vol. 9, pp. 552-556.

273Corbin, Âvicenna and The Yisionary Recitals, p. 168.

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The former, like Ibn sina, metaphorized bis ascension in the form of a bird which flies

from one clime to another in search of the divine throne where God abides.274 The vision

of the divine "place" ("King") also occurred to al-Tinnidhi, as he mentions in bis

autobiography. While in the state of wakefulness~ he experienced proximity "to the

location of God's Throne" {makOn a/- ~arsh).27S Ibn sIni, for bis part, symbolized the

joumey of the soul in the fonn ofa bird which finally retums to the terrestrial world with

the King's Messenger.

In this resPeC~ Ibn sIni's trilogy of recitals could possibly symbolize bis own

experience of the soule l:Iayy's portrait, "the Sage-youth as 'bierophany' of the Active

Intelligence," appears to resemble Ibn s'ina's innermost life and represents "an integral

part of the spirituallife of the master qua philosopher.,,276 Because Ibn s'ina grasped

intuitively that a certain path leads to the divine throne, he felt perfectly prepared for the

joumey to the "Orient.,,277 There, the soul feels an overwhelming bliss because of the

King's Beauty which beautifies aIl realities. The soul finally retums to the terrestrial

worId with the Kïng's Messenger. In this connectio~ he closes bis recital with the story

ofSalaman and Absil, who lived in a world ofcorruption but had the status ofangels.

Ibn s'ina's own spiritual experience was, then, paradigmatic of the mystical

experience of the mystic-knowers (a/- ~Qrijün). Without any doub~ there are seminal self-

274See Abü N~ ·Abd Allah b. ·AII al-Sanij a1-TüsL Kilab al-Luma' fi a/-T~awwu.t: edited byReynold Alleyne Nicholson (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 19(4), pp. 384-385.

27SSee the autobiography of at.J:laklm Al-Tinnidhi, The Concept ofSainthood in Ear/y ls/amicMysticism, annotated translation wim introduction by Bernard Radtke and John 0 Kane (Richmond: CurzonPress, 1996), p. 22.

276Corbin, Avicenna and The Visionary Recitais, p. 154.

277AI-Sarrij, KilQb al-Luma'fi al-T~awwuj;pp. 384-385.

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realizations in every mystical experience. In fact, the experience shared by the Sü:fi and

the 'arifhas given birth to a type ofspiritual modeI where ecstasy is raised to the peak of

contemplation and the bUss ofvision.278 Thus, Ibn siDa, who was known as "a reasonable

man, of sound, and penetrating judgment," as indicated in the epiIogue to bis Risalat al-

Tayr. finally bas to speak ofhis mystical experience in a language conforming with Süfi

tradition.

3.2. The Süfi Terminology and lu Uses iD Ibn Siui's WritiDgs

Regarding Ibn sIna's uses of language and Süfi terminology in bis al-Ishiuat wa

a/-Tanbthat, and Risalahft Mahiyyat al- '/shq, there are two things to he noted. The first

one bas to do with the analytical description of 'irjQn, the second one with the

significance ofthe notion of 'ishq. Ofcourse, previous studies on Ibn sica and mysticism

have recognized Ibn s'ina's uses ofSüfi terminology. Heath draws attention to Ibn Sma's

uses the terro al-lfaqq, which Uterally means "the truth" in reference to God, as it does for

the SiitÎS.279 One may argue, however, that this use a1so occurs in the Neoplatonic

"Theology ofAristotle."

Gutas argues that symbol, aIlegory and the Süfi terminology in Ibn sIna's writings

are a means of transmitting the knowledge to audiences most capable of receiving it.28o

As proofof this opinio~ Gutas presents us with the example of the 'ârifin the last part of

a/-/sharat wa al-Tanbihat. where the Orifis depicted as a person whose human rational

271Corb~ Âvicenna and The Yisionary Recitals, p. 168.

~eath, A//egory andPhilosophy in Avicenna (Ibn Sïna), p. lOS, note 61 .

2IOGutas, "Aviœnna V: Mysticism," in EI~ p. 80.

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soul has attained the level of the acquired intellect -in the allegory of I:Iayy ibn Yaq?in

this corresponds to Ibn sina's theory ofthe 5Oul.281 Gutas therefore insists that despite the

Sufi terms used, Ibn s'ina is not really talking about mysticism at ail.

Even ifone is convinced that Ibn Sma employed ~üfi terminology in bis writings,

this hardly proves that he was expressing bis own experience. Nevertheless, we will try ta

determine this through an anaIysis ofIbn Sina's use of~üfi term.inology in bis [shOrat and

the last part of Risa/ah fi Mahiyyat al- '[shq. The two MOst important terms for our

purpose are mystical knowledge (~irfan) and the notion of love (0/- ~ishq).

3.2.1. An ADalytïeal DescriptioD of Mystical Knowledge eIrjill)

This section deals with various points in attempting ta discuss Ibn Sma's concept

of mystical knowledge. One bas to do with the origin of the term mystical knowledge as

it was understood in different movements, such as gnosticism, Neoplatonism and ~üfism.

The second point is the nature of the mystic-knower (al- ~Qrif) and its distinction from that

of other groups -like the "ascetic'" (al-zâhid) and the ''worshipper'' (a/- 'obid). The third

point pertains to the Prophet., who May he seen to play the role ofa Model in any attempt

to perfect the self with a view to becoming a mystic-knower (a/- 'Ori./). The two last

points deal with the method of achieving mystical knowledge ( 'irfan) and its reflection in

the characteristics ofthe 'arif. Let us however begin with the first point.

3.2.1.1. The Origin of the Term "Mystieal Knowledge"

The term mystical knowledge ( ';rjQn or ma'rifah) is employed in severa! contexts.

2I1Ibid.

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The first, mentioned earlier, is that of "gnosis" (knowledge), a quality possesses by the

Gnostics. Gnosticism in this context, was concemed mainly with mythological

knowledge, often dualistic in nature (e.g. light of the soulldarkness of the body) in the

mind of mystic-knowers. For this reason, it may not automatically he identical with $ütÏ

"gnosis" (ma 'rifàh, ';rjQn) which is based on taw/;lfd282

The second context for the term ma 'rifah or ';rjQn is found in the Neoplatonic

tradition. Ibn sIna holds a similar view to that of Plotinus who asserted that the Infinite

cannot he known but is nevertheless apprehensible.283 The apprehension of the Infinity

somehow provides a ground for the science of mysticism, "by means ofwhich the mystic

tries to find regularities and arrangements that make bis joumey to unity with the Infinite

possible.,,284

The last context is the use ofthe term ma 'ri/ah, particularly ma 'ri/at Allah, among

the ~ütls. These words, according Abü YazId, convey "a direct and immediate

knowledge of God. ,,28S This knowledge belongs to what is called the "mystic-knower"

(a/- 'ëIrif), with the object of bis knowledge (ma'riij) being Go<I.286 According to al-

Junayd, there are two types of ma'rifah, namely the gnosis of self-revelation (ta'arrufJ

and the gnosis of instruction (ta 'ri./). The meaning of the former is that God makes

2S20iscussion witb Prof. Hermann Landolt, 27 October 1997.

213See Mehdi Ha'iriy~ The Principle ofEpistemology in Islamic Philosophy: Knowledge byPresence (Albany: State University ofNew Vork. 1992), p. 170.

284Ibid.

2SSSee Abü Vazid's discussion on !bis issue in Abü al-Fa4I MuI)ammad aI-SahJagi, Kitizh al-K"urmin Ka/imat AbÏ {YazÏd] Tayfiïr, edited by 'Abd. Al-Ra~min Badawi in Shalahat a/~uf'YYah (Cairo:Maktabat aJ-Nah4atal-~ 1949), p. 97. Sec aJsa MulJammad 'Abdur Rabb, The Lift, Thollght andHis/arica/Importance ofAbu Yazid a/-Bistami(Dacca: The Academy for Pakistan Affairs, 1971), p. 125.

216Ibid.

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Himself known, and causes one to understand things through Him; this gnosis belongs to

the elect (al-Ichaw~~). As for ta'rif, it means that He shows the effect of His

Omnipotence in the Heaven and the sauI, thereby si8Difying tbat there is a Creator; this

sort ofgnosis belongs to the majority ofthe believers.287

Ibn sIna, for bis part, establishes the priority of having mystical knowledge

CirjQn) and apprehending Gad as the thing known (al_ma'riij).288 Once the mystic-

knower arrives at apprehending God as the "known" (al-ma 'rüj), he bas reached the

unending attainment (al-~l).289 Here, Ibn Sma's perspective on the possibility of

attaining the Truth (al-~l) by the mystic-knower (al- 'arifJ retlects bis treatment of the

language of 'irjQn. His language seems at this point to derive from bis own mystical

experience; he is not simply repeating what he bas read or been toid by others. By virtue

of this attainment, the mystic-knower acbieves the bighest rank compared to other groups,

such as the worshippers (al- 'ubbad) and the ascetics (al-zuhhQd).

3.2.1.2. The Distinctions between ~rij; ~Àbidt and Zihid

Ibn sIna further discusses the nature of the mystic-knower (al- 'QrifJ and the

experiential process of attaining the Truth in the ninth class of the last part of al-fsharat

wa al-Tanh/hat. There, he distingujshes the mystic-knower (al- 'QrifJ from the ascetic (al-

zahid) and the worshipper (al- 'ahid). While the mystic-knower (a/- 'arifJ seeks the truth

as his object, the ascetic (al-zahid) and the worshipper (a/- 'ohid) strive for a reward in the

217See al-KalibâdbÏ, al- Ta'arrufli-Madhhab Ahl al-TQ1awwiif, p. 70.

2IIIbn siDa, a/-lsharQr wa al-Tanb/har. p. 841.

mu,n s'ina, aJ-IsharQl wa a/-Tanbihot. p. 841.

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next life.

The distinctions between these three types of approaches (i.e.~ zQhid, 'abid and

'arifJ are as foUows. The zahid, according ta Ibn sIna, refers to one who abandons the

delights of the world. The 'abid, on the other han~ is one whose life is focused on

worship -prayer and fasting. Finally, the 'Qrij; is engaged in tuming bis thought towards

the saintliness of divine power and in pursuing the endless, illllmjnative lights of the

Truth (al-lfaqq) in bis "inner consciousness" (sirr, a Sufi term).290 These categories may

be combine~ depending on whether the zQhid or the Qbid is a1so an 'Qrif.

There are four categories of combinations between the zahid, the abid and the

'arif (1) The zahid who is not an 'arifuses bis asceticism to buy the pleasure of the next

life by forgoing the delights of the present one.291 He renounces whatever prevents him

from achieving reward from God. (2) The zahid who is an 'Qrifpractices asceticism in

order to abandon whatever diverts bis inmost thought trom the Truth (a/-lfaqq) and so as

to disregard everything other than the Truth. (3) The abid who is not an 'arif sees bis

devotion as a kind of exchange, in retum for which he expects a reward in the future

life.292 He is occupied with religious worship and feels satisfied with bis deeds.

Unfortunately, his worship is not intended for the sake of Gad, but for reward in the

hereafter. (4) The abid who is an 'Qrifrefers to those who see worship as a means of

29C1bn siDi, a/-lsharQl wa aI-Tanbihàt, vol. 4, pp. 799·802. See also [nati's translation in Ibn S'naand Mysticism, p. 81.

29IIbn sini, a/-lsharQl WQ aI-Tanbihàt, vol. 4, p. 801. See also Inati's translation in Ibn SÎna andMysticism, p. 82.

292[bn sini, a/-lsharQl wa aI-TanbÏhàt, vol. 4, p. 801. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn SÎna andMysticism, p. 82.

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exercising one's faculties -including the estimative and imaginative powers - in arder to

avoid falsehood and to he on the side orthe Truth.293

It is striking to note the similarity between Ibn siDa's definition of 'Qrif, zOhid, and

'abid and Abü Yazi"d's own categorization.294 The ooly term that is not mentioned by Ibn

Ski is that of knower (a/- 'aUm). Abü YazÏd, for instance, defines an 'àbid as someone

who is wary of committing sins and worships God for the sake of His reward. This

intention creates "a veil between him and God.,,29S Nonetheless, Abü yazid's views on

this issue were quite different from Ibn s'ini's. The former considered the z{zhid to

occupy a higher rank than the 'abilt by virtue of bis heing aware of God alone.296 Abü

YazId further said that the zahid "glances at God once and remains with Him; he does not

turn bis attention to anything else.,,297

By contrast, Ibn slni considers the 'abid to he of a degree higher than the zahid.

He reasons that worship ('ibadah) is a means ofspiritual exercise (rïyadah) for the 'abid

who is an tarif as well.298 After the exercise is completed, one's inner self becomes

receptive to the light of the Truth (a/-lfaqq) whic~ in efIect, leads ta the attainment of

sanctity and fixes one in that state without interference. However, ta attain the Truth, one

must follow the guidance ofthe Prophet, as we shall see in the following section.

29JIbn sinâ, al-Isharat wa a/-Tanb/hât, vol. 4, p. 801. Sec aIso lnati's translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 82.

294Abdur Rabb. The Life. Thollght and Historical Importance ofAbu Yazid al-Bistami, p. 133.

29SIbid., p.134.

~id.,

297Ibid•

291 Ibn sini, a/-/sharat wa al-Tanh/hât, vol. 4, p. SOI. See aJso lnati's translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 82.

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3.2.1.3. The Prophetie Model

After the pre1jmjnary discussion of the three type of approaches (i.e., zQhid, abid

and tari/), Ibn s'ina interestingly inserts a chapter on the significance ofthe Prophe~while

saying nothing about the mie of ~üfi masters -at least not directIy. He discusses the

necessity of the Prophet prior 10 bis explanation of mystical experience. Given that the

institution of divine Law is necessity for mankind, Ibn s'ina argues, there bas to he a

"legislator" (shiui) who is "distinguished by meriting obedience due to bis special

possession ofsigns that indicate that they are from the Lord." 299

It is therefore necessary, first of ail, to know both the "legislator" (Le., the

Prophet) and God as "the Retributer" for good and evil. 300 Further, as a reminder of this

knowledge, rePeated worsbip ('ibiJdah) is a necessity. The purpose of this kind of

'~emembrance,"then, is seen on three levels: firstly, it should lead to the continuation of

the caU for justice (in this world); secondly, for those individuals who practice this

"remembrance," it entails in addition "abundant reward" in the Other world; thïrdly, for

those among its practitioners who are aise "knowers" (Le., those who are both 'ahid and

'arif), it leads, in addition, to a henefit which is exclusive to them (i.e., vision of the

di · ) 301VIDe.

299Ibn Sln~ a/-IshOrQl wa al-Tanb/har, vol. 4~ p. 803. Sec aIso lDati~s translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 82.

Jooo,n sin~ a/-lsharQl wa al-Tanhihar. pp. 804-805. See aIso Inatf's translation in Ibn §ina andMysticism, p. 82.

JOllbn sIn~ a/-IsharQt wa al-Tanh/har, vol. 4, pp. 806-807. See aIso Inati's traDSlation in Ibn Sinâand Mysticism, p. 82.

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The necessity ofprophethood in Ibn sIna's thought should aIso he seen within the

framework of bis emanative metaphysics, epistemology and psychology.302 In bis

metaphysical proot: Ibn sIna often employs the term ~llecessity" for the existence of the

Prophet. The last chapter ofa/-Najat, entitled ~'the firmness ofthe prophecy and ethics of

the Prophet's preaching toward Gad and Afterlife," also shows how the Prophet

neeessarilyexists within societies.303

One of the primary functions of the Prophet is to teach human beings about the

Oneness of God (tawlIld). Another prophetie mission is to bring the teaching of the

Retum (ma 'âd) ta society. The Prophet bas to explain eschatological life in a language

which is understandable by society. Continuity in teaching the prophetie message,

however, becomes the responsibility ofthe followers ofthe Prophet. In this connection, it

is pennissible to translate the message of God, wbich contains codes and symbols, into

philosophical terms, insofar as this May stimulate good deeds in bath earthly and heavenly

life. This way May he beneficial to everyone, including ordinary people, in terms of

fixing the remembrance of Gad within oneselt: It is also in this way that human beings

ean preserve the teachings and the way (sharl 'ah) of the Prophet in preparation for the

afterlife.

Apart from possessing the bighest ethica1 and metaphysical degree ofprophethood

among the people, prophets have SPecial POwers ealled "imaginative prophecy" in their

302Michael Marmura's introduction ta [bD sini's fi [thbat a/-Nrdnlwwah (Beirut: Dar aI­Nahar, 1968), p. vili.

303lbn sIna, al-Najat, edited by MuI)yl aI-oin Sabrl aI-Kurdi (second edition 193&).

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souls which intuitively grasp the things revealed by Goo.304 This power is related to Ibn

Sina's proofof the theory ofprophecy from the scheme of intellect.305 He introduces the

Prophetic inteUect within the ftamework of human intellect.306 There are different types

of intellect shared by aIl human beings: material intellect ("aq/ hayü/anl), habituai

intellect ('aq/ hi a/-ma/a/rah) and aetual intellect ('aql hi a/-fi "1). Each intellect differs in

sorne degree from the other. ~~ophetic intellect" possesses what Ibn sIna calls acquired

intellect ('aql mustajQd), which emanates from the Active Intelligence and bas the ability

to receive the forms ofuniversal intelligible.

Beyond acquired intellect (·aq/ mustafOd), there is angelic intellect ('aq/ qudsl),

which exists by necessity and bas something to do with the reception of the universal

Active Intellect directlyand intuitively, without any Mediation. This power belongs ooly

to the prophets, in whom '~e degrees of excellence in the realm of materiaI forms"

culminate.,,307 In effect, the prophets reeeive revelation in the emanative process through

the angel (Active Intelligence), who descends upon them. They are aIso able to receive

the imprint ofwhat they have seen in their souls. Because ofthese qualities, the prophets,

including the Prophet Mu~ammad, are perfect models and govem people through

revelation.

JOoaIbn sIni, a/-/shàrQl wa a/-Tanh/hm. p. 881.

JOSMichael E. Mannura's translation of Ibn sini's "On the Proof of Propbecies and thelnterpretation of the Prophets' Symbols and Metapbors" in Lemer and Mahdi. Medieval PoliticalPhilosophy: A Sourcebook(ltbaca, New York: Comell University Press, 1991), pp. 112-121.

J~ P,ophecy in Islam. pp. 14-19.

J07Marmura's translation of Ibn S'ini's "On the Proof of Prophecies and the Interpretation of theProphets' Symbols and Metapbors," p. 114. See also Ibn sIna's work, "Fi Ithbit al-Nubuwwit wa Ta'wllRumüzihim wa Amthilihim," p. 97.

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The prophetic quality is a1so extended ta those who have achieved the saintly

world (a/- 'a/am a/-qudsll. Members of this elect group naturally are disposed to he

receptive to '~gs invisible.n Its spiritual traces MaY he in the form of dreams~

inspiratio~ and revelation and may occur in the state of either sleep or wakefulness.30S

People possessing these qualities~ including the 'Qrit are in touch with the hidden world

and are able to forecast future events on earth. [t would he difficult for an ordinary person

to understand exactly how they can speak of invisible experience.

From this PerSpective, the observance ofworship in order to remind oneselfof the

object of worship~ as indicated in the lsharat, become understandable. The present

benefit is to preserve the remembrance of God and His ordinances, so that the justice

imposed by the legislator Prophet becomes visible in society, while the future benefit

awaits one in the Hereafter.

More abondant benefi~ however, is reserved for the 'arif who tums bis face

toward GOd.309 The 'arifalso pursues none other than the First Truth and favors nothing

other than the knowledge (';rjQn) ofand worship ofHim. This is because He is deserving

of worship and one's connection to Him is noble~ not because of desire or fear. Even if

such desire or fear should exi~ it would only he the motive, while the Truth remains the

object sougbt. In etIect, it is here that the signs ofGod's Wisdom (al-J,;lcmah), Mercy (a/-

ral!",ah) and Grace (al-ni'mah) are presen~ inasmuch as there is a consistent attempt ta

308Ibn sinâ, aI-lsharat wa aJ-Tanbihat, p. 886. see aJso lnati's translation p. 102.

