Indian Organizations and the Politics of Sustainability in Ecuador

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Fragile Lands, Fragile Organizations: Indian Organizations and the Politics of Sustainability inEcuadorAuthor(s): Anthony J. Bebbington, Hernan Carrasco, Lourdes Peralbo, Galo Ramon, JorgeTrujillo and Victor TorresReviewed work(s):

Source: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 18, No. 2 (1993),pp. 179-196Published by: Wiley-Blackwell on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of BritishGeographers)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/622361 .

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179

Fragileands,ragilerganizations:ndianorganizationsndthe oliticsf ustainabilitynEcuadorANTHONY J.BEBBINGTON*,HERNAN CARRASCOt, LOURDES PERALBOt,GALO RAMONt, JORGETRUJILLOtand VICTOR TORRESt*Researchellow, verseas evelopmentnstitute,egentsark, ondon,WI 4NStResearchndEvaluationeam, OMUNIDEC, Casilla554,Sucursal 2 de octubre,uito, cuadorRevised S received2 October 992ABSTRACTRecentdiscussions f resourcemanagement uggest hat ne of themost mportantactorsnsustainingse systemsnfragileands s the trengthf ocalrepresentativenstitutions:ural esourcemanagementndtheconsolidationfruralcivil ocietymust oth hereforee central oncernsn nyviable andusestrategynthese reas.Pursuinghis elationshipbetween ocalorganizationsnd resourcemanagement,hepaperdiscusses he xperiencesf everal ndian ederationsnEcuadorthat ccupyfragilenvironmentsnder ncreasing ressure rom rocesses fnational ndlocaldevelopment.These federations avesought o dentifyesourcemanagementtrategieso resist hesedestabilizingorcesndso allowcontinuedndian ccupance fthese ands.Thesestrategies averepresentedconstant earch oprotectocal andrights,to assert specificallyndian ulturaldentity,ndto identifynecologically ndeconomicallyiableresourcemanage-ment trategy or ndianfamilies. he most successfultrategieso date have been those that ombine raditionalndmodern racticesn a waythat esponds o Indians' ncreasingonsumptionequirementsnd tograssrootsmanagementcapacities.ndoing o theyhavealsohelped trengthenhefederationshemselves. his mpiricalnalysiss related o adiscussion fpoints fcontact etween hedebates n rural emocratizationnd on traditionalesourcemanagement,ndspecificallyetween hegeographicraditionsfcultural ndpolitical cology, ndthe iteraturenagrarianmovements.A dialoguebetween hese erspectivesould ead toanalyses hat re t once more eflectivef ocalrealitiesndmore bletocontributeothedevelopmentfviable ocal resource sestrategies.KEY WORDS: Ecuador, ragileands, articipatoryesearch,evelopment, ocalorganizations,ndigenous echnology

RESOURCE MANAGEMENT ANDPOPULAR ORGANIZATIONS: CULTURALAND POLITICAL ECOLOGY FOR THEREAL WORLDThe consolidationfcivil ocietyndthe laborationof ustainableesourcemanagementtrategiesre woof themosturgenthallengesn rural atinAmerica(LatinAmericanCommission n EnvironmentndDevelopment, 990).This s particularlyo inthosefragileenvironments eing rapidlyoccupied incontextscharacterizedy conflicts ver resources(Goodmanand Hall, 1990; Goodman and Redclift,1991). In these areas it is becoming pparent hat

strongocalpeasantorganizations ave crucial olestoplay nfurtheringoth ocaldemocratizationndsustainableanduse.Typically, iscussions fthese rganizations avefocused n one orother f theseprocesses.On theonehand,nterestntheir oles n ustainableesourcemanagementsrelated o the ncreasinglyrthodoxargument hat the technological nd managerialpracticesembedded in traditional nvironmentalknowledgeand resourceuse are ecologically us-tainableBrowder,989;Denevan,1989).Somehavethereforergued hatocalorganizations illmobilizethese upposedly ustainableraditionalechnologiesandwillprotect he ong-termroductionotential

Trans. nst. r.Geogr. .S. 18: 179-196 (1993) ISSN: 0020-2754 PrintednGreatBritain


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180 ANTHONY.BEBBINGONETAL.of theresources n which ocal livelihoods epend(TurnerndBenjamin,991;WorldBank, 992).'It has ikewise eenargued hat he trengtheningof local organizationss partof themoregeneralconsolidationfrural ivil ociety hatsessential oprotect he stillfragiletepstowardsdemocracynrural reas Fox, 1990).Suchorganizationsanserveto counter hepowerof rural lites, o protect iviland land rights nd to pressure tate institutionsforgreater ccountabilitynd openness ndecisionmakingand administrativerocesses (Fox, 1990;Lehmann,990;Slater,985). nmulti-ethnicocieties,such s those f heAndean ndAmazonianountries,organizationslsoconstitutemeans or ssertingndrevindicatingraditionallyppressedndian2ulturalidentitiesChiriboga,987).Finally,hey anbe one ofthevehicles or reateropular articipationndevel-opmentprogrammes a participationhat, omeclaim, nhances heeffectivenessnd accountabilityof these programmesClark,1991; EXTIE-WorldBank, 990).Yet whilethesediscussions avebeen conductedinlargely eparate pheres, heorganizationshem-selves stand t thepointwhere hetwodiscussionsoughtbe joined: t the nterfacefthe ociopoliticaland ecologicaldimensions f thedevelopment ndenvironmentebate.Theythereforeccupy nprac-tice he onceptual rounds ngagedbyculturalndpoliticalcological esearchngeography. hese twogeographic erspectivesnresource sehavediffer-entbut omplementarymphasesculturalcologistsconcentratingn the systemicand behaviouraldimensions of resource management, politicalecologists rappling ith he xternalorceshapingthe contextswithin which decisions are made).Nevertheless,heyhave said little bout theroleoflocal peasantorganizationsn combining esourcemanagementndpolitical egotiation.Usingevidencefrom cuador, hispaperaims tofill his acuna, nd tounite hesedifferentdebates.3Itdoes so with wogoals: i)topursuehe trategicimofelucidatingonditions hat avour heemergenceof trongocalorganizations;nd ii) ohelp laboratelinesoftheoreticalndempirical nquiry or ulturaland political cologyby uniting esourcemanage-ment ndculturalolitics round specificssue:theactions of Indianorganizations n fragileands inEcuador.Bydrawing hreads rom ulturalcologyand analyses of agrarianmovements, he paperinvestigatesuestions hatmight e asked bouttheresourcemanagementndsocio-politicalynamicsflocalorganizationsnfragileands.

The echnologyf ustainabilitytraditionalesourcemanagementn ragileandsIntheir iscussions fresourcemanagement,ulturalecologists ave ong rgued hat raditionalracticesareenvironmentallydapted Butzer, 990),because'byvirtue ftheir iologicaldiversitynd structuralcongruity ith henaturalnvironment.. they re,in essence, indefinitelysustainable"' (Browder,1989,p.6). Speakingfor largebody of iterature,Denevan (1989, p.22) claims ... fragileandsmaynot be utilised ndermodem ystems. evelopmentof fragile ands needs to draw upon traditionalknowledge'.Traditional ractices remoresustain-able, t s argued, ecausethey sefew apital nputsand ittle ossil-fuelnergy,ndare essdependentnthevagariesof nputmarketsWilken, 987).Theyalso use diversifiedtrategieshat nhance esilience(Altieri,987; Browder, 989;Holling, 973) and, fthe costs ofenvironmentalegradationre factoredin, raditionalechnologies aybe more conomicallyprofitable hanmanymodernsystems Browder,1989).4 However, t slikewise he ase that he andproductivitynd potential ash incomefrom hesesystemsre ow.These arguments akeon specialsignificancendiscussions f esourcemanagementtrategiesor heso-calledfragileands of LatinAmerica' Browder,1989; Denevan, 1989 p.22; Turner nd Benjamin,1991).Bysuggestinghat hese ands reparticularlyprone o landdegradation hentraditionaland usesystemsredisturbed, any ulturalcologists mplythat heymust emanagedwith raditionalractices.Many thereforerguethat owlandtropical orestsshouldbe managed n thebasis of ndigenous rac-ticesDenevan ndPadoch, 988)andthatustainableuse ofAndeanhillsides houldbuild npre-Hispanictechnologies,ropsand landmanagement ractices(Ericksonnd Candler,1989; Fieldand Chiriboga,1984;Knapp, 991;Mayer, 979).Decidingwhat ands re fragile's,however,moreproblematic.t ssue swhetherands re nherentlyfragile,rwhether heir ragilitys an effectfpar-ticularmanagementracticesnd pressuresfpro-duction' uch s marketemands, opulationncreaseortaxationBlaikie ndBrookfield,987;TurnerndBrush, 987).Denevan 1989) delimitsndclassifiesfragileandson thebasis of gro-ecological ualities:slope, limate ndvegetation. owever,n a reviewof recent tudiesof land use on purported ragilelands,Turner ndBenjamin1991) arguethat gro-ecological characteristicso not perse determinewhether,rhowmuch anddegradationwilloccur.


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Fragileands,ragilerganizations 181Theysuggest hat egradationsa result f the nter-action etweenuse and land qualities, nd is mostlikely nder onditions frapidly hanginganduse,frontieronditions,overty,xtremeandpressures,externalontrol fresourcesrdecisionmaking,on-flictingncentives o landuse,andaridity.ronically,Denevan also recognizes hat ... socialfragility,ntermsforganization, arkets,rices,ncomes,ocialrelationshipsnd politics .. can be more criticalthan nvironmentalragility'Denevan,1989,p.23),somewhat undermining is own agroecologicalclassificationf fragileands'.Iftheuse of anddeterminestsfragility,hen o saythatfragileands mustbe managedwith raditionaltechnologies an become tautologous forfragilelandsbecome defined s those lands thatdegradeonce traditional racticesare disturbed.This ishardly elpful.t smore sefulorecognizexplicitlythat traditional echnology s simplya techno-logicalresponse o environmentalonditions ndercertain evels of demand and conditionsof use(cf.Turner nd Brush,1987). If these conditionschange,hen raditionalractices ill ither o ongersatisfynew levels of demand or will themselveslead to land degradation. he appropriatenessftraditionaltechnologies thus becomes contextdependent.Whilenotdenying hatmuch anbe learned romtraditionalractices,hepoint sthat raditionalech-nologies renot ikelyosolveresourcemanagementproblemswhenconditions hange, s they ontinueto do inmuch f heAndes ndAmazon.Thus, atherthan oncentraten technologys an entry oint osustainable trategies, urner nd Benjamin1991)focus on the conditions n which technologicalchoicesaremade.Amongfactorshatmight ostersustainable and use they identify he following:rules,regulations nd rewards for investment nlandscapemodification;ufficientell beingto beable to exercise choice; securityof investment;access to services nd markets;ocal autonomy ndecisionmaking;nd ongtermttachmentoplace.In stressinghe mportance f securingocal users'landrightsndstrengtheningocal decisionmakingpower, hey ffectivelyuggestways nwhich ocalorganizations ightontributeosustainableesourcemanagement.Withthis nterest n local organizations, urnerand Benjaminhave,as cultural cologists,perhapsinadvertentlymoved the discussiontowardsthepolitics f anduseandthe onsolidationfrural ivilsociety.

The oliticsf ustainabilitynd grarianmovementsTurner ndBenjamin reprimarilynterestedntheresourcemanagement ole of local organizations.However, these organizationshave many otherpolitical,ulturalndsocial oncerns.ndeed,fweareto understandowandwhy theymanageresourcesin thewaysthat hey o, thenwe must cknowledgefrom he utset hat hesegroupsi) arenotonly, ornecessarily ainly,oncerned ith esourcemanage-ment; nd (ii) suffernternalensions nd externalpressureshat aneasilyoverwhelmhem.Oftenbydefinition,heir olitical gendasregardingandusedifferrom hoseof othergroups nd the state.Weought, herefore,o ookmore losely t thenature fthese rganizations.There s a large iteraturen thepolitics flandand peasantorganizationsn LatinAmerica, atingat least fromthe community evelopment ndcooperativemovementsf the 1950sand 1960sandgoing right hrough o currentnterestn theroleof grassrootsgroups in bottom-updevelopment(Carroll, 992;Stavenhagen,970).We cannot oss-iblyreview llthis iteratureere.Ratherwe wishtopointto certainhemes hathave emergedn thesewritingshat eemparticularlyelevanto ourthink-ing boutwhat ocalorganizationsan achieve nthemanagementffragileands.These themes re:thepolitical truggles ver resource se withinwhichtheseorganizationsreenmeshed ndthe imits nwhat local organizations an achieve;the role ofrural rganizationsnstrengtheninguralociety ndmaking ocal developmentmoreparticipatory;hecultural olitics fagrarianmovements;nd,finally,the nternalensionsn these rganizations.A recent ontributiono our thinkingn theseissues sGoodman nd Redclift's1991)discussion f'thepolitics fsustainability'n LatinAmerica. heyemphasize hat hepossibilityf ustainableevelop-mentwill always be definedn thepolitical renain whichresourcebases are contested.Thereareperhaps wo mainconcerns hat ny such politicsofsustainability'ouldbring o an analysis f ocalorganizations nd resourcemanagement: he firstgivesus a contextwithinwhich o thinkbouttheobstacles faced by those organizations, nd thesecond focuseson thestrugglesnwhichthey reengaged.The firstoncernn this politics fsustainability'draws on the perspectives f politicaleconomyanddependency heoryosuggesthow theviabilityof traditionalesource se practicesmaybe under-mined. tress s laid upon theconstraintsf social


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182 ANTHONY]. BEBBINGTONETAL.relations recognized, apparently,by Denevan(1989) - towhich eographers,readinghepoliticalecologicalpath,have drawnmost attentionBlaikieand Brookfield, 987; Watts, 1983, 1989; Wisner,1976; Zimmerer, 991). These factorshave bothanalytical nd strategicmplications. nalytically,studiesof local resource se from hisperspectivewould have to embrace hepoliticalconomic actorsthathavegreat nfluencevertheoutcomes f ocalgrassroots nitiatives Watts, 1989) - exampleswould include and scarcity nd poverty-inducedovercroppingndout-migrationhat nturn an eadtoterrace bandonmentnd oss ofknowledgeboutnative ultivarsBebbington,990; Zimmerer,988).Strategically,hisperspective eminds s that theactions f ocal organizations ill neverbe enough.Political ndpolicy ction t a national evel remainequally crucial to consolidating ivic institutionsand sustainable resourcemanagement nitiatives(Lehmann,990; Gledhill, 988).A second dimension o this politics f sustain-ability' ooks at the actionsof ruralorganizationswithin he context f thesewider onstraints andwould lsoaim o understandf ndhow ocalactionscould begin to redress ome of those constraints.Here,Goodman ndRedclift1991) point ur naly-ses toward he ocal politics f land use and thosedirect onflicts etweendifferentocialgroupsoverthe controland use of resources Cleary,1991;Nugent,1991) - manifestedmost visibly n landusurpationsnd ruralviolence.Such struggles anmove from he local to thenational nd begintoaddress ordeepen)moreprofoundbstacles o sus-tainableanduse. f hey scalate obecomeconflictsbetween ocalgroups, ational roups ndthe tate,they anbegin and ndeedhavebegun)to influencenational developmentpolicies.5As Woodgate's(1991) chaptern the Goodmanand Redcliftollec-tion rgues,we must lso consider owlocalactionscan change the economicrelationswithinwhichpeasants se land.Through ormalrganizations,orinstance,ural opulations anthemselvesnfluenceresourceransfers:yengagingnproduct rocessingor co-operativemarketingnd influencingrban-rural erms f radeHealy, 987;Tendler t l.,1988).Local organizations re not onlyresourceman-agersbut have thepotential o changethe widercontextwithin hich esource se decisionsremadeand constrained.n thisregard, ural esourceman-agementinks ntodiscussions f he onsolidationfrural ivil ociety,nd tsrelationship ith he tate.This s a consolidationhat uthorsuch s Fox 1990)

deem rucialf he rban-biasedrocess fdemocratiz-ation nLatinAmerica s toexpand ntoruralreasso that, here oo,bureaucratsreheldaccountable,localelitesresisted,nd human ights espected. ecomments:Thecontributionfrural ivil ociety odemocratizationepends ncivic ssociationswhichinclude emocraticnterestroups, elf-helprganiz-ations,religious ongregations,thnic ssociations,and community rientated conomic enterprises'(Fox: 1990 p. 10). Fox also suggeststhatanotherimportantense nwhich heseorganizationsouldcontributeo ruraldemocratization ould be bybroadeningpopular participationn developmentdecisions and in the implementationf local pro-grammes.6Grassrootsdevelopment tudieshavemade similar oints, rguing hat ural rganizationsareagentsof socialchangewhich akedevelopmentissues nto heir wnhands, eliveringhe ocial nddevelopmentalervices hat he state s increasinglyunable oprovideAnnisndHakim, 988;Hirschman,1984).It shelpfulo delve nto his iteratureecause, tthe ame time s pointing o theurgency fconsoli-dating ural eople'sorganizations,t also points othe factors hatmake thisdifficult factorshatbyimplication ould lso underminehe ffectivenessfresourcemanagementrogrammesn these rganiz-ations. ox (1990) emphasizes hat here re a rangeof external actors'suchas coercion ndviolence)and 'internal' actors hat weaken ruralpeople'sorganizations. hese 'internal actors' nclude thephysicaldifficultyf sustainingn organizationnareaswheredistances re great nd traveldifficult.Otherfactors re thediversitynpeople'seconomicinterestsnd ecologicalresourceswhichmaymeanthattheygain differentenefits rom particulareconomic rogramme.The net effect f theseproblems s to weakenorganizations: internaldemocracyremainsquitevulnerableecause he eaderships often he nly inkamongthedispersednddiversememberommuni-ties', omments ox (1990p. 10) agreeingwith vertwenty earsof iteraturen peasantorganizationsand cooperatives. romLandsbergernd Hewitt's(1970) identificationf ten ources fweakness ndcleavage n LatinAmerican easantmovements' oCarroll's1992) findingshat ural eople'sorganiz-ations reprone o nternaliases ntheir istributionofbenefits f local development rogrammes,hemessage s consistent:heproblem faccountabilityand cohesion n rural rganizationss a vexed andcomplicatedne.


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Fragileands,ragile rganizations 183This s anantidote o assertions f ome uthorsnthe literaturen new social movementswho claimthat popular organizations re characterized yhigh evelsof nternal emocracyndparticipatorydecisionmakingSlater,985,p.7).Other bservations

inthis iterature ay,however, e morerelevant oour discussion. ne of the main hemes hat everalagrarianommentatorsn LatinAmericahavetakenfrom he iteraturef new socialmovementss theideathat ontemporaryopular rganizationsrefre-quentlymotivated ya concern or differentormofdevelopment hatrecognizes nd expressesocalidentitiesgnored ymodernizationndclass-basedpolitical rganizationsHarvey, 991; Redclift,988;cf.Evers, 985andFriedmann,992). ncaseswheretheseorganizationsre of Indianpeoples,this canbecome concernopromote formfdevelopmentthat espectsthnicndculturaldentitiesChiriboga,1987; Gledhill, 988).For nstance,he mergencefexplicitlyndian as opposed to peasant) organiz-ations nEcuador s nterpretedytheir wnumbrellaorganization,the Confederationof IndigenousNationalities fEcuadorCONAIE), as anexpressionof an ethnic dentityn whichneither lass-basedpeasant rganizationsorpublic nstitutionshowedmuch interestCONAIE, 1989). However, if theorganizationshemselvesrenot nternallyomogen-eousand reprone ocapturey eaders,henwe mustaskwhether heculturaldeals ndpracticeshat heorganizations spouse are necessarily hared bythebulkof theirmembers. his toomayunderminetheviabilityf he esourcemanagementapacitiesfthese rganizations.Theseobservationseadus to twoissuesthat reof importancen thinkingbout therole of Indianorganizationsnrural esourcemanagement.irstly,they suggest that these organizations re them-selves fragile, ubject to internaltensions andexternal ressures hat anundermineheir apacityto promote sustainable and equitable resourcemanagement.econdly, hey uggest hat hemotiv-ations of theseorganizationsre complex, nd notonlyrelated o sustainable esource se.Theymightalso beorientatedowards rotectingandrights,ndmakingstatements bout the identities f Indianpeoples. This complexitymaylead to irresolvablecontradictionshatmight nfluence heirresourcemanagement trategies.What,for nstance,wouldhappen if the socio-politicalogic of a popularorganizationuggests resourcemanagementrac-tice thatdiffersrom heecologicaland economicideal?

Any analysis f ocalorganizations ust hereforerecognizethat,beingat once political gentsandresourcemanagers, heymayhave to grapplewithcontradictoryogics ndmayhaveveryunderstand-able reasons for pursuingstrategiesthat seemirrationalo the xternalriteria,cological rother-wise,ofcommentatorsuch s culturalndpoliticalecologists.Analyses of peasant resourcemanage-ment hould hereforeccordmportanceo ocalpol-itical ction nd culturaldentity,s wellas themoretraditionalhemes ftechnologicalractice,cologyandpoliticalconomyBebbington,991).We arguethat he fusion f these oncernss a prerequisiteosustainableocal organizations, hose own sustain-abilitymust e centraloany asting ontributionoastrongerivil ocietynd a more ccountabletate nrural reas (cf.Lehmann, 990). Organizationshatconsistentlyrivilegehe culturalndpolitical vertheeconomic, nd that ail o have a significantndrelatively galitarian mpacton the ruralfamilyeconomy, refollowing flawed trategy.imilarlyflawed sany ulturalndpoliticalcological nalysisthat nderstatesny f hese lementsy mphasizingthe raditionaloncerns f their iscourse.INDIAN ORGANIZATIONS IN FRAGILELANDS: CULTURAL POLITICS ANDRESOURCE MANAGEMENT STRATEGIESIN ECUADORTheEcuadorianasematerialomesfrom he ropicalforest owlandsofAmazoniaand from heAndeanhighlands.Both environmentsre demarcated yDenevanas fragile, ithparticularstress actors'nresourcemanagement:oil fertility,utrientyclesand pestproblems n thehumidforests; nd steepslopes, aridityand climaticrisk in the Andes(Denevan, 1989, p. 13). Indigenous technologieswere historicallydapted to these stressfactors.However, he ontext fthis daptation aschanged:pressureso intensifyroductionn Indian ands reincreasingndconflictsverthe ontrol fresourcesbetween Indians,the state,colonists and largerbusinessnterestsregrowing.Theperiod ince he1960s haswitnessed steadyincrease in the strength nd numberof Indianorganizationsnbothregions. hesefederationsreconstituted y a numberof 'base organizations'(communities,7o-operatives,ssociations). y1990,therewere ome126federationsnEcuadorRam6n,1991).Manyemergeds socio-politicallyrientated,


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184 ANTHONY]J. EBBINGTONT AL.ethnic organizations hat subsequentlymountedresourcemanagementrogrammesddressing othpolitical roblemsndpressuresor he ntensificationofproduction.Fromechnologicaldaptationo ndian rganizationsnthe umidropicalorestA wealth of researchn Ecuador'stropical orestshas demonstrated he ecological sustainabilityfindigenousforestmanagement racticesDescola,1988; MacDonald, 1981; MacDonald etal., 1991).Frequentlyhesepractices inged round heclear-ance andburningf smallplotsof forest hichweresubsequently lantedwith a polycultural ystembased on a mixture fnative pecies.The plotwasthen eft or herecoveryf theforest,process hatcontinued oyielduseful roductsver everalyearsof the swiddenfallow cf.Denevan and Padoch,1988). Fifteen o twentyyearslater, oil nutrientlevelsrestored,he yclewouldbegin gain Uquillas,1985).The system epended, hough, n landavail-ability,nddevelopedwith ew dditional ressuresonproduction.Thismanagementtrategyas been undermount-ing pressuresMacDonald, 1981).At theturn fthecentury,here mergedthe typesof conflict verresourcesbetween differentocial groups thatGoodmanand Redclift1991) take as the startingpoint for understanding esource managementstrategies.and was taken or ubber aciendas ndlivestock anching.ndianswere frequentlyorcedfromheir ands n order o extractubber lsewhere(Uquillas, 984).The conflictsntensifiedn the atertwentiethenturys both directnd ndirectffectofnational evelopmenttrategies.The discovery f oil reserves n 1967 at LagoAgriowas a 'majorboost' to Amazoniandevelop-ment (Southgate,1991). The state mounted astrategy f nationalmodernization ased on oilexploitation,urtherisruptingndigenous esourcemanagementystemsHicks t l.,1990).Asidefromthe andtaken irectlyor ildevelopment,tswaterand noise-polluting ffects amaged fishing ndgame resources. ifferentovernmentssed creditand landconcessions o encourageivestocknd oilpalmproducers hosteadilyncroachednto ndianlands,particularlyhe more fertilereas (Uquillas,1984).These interventionsnto ndian ands werecom-poundedbythe effects fplanned ndspontaneouscolonization. n some cases, colonists fromthehighlands nd coast followedroads builtforother

developments Bromley,1980). Alongside spon-taneous olonizationame olonists irectedystateagenciesconcerned o diffuseand conflictsn thehighlands, nd to occupy land near internationalfrontiersUquillas, 984).With olonization ame andusechange.Between1965 and 1985 the mount f andplanted o cropsincreased rom egligibleevels to 225 000 hectares,doubling etween1983 and1986 alone Hicks t l.,1990).Overthe ameperiod, asturesncreased rom226 000 to 484 000 hectares,nd thepopulation fthe owlands ncreased t a rateof4-9percentperannumbetween1974 and 1982 (Southgate, 991;Hicks etal., 1990 p.2). With this ncrease nd theunsustainableature fcolonist arming,8he gricul-tural rontieras advanced apidlynto he erritoriesofthe ixdifferentndian roupsnhabitingmazonia

(Hicks t l., 1990;Trujillo ndGranizo, 991).This ncursionnto ndian erritoryas facilitatedby agrarian eformegislation hatwas designed ofacilitateand transferso thehighland ndigenouspoor. Under that legislation, and that was used'inefficiently'as subjectto expropriationBarsky,1984). Colonists ndpublic gencieshave thereforearguedthatuncleared ndianhunting nd swiddenfallow andsoughtbe granted o colonistswho willuse it moreefficientlySouthgate, 991; Uquillas,1985).These disturbancesave brought cutepressureon Indian roductionndculturalystems,bove allby threateningand rights nd resources nd alsothroughhe associated mpacts facculturationnddisarticulationn Indian ulturend dentityUquillas,1984). The emergence ffederationsrom he ate1960s, frequently iththe support f priests ndIndianbi-lingualducators, as a direct esponse othesepressures.Organizationsmounted trategiesthatattemptedo resistboth the direct conomicthreat o Indian urvival,nd theperceived ulturalthreatsfmodernizationSalazar, 981).Furthermore,thedefence f landwas seenas thesine ua nonofIndian ulturewithoutandtherewouldbeno liveli-hood),and was linked o other rogrammesf edu-cation and cultural ctivity, romoting articularvisionsof Indian dentity rounded n traditionalpractices.inally,he rganizationslsoconstitutedmeans onegotiate ccess oresourcesor ervices orIndianbase organizations. heir ctionsthuscom-binedwork n landrights, irect ffortso increaseIndianparticipationn regional nd local politics,cultural evindicationndmore overtdevelopmentactions.


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Fragileands,ragilerganizations 185TheShuar ederation asthefirsto formn1964,and now includes ver two hundrednd sixty aseorganizations. hiswas followed y theFederationof ndigenous rganisationsfNapo (FOIN) in1969(witharound 65 base organizationsn 1991), and

several thers,uch s theOrganisationf ndigenousPeoplesof Pastaza OPIP),wereformednthe1970sand 80s (CONAIE, 1989).Themain oncern f these ederationsasbeentogain recognizedegal andownership s a meansofprotectingand and territorialightsSalazar,1981).Inpart, ederationsetitioned overnmentorecog-nize that andsdeemedunoccupied ythe tatewereinfactused and ownedby Indianpeoples. n somecases federationsressed he tate ogive andtitlesand nother ases thefederations, ith dvisors ndoutside inancialssistance, ave done theirwn anddemarcation ork, tressingommunalwnershipsopposed to the ndividual wnership romoted ystateprogrammesMacDonald, 1986; Hicks et al.,1990). nsome reas such s the reaof he huar ndof FOIN), much and has been successfullyitled(Uquillas, 1985). In other provinceswhere suchorganized ctionsbegan ater e.g.inPastaza), herehas been less successand,under theauthoritarian,conservative nd distinctlynti-Indian egimeof1984-88, titling f Indian ands was severely ur-tailed (MacDonald, 1986). This also reflectednapparent olicyto frustrateitlingnorder o facili-tate ny ubsequent ilexplorationnddevelopment(TrujillondGranizo, 991).These more operational low intensity onflict)negotiationswith the state have been coupledrecently ithmorepowerful,ndeffective,oliticalmobilizations.n June1990, the ConfederationfIndigenousNationalities f Ecuadorcalled on thecountry'sndians to join in a nationwide prisingdirectedgainst governmenthatwasperceivedobedraggingts eet n a series f ssues,mong hem andrights.hemobilizationastedfive aysandbroughtpartsof thecountryo a halt.The response f thegovernment as partial utthe armoftheCatholicchurchommittedo the ndigenous oor ndworriedabout ocial tabilityespondedycreatingnewfundspecificallyoassistndians obuy and.Federationsemained issatisfied ith hegovern-ment's esponse. hiswas particularlyo in thecaseof OPIP whichfirst emanded form f regionalautonomy nd then, n April1992, coordinatedmass march rom he owlands oQuitowhich, fterdays of occupyingpartof the city, nded in thegovernmentrantinghreemillioncresof and title

to Indian ommunitiesnPastaza- on theprovisothatoil exploration ould continue n Indian andsand that the governmentwould have rightstofutureoil proceeds (Washington ost, 20 May1992).Whilethesemanyyears f work ogain andtitlehave represented conscious ttempt o resist heusurpation f Indiansfrom heir istoric erritories,theyhave equallyreflectedn efforto strengthenIndianpoliticalorganization. ecure and title ndlivelihood were the first ssentialsteps towardsstronger embershiparticipationnfederationsndbaseorganizationscf. ox,1990), nd and itling asthen ombinedwithgrassrootsworkto strengthenmemberrganizations.sorganizationsavebecomestronger,heyhave ndeedhada growingmpact nlocal politics.The means of doing so have varied,

including actswithpolitical arties, irect artici-pation of members s electedrepresentativesnddirect rotest nd demonstration.he moregeneraleffectf their rassroots orkhas ed the ndigenousvote nprovincesuch sNapo tobecome nfluentialinregional lections. thermpacts averanged romnegotiating ver recentgovernment nd privatedevelopment trategiesnd projects,o influencingthe appointment f public officials. OIN, forinstance,efused oaccept he ppointmentfa non-bilingual on-Indians regional irector fBilingualEducationnd, fter ormal egotiations ailed,heyorganized siegeofthe ffices ntil heDirectorwasreplacedwith bi-lingualerson.Atthe ame time s theynegotiate or hanges nstateprogrammes,hefederationso about mount-ing theirown economic and social developmentprogrammes. o fund heprogrammes,heyhavenegotiatedexternalfinancing,romoverseas andfrom he state.Federation ffices re now adornedwith theregaliaof traditionalrtisanal roductionalongside the computers nd faxes theyneed toundertakehesenegotiations.n theseprogrammes,the federations ave played roles thatwould beimpossible orhouseholds.They channel redit otheirmembers, acilitatehe installation f infra-structuresuchas storage, ransportnd marketingfacilities,ndexperimentalnddemonstrationarms)and providetechnical ssistance o help membersalter their griculturalractices.n thesedifferentways, they increase ndian management f, andparticipationn,programmesfsocial reproductionand ocaldevelopment rocesses.Land work was combinedwith actionsseen asreinforcingpecificallyndian ulturaldentities. his


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186 ANTHONY BEBBINGTONTAL.identity as beensought n traditional'racticesndideas, npart enyinghe ossibilityhat cculturationmayhave ledelements fthese obecome nappro-priateo theirmembers.ederations'ctionsncluded,fornstance,ecoveringromral ndother istoriesthe themes of traditional ndian practicesandintroducinghemntoteaching,music nd artisanalproduction. ne Indianmusical roup, heYumbosChahuamangos,hat ecoversongs nQuichua,hassupportedseveral federations n these sorts ofactivities.The concernorevalidatendian dentitieshroughthe restoration f traditional racticeshas alsoinfluencedederations' hetoricthough s we shallsee not always theirpractice)regarding esourcemanagement. ederations,ike cultural cologists,haveargued oboth ndiansndgovernmentlike orthe value of traditional ractices nd ecologicalknowledgeforsustainable orestmanagement. stheIndianmovement ecamestronger oth n theAmazon and nationally, his emphasison Indianhistory nd resistance s a reaffirmationf culturalidentityas ntensifiedCONAIE, 1989).9Thepotential oherence f strategy roundedntherecuperationfterritory,grarianraditions,ul-ture,ndhistory asnot,however, eenfullyealizedin past practice.ronically,ne reason for this hasbeen thecontradictionsetween heresourceman-agementmodels promotedby the federationsnpractice,nd the culturaldealspursued y them nrhetoric. he contradictionas often een forced ycircumstanceather han nternalircumstancesbuteither aythe ffectsto weaken he oherence f hefederations.Thus, n response o theproblem hatunclearedland was vulnerable o colonistpossession, omefederations ecided that and rights nd territorywould have to be protectedyoccupyingand.Thisled them o chose a strategyhatwas both under-standable ndcontradictory.espitetheir tatementsthat Amazoniandevelopment hould be based on'indigenous'dapted esourcemanagementtrategies,they promoted the colonist model of resourcemanagement a model revolving around forestclearance.Federations hus chose to facilitate ndpromote mongtheirmembers hedevelopment fcommercial attleranchingnd,to a lesserextent,commercial gricultureMacDonald, 1981; 1986;TrujillondGranizo, 991).The firstxperience asthe ise f attle anchingosteredmong hemembersof the ShuarFederation nd itsapparent uccess edto effortso repeat heexperiencen Pastaza,with

theOrganisation f Indigenous eoples of Pastaza(OPIP). Subsequently, PIP also sought opromotecommercial griculture, requentlymonocultural,coffee,acaoand maize mong tsmembers.In playingthese rolesas supra-communalnsti-tutionsnregional esourcemanagement,ederationshave had positive mpacts.Cattle have generatedincome or othfamiliesnd baseorganizationslike- the latterusing such income from ollectivelymanagedherds o fund ommunal rojectsSalazar,1981). Indeed, he fact hatfamilies ave continuedwith livestockproduction ftergaining and titleshowsboth hatn ome ases thasproven rofitableforproducersndthat heseproducersre notcon-tentwith he imple ubsistenceivelihoods f he ldadaptations.Nonetheless, heseresourcemanagementmodelshave become increasingly roblematic nd theirsustainabilityust equestioned n several rounds.Bythe ater1980s, t became ncreasinglylear hatboth he ffectsf oil ndpasture egradationesult-ingfrom ivestock evelopment,nd soil and pestproblemswithmonoculture ave often eensevere,questioning heagro-ecologicalustainabilityf thestrategy.urthermore,hecost ofattendingo theseproblems,nd thenegative mpactsn both ivestockandcropproductivity,aveunderminedhe conomicsustainabilityf thesepractices. hese observationsare not toimply hat hewholeof ndian roductionin Amazoniahas becomeunsustainablethought sunderpressure).ndeedmany ndian families on-tinue o maintainignificantreas offorestUquillas,pers. omm.). hepoint athers that hefederationshavepromoted strategyhat n this egion as tselfnotbeen sustainableption;'0n o doing hey aveinmanycases underminedheir wn strengthndlegitimacys organizations.This weakened egitimacytems npartfrom hetechnical roblems f the strategies romoted. tis also a resultof theways in whichfederationsorganizedheir evelopmentrogrammes.oncernedtostrengthenheirupportt a base evel, ederationsmounted rojects hatdidnot createmechanismsoallowself-financingr to cover he nstitutionalostsof the federation." onsequently,s projects ometo an end,so manyfederationsind hemselvestilldependent on externalfinancing. his problemremains nd is increasinglyecognizedwithin hefederation.We have notgenerated iableproposalsfor economic development, nd .. now is themoment o sit down and do so ... only bygainingeconomic power will we gain politicalpower',


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Fragileands,ragilerganizations 187commentsneactivistn theAmazonian ndnationalIndianmovementKarakras991,pers. omm.).Anotherproblemhas been that the federationssuffer certain ack of internal ccountabilityhatallows eaders o influencehe gendasof theorgan-izations nways that re notnecessarilyonsistentwith hemostpressingoncerns f themembership.At times, heir ocuson political nd cultural esist-ance and on conceptionsof identityrooted innon-modernizedractices,was often t odds withthe more material oncerns f themajority f themembership. decadeago,one commentatorotedthat hedegree f ncorporationfmodem deasandaspirations mong most Shuar was such thatthefederation'smore traditionalonception f culturalidentity id not reflectrassroots oncernsSalazar,1981). n 1986,MacDonald (1986 p. 13)commentedthatnanother f thefederationsFOIN) '... thewellorganized ommunities.. wanted omethingmorefrom OIN than, hat hey onsidered obe, he ametiredectures n theneed to organize' sic). nmanyrespects,eaderswerenotsufficientlyccountable otheirmembershipor hese orts fmisrepresentationsto be rectified.Havingsaidthis, heresevidence fanemergingapproach o Indian dentityhatmayfind middlegroundbetweenthe calls of thepastand the chal-lengesof thepresent.n Napo, for nstance, OINmaintains health rogrammehat evolves roundthepromotionf raditionalormsfhealth are nso-far s theyhavepositive mpacts nfamily utritionandquality f ife.nresourcemanagementrojectsthere is a clear concern to elaborate schemescombiningraditionalorestmanagementnd ncomegenerationn which the federationakesresponsi-bility or he ollection, rocessingndmarketingfforest roducts.Aside fromnternalroblems,hehostilenationalpolitical nd macroeconomicnvironment as alsochallengedthe organizations reatly, nd led toinviabilitiesnthe trategieshey romoted. hiswasdue notonlyto thedevelopment oliciesmentionedabove. The authoritarianthough lected)govem-ment f1984-88 persecutedndian rganizationsspoliticallyubversivendsought oundermineheirstrength y settingup parallel phantom'popularmovementsMacDonald, 1986).Thoughsuch nter-ference asnotgoneaway itre-emergedn1990-91afterhenationalndian prisingnJune 990),moreimportants thecontinuingonflict etween ndianfederationsnd the tate verthe oleofAmazonia nnationaldevelopment. nder thepressure frising

inflationndadjustmentressures,he tate's earchfor xportncome s ntensifyingndwitht he earchforoil andgas. How far nyIndianmovement anresist his, r at least share n the ncomegenerated,must e opentoquestion.In short, orbothinternalnd external easons,the federationsave had difficultydentifyingndthen ustainingconomic nd cultural rojects hatadequatelyresonatewiththeirmembers' oncerns.Thishasmeant hat asesupportor he arger oliticaland culturalrojectss weakened nd thefederations'legitimacymong their ases is itself ot assured.As such, heir ole naddingcohesion nd strengthto rural society is also weakened,along withtheirpotential ole in local resourcemanagementprogrammes.Modernizingndean esourceanagement:ulturalerosionrpopular mpowerment?A second etofexperiencesntheprocess fpopularorganization mong ndigenous ural eople comesfrom he central rovince f Chimborazowhere,nthe 1950s and 1960s, a long history f everydayresistance n feudal states pilled ver ntoa morestrategicndorganizedtruggle. hiswaspart f nincreasing easantmilitancyhatcharacterizedheperiodnmuch fLatinAmerica. artlynresponse othis,grarianeformegislation aspassed nEcuadorin 1964 and 1973: inChimborazo, owever,whereruralmilitancyhad been particularlytrong, nadditional ainwas thedeclaration ftheprovincesa 'priorityone' for he pplicationf the1973 legis-lation Haney and Haney, 1989). This acceleratedlandrecovery y Indian ommunities. ore signifi-cantlytremoved ominantolitical iguresrom uralareas. Thishas eased thesubsequent mergence fIndianfederations hichhave become ncreasinglyimportant actors n the administrationf ruraldevelopment.Most federationsmerged ubsequent o the andstruggles which were generally onducted at acommunityevel,with ccasional nterventionsromnational peasant organizations.'2 hus, unlike nAmazonia, heorigins f thefederations as not nthedefence, r recovery,f land. nsteadmuchoftheirnitial ork imed oresist,ndreverse,orms fculturalndpolitical omination f ndians ynon-Indians.Culturally,his was a domination layedout in marketplacesnd government ffices ndgroundedn deologies f ndiannferiorityhatwereoften s much nternalizedy Indians, s used bynon-Indianso egitimatendian xclusion rommany


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188 ANTHONY]J. EBBINGTONT AL.spheresf conomicndpublic ctivityDubly, 973;Kleemeyer,992;Maynard, 966).Rural rganizations ere not aloneinsuchwork.As inAmazoniatheyfrequently orkedwith, nddrew inspiration rom, heir inks with both theliberationtheological and evangelical churches,sharingbeliefs n the equalityof rightsbetweenIndians and non-Indians. he provincial ffice fthenational iteracy rogrammePNA) also playedan important ole in the earlyemergence f thefederations.Receivinginternational evelopmentassistancefor ts pro-Indianwork, t was able toact with considerableutonomy rom overnment.Muchoftheworkthat ed to theemergencef thefederations,nd thencharacterizedheir wn earlywork,revolved around the PNA's programmes fbi-lingual iteracy raining hat had as theirmainobjective he revalidationf certain ndianculturalpracticesnd forms forganization. ost obvious nthiswas theemphasis n the value ofQuichuaas alanguage ndof the ommunitys anorganizationalbuildingblock fora rangeof otherprogrammