India’s Higher Education Authority UGC Approved List … · the morphophonemic changes that occur when two words or a word and an affix are joined together in consolidated manner

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Language in India www.languageinindia.com ISSN 1930-2940 18:1 January 2018

Soibam Rebika Devi, M.A. Linguistics, M.A. Translation Studies, M.Sc. Life Science, Ph.D.

Linguistics

Morphophonemic Changes in Manipuri 483

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Language in India www.languageinindia.com ISSN 1930-2940 Vol. 18:1 January 2018

India’s Higher Education Authority UGC Approved List of Journals Serial Number 49042

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Morphophonemic Changes in Manipuri

Soibam Rebika Devi, M.A. Linguistics, M.A. Translation Studies,

M.Sc. Life Science, Ph.D. Linguistics

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Abstract

An attempt is made in this paper for the first time in the grammatical history of Manipuri

on the morphophonemic changes when two words or a word and an affix are joined together.

Morpho-phonemic changes otherwise called Sandhi in Sanskrit and in most of the Indian

Languages deal with the interaction between morphological and phonological processes and its

focus is the sound changes that occur in words when they combine to form compound words.

The changes may occur in the first word or in the second word or in both. This analysis of

Manipuri attempts to present a series of formal rules that successfully predict the regular sound

changes occurring in the language. Thirty rules are framed to account for the changes that occur

in Manipuri. The rules are derived from well-established examples to substantiate.

Wherever necessary, explanations required to clear the rule formation are also given to

satisfy the readers and the language as well.

Keywords:

1. Introduction

This paper attempts for the first time in the grammatical history of Manipuri to explain

the morphophonemic changes that occur when two words or a word and an affix are joined

together in consolidated manner. Manipuri belongs to the Kuki-Chin-Naga group of the Tibeto-

Burman sub-family of the Sino-Tibetan family of languages (Grierson & Konow, 1903-28).

Morphophonemic changes, otherwise called ‘Sandhi’ in Sanskrit and in most of the Indian

Languages, except Tamil, where it is called ‘puNarcci’, deal with the interaction between

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Linguistics


morphological and phonological processes and its focus is the sound changes that occur in words

when they combine to form compound words (Sobhana, 1997). The changes may occur in the

first word or in the second word or in both. Very little studies are done inM. This analysis on the

Sandhi changes in Manipuri attempts to present a series of formal rules that successfully predict

the regular sound changes occurring in the language.

2. Classification of Manipuri Morphophonemic Changes

The morphophonemic changes, hereafter, Sandhi, in Manipuri can be broadly classified

into three types, namely,

1. Without any change

2. Dropping and

3. With change.

a) Changes in any one of the words

b) Changes in both

The classification of the morphophonemic changes in Manipuri is mainly based on

whether there is any change in the resultant combined word or any dropping of vowels or

syllables or any appearance of a new sound in the combined word.

Sandhi

Without any change Dropping With change

Changes in any one of the words Changes in both

Diagram 1: Types of Sandhi

2.1 Without Any Change

In this type, both the compounding words are nouns and there is no phonological change

in the resultant word after Sandhi (Yashawanta Singh, 2000).

Rule 1: Noun (N) + Noun (N) > NN


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As for as the meaning of the words in combination is concerned, the following three

types emerge:

1. The words may retain the meaning of individual words

Example

li ‘cane’+ cəi ‘stick’ > licəi ‘cane stick’

2. denote some meaning related to the combination

3. Example

ŋa ‘fish’ + mi ‘man’ > ŋami ‘fisherman’

khoŋ ‘his/her+ tekpə ‘ break’ > khoŋtekpə ‘lame man’

4. give a new meaning with the totality of the combination

5. Example

lai ‘God’ + wa ‘word’ > laiwa ‘chant/mantra’

cak ‘meals’ + səŋ ‘hut’ > caksəŋ ‘kitchen’

thau ‘oil’ + məi ‘fire’ > thauməi ‘lamp’

layyeŋ ‘treatment’ + səŋ ‘hut’> layeŋsəŋ ‘hospital’

mit ‘eye’ + taŋbi ‘bald’ > mittaŋbi ‘blind woman’

2.2 Dropping

Dropping here refers to dropping of prefixes, suffixes or both, from the first or the second

word in the combination. This may be classified as follows:

Dropping

Type I Type II Type III

(from 1st word) (from 2nd word) (from 1st & 2nd word)

Suffix Prefix Suffix Prefix & suffix Prefix & suffix

d dropping dropping dropping dropping dropping

Diagram 2: Sandhi with Dropping


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2.2.1. Type I - Suffix Dropping

Manipuri has a special feature called nominalizer having different functions in different

contexts. Nominalizer is a form/marker which nominalizes any category of words, such as the

verbs, the adjectives, etc., in many languages. In Manipuri, the suffix /-pə ~ -bə / is considered as

a nominalizer which is added to verb roots. The occurrence of /-pə ~ -bə/ is phonologically

conditioned: /-pə/ occurs after verb roots ending with voiceless stops: Example, kəp-pə ‘crying’,

tət-pə ‘breaking’, kək-pə ‘cutting’; and /-bə/ occurs in other places: Example, phəm-bə ‘sitting’,

kəŋ-bə ‘drying’, lau-bə shouting’, hay-bə ‘telling’, cəi-bə ‘scolding’, etc.( Rebika Devi Soibam,

2014)

(a) When a gerund/verbal noun/adjectival noun, hereinafter gerund (GN), occurs as the first

word, the nominalizing suffix /-pə/ or /-bə/ will be dropped (i.e., syllable dropping) when it is

compounded with a noun.

Model

Gerund + Noun

sannəbə ‘play’ + pot ‘thing’ > sannə + pot > sannəpot ‘toy’

Rule 2: /-bə/ > / - a noun (when another noun is added)

Example

əkoŋbə ‘bet’ +sel ‘money’ > əkoŋsel ‘bet money’

əthenbə ‘offering..’ + pot ‘thing’ > əthenpot ‘something that is offered to the God’

Sentences

əkəppə əŋaŋdudə sannəpot ədu piyu.

‘Give the toy to the crying child/the child who is crying.’

phootbol sannəbədu nerokanə thoirəbəninə əkoŋseldu əinə phəŋləni.

‘I will get the bet money as Neroca has won the football match.’

lainiŋthəudə kətnənəbə əthenpottu phəjənə semmu.

‘Make the athenpot nicely to offer to the Lainingthau.’


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(b) When the person marker /-i/ is added to a gerund ending with /-bə/ and whose root ends in a

vowel, /-bə/ is dropped in the process. It is to be noted that there is no agreement between the

subject and the finite verb in Manipuri. But the person marker /-i/ is added irrespective of the

subject and the tense to the verb root derived from the gerund (Rebika Devi Soibam, 2016).

Model

Gerund + -i

pa-bə + -i > pa + -i > pai

Rule 3: /-bə/ > / V- (after vowel ending verb roots)

Rule 4: -V + -i > -Vi (V stands for any vowel)

Example

pabə ‘reading’ + /-i/ > pai ‘(I) read.’

tabə ‘listening’ + /-i/ > tai ‘(I) listen.’

lubə ‘be difficult’ + /-i/ > lui ‘(It is) difficult for me.’

Sentences

əinə ŋəraŋ nobel əmə pai.

‘I read a novel yesterday.’

icenə rediodə isəi tai.

‘My sister listens music in the radio.’

thəbək əsi əiŋondədi yamnə lui.

‘This word is very difficult for me.’

(c) When the person marker /i/ is added to a gerund ending with /-bə/, whose root ends with the

vowels /-i/, /-e/ or the diphthongs /-əi/, /-ai/, /-oi/ and /-ui/, the person marker /-i/ is dropped in

the sandhi.

Model


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Gerund + -i

i-bə ‘to write’ + -i >

/-bə/ > / V- (after vowel ending verb roots)

Rule 5: -V + -i > -V

Rule 6: -i > /front vowels and diphthongs -

(If the -V is /-i/ or /-e/ or the diphthongs like /-əi/, /-ai/, /-oi/ or /-ui/)

Example

ibə ‘to write’+ /-i/ > i ‘(he) writes.’

cəibə ‘to scold’ + /-i/ > cəi ‘(he) scolds.’

laibə ‘easy’ + /-i/ > lai ‘(It is) easy.’

Sentences

əi həujik imannəbigi məyumdə ləi.

‘I am at my friend’s home now.’

əikhoygi oja sundərnə rasibu ŋəraŋgi para pharəktəbəgi cəi.

‘Out teacher Sunder scolds Rasi for not studying yesterday’s lesson.’

sakhigi məməudu məpamdə pot yamnə thəi haynəi.

‘It is said that that Sakhi’s daughter in law gave many things secretly to her paternal

home.’

(d) When the alternant person marker /-li/ is added to verbal nouns ending with the nominalizing

suffix /-pə/, whose verb root ends with the stop sound /t/, /-pə/ is dropped

Example

cət-pə ‘to go’ + /-li/ > cətli

pət-pə ‘be rotten’ + /-li/ > pətli

Rule 7: /-pə/ > / -li


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2.2.2 Type II: From the second word

2.2.2.1 Prefix dropping

When a monosyllabic noun is compounded with a word beginning with /mə-/, /-mə/ of

the second word will be dropped.

Rule 8: CV(C) + me- > CV(C ) – & me- >

(C stands for any consonant)

Example

phi ‘cloth’+ məyom ‘bundle’ > phiyom ‘something that is covered with cloths; luggage’

ləu ‘paddy plant’+ məphəm ‘place’ > ləuphəm ‘paddy field’

cəru ‘straw’ + məkhok ‘stem, stalk’ > cərukhok ‘stubble’

ceŋ ‘rice’ + məkup ‘powder’ > ceŋkup ‘rice flour’

ciŋ ‘mountain’ + məmay ‘face’ > ciŋmay ‘brow (hill)’

ciŋ ‘mountain’ + mənuŋ ‘face’ > ciŋnuŋ ‘’

ciŋ ‘mountain’ + məkhoŋ ‘foot’ > ciŋkhoŋ ‘foothill’

mit ‘eye’ + məpan ‘margin, boundary’ > mitpan ‘eye lid’

Sentences

phiyom əsi kənagino?

‘Whose covered luggage is this?’

2.2.2.2 Suffix Dropping

When a gerund/verbal noun/adjectival noun occurs as the second word, the nominalizing

suffix /-pə/ or /-bə/ of the second word will be dropped if it is compounded with a noun as the

first word.

Rule 9: CV + GN + /-bə/-pə/ > CVGNR

/-bə/-pə/ >

(/-bə/-pə/ of the second word)

(GN stands for any gerundial noun and R stands for GN root)


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Example:

wa ‘word/bamboo’ + həudokpə ‘to initiate’ > wahəudok ‘introduction’

wa ‘word/bamboo’ + kaybə ‘break’ > wakay ‘irritating words’

wa ‘word/bamboo’ + koybə ‘round, walk, roal’ > wakoy ‘circumlocution’

wa ‘word/bamboo’ + nombə ‘shake, work’ + sel ‘money’ > wanomsel ‘bribe’

hi ‘boat’ + kaybə ‘break’ + wa ‘word/bamboo’ > higaywa ‘words instigating quarrel’

Sentences

lairik ədugi wahəudoktu niŋthijənə i.

‘The introduction to the book is well written.’

wari sannəbədə wakay yaorəkkəniko. əduna ceksillu.

‘Irritable words may spill while conversing. So, be careful.’

tombidi wakoy yamnə sugənbəni.

‘Tombi most of the time circumlocutes while talking.’

əiŋondə sərkargi thəbək cəŋnəbəgi wanomsel piniŋŋai ləijəte.

‘I do not have bribe money to pay for a government job.’

mədugi hənubi ənidu mətəm pumbədə higaywadə naŋnəi.’

Those two old ladies always talk higaywa.’

2.2.2.3 Prefix and Suffix Dropping

When certain adjectives like əmubə ‘black’ əŋəŋbə ‘white’, əŋaŋbə ‘red’, əsaŋbə ‘long’

and əpakpə ‘broad’ occur as the second word, the prefix /-ə/ and the nominalizing suffix /-bə/ are

dropped if it is compounded with a monosyllabic noun as the first word.

Model

phi ‘cloth’ + ə-mu-bə ‘black’ >

………….. + ə- -bə >

…………..+ mu > phimu ‘black cloth’

Rule 10: CV(C) + ə- R- bə > CV(C)R


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that is, (ə- -- -bə > ) / CV(C)-

(Where R stands for the root)

Example

phi ‘cloth’ + əŋəubə ‘white’ > phiŋəu ‘white cloth’

phi ‘cloth’ + əŋaŋbə ‘red’ > phiŋaŋ ‘red cloth’

thaŋ ‘knife’ + əsaŋbə ‘long’ > thaŋsaŋ ‘ a long sword’

thaŋ ‘knife’ + əpakpə ‘broad’ > thaŋpak ‘broad knife’

Sentences

phimu setpə nupa əmə lakle.

‘A man in black attire has come.’

əhəlsiŋnə sirəmdaidə thimu phai.

‘The bedridden and dying elderly persons defecate black night soil.’

2.2.2.4 Dropping of second syllable and prefix and suffix

If the first word is a disyllabic noun, the second syllable of it is dropped besides the

dropping of /ə/ and /bə/ of the second word in the combination. This is not a general rule but

applicable for a few words only.

Rule 11: CVC1- CVC2 + ə- R- bə > CVC1R

(i) CVC2 >

(ii) ə- -- -bə >

Example

ləibak ‘soil’+ əmubə ‘black’ > ləimu > laimu ‘black soil’ (ə > a)

ləibak ‘soil’ + əŋaŋbə ‘red’ > ləiŋaŋ ‘red soil’

Sentences

pukhridəgi laimu khərə kotkhətlək-u.

‘Get some black soil from the pond.’

məkhoy yumgi phəklaŋdi ləiŋaŋ təi.


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‘The wall of their house is painted with red soil.’

2.2.3 Type III: From First and Second Word

The prefix /mə-/ of the first word and the suffix bə-/ of the second word are dropped

when they are compounded.

Rule 12 : (i) /mə-/ of the first word >

(ii) suffix bə-/ of the second word >

Example

məca ‘one’s son or daughter’+ yambə ‘many’ > cayam ‘having many children’

Sentence

cayam pokpə imuŋdi məhəusanə lairəgəlli.

‘A family having many children is usually poor one.’

2.3 With Change

With change


(in 1st & 2nd words) (in 2nd word) (in 1st &2nd words)

Dropping & Change

Just Change Dropping & Change Appearance

Diagram 3a: Sandhi with change

2.3.1 Type I: Dropping and Change

2.3.1.1. When two words are joined, there will be a dropping in the first word and thereby a

change effected in the second word.

Model

mə-ca + c-enbi > cajenbi ‘woman who bears a new child’


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mə- >

ca+ c-enbi > > cajenbi

c- > j- / V-

Rule 13: mə-ca + vlC- > ca-vdC-

(i) mə- >

Rule 14 (ii) vlC- > vdC- / V-

(vlC- is voiceless consonant and vdC is voiced consonant).

This change of voiceless consonant changing into voiced consonant is a common feature

in Manipuri in certain environments, like after vowels, nasals, etc.

Example

məca + cenbi > cajenbi ‘woman who bears a new child’

məca + pokpi > cabokpi ‘woman who bears a new child’

2.3.1.2. When the present continuous marker /-li/ is added to verbal nouns ending with /-bə/ and

whose root ends with nasal /-n-/, /n/ changes into /-l/.

Model

kənbə ‘hard’ + /-li/ > kəlli ‘(Its) hard.’

(i) /-bə/ is dropped.

kən- ‘hard’ + /-li/ > kəlli

-n>l / -l

Rule 15: -n > -l due to regressive assimilation.

Example

tənbə ‘lazy/bore’ + /-li/ > təlli ‘(Its) boring.’

nanbə ‘slippery’ + li/ > nalli ‘(Its) slippery.’

Sentences


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nupadu masa yamnə kəlli.

‘The man is very strong.’

əi ŋəsidi yamnə təlli.

‘I am feeling bored today.’

2.3.2 Type II

2.3.2.1. Change in the Second Word

(a) When a vowel or nasal ending first word joins with the second word/suffix beginning with a

voiceless sound, the voiceless becomes voiced in Sandhi. ( c > j; p > b; t > d; k > g)

Rule 16: VlC > VdC / after Vowels and Nasals.

Example

sa ‘animal’ + cəi ‘stick’ > sajəi ‘whip’

so ‘key’ + cəi ‘stick’ > sojəi ‘key’

phəu ‘paddy’ + kəi ‘tiger’ > phəugəi ‘granary’

cin ‘mouth’ + cak ‘meals’ > cin-jak ‘food’

Sentences

thananə miyamdu sajəinə kəlləgə tankhaykhi.

‘Police chase the people by beating with whip.’

sojəi əsi waikhusigə cannəde.

‘This key does not match the lock.’

nəŋnə phəugəi adudə cahigi canəbə phəu mətik canə pəisinbə yagəni.

‘You can store paddy in that granary sufficient enough for a year.’

əikhoynə həkcaŋ phənə ləinəbə əphəbə cinjak cabə təŋaiphəde.

‘We must eat good food to remain healthy.’

(b) If a vowel ending noun is compounded with a second word beginning with /l-/, the /l-/

changes into /-r/.

Rule 17: l- > r- / Vowel-


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Example

ce ‘paper’ + ləi ‘flower’ > cerəi ‘bougainvillea’

phi ‘cloth’ + ləi ‘flower’ > phirəi ‘inner side of phanek coming down while wearing’

thi ‘night soil’ + ləi ‘flower’ > thirəi ‘a type of plant’

ŋa ‘fish’ + lubak ‘..’ > ŋarubak ‘container for dry fish- made of bamboo’

Sentences

həijiŋpotkidəmək phiruk kun dərkar oigəni.

‘Twenty phiruks will be needed for the heijingpot.’

cerəigi məcu yamnə ləi.

‘There are many colours of bougainvillea.’

park sidə thirəi ədukki mətik yamnə həu-i.

There are so many thirai plants growing in this park.’

nupiməca ədunə məmagi phirəidə yalləgə mətuŋ innəi.

‘The little girl follows her mother holding the tip of the shawl.’

2.3.2.2 Dropping and Change

(a) If a nasal/ stop ending noun is compounded with another word beginning with /mə-/, /mə-/ is

dropped and /r/ of the second word changes into /l/.

Rule 18: r- > l- / Nasals- and voiceless stops

/mə-/ >

Example

khoŋ ‘leg’ + mərək ‘in between’ > khoŋlək ‘space between toes’

pot ‘thing’ + mərəm ‘reason, cause, his/her area’ > pot-ləm ‘ingredient’

Sentences

lai khurumnəbəgi potləm pumbə surəbra?


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‘Are all the … for the puja?’

(b) If a vowel/nasal/stop ending noun is compounded with the adjective əcəubə ‘big’, the prefix

/ə-/ and the nominaling suffix /-bə/ are dropped and /c/ of the second word changes into /j/.

Model

kəi ‘tiger’ + əcəubə ‘big’ > kəijau ‘big tiger’

i) dropping of /ə-/

ii) dropping of /-bə/

iii) c > j / Vowels-, Nasals- and stops-

iv) /-əu-/ > /-au/ / when - /-bə/ is dropped

Rule 19: /-əu-/ > /-au/ / when - /-bə/ is dropped (and c- becomes j- )

Example

mi ‘human’ + əcəubə ‘big’ > mijau ‘big man’

hui ‘dog’ + əcəubə ‘big’ > huijau ‘big dog’

thaŋ ‘knife’ + əcəubə ‘big’ > thaŋjəu ‘thangjau, a kind of big knife for gardening’

lik ‘chain’ + əcəubə ‘big’ > likcau ‘big necklace’

Sentences

ŋəraŋ numidaŋ əikhoigi yumdə phimmu setpə huranbə əmə cəŋləkkhi.

‘A thief in black attire entered into our house yesterday night.’

uməŋsidə kəijao əmə ləi haynəi.

‘It is said that a big tiger lives in this forest.’

(c) If a vowel/ nasal ending noun is compounded with another word started with /mə-/, /mə-/ is

dropped and /c/ of the second word changes into /j/.

a) dropping of /mə-/

b) c > j / Vowels- and nasals-

Example


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ce ‘paper’ + məcet ‘piece’ > cejet ‘a piece of paper’

phi ‘cloth’+ məcet ‘piece’ > phijet ‘a piece of cloth’

ləŋ ‘thread’ + məca ‘small’ > ləŋja ‘single thread’

(d) If a nasal ending noun is compounded with another word started with /mə-/, /mə-/ is dropped

and /t/ of the second word changes into /d/.


b) t > d / Nasals-

c) -n > -ŋ / -d

Rule 20: -n > -ŋ / -d

Example

ciŋ ‘mountain’ + mətol ‘face’ > ciŋdol ‘peak’

ciŋ ‘mountain’ + mətum ‘face’ > ciŋdum ‘hill-lock, mound’

2.3.2.3 Appearance

When the question marker /-a/ is suffixed to a finite verb in future negative, /-dr-/ appears

in between /-loi- ~ -roi-/ and /-a/ in the Sandhi as glide.

Rule 21: Verb finite + -a > verb finite + -dr- + -a

Example

cətloi + /-a/ > cətloi-dr-a > cətloidra ‘Won’t you go?’

tumloi + /-a/ > tumloi-dr-a > tumloidra ‘Won’t you sleep?’

caroi + /-a/ > caroi-dr-a > caroidra ‘Won’t you eat?’

kiroi + /-a/ > kiroi-dr-a > kiroidra ‘Won’t you be afraid of?’

2.3.3 Type III: In the First and Second Word


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Type III

Dropping & assimilation Dropping & appearance

Dropping in first word Dropping & change in second

& change in second word word & change in first word

Dropping in first word Dropping in first word Dropping in first word

& appearance of /r/ or /dr/ & appearance of /w/ & appearance of /m, /ŋ/ & /p/

Dropping with assimilation and appearance

Diagram 3b: Sandhi with change

2.3.3.1 Dropping and Assimilation

(a) Dropping in first and change in second word

The prefix /mə-/ of the first word and the suffix /bə-/ of the second word is dropped when

they are compounded and /l/ becomes /r/ due to progressive assimilation (Madhubala

Potsangbam. 2002).

a) Dropping of /mə-/ and /bə-/

b) l > r / Vowels-

Example

mətu ‘his wife’+ lonbə ‘many’ > turonbə ‘having more than one wife’

Sentence

turonbəgi thəbəksi məitəi khunainə yade.

‘The Meitei society does not allow having many wives (by/for a man).’

(b) Dropping and change in second word and change in first word

Not only in Manipuri but in many other Indian languages also syllabic pattern plays a

major role in compounding. Most of the monosyllabic words involve in compounding for various


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grammatical and functional usages (Bhat & Ningomba, 1997). When the monosyllabic first word

ends with the nasals /-n/ or /-ŋ/, the voiceless sound of the second word becomes voiced due to

regressive assimilation, as discussed earlier and the alveolar nasal becomes velar nasal before a

velar sound.


b) n > ŋ / - k/g/kh/gh

Example

sən ‘cow’ + məkhom ‘its milk’ > səŋgom ‘milk’

thi ‘night soil’ + məkhun ‘hole’ > thigun ‘anus’

Sentences

səŋgom yamnə thokpə sənbi əmətə əi pəmmi.

‘I want a cow that gives a lot of milk.’

saŋgondə sanyam thəmmi.

‘Many cows are being kept in the cow shed.

(c) When a monosyllabic first word ending with the nasal /-n/ is compounded with a word

starting with /mə-/, /mə-/ is dropped and /-r-/ changes into /l/ due to progressive assimilation and

/-n/ changes in to /l/ due to regressive assimilation.


b) -n > -l / - r

Rule 22: -r- > -l- / l-

Example

tin ‘evil spirits’ + mərəm ‘reason’ > tillam ‘related to evil spirits’

nupidu lairəm-tilləm thibə yamnə kəlli.

‘The woman searches spiritual things very much.’

lan ‘war’ + lup ‘group’ > lallup ‘war group’

Here, n > l due to regressive assimilation.


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2.3.3.2 Dropping and Appearance

(a) When the question marker /-ra/ is suffixed to a gerundial noun ending with the

nominalizing suffix /-bə ~ -pə/, /-ə/ is dropped from /-bə ~ -pə/ in the sandhi.

Rule 23: /-ə/ of /-bə ~ -pə/ > / -ra

Example

cabə ‘to eat’ + /-ra/ > cabəra > cabra ‘do/does (you/he/she/they) eat?’

cətpə ‘to go’ + /-ra/ > cətpəra >cətpra ‘do/does (you/he/she/they) go?’

Sentences

nəkhoy chaobigi yumdə ŋəraŋ numidaŋ caklen carəbra?

‘Did you take dinner at Chaobi’s home yesterday?

ŋəŋ ŋəsi ayuk kəmitigi miphəm yaobə cətpra?

‘Did you go to attend the committee’s meeting this morning?’

Even when it is in negative, the rule is applied.

cadəbə ‘not eat’ + /-ra/ > cadəbə-ra > cadəbra ‘do/does not (you/he/she/they) eat?’

cəttəbə ‘not go’ + /-ra/ > cəttəbə-ra > cəttəbra ‘do/does not (you/he/she/they) go?’

cadrəbə ‘not eat’ + /-ra/ > cadrəbə-ra cadrəbra ‘do/does not (you/he/she/they) eat?’

Sometimes no change occurs as in the following

(b) When the question marker /-ra/ is suffixed to a noun ending with /y/ no change occurs

Example

ləway ‘village’ + /ra/ > ləwayra ‘Is it a village?’

(c) When the question marker /-ra/ is suffixed to a noun ending with nasals, stops, lateral, the –r-

becomes /-l-/.

-r- > -l- / nasal-

Example


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Linguistics


yum ‘house’ + /-ra/ > yum-l-a > yumla

ucan ‘wood of pine tree’ + /-ra/ > ucan-l-a > ucanla

ceŋ ‘raw rice’ + /a/ > ceŋ-l-a > ceŋla

lairik ‘book’ + /a/ > lairik-l-a > kwakla

pat ‘lake’ + /a/ > pat-l-a > patla

phirep ‘determination’ + /a/ > phirep-la-a > phirepla

pəthap ‘ruler, scale, rule’ + /a/ > pəthap-la-a > pəthapla

nobel ‘novel’ + /a/ > novel-l-a > nobella

phirol ‘dress’ + /a/ > phirol-l-a > phirolla

(d) When the question marker /-a/ is suffixed to a finite verb in future tense, /-ni/ is dropped

when /-dr-/ appears in between finite verb and /-a/.

Rule 24: -ni (of finite verb) > / - dra

Example

cagəni + /-a/ > cagə-dr-a > cagədra ‘Will you eat?’

lakkəni + /-a/ > lakkə-dr-a > lakkədra ‘Will you come?’

phəmgəni + /-a/ > phəmgə-dr-a > phəmgədra ‘Will you sit?’

Sentence

həyeŋ tombə lakkə-dra?

Is Tomba coming tomorrow?

(e) When the personal termination suffix /-i/ is added to verbal nouns ending with the

nominalizing suffix /-bə/ and whose verb root ends with the diphthongs /-əu/, /-au/ and /-ao/,

/-bə/ is dropped and /-w-/ appears in sandhi as a glide between the diphthong and the vowel /i/.

Rule 25: -w- appears as a glide between diphthongs and –i

səubə ‘to boil’ + /-i/ > səu-w-i. ‘(It) boils.’


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saubə ‘to get angry’ + /-i/ > sau-w-i. ‘(He) gets angry.’

kaobə ‘to kick’ + /-i/ > kao-w-i. ‘(He) kicks.’

(f) When the suffix /-i/ is added to verbal nouns ending with the nominalizing suffix /-bə/,

/-bə/ is dropped and the nasals /m/ or /ŋ/ of the word doubles.

i) /-bə/ is dropped.

ii) The nasals /m/ or /ŋ/ doubles.

Rule 26: /m/ or /ŋ/ or /-p/ of the root doubles / -i

Example

pambə ‘want’ + /-i/ > pammi

lumbə ‘ be heavy’ + /-i/ > lummi ‘(It’s) heavy.’

kəŋbə ‘be dried’ + /-i/ > kəŋŋi ‘(It’s dried.’

iŋbə ‘be cold’ + /-i/ > iŋŋi ‘(It’s) cold.’

Sentences

əinə sophadə phəmmi.

‘I sit on the sofa.’

həudonə səgaydəgi a lammi.

‘The cat tries to get the fish from sagay.’

nəŋnə nuŋsadə phəubə ŋasi yamnə kəŋŋi.

‘The fish which you dried in the sun is very dry.’

ŋəsidi yamnə iŋŋi.

‘It is very cold today.’

(g) When the suffix /-i/ is added to verbal nouns ending with the nominalizing suffix /-pə/,

/-pə/ is dropped and the voiceless stop sound /p/ of the word doubles.

a) /-pə/ is dropped.

b) /-p/ of the root doubles / -i

Example

kəppə ‘to cry’ + /-i/ > kəppi


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təppə ‘be slow’ + /-i/ > təppi

cəppə ‘to cut’ + /-i/ > cəppi

Sentences

əŋaŋdu məbuk lamdunə kəppi.

‘The baby cries due to hunger.’

əikhoy imadi thəbək təubədə yamnə təppi.

‘My mother is very slow in doing work.’

kyayonbinə kwajəpnə kwa marudu cəppi.

‘The lady who sells pan cut betel nuts with kwajap.’

(Pan: combination of betel nut and betel leaf)

2.3.3.3. Dropping in First Word with Assimilation and Appearance

When the personal termination suffix /-li/ is added to verbal nouns ending with /-bə/ and

whose root ends with nasal /-n-/, /n/ changes into /-l/ due to assimilation.

i) /-bə/ is dropped.

ii) n > l due to regressive assimilation.

iii) /l/ doubles when the first word is monosyllabic and the second one is a vowel

Rule 27: CVn +-li > CVl+-li

Example

lanbə ‘wrong’ + /-i/ > lalli ‘(Its) wrong.’

ŋənbə ‘early’ + /-i/ > ŋəlli ‘(Its) early.’

yanbə ‘hang’ + /-i/ > yalli ‘(It) hangs.’

Note: /-i/ and /-li/ are alternant forms.

(i) /-p/,/m/, and /ŋ/ ending verb roots take /-i/ and

(ii) the /k/, /t/ and /-n/ ending roots take /-li/


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Linguistics


Sentences

əhal ədunə parktə khoŋnə təpnə təpnə cətli.

‘The old man walks slowly in the park.’

həinəudu pətli pətli təure.

‘The mango is slightly rotten.’

napetnə səm kəkli.

‘The barber is cutting hair.’

2.4. Three Words Combination

When three words join to form a compound word there are some changes. Dropping of

initial /mə-/ and /-bə/ and /c- > j-/ have been discussed earlier. Along with that when nupi is

added the initial syllable /nu-/ is dropped and /-pi/ becomes /-bi/ after the nasal.

Rule 28: nu > / R-

Rule 29: -p- > -b- / n- or V-

Rule 30: -t- > -d- / ŋ-

Both Rules 29 and 30 can be represented as discussed earlier into one rule.

Rule 17: -vlC- > vdC / N- and V-

Where N stands for a nasal and V stands for a vowel.

Example

a. məca ‘his/her child’ + cenbə + nupi ‘woman’ > cajenbi

məca ‘his/her child’ + pokpə + nupi ‘woman’ > cabokpi

b. phi + sabə + nupi > phisabi ‘weaver (female)’

phi + taibə + nupi > phidaibi ‘tailor (female)’

phi + yonbə + nupi > phiyonbi ‘woman who sells cloths’

kok + taŋbə + nupi > koktaŋbi ‘bald (woman)’

kok + taŋbə + nupa > koktaŋbə ‘bald (man)’

ceŋ ‘rice’ + taibə + nupi ‘woman’ > ceŋdaibi


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Conclusion

An attempt is made for the first time to present 30 morpho-phonemic rules together in

Manipuri. No such consolidated work has been done so far. There are many peculiar language

specific morpho-phonemic changes in Manipuri. To mention a few, different types of

assimilations, l> r and vice versa, addition of –dra- as a linking morph, voiceless sound

becoming voiced, etc. These rules have brought out some specific features of the language. This

consolidated rules will be of much help to the students of Manipuri and researchers as well.

There may be some more rules that may be found out in future. However, it is felt here that some

deeper and exhaustive research in the analysis of Sandhi in Manipuri is required to complete this

task entirely.

The analysis made in this paper may be represented in a diagram followed by the list of

rules framed.


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Linguistics


Sandhi

Without any change Dropping With change


(from 1st word) (from 2nd word) (from 1st & 2nd word)

Prefix Suffix Prefix Suffix Prefix & suffix

dropping dropping dropping dropping dropping

Prefix & suffix

dropping


(in 1st word) (in 2nd word) (in 1st &2nd word)

Dropping & Change

Just Change Dropping & Change Appearance

Dropping & assimilation Dropping & appearance

Dropping in first word Dropping & change in second

& change in second word word & change in first word

Dropping in first word Dropping in first word Dropping in first word

& appearance of /r/ or /dr/ & appearance of /w/ & appearance of /m, /ŋ/ & /p/

Dropping with assimilation and appearance

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References

Bhat, D.N.S. & Ningomba, M.S. 1997. Manipuri Grammar. Munchen, Newcastle: Lincom

Studies in Asian Linguistics 04.

Grierson, G.A. and Konow, S. Eds. 1903-28. Linguistics Survey of India. Volume III, Parts 1-3,

Tibeto-Burman Family. Reprinted in 1967. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.


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Linguistics


Madhubala Potsangbam. 2002. Manipuri Phonology.Imphal: Potsangbam Bhubo Singh Trust.

Rebika Devi, Soibam. December 2014. Functions of Nominalized Forms in Manipuri Language.

International Journal of Language and Linguistics. USA: Centre for Promoting Ideas. Vol. 1, No.

2. pp. 51-60. ISSN No. 2374-8850 (Print) 2374-8869 (Online).

Rebika Devi Soibam. 2016. Tamil and Manipuri A Contrastive Analysis. Chennai: Shantha

Publishers. ISBN: 978-93-81413-76-0

Sobhana L. Chelliah, 1997. A Grammar of Meithei. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Yashawanta Singh, Ch. 2000. Manipuri Grammar. New Delhi: Rajesh Publications.

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List of rules framed

Rule 1. Noun (N) + Noun (N) > NN

Rule 2. /-bə/ > / - a noun (when another noun is added)

Rule 3. /-bə/ > / V- (after vowel ending verb roots)

(V stands for any vowel)

Rule 4 -V + -i > -Vi

Rule 5 -V + -i > -V

Rule 6 -i > /front vowels and diphthongs -

(If the -V is /-i/ or /-e/ or the diphthongs like /-əi/, /-ai/, /-oi/ or /-ui/)

Rule 7: /-pə/ > / -li

Rule 8: CV(C) + me- > CV(C ) –

(me- > )

(C stands for any consonant)

Rule 9: CV + GN + /-bə/-pə/ > CVGNR

/-bə/-pə/ >

(/-bə/-pə/ of the second word)

Rule 10: CV(C) + ə- R- bə > CV(C)R

that is, (ə- -- -bə > ) / CV(C)-

Rule 11: CVC1-CVC2 + ə- R- bə > CVC1R

(i) CVC2 >


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(ii) ə- -- -bə >

(Where R stands for the root)

-Rule 12: (i) /mə-/ of the first word >

(ii) suffix bə-/ of the second word >

Rule 13: mə-ca + vlC- > ca-vdC

Rule 14: vlC- > vdC- / V-

(vlC- is voiceless consonant and vdC is voiced consonant).

Rule 15: -n > -l due to regressive assimilation.

Rule 16: vlC > vdC / V- and N-

Rule 17: l- > r- / Vowel-

Rule 18: r- > l- / Nasals-

Rule 19: /-əu-/ > /-au/ / when - /-bə/ is dropped (and c- becomes j-)

Rule 20: -n > -ŋ / -d

Rule 21: Verb finite + -a / verb finite + -dr- + -a

Rule 22: -r- > -l- / l- (assimilation)

Rule 23: /-ə/ of /-bə ~ -pə/ > / -ra

Rule 24: -ni (of verb finite) > / - dra

Rule 25: -w- appears as a glide between diphthongs and -i

Rule 26: /m/ or /ŋ/ or /-p/ of the root doubles / -i

Rule 27: CVn +-li > CVl+-li (n>l / -l)

Rule 28: nu > / R-

Rule 29: -p- > -b- / n- and V-

Rule 30: -t- > -d- / ŋ-

Both Rules 29 and 30 can be represented as discussed earlier into one rule.

Rule 16: -vlC- > vdC / V- and N-

Where N stands for a nasal and V stands for a vowel.

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Soibam Rebika Devi, M.A. Linguistics, M.A. Translation Studies, M.Sc. Life Science,

Ph.D. Linguistics

Senior Resource Person


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Linguistics


National Translation Mission

Central Institute of Indian Languages,

Manasagangotri

Mysore 570 006

Karnataka

India


Documents

India’s Higher Education Authority UGC Approved List … · the morphophonemic changes that occur when two words or a word and an affix are joined together in consolidated manner