J~n sinâ, a/-/shQrat wa a1-Tanbihat. p. 80S. See also Inati's translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 83.

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establish and to preserve the LaW.3IO Nevertheless, those who seek the Truth onlyas an

intermediary will taste only a measure of the pleasure afforded by this life and the next;

whereas those who seek for the Truth and prefer Him to anything else, will have more

abundant pleasure, as promised by the prophets. For that reaso~ it is necessary to follow

certain stages that lead one to enjoy the vision ofthe Truth and to attain it in reality.

3.2.1.4. The ExperieDtial Process ofMystiw Knowledge eIrjin)

The delight of envisioning the Tl'Uth, however, is felt only when one reaches the

end of one's journey towards Hîm. In this respect, there are certain stages to he

completed, so that Truth becomes the object of one's movement. The primary phase is

that the adept is overcome by (ya 'tarï1 a profound desire to establish a connection with

sanctity leading to the attainment of spiritual union (TÜ1J a/-;tti~al). This motion is called

by the <arijün, 'willingness' (a/-iradah), a Süfi term, which leads to this attainment either

through "demonstrative certainty" (al-yaqin al-burhOni; or "tranquillity of the soul due to

the confinnation of faith" (al- 'aqd a/-imani).311 The further stage is the spiritual exercise

(al-riyacfah) which aims at three purposes: (1) eliminating everything short of the Truth

(or God); (2) subjugating the provocative sou! (al-nafs al-ammarah) to the satisfied soul

(al-nafs al-mutma 'innah)in order that the imaginative and estimative POwers he captured

in the appropriate imagination of saintly matters, allowing the 'arif to tom away from

JllThn sina, a/-lsharQl wa al-TanbihOt. pp. 807-809.

JIlIbn siDa, al-Isharat wa al-Tanbihar, vol. 4, pp. 819-820. Sec aIso Inati's translation in Ibn Sinaand Mysticism, p. 85.

8S

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base things; and (3) preparing the intimate consciousness (ta/iif a/-si") for awareness

(tanabbuh).312

Ibn sIna further mentions different forms ofassistance available to one who wants

ta achieve these goalS.313 The tirst ofthese is true asceticism (a/-zuM a/-lJaqiqi}.314 The

second fonn consists of a variety of aids: worship (a/- 'ibadah) a10ng with thought (a/­

filer) .. the use of tunes (perhaps a reference to the Süfi practice of sama '), and spiritual

advice.3lS Subtle thought and pure love (a/- 'ishq al- 'afif), constitute the third form, which

"is commanded by the qualities of the beloved (a/-ma 'shUq). not by the power of

appetite." 316

Ta a certain extent, '~gness" (a/-iradah) and "spiritual exercise" (a/-riya4ah)

lead the mystic-knower (a/- 'arif) to the stage of what is known to Sü.fis as ''moments''

(awqat).317 At this stage, he enjoys the vision of the Truth's dazzling appearance. A

"moment" is encompassed by two sensations: "an ecstasy for the Truth" (wajd ilayh) and

"an ecstasy over the passing away of the Truth" (wajd 'alayh).318 Agam, "moments"

(awqat) and "ecstasy" (wajd) are Süfi terms. These overwhelming feelings will continue

312Ibn slni, a/-IsharQl wa al-Tanbihat, vol. 4, pp. 820-822. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn sinaand Mysticism, p. 85.

313Ibn S~ al-IsharQl wa al-Tanbihilt, pp. 822-827. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn sina andMysticism, p. 85.

314 Ibn slni, al-/sharat wa al-Tanbihat. p. 822. See also Inati's translation in Ibn sina andMysticism, p. 85.

315 Ibn siDa, al-/sharQl wa al-Tanbihat. pp. 823-825. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn sina andMysticism, p. 85.

316 Ibn siDa, a/-/sharQt wa al-Tanbihat. pp. 826-827. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn sina andMysticism, p. 85.

317 Ibn s'ina, a/-/sharQt wa al-Tanhihit. p. 828. See also Inati's translation in Ibn Sinâ andMysticism, p. 86.

318 Ibid.

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to increase if the tarifremajns in an attitude of MeditatiOn, and will go on preoccupying

him even after this experience.319 For in effect, whenever he views something he will

evaluate that thing in terms of its sanctity, as though the Truth (al-lfaqq) were manifested

in everything.320 Moments offainting and unrest will eventualIy cease.

Thus, bis spiritual exercise (riyatjah) leads him to a goal which, in tum, converts

bis moment into the state of tranquillity (saldnah).321 He becomes acquainted with the

bright light (shihilban bayyinan) and attains knowledge (ma tarifJ of the Truth as if it were

a permanent friend with whom he sbares delightful rapture of the Truth.322 At this level,

however, moments of rapture are followed by loss and regret. He therefore becomes

"present while being absent, and stationary while marching on.,,323 Up to a certain point,

this gnosis oecors only occasionally (aJIyanan) but this increases with every level UDtil he

reaches it whenever he wants.324 Finally, beyond this level, this no longer depends on bis

wish.

After completing ail these stages, the intimate consciousness (sirr) of the tarif

becomes a Perfeet ''polished mirror" fully directed to the side of the Truth.325 He feeIs

319 Ibn sina, al-/shiuar wa al-Tanhfhal. p. 829. See a1so lnati's translation in Ibn Sfna andMysticism, p. 86.

320 Ibid. See also Ibn sinâ, al-lshiual wa al-Tanblhizt, p.829.

321 Ibn sina, al-/shiual wa al-Tanbihal. p. 830. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn Slna andMysticism, p. 86.

322 Ibn sinâ, al-/shiuar wa al-Tanhihar. p. 830. See also Inati's translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 87.

323 Ibn sina, al-/sharat wa al-TanhihOt. p. 831. See also Inati's translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism. p. 87.

324 Ibn sIni, al-lshiuat wa a/-Tanh/hOt. p. 832. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn Sfna andMysticism, p. 87.

325 Ibn sIni, al-/shiuat wa al-Tanh/hOt. p. 833. See also Inati's translation in Ibn S/na andMysticism, p. 87.

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full of joy and pleasure for having glanced at the Truth and at himselt: Following this

stage, he stands apart from himseIt: Rence the ooly side he is aware of is tbat of sanctity.

Ifhe still notices himseIt: it is ooly insofar as it is he who notices the Truth, Dot because

he enjoys it. At this stage, he comes 10 the real attainment (WUfÜ/).326 As a result of

having an experience ofthe Truth, the tQrifbas certain characteristics as follows.

3.2.1.5. The Characteristies of the 'Arif

One of the characteristics of the tarif is that he becomes friendIy, bright-faced,

smiling and ready to treat all men -old and yooog- equally. This manner can grow

because "he enjoys the Truth and everything other than the Truth, for he sees the Truth

even in everything other than the Truth!,,J27 His bright-faced countenance among the

creatures ofGod, by virtue ofhis rapture (bahjah), results from attaining the Truth.328 He

also does not feel hatred for others, Dor does he watch the states of others, because he is

fullofmercy.

In addition to these characteristics, the tarif is also courageous in life because he

has DO rear of death. 329 He is generous, forgiving and forgetful of grudges.33o He May

also have different attitudes and inclinations towards bis manner of living, such as

J26Ibn Sfuâ, a/-Isharat wa a/-Tanbihat. p. 833. See aIso Inati's translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 88.

J27Ibn Smâ, al-Isharat wa af-Tanbihar. p. 843; see also Inati's translation in Ibn Sinâ andMysticism, p. 89.

32SIbn sini, a/-Isharat wa al-Tanblhat. pp. ~84S, see also Inati's translation in Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 89.

J29Ibn s'ina, a/-fsharat wa al-Tanhihât. pp. 848, see aJso Inati's translation in Ibn Sinâ andMysticism. p. 90.

J3ou,n s'ina, a/-Isharar wa a/-Tanhihât. pp. 848, see aIso Inati's translation in Ibn Slnâ andMysticism, p. 90.

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considering luxury less preferable to leading a rough life, out of contempt for everything

other than the Truth.331 For similar reasons, he may sometimes negIect to Perform

religious duties while engaged in the pursuit of Truth, for he is not obliged in such

circumstances to confonn to the law (shari cah).332 The attainment of the Truth is,

however, only reserved for certain people.

Having surveyed Ibn Sini's description of cirfan and 'arif, we can sec that he

employs different terms when making bis points, ranging from Qur'amc tenns used by the

$üfis, such as a/-naft a/-ammarah and al-nafs al-mu(ma 'innah, to more common Siifi

terms, like intimate consciousness (sirr), ecstasy (wajd) and the moments (al-awqat), and

finally to philosophical terms, Iike the im88inative and estimative powers. The Süfi

terminology is used quite often in bis description of the cari[. From this persPective, it

goes without saYing that Ibn sInâ attempted to theorize Sûfism as he understood and

appreciated it. Ibn SIni's treatment of another Süfi term, that of love ('ishq), will he the

subject ofour discussion in the next section.

3.2.2. The Notion of Love ersllq)

Ibn Sma's ideas on love (al-';shq) are expressed in Risalahft Mâhiyyat al-'Ishq.

However, our discussion will deal particularly with chapter seven of this worlc, the only

section where Ibn sina mentions the SüfÏs (al-~ah) by name. This chapter reveals

severa! things. One is Ibn sIni's familiarity with the Süfi discussion of love (Cîshq).

331Ibn siDa, af-/sharOt wa aI-Tanh/hill, p. 8507 see also Inati7 s translation in Ibn S/na andMysticism, p. 90.

332Ibn sini, af-/shOr1zt wa al-Tanh/hOt, p. 851, see aIso Inati's translation in Ibn S/nâ andMysticism, p. 91.

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Another is the way Ibn sIni applies the notion oflove in bis mystical thought.

3.2.2.1. Ibn Sfni's Famlliarity with the Süfi Discoune OD Love

Ibn Ska might have been familiar with the ~üfi discourse on love, since he üved

at a time when the Süfi movement flourished in every corner ofthe Muslim world. In the

KhucisanI school, the idea of love, for instance, is MOst fully explained in the work ofal-

KalabadhI, most of whose discussion is devoted ta al-Junayd's opinion on love. Al-

Junayd was said 10 have held that love is a tendency in the heart.333 His conception of

love was familiar to MOst ~iifis after bis time. Abü c;Abd al-RaQman al-SuIamI (d. 1021),

Ibn Sma's contempoI'31'Y, reported that al-Junayd said love is to love what Allah loves and

to bate what Allah hates in worshipping Him.334

The discourse on love, however, was an ongoing theme among the SüfÏs. One

may recall that Abü Sa'Id (d. 1049), Ibn s'ina's contemporary, was said by bis biographer,

Ibn Munavvar, to have discoursed on love.33s For him, love is a stage where the person

bas no fear ofanything, since Gad bas opened the door of love for God for him; it is as if

the 'arifbas neither fear nor desire.336 What is implied here is that the notion of love tram

past generations continued to he preserved by the Sü:fis ofeach era. It shouid come as no

surprise that the concept of love should still he ofinterest ta SüfÏs even in our own day.

One may abject ta Ibn sIni's use of the word 'ishq, since MOst SütÏs usually

3J3Ibn slni May bave adapted tbis idea as bis own, stating that love is innate to human beings. ForaI-KaIabidhI's opinion, sec bis wo~ a/-To'anv.f/i Madhhab Ah/ aI-Tarawwuf, p. 128.

J34Abü 'Abd a1-Ratunin a1-Sulanif, Tabaqat a/~ui'YJ'ah (Cairo: Dar al-Kitib a1-'ArabL 1953), p.163.

33SIbn al- Munavvar, The Secret ofGod's Mystica/Oneness. pp. 436, 440, and 481.

33~id. See aIso Ibn siDa. a/-fshOrœ wa al-Tanh/hOt. p.845.

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employ the term ~hh (affection) in discussing a human being's love for God. This

objection, however, is not fully justified, for as the emphasis ofthe discourse on love is to

express man's desire to unite with God, the term 'ishq may have the same qualities as the

word buhh. In other words, both 'ishq and ~bh are used interchangeably to indicate the

attainment ofspiritual and mystical oneness with God.

In Cact, it is reported that IJasan al..B~ (d. 728) claimed that Gad said: "He loves

me with 'ishq, and 1 love him. with 'ishq.,,337 Ibn siDa himself refers to this idea in bis

Risalahfi Mahiyyat 01- 'lshq.338 Ibn sina uses the term 'ishq more or less in the same way

as al-J:lallaj does. The latter understood the word 'ishq as "dynamic divine love," wbich

is ''the essence of the essence of Gad and the mystery of creation.,,339 God is lovable,

therefore it is possible for a discursive relationship between man and God to exist.340

Nevertheless, Ibn s'ina, as Massignon pointed out, transforms the l:IalIijian 'ishq, which

refers to the very essence ofGod, into a discourse relating to '~e Necessary Emanation of

Gad,n which smoothly manages the motion ofaIl creatures in the tuming of the spherical

cycles.341

In this way, the term 'ishq bas also been used to describe Gad as Love;342 the

Beloved (al-ma 'shüq), as Ibn sIni wished to describe him, is one of God's attributes, in

337Joseph Nonnan BeIl, "Avicenna's Treatise on Love." Dl63 (1986), p. 78.

338lbn s'Ina. RisQiahft Mâhiyyal aJ- 'Ishq, p. 29.

339Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions ofIslam. p. 72.

~id., p. 71.

:WIThis opinion bas been advanced by Louis Massignon and is quoted by Lois Anita GitTen, Theo",ofProfane Love among the Arabs: The Developmelll ofthe Genre (New York: New Yorle University Press,1971), p. 146.

:W2Bell, Avicenna's Treatise on Love," p. 78.

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the same way that other attributes are the Truth (a/-Qaqq), Pure Good (al-Khayr al­

MaJ:z4), Pure Intelligence (al- 'Aq/ al-MaJ;uf), Absolute Wisdom (al-lfaldm al-Mullaq) aod

Pure Generosity (al-Jüd al-MaJ;u!).343 These attributes parallel the FiribIan "First,"

described as l;'unca~ etemal, indivisible and simple, undefinable, incorporeal,

unextended, one, pure intellect, t:ruth, most beautiful, the prime object of love and the

prime object of desÏre.,,344 In any case, it should not come as a surprise that Ibn sIna

commonly adopted al-FiribI's point ofview on a nomber of issues. However, this does

not necessarily mean that Ibn sIni bas less to say of bis own. about the theory of love in

the context of ~üfidiscourse.

3.2.2.2. Ibn Sini's Theory of Love

Having seen Ibn sIna's attempt to shift the profane doctrine of love onto a

mystical plane, we cao assume that he wished to establish bis own discussion on this

issue. In fact, Ibn sIni's explanation, in which God is the only object of love, touches

upon the ways in wbich human beings love God. According to~ each man possesses a

"natural desire and innate love" for God.34S This type of love bas been implanted by Gad

in every living entity. In~ every being will yeam for its Perfection and will he

directed by God to realize and receive its perfection from l;~e outflowing emanation of

34~etton,Allah Transcendent. pp. 155-157.

344Davidson, ProoftfOr Elemity, p. 296.

34SSee Goodman's translation of cbapter one of the RisaJah ft ~ahiyyata/- 'Ishq, in bis Avicenna,p. 72. A similar idea MaY be found in the chapter seven of the same work. Sec aIso Fackenheim'stransJatio~ "A Treatise on Love by Ibn SiDa," p. 225.

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Him who is Perfect of HimseIt:',J46 The abject of a human being's love is the Beloved,

just as form is desired by matter.

However, the ability ofcreatures to receive God's manifestation (taja/li) differs in

degree. The Divine Angel (al-malak al-RahË), a1so called "the Universal Intellect" (al-

'aql al-lculll), occupies the first rank because its substance (jawhar) is able to receive

God's manifestation in much the same way that the mirror captures the fo~ sa that the

image of individual retlected in it.347 This process becomes possible because the actual

intellect ('aql hi al-fi 'l) is able to receive the manifestation without Mediation, and it can

penetrate intuitively sa that the other intelligible beings can he apprehended through il.348

The other recipients is the divine sou! (al-nujüs al-muta'allihah).349 Human

beings exist due to the overt1owing love of God. As part of this emanative process,

goodness derives from the First Cause and inherently becomes part ofthe nature ofhuman

beings. Thus, it is understandable that human beings should possess divine sauls, just as

do the angels. The perfection of divine souls depends on two things: (l) their capacity to

conceptualize those intelligible beings in arder to attain unification (ittil1Qd) with God,

and (2) "in the consequent emanation from them of such actions as are in harmony with

their nature, and as are just in relation to the latter.,,3so

346See Goodman's translation ofcbapter one of the Risa/ahji Mahiyyal aJ-'lshq, in bis A:vicenna,p.72.

3471bn Sln~ Risa/ahji lfahiyyat al- 'lshq, p. 26.

348lbid., p. 27. Sec Fackenheim's translation, UA Treatise on Love by Ibn Sina," p. 226.

349lbn sin~ RisOlahfi Arahiyyat a/- 'lshq, p. 27.

3SOSee Fackenheim's uansJation oflbn sinâ, UA Treatise on Love by Ibn Sïna," pp. 224 and 228.

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The anjmal and the vegetative faculties as weU as nature are also among the

recipients ofGod~s manifestation.3S1 For this reaso~ they desire to unite with Him. Here

we find the basis for the motion of the natural bodies, wbich imitate God in their own

ways. Similarly, the human souls perform good activities, both practical and inteUectual,

in imitation of Him, just as angelic souls imitate Him in their motion to preserve the

continuation of the world. This imitation leads them to contemplate and to love Him

etemally, so that they become assimilated to Him in etemity.3S2

3.3. Ethical Model of Self·PerfeetioD

Our assessment of Ibn sIna's description of the mystical experience and bis

analytical description of mystical knowledge CirjQn) and love ('ishq) lead us to the

subject of the perfection of the self This process of perfection depends~ for its

particulars, on the traditions or heliefs to wbich an individual mystic is committed. The

manifestation of self-realization will differ depending on how he internalizes these

beliefs. In fact, self-realization is a matter of fulfiUing the seft: 50 that one is either

alienated from, or more integrated wi~ the transcendent or profane realities.

Thus, it is interesting to pursue Ibn sIna's ethieaI model ofself-perfectio~ in order

to see whether or not it is similar to that of other mystics. In attempting to clarify this

matter, first of all, we should explain the basic theory underlying Ibn Sini's ideas

regarding the perfection of the soul. After establishing the meaning of perfection in Ibn

sIna's context, we will also discuss the path to perfection within Ibn Sma's framework,

JS1Ibn sini, RisQlahji Kahiyyal a/- 'Ishq, p. 27.

JS2See Fackenbeim's translation of Ibn sIni, ~A Treatise on Love by Ibn SiDa," p. 228.

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focusing on bis views regarding prayer, which can he distinguished ftom those of other

mystics.

3.3.1. The Meaning ofPerfection

Ibn sIna's starting point for the perfection of the sou! is the psychological

perspective.353 An example ofthis May he seen in bis al-Ishiuat wa al-Tanbfhilt, where

he states that perfection in general results from any pleasurable event occuning to

someone and accordingly is felt to he good.3S4 In al-Naft. Ibn s'ina contends that

'l>erfection is something whose existence gives actuality to what a thing is supposed to

be.',Jss

The perfection of the sou! is attainable only when an individual is aware of and

has a spontaneous desire for perfection - a doctrine reiterated in the recitals and the

fsharat. Of course, in a broader sense the form of perfection varies, depending on its

object. The perfection of the appetite, for instance, is different from the perfection of the

estimative power. The first perfection relies on fidfillment through extemal properties

353For a complete understanding of Ibn Sini4s psychological perspective of the sou!, it may hefound in the second part of a/-Najilt. See aIso its ttanslation by Fazlur Rahman in bis work, Avicenna'sPsych%gy: An English Trans/ation ofKitab aI-Najat, Book Il, Chapter W (London: Oxford UniversityPress. 1952).

3S4lbn sini, a/-/Sharât wa al-Tanbïhat, p. 763.

355Inati, Ibn Sinâ and Mysticism, p. 10. See aIso fnatÏ's distinction of Ibn sIna's detinition ofperfection as foUows: "There are, however, two types ofperfection: primary and secondary. The fonner iswhat gives actuality to the spec:ies, as shape gives ae:tuality to the sword. The latter is wbat gives aetuaJity tothe actions and reaetions tbat follow upon the species, as does cutting for the sword. The latter type ofperfection is called secondary even though il belongs (in the sense ofattaehing, Dot in the sense of uniquelyor properly belonging) to the species, because the spccies does Dot require for its aetuality the aetuality ofthis type of perfection. The proper perfection of a thing, which bas been said above ta be the good of athing, is the primary perfection oftbat thing."

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such as food and sex, while the other depends on the attainment of internaI pleasures, as

Ibn sIna says:

Also what is good for the intellect is sometimes, and from a certainperspective, the Truth and sometimes and from another perspective, gooddeeds. Among the intellectual goods, there is aIso the attainment ofgratitude and the abondance ofplaise, appreciation and dignity.3S6

internaI perfection, Ibn slni asserts, is of greater worth than the extemal variety.

115 manifestation bas different levels. The intelligjbility of the First Truth is attainable by

the rational substance, as it can reach "the proper beauty of this Truth.,JS7 It further

represen15 the whole of existence since it is independent of materia! attachments. What

follows is the perfection of ''the celestial spiritual substances, the celestial bodies, and

then the objects posterior to them.,,3SI AIl these kinds ofperfection are free from the vice

ofdeficiency, as the latter cao he suffered only by those who are preparing for or desiring

perfection. In fac!, the 'arif cao. he one of those who attain internai happiness and the

world of saintliness ('a/am al-quds) if he is among those who "are above imperfection

[and have] shed of themselves the pollution of the relation to the body and are released

from the occupation with the body.,,359 For that reason, there exist different levels ofself-

perfection.

3S6yf,nS~ a/-/sharat wa al-Tanh/har, p. 757. Sec aIso Inati, Ibn Sina andMysticism, p. 71.

351Ibid., p. 74.

35'lbid.

359lbn Sma, a/-/sharat wa al-Tanbihat, p. 774.

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3.3.2. The Degrees ofPerfectioD

Attaining the clarity of the First (al-Awwal) means that one bas reached the

highest level in the hierarchy and the greatest happiness. This state is attainable, because

every entity desires to have the most complete perfection. It is here that the "real love is

the joy of having conception of the presence ofa certain essence.,,360 The First is lovable

by virtue ofHis Essence, regardless ofwhether other beings love Him or not; other heings

love Hint for His Essence. In fact, there are those whose experience of"joy in Him and in

themselves (inasmuch as they have joy in Him) come after Him in having joy. These are

the saintly intelIectuai substances.,,361

Yeaming is another level after love. It differs from love because it leads to

happiness, whereas lovers are already possessed of pleasure. In yeaming, there may he

sorne harm. But it is a pleasurable h.arm, being an aspect of the lovable object. This kind

ofyeaming is ""a principle for certain movement.,,362 In fac!, ifone attains what is sought,

the yeaming will cease. If the human sou! reaches the highest happiness in this life, its

state will he to love and to yeam. In this manner, it cao he said that every being bas ""a

proper perfection, a voluntary or a naturallove for this perfection, as weil as a voluntary

or a natura! yeaming when it is separated from it.,,363

For Ibn Ski, love takes many different forms, inasmuch as it is imprinted by Gad

as an inbom nature in all beings. This type of love will, in tom, strive for Perfection. The

3~id.~ p. 782. See aIso In~ Ibn Slna and Mysticism, p. 78.

361Ibn Smi, al-Isharat wa al-Tanbihàt, p. 786. see aIso Inati, Ibn sina and Myslicism, p. 79.

362Ibn sini, al-Isharat wa a1-Tanbihàt, p. 787. see aIso Inati, Ibn sina and Myslicism, p. 79.

36JIbn Smi, a/-lsharat wa aJ-Tanbihat, p. 788. See aIso Inati, Ibn Sina and Myslicism, pp. 79-80.

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degree of perfection in each form May, however, differ. In one passage of Risalah Ji

Mahiyyat al- cIshq~ Ibn sIni describes man's love for God and God's love for human

beings as follows:

...that every single being loves the Absolute Good (al-/chayr al-mut1aq)with an inbom love, and that the Absolute Good (al-/chayr al-mu{iaq)manifests Itself (Himself) to ail those that love It (Him). However, thecapacity of the latter ta receive this manifestation (taja/Ü) difIers in degree,and 50 does the connection (ittil!Qd) they have with It (Him).364

The above quotation implies tbat man plssesses an inbom capacity to love God and that

the highest degree of perfection is 10 unite with the Most Perfect Beloved (al-Ma cshïiq

al-Af4al).365 This can happen because His Love (Ishq) is the cause of ail existence and

because His manifestation is received by those divine souls who have attained ~~e

highest degree of assimilation with Him" -and this experience is the highest pleasure of

perfection.366

To reach the highest perfection, one must, in a sense, imitate God in order to have

God's attributes as one's own-or draw near to the characteristics ofGod, or even ta attain

union with Him. Once one attains this level, he or she will have reached the highest state

among the seekers of Gad the Benefactor. Although the imitation of Gad (tashabbuh), in

Ibn Sma's thought, takes a similar fonn ta that in Plato's,367 it nevertheless corresponds ta

the tradition where God says: I;~When 1 love My servant, 1 am bis heart; through Me he

3~ranslationis ftom Emil L. Fackenheim's wode, UA Treatise on Love by Ibn sIna." in MediaevalStudies 7 (1945): p. 225. The Arabie text cao he round in "AtaI's edition ofRisa/ahfl Mahiyyat a/-'/shq, p.25. The words in brackets are myadditioD.

36SIbn sIoa, RisaJah.Ïi ~ahiyyat a/- '/shq, p.29.

J~id.

367PIato, Theaetetus, trans. Robin A. H. Watertield (London: Penguïn Books, 1987), pp. 72-73.

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thinks. And 1 am bis hearing and bis sight: through Me he hears and he sees. And 1 am

his hand; through Me he grasps [hold of things].,,368 Because of Gad's remoteness from

the world and the restriction ofHis direct action ta the First Universal Spirit, the imitation

ofGad, on the practical leveI, cao he reached through the model ofthe Prophet, the source

of llnitation or the guide. One way of imitating the Prophet which may produce

perfection in the selfis prayer.

3.3.3. An Exemplary Way to Perfection: Prayer

Prayer, in ~üfi tradition, is not understood merely as an outward regulation of the

Shart 'ah, but is aIso concemed with the inner realities (lJaqiqah) of devotion. l:Iujwirl,

for instance, bas divided the ~Ufi discourse on prayer into two categories: it May he

understood as a means to attain the presence ofGad (lrut{UrJ and it May he taken as a way

ofachieving His absence (ghaybah).369 Sorne ~ütÏs consider prayer an ascetic practice, to

be performed regularly, while others view it as an action of divine virtue whicb brings

about mysticaI experience.370 In other words, the SütÏs embrace an esoteric understanding

of prayer and view it as a sort of "intimate conversation" (munOjat) hetween man, as the

lover, and God, as the Beloved.

Ibn s'ina aIso holds that prayer purifies the souL It is through prayer that one may

he connected with the Active Intellect, making the sou! pure and lofty. It aIso catches the

light of the illumination of the Active Intellect as it is, just like the clean mirror receives

361AI-TirmidhL The Concept ofSainthood, p. 169.

369.Ali b. 'Uthmin al-IuDibi al-l:Iujwïri, The Kashf al-Mahjüb: The Oldest Persian Treatise onSÏÎflSm, translated by Reynold A. Nicolson (London: Luzac and co., 1936), p. 30 (.

37°Schimmel, Mystical Dimension ofIslam, p. 152.

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the image of the body before it. But is Ibn sIna interested in designating prayer as a way

to reach perfection? What does prayer Mean to him? Is it a means to be more integrated

with the bigher world or is it simply a way to reduce bis feeling of isolation as a

philosopher? ln discussing these issues, it would he useful, first of aU, to examine how

Ibn sIna viewed prayer.

3.3.3.1. The Nature of Prayer

In many respects, Ibn Sina's explanation ofprayer recalls the ~üfi interpretation of

the practice. His understanding of prayer, however, is deeper, since he incorporates bis

psychology, and, especially, bis theory of the soul into the discourse. Indeed, it is bis

understanding ofhuman nature coupled with Islamic doctrine that 100 him to describe the

nature of prayer in legal, philosophical and mystical terms.

ln bis introduction to the treatise On The Secret ofPrayer (FI Sin' al--$alah), Ibn

Ski mentions that human beings were the last but the MOst perfeet creation after animais,

plants, spheres, stars, and the intelligence.371 The human being is comprised of two

elements: body and SOul.372 While the human body bas four elements: earth, water, tire,

and air,373 the human soul is a pure substance and a spiritual entity which exists

independently and which possesses an inclination to unite mystically with the body, to

abide within it and to govem it in a reciprocal relationship.374 This means that the nature

:mIbn sin~ Fi Si" a/-$aJQh, in l:Iasan '~i, a/-Tafsir al-Qur'anj wa a/-Lughah a/-$Üfl)'J'ah fiFa/sofat Ibn Slna. p. 207. See aJso its translation in Arberry'sAvicenna on The%gy, p. 50.

372Heath, A//egory and Phi/osop/ry in Ibn Sina, p. 52.

37JIbid., pp. 53-54.

374Fazlur Rahman, "Ibn sin~" A History ofMuslim Phi/osop/ry, edited and inb'Oduced by MM.Sharif, vol. 1 (Karachi: Royal Book Company, (966), pp. 487-489.

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ofthe sou! is immaterial and immortal, beyond the body's existence. The human sou! has

a threefold division: animal, vegetable, and rational. But it is the last of these which

distinguishes human beings from the rest ofcreation.

However, this does not necessarily Mean that a human being bas no connection

with other creatures. Indeed, through each faculty of the sou!, he shares a number of

characteristics with other beings: bis animal soul connects him to animais; bis vegetative

soul reminds him of the plants; and with the angels, he shares the human rational SOu!.375

Whether shared with other beings or n04 every faculty bas its own purpose and perfonns

its own functions.376 In short, the human rational sou! is uniquely capable of performing

good deeds (1]usn a/-Ichu/uq) and of seeking knowledge. This sou! also bas a relation to

such religious actions as remembrance, humble petition and worship, which lead men to

virtuous behavior and to the apprehension ofGad.

Therefore, the function of prayer allows one to worship the First Cause, the Most

Exalted and the Magnificent One, and to adore Him whose existence is Necessary

Being.317 Such an understanding May he derived from Ibn Sma's interpretation of the

Qur'an 51:56 "and [tell them that] l have not created the invisible beings and men to any

end ather than they May [knowand] worship Me.,,378 Traditionally, the wordya'budün is

J7SIbn Sma, "Fi Si" aJ-$arah." in '~I's aJ-Taftir aJ.Qur'ani, p. 20S. See also its translation inArberry's Avicenna on The%gy. p. SI.

37~ea~A/legory and Philosophy in Ibn Sina, p. 60.

377Ibn Sma, Fi Si" al-$aTah. in '~i's a/-TajSir aJ.Qur'ani. p. 212

371According Mu~ammad Asad, the innennost purpose of the creation of ail human beings is taknow (ma'rifah) the existence of Gad; therefore they will consciously harmonize their existence ta whatthey think of '~His will and plan." Theo, the word 'ibadah impUes the cognition and willingness of humanbeings ta know Him. See, The Message ofthe Qur 'an, p. 806.

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translated as "worship," but Ibn s'ina interprets it as ya 'rijün meaning to know, because

worship is to comprehend the knowledge of the Necessary Existence.379 Thus, the real

nature of prayer is to know Gad in His Oneness and His necessary Being, to exalt His

essence, to sanctifY His Holy Attributes and to he sincere in one's prayer.380

Ibn sIna concludes that there are exoteric and esoteric forros of prayer.381 The

first kind ofprayer is the exoteric prayer, decreed by Islamic Sharf 'ah to be a fundamental

obligation for ail Muslims, men and women, modeled on the example of the Prophet's

prayer.382 This prayer is accompanied by recitation and certain movements of the body,

such as recitation, genuflection, and prostration, all of wbich are performed a certain

number of times. It bas a connection with the rational sout in the sense that these actions

improve the quality of the soul; this distinguishes a human being from a heast.383

AIl extemal prayer intended solely for the purpose of worshipping Gad will he

rewarded by the Almighty, because it manifests submission to His will. Such a reward is

similar to what is expected by the 'abid (worsbiper), for the latter constantly prays, fasts

and observes other religious regulations and prohibitions. This reward will remain with

his soul because this human rational soul will he raised after bis death.

379lbn sin~ Fi Sin- aI-$alah. in ~~i7S ai-Taft!r al-Qur'anl, p.213.

3aon,id.

3111bid., p. 214.

382Here, Ibn sini like the legalists and SütÏs7 quotes the tJadith. 'cPray in the manner tbat ye haveseen me pray." This forms the basis ofhis opinion. See AIpnad b. ~AIi b.l:lajar aI_cAsqalinl ~CfGtib AkhbiraI-~id," in Fall1 a/-Bar! hi Sharl1 $al111] al-Bukhari, vol. 13 (8eirut: Dir a1-Mac~ 1980)7 p. 231; Ibnsin~ Fi Sin- a/-$alah. in ~~i7S al-TaftÏr a/-Qur'anI7 p. 21S; Arbeny's Avicenna on The%gy, p. S7•

313lbn sIni. Fi sUr al-$œah. in ~~I7s al-TaftÏr al-Qur'anl, p. 21S. Sec aIso ArbenYs Avicenna onThe%gy. pp. S6-57.

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The esoteric form of prayer, on the other band, is a means "to witness the truth

with the pure heart and the clean sou! of human desires.,,384 This type of prayer is not

concemed with bodily posture or the discipline ofthe body, but is rather "the path ofpure

thought and etemal spirit," which path is exclusively concemed with the intellect.385

Hence esoteric prayer is directed towards contemplating God only, its primary goal being

to love God and to increase the inner sight of the spirit.386 In this respect, such a prayer

invites the descent of the intellectual Command and Holy Emanation from the Heavenly

Void into the confines ofthe human rational souI.381 With regard to human personallife,

this prayer, according to Ibn sIna, results in the prohibition of abomination and all

blameworthy acts, as declared by the Qur'in (29:45).388

Ibn S~ Iike the SütÏs, understood esoteric prayer to he intimate conversation

with God. This type of prayer was given its basis by prophetie tradition; the Prophet

himself was sometimes occupied with the issue of either shortened or prolonged prayer.

In one of bis sayings, he states: "The one who is praying is in intimate conversation with

his Lord.,,389 Such a prayer cannot he aceomplished by physical means, Le. the human

384lbn sIni., Fi SÛT al-$a/ah. in '~its al-TafsÏr al-Qur'anl, p. 216. See also Arberry's Âvicenna onThe%gy, p. 57.

31SIbn sina, Fi SÛT al-$alah. in •~i's al-Taftir al-Qur'anl, p. 216. See aIso Arberry's Âvicenna onThe%gy, p. 58-59.

3~n sIna, Fi Si" al-$alah. in '~i's al-Tafsi, al-Qur'ani, p.217.

387lbn sIni., Fi Si" al-$alQh. in '~i's al-Tafti, al-Qur'ani, p. 218. Sec aIso Arberry's Avicenna onThe%gy, p. 60.

311Allah says, "Convey [unto others] whatever of this divine writ bas been revealed unto thee, andbe constant in prayer: for behold, prayer restrains [man] from loathsome deeds and from ail that runscounter to reason; and remembrance ofGod is indeed the greatest [good]. And Gad knows ail that you do."Translation is from MulJammad Asad's The Message of the Qur'an, p. 614. Sec aIso Ibn sIni, Fi Sirra/-$a/ah. in '~i's al-Tafti, al-Qur'ani, p. 218.

319lbn sIna. FI Si" al-$alah. in '~i's al-TafsÏr al-Qru'ani, p. 216.

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tongue, or the extemal senses; it must he established by means ofthe human rational souI.

It directs the soul to the Absolute Being (a/-Mawjüd a/-Mutlaq) to witness its perfection

and happiness. This signifies the unveiling "through the inner knowledge and

apprehension of Him.,,390 At this stage, the human soul is ready ta receive the

overflowing grace of Gad and bis rational faculty is full of love for Gad; hence divine

bounty flows over him.391 In fact, this type of prayer look the Prophet on the night

joumey and allowed him. to converse secretly with God.392

3.3.3.2. The Meaning of Prayer in IbD Sini's LiCe and InteUeetual Punuits

Now, we have seen that Ibn sTna's notion of prayer resembles that of the ~iitÎs.

This is not surprising though. We have declared elsewhere in this work that Ibn sIna was

cognizant ofthe significance of~üfi tradition. As a Muslim, he was also familiar with the

ritual prayers prescribed by the Short <ak Nevertheless, bis theory ofthe soul enriched bis

idea on the nature of prayer as both a physical discipline and real spiritual training. This

understanding, in~ intermingles with the ~üfi interpretation of prayer, where its

practice is not merely a manifestation of external conformity with the law, but carries

interior moral meaning.393

It seems that Ibn Sma's treatise on prayer represents bis own experience. Indee~

the treatise does not speak of himseIt: but it can he inferred that he is the one who had

390Ibn sIna, Fi Si" a/-$alQh. in ~~I's a/-TaftÏr a/-Qur'âni, p. 218. Sec aIso Arberry's Âvicenna onThe%gy, p. 60.

39JIbn sIna, Fi Sin" a/-$a/ah. in ~~I's ai-TaftÏr a/-Qur'âni, p. 220.

392Ibid.

393Rahman, "Ibn sIni and Ortodox Islam," p. 675.

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such experience. As mentioned earlier, Ibn Sini's autobiography informs us that he used

to visit the mosque regularly 10 perfonn prayer whenever he found himself capable of

elucidating the middle tenn of the syllogism..394 Probably, bis mystical writings are an

outflow of similar experiences. In fact, he aIso wrote on topies of concem to SüfÏs in the

area of prayer, such as daily rituaIs, pilgrimage to the tombs of saints and the like.395 This

type of religious performance, in Ibn sIna's view, is advantageous in tenns of building

sympathy among the orders of reality, primarily between Gad and human beings and the

divine Souls.396 This sympathy is a eorollary of the overflowing love derived from the

Necessary Existence who govems all movement through the layers of the cosmos; hence

God is lovable and the highest Object oflove.

Here, Ibn sIna beautifully ineorporates bis idea of prayer with the notion of love.

Making God the object of love through worship, especially esoteric worship, is one of the

manifestations· of man's love for Gad as the Beloved. By contrast, God's love for bis

creation is revealed through the overflowing love from His own Essence which brought

all beings into existence.397 As for God's love for human beings, it is received by those

divine souls that have attained the stage of assimilation with Rim.398 Such a quality of

sou! is a result ofesoteric prayer.

394GohIman, The Lijé ofIbn Sina, p. 29.

39~asr, Three Muslim Sages, p. 41.

396lbid.

397lbn s1ni, RisQlahf; MQhiyyal al- '/shq, p.29. See aIso Fackenheim's translation, p. 228

39Slbid.

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Looking at Ibn sinâ's experiences of prayer, modem western scholarship bas

explained these phenomena in different ways. Gutas, for instance, does not portray Ibn

sIna~s prayer as a manifestation ofhis piety, but says that it is a way of showing the bond

of both "prayer and intuition of middle term.,,J99 He further reasons that Ibn si'ni's

purpose of mentioning both prayer and the middle term is to show the fonction of inner

prayer as a preparation for purifying the human rational sou! in order to "receive the

effluence (fay4) of bis Lord," which is nothing more than the intuition;400 Ibn Sini's

discussion on prayer, according to Gotas, shows the epistemological, logical analytical

process usually found in Greek philosophers.401

On the other band, such scholars as Nasr, Rahman and Corbin consider Ibn sInâ's

prayer as an indication ofpiety.402 His spiritual and intellectuallife was what enabled Ibn

sIna to compose what may he called ~üfi literature.403 This means that Ibn s"ina's esoteric

prayer brought bis human rational sou! into the bighest possible state ofknowledge of the

unseen, just as the 'arif experiences il. Like the 'Urij; he arrived at and witnessed the

Truth which is ineffable and cannot he described in public language.404 In this respect, we

can understand why Ibn sIni's composition of such ~üfi writingg as a/-/shOrat wa

399Gutas, Ibn Sin" and the A,istotelian Tradition, p. 181.

4O<Thid.

401Ibid.• p. 183.

402According ta Nasr in his work, Three Muslim Sages. p. 40, Ibn s'ina was a religious person whowas strongly concemed about Islam and who in filet incorporated Islam into bis doctrines; Rahman's article,"Ibn Sma and Orthodox 1s1~" p. 668, shows that Ibn Sma's personal faith was strong and tbat he remainedMuslim to his death; and Corbin points out that Ibn sIni had been a pious Muslim at the end ofhis Iüe; seeCorbin's work, History oflslamic Philosophy. p. 169.

403Rahman, "Ibn sini and Ottodox Islam," p. 670.

404Inati, Ibn Sina and Mysticism, p. 89.

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al-Isharat wa al-Tanbihat seem to he 50 different ftom other ~üfi works. He developed

not merely the standard ~üfi utterances, but rather, adapted and ttansformed ~üfi figures

and mystical experiences into bis own experience and thoughL

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Conclusion

Our assessment of Ibn s'ina and mysticism bas shown that Ibn sIni produced

mystical worles which are generally compatible with Süfi themes. This is perhaps not

surprising since bis encounter with the mystica1 and intellectual tradition left a deep

impact on his thought. It is true that philosophy served as the starting point in bis pursuit

of the truth. Ibn Smi, however~ was not limited to philosophy in the rationali~

Aristotelian sense. He was also open to the Neoplatonic tradition. In addition to these,

Ibn Smi was exposed to other mystical traditions, like gnosticism and ~üfism. These

three movements -Neoplatonism, gnosticism and ~üfism- were all active in Ibn Ski's

rime. Any attempt, therefore, to define mysticism in the tenth century should take them

into consideration.

Ibn ska links these traditions into bis own worles. With respect to Neoplatonism,

he shares an understanding of the science of mysticism (';rfan), where knowledge of the

Infinite (God) May he apprehended and where the mystic-knower ('arif) strives to reach

the One, so that there is no othemess with the One. Ibn s'ina then defines 'irjQn as the

mystical knowledge through which the mystic-knower ('ari/) experiences the thing known

(a/-ma 'rüj), Le. God.

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In addition to Neoplatonic tradition, Ibn sIni is linked ta another mystical

movement -gnosticism. As an historical phenomenon, gnosticism intluenced various

traditions. Elements of it were revived in ManY traditions and religions, one of the more

widely accepted of these in monotheistic religion being visionary experience. Ibn sIni

was apparently interested in this idea and the way in which gnostics expressed the

experiential process through recitals. In fact, the Recital ofSalomon and Absal shares its

title with a Hermetistic-gnostic text. However, the similarities end there, sinee Ibn sIni

stated that Saliman represented the self: while Absil is an instance of one's rank in

mystical knowledge (~;rjQn).

Ibn sIna's main references to mystical knowledge CirjQn) are to be found in bis

Isharat wa al-Tanbfhilt. lbis work retlects the concems of the mystical movement ofhis

time -namely, ~üfism. The mystical movement in Islam. refers to those people who

engaged in certain spiritual endeavors and who, by Ibn sIna's time, bad developed a

science of Süfism (~ilm a/-t~awwuj). The spiritual and intellectual Iife of Ibn sIni

himself was closely linked to developments in mystical tradition as it existed in Bagbdid,

B~rah and Khurisin. The tlowering of the Süfi movement had given birth to a mystical

language, communicated by the ecstatic sayings (shatlliyyat).

Süfi theory developed as a science with the proliferation of Siifi literature. This

"science" employed reason to elucidate Süfi teachings. One of these was Kitab al-Luma t

fi al-T~awwufbyAbüN~ al-Sarrij (d. 988). This book portrays Süfism as part of the

Islamic tradition, arguing that its origin went back to the life and teachings of the Prophet.

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It aIso incorporates many different ~üti accounts, stations (maqamQt), manners, teachings,

terminology, correspondence and ecstatic sayings.

A/-Ta'arruffl Madhhab Ahl al-Tarawwtifwritten by Abü Bakr al-Kalibidhi (d.

995) is another example of this type of Süti writing. This work shares the same purpose

as the previous one, i.e., to present the truth about Süfism. In other words, it aims to

incorporate ~üfism with the other truths revealed by God through the Prophet

MuQammad. For tbat reason, he felt challenged to express the path of Süfism, the Süfi

creed and its secrets, their accounts of the Oneness of God, His Attributes, and the like.

These topies have often perplexed those who had insuffieieDt knowledge of the topie.

Al-Kalibidlll declares bis goal as expounding ~üfism to those who do not

understand its allusions (ishQrât), language, expressions, and interpretations. He records

the language of mystical experience prevalent among mysties, their possible meanings

and their interpretations. In this respect, we may regard al-Kalibidhi's work as a

collection of definitions of Süti terms, based on the knowledge of prominent SiifÎs. The

most quoted Süfi masters are al-Junayd and al-I:Iallij, even if they are not always named.

It bas been suggested that this May he due to al-ijaUij's execution, around the tinte when

al-Kalibidhl was a child. Al-Kalibidhi's compilation of Siifi doctrines, saYings and

teaehings helped ta transmit the school of Süfism from Baghdad to Khurisin, bis native

city. This may have helped give Süfism roots at Bukhiri, where al-Kalibidhi lived.

Apparently, Ibn sinâ was a native of Bukhiri. He was fifteen years old when al­

KalibidhI died in 995. Landolt, as notOO before, suggests tbat Ibn sIni and al-KafibidhI

might have met each other in their life time. Indeed, there are more accounts to he

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considered, for instance, tbat al...KaIibidhI was one of the prominent l:IanafÎ lawyers in

Bukhara. Hence, it is quite possible that Ibn sina might have encountered al...KaIibidhl in

person. Another way to see it is that al...KalibidhI's views might also have been shared by

other I:Ianafi lawyers ofBukhiri, like Ismâ51I aI...Zihid.

It is also very likely that aI...Kalibidhi was one ofIbn sIna's reputed teachers. One

way to prove this connection couId he in Ibn slni's philosopbical discourse. Ibn s'ina

applies '~e Sufi theme" in bis discussion of the cosmological and ontological proofs for

the existence of God. This theme stems from al-Junayd's discussions of gnosis

(ma·rifah). Ibn sIna's cosmological proof is in line with '~e gnosis of Instruction"

(ta'rifJ, according to wbich the effects of God's creation lead us to the Maker.

Furthermore, bis ontological argument on Gad is similar to al...Junayd's gnosis of Self­

revelation (ta 'arruf) which refers to Gad as the real agent of the human intellection which

apprehends Him..

The idea of ma 'rifah is connected with Ibn sIni's 'irfan, in the sense mystical

knowledge of God. This sort of knowledge is reserved for the mystic-knower (al- 'Qrij).

EIsewhere, Ibn s'ina mentions that this knowledge is attainable by the "saints" (aI­

~iddiqün). Interestingly, this tenu, as argued by Landolt, corresponds to the elect (01­

khaw~~) in al...KiIibadhi's worles.

'Om al-ma'rifah, or the science ofgnosis ofthought, in al-Kalibadhl's discussion

of the "sciences of the Süfis" (al-Ta 'arruf li Madhhab Ahl al-TOfawwuf, chapter thirty

one), accords with Ibn sIna's 'ilm al...jirQsah, in the beginning of the Recital of/fayy ibn

Yaq~an. The meaning of ma 'rifah here refers to knowledge of the souI rather than

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"gnosis" or "the knowledge of000." Al·KaIibidhI mentions that the science ofma 'rifah

allows one to watch over one's soul and direct oneself on the right path. Similarly, Ibn

s'ina's <ilm al-firasah allows for the perception of the hidden character of every man.

This is a kind of supematural psychology which permits one to choose the right

companions in the path. Companions here symbolize the world of the soul. For example,

people on the right are comparable to the faculty of anger; those in front, the imaginative

faculty; and thase on the le~ the faculty ofdesire (shahwaniyyah).

The term ma <rifah as a supernatural knowledge mayalso remind one ofthe legend

ofIbn sIna's meeting with bis contemporary, Abü Sa'id b. Abi al·Khayr, a prominent Süfi

figure. Regardless ofthe question ofhistorical accuracy, both ofthem agreed on the point

of view that they shared a knowledge which was conceivable to one another. This idea

becomes very important in the later development of philosophy and Siifism, especially

with regard to the distinction between knowing ('Hm), in the rational sense and seeing

(ma <rifah), in the supra-rational sense. Ibn sIna himself seems to apply both terms

interchangeably, but he aIse differentiates them philosopbically and Iinguistically.

However, the possesor of supra-rational 'irjQn occupies a higher rank because of bis state

(I!al) and station (maqam).

In view ofIbn sIna's connection with Siifism, it is certainly wrong to claim. that he

is completely a1ien to mysticism. We mayassume that Ibn sini was acquainted with

Süfism since early youth and then wrote bis latest work in a SüfÏ spirit. This acquaintance

may indicate bis sympathy with the Siifi experience and the recognition of bis own

experience, which teUs us of various ways in bis writings. Perhaps, he was like the

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composer who does not simply want to write a tune, but needs to experience it. Of

course, we know nothing about such experience.

Ibn Slua also links gnosticlsm and Neoplatonism ta Süfism as having helped to

shape bis mystical thought. He himself did not descrihe any of bis works as mystical

although the last part of a/-/shOrat wa al-TanhfhOt contains severaI compatible themes

common to mysticai worles. Ofcourse, it does not Mean that aIl ofbis writings shouid he

read as mystical. Ibn s'ini's mystical works a1so do not prove any theological perspective

nor does he employ the naq/Ï style as Sarrij and aI-KalabidbJ do, but he theorizes bis

sympathy to the Süfis and their mystical states in a systematic way. His mystical writings,

however, do not allow us to conclude that he was a mystic because we do oot really know

whether he was a practising Süfi or not. He aIso does not impart this information to us.

Nevertheless, Ibn sIna was famillar with Süfi terms. There is a distinct possiblity he

knew something about them, apart from whatever bis biography reported. We really

know littie truth behind this writing.

At the end, Ibn Sma's contribution to the field of mysticism is beyond question.

He at one point initiated of oew trend in Siifi literature. The use of Recitals as a way of

expressing the mystical experience, for instance, had a great impact on the development

ofSüfi literary genres. In fact, there are different representative types in the history ofthe

Islamic symbolic narrative after Ibn sina's times. One of these is the philosophical and

theological approach developed by Ibn Tufayl (d. 1186) and Shihao al-Dio al-suhrawardI

al-Maqtül (d. 1191). The other type was more concemed with practical morality and

ethics as depicted in the worles of Ni?irnl (d. 1203) and Amir Khusraw (d. 1325). More

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importantly, Ibn sIna's recitals were part of mystical tradition developed byal-IJaklm

Sani'I (d. 1130) and Farld al-DIn al-'Anir (d. 1229).

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Ibn ska. Ulfayy ibn Yaq~Qn. Il In /fayy ibn Yaq;an li Ibn sina, wa Ibn Tufayl wa al­SuhrawardÏ. Ed. Alpnad AmIn. Cairo: Dar al-Ma'irif li al-Tibi'ah wa al-Nashr,1952, pp. 43-53.

____. "The Recital oflfayy ibn Yaq~Qn."Trans. Hemy Corbin. In Avicenna and TheVisionary Recital, transe Willard R. Trask. Princeton: Princeton University Press,1960, pp. 137-150.

___. "al-Tayr." In l:Iasan '~, AI-Tafsir al-Qur'ani wa al-Lughah al-$üfiyyah fiFa/safat Ibn sina. Beirut: al-Mu'assasah al-Jimi'iyyah li al-Dirisât wa al-Nashrwa al-Tawzi\ 1983, pp. 338-343.

___. '~The Recital of the Bird." Trans. Henry Corbin. In Avicenna and TheVisionary Recital, trans. Willard R. Trask. Princeton: Princeton University Press,1960, pp. 186-192.

____. "The Recital ofSalaman wa Absal." Trans. Henry Corbin. In Avicenna andThe Visionary Recital, transe Willard R. Trask. Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress, 1960, pp. 224-226.

____. "On the Proof of Prophecies and the Interpretation of the Prophets' Symbolsand Metaphors." Trans. Michael E. Marmura. In Medieval Political Philosophy,ed. Ralph Lemer and Muhsin Mahdi. Ithaca, New York: Comell University Press,1963, pp. 112-121.

___. A/-Is/Wrat wa al-TanbihOt. With a Commentary by N~Ir a1-DiD al-Tosi. 4vols. Ed. Sufayman Dunyi. Cairo: Dar af-Ma'irif: 1958.

___. Ibn si"" and Mysticism: Remar/cs and Admonitions: Part Four. Trans. ShamsInati. London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1996 [translation of partfour ofAI-IshQrat wa al-Tanbihât].

___. AI-Najat: Fi al-Ifilcmah al-Man{iqiyyah wa al-Tabi 'iyyah wa al-Rahiyyah. Ed.Mu4Yl al-Dio Sabrl al-Kurdf. Cairo: Ma!ba'at al-Sa'adah, 1938.

____. Avicenna's Psychology: An Eng/ish Translation ofKi/ab al-Najat, Book 1l,Chapter IV. Trans. Fazlur Rahman. London: Oxford University Press, 1952.

. Fi lthbat al-Nubuwwah. Ed. Michael E. Mannura. Beirut: Die al-Nahir, 1968.---___. Risa/ahfi Màhiyyat a/-'lshq. Ed. Ahmad 'Ata§. Istanbul: M~ba'at IbrihIm

Jazü'i, 1953.

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___. "'A Treatise on Love by Ibn siDa.~ Trans. Emil L. Fackenheim. MS 7 (1945):pp. 208-228.

____. Traités mystiques d~bou Ali al-Hosain b. Abdallah bin Sinâ ou d'Avicenne,ed. A. F. Mehren, vol. 4. Leiden: Brill, 1889-99.

____. "Fi Sirr al-$alah, n in l:Iasan '~I, Al-Tafsir al-Qur'ani wa al-Lughah al­$ÜfiYYahft Falsafàtlbn sina. Beirut: al-Mu'assasah al-.Jimi'iyyah li al-Dirisit waal-Nashr wa al-TawzI', 1983, pp. 205-213. Trans. A.J. Arberry. In Avicenna onTheology. London: John Murray, 1951, pp. 50-63.

Works on Ibn SiDi

-~I, I:Iasan. AI-Tafsir al-Qur'ani wa al-Lughah al-S-ufiyyahft Falsafat Ibn sina. Beirut:al-Mu'assasab al-Jimi'iyyah li al-Dirisit wa al-Nashr wa al-Tawzt', 1983.

Afu~ Soheil M. Avicenna: His Lifë and Woru. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1958.

Anawati, G.C. Mu 'allajQt Ibn sina. Cairo: Dar al-Ma'irit:1955.

Arberry, A. J. Avicenna on Theology. London: John Murray, 1951.

Arnaldez, R. " Falsafa." In El, ed. Bernard Lewis, V.L. Ménage and J. Schacht. Vol. 2.Leiden: E.J. BriD, 1965, pp. 769-775.

Bakr, Osman. "Ibn Sma's Methodological Approach towards the Study of Nature in 'HisOriental Philosophy'." HI 7, no. 2 (1984): pp. 33-49.

Barani, Syed Hasan. "Ibn Sïna and al-Beruni." In Avicenna Commemoration Volume.Calcutta: Avicenna Celebrations Committee, 1956, pp. vii-xxix.

Bell, Joseph Norman. "Avicenna's Treatise on Love and Nonphilosophical MuslimTradition." DI63 (1986): pp. 73-89.

Corbin, Henry. History ofIslamic Philosophy. Trans. Liadain Sherrard. London and NewYork: Kegan Paul International, 1993.

____. Avicenna and The Visionary Recital. Trans. Willard R. Trask. Princeton:Princeton University Press, 1960.

Courtois, V. "Introduction." In Avicennna Commemoration Volume. Calcutta: AvicennaCelebrations Committee, 1956, pp. vii-xxix.

Damshpazüh, MIJ~ammad Taqi-i. "Pâsukh-i Ibn-i sIni ba-Shaykh Abü Sa'id-i AbI'I­Khayr, azitir-i Ibn-i sIna." Farhang-i Ïran Zamin 1 (1332): pp. 189-204.

___- "P3sukh-i Khwija Abü 'AII-i sTni ba-pursish-i Abü Sa'id.i Abu'l-Khayr darbira-i rih-i dÏn-i durust, ba guzàrishbiy-i Sa'dud-din-i Kizariïni wa Dinishmand-igllmnam wa 'Ayn ul-Qu4it-i Hamadin;''' Danish 3 (1331-1334): pp. 325-330.

Fackenheim, Emil L. "A Treatise on Love by Ibn Sina" MS 7 (1945): pp. 208-228.

Fakhry, Majid. A History ofIs/amic Philosophy. New York: Columbia University Press,1983.

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Gardel, Louis. "The Religious and Philosophical Attitude of Ibn-i-Sina (And its Hellenicsources)." JPHS 21 (1973): pp. 149-163.

Goh1m~ Williem E. The Lifè ofIbn Sina. Albany, New York: State University of NewYork Press, 1974.

Goicho~ A. M. "Ibn sInan In Er, ed. Bernard Lewis, V.L. Ménage and J. Schacht. Vol.3. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971, pp. 941-947.

Goodm~L. E. Avicenna. London; New York: Routledge, 1992.

Gutas, Dimitri. "Avicenna: Biography." In EIR, ed. Ebsan Yarshater. Vol. 3. Londo~

New York: Routledge and Kengan Paul, 1989, pp. 67-70.

__-:. "Avicenna: Mysticism." In E/R, ed. Ebsan Yarshater. Vol. 3. London, NewYork: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1989, pp. 79-83.

___.. Avicenna and The Aristotelian Tradition: Introduction to Reading Avicenna 'SPhilosophical Works. Leiden; New York: E. J. Brill, 1988.

Heath, Peter. Allegory and Philosophy in Avicenna (Ibn Sinâ). Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press, 1992.

Inati, Shams, "Ibn sIna" In History oflslamic Phi/osophy, 00. SeyyOO Hossein Nasr andOliver Leaman, pt. 2. London and New York: Routledge, 1996, pp. 231-246.

___. Ibn sinil and Mysticism: Remaries and Admonitions: Part Four. London andNew York: Kegan Paul International, 1996.

Kashl, YéiÇ.ya Ibn A~mad. Nukatft Alfwal al-Shaylch al-Ra1s Ibn Sina. Ed. Al)mad Fu'idal-A4winI. Cairo: Dar al-Ma'irit: 1952.

Kholeit: Fathalla. Avicenna on Psych%gy: A Study ofHis Poem on the Soul (a/-Q~idahal- ~yniyyah). Beirut: Beirut Arab University, 1974.

Landolt, Hermann. "Ibn siDa, Abii 'Ali al-fJusaYQ b. 'AbdallaIt." In Companion to ArabieLiterature, forthcoming.

Marmura, Michael E. ''Plotting the Course of Avicenna's Thought." JAOS 111, no. 2(1991): pp. 333-342.

___. "Some Aspects of Avicenna's Theory of God's KnowlOOge of Particulars."JAOS 82,3, (1962): pp. 299-312.

___. "Avicenna" In EP, 00. Paul Edwards. Vol. 1. New York: MacmillanPublishing Co. Inc. & The Free Press, 1967, pp. 226-229.

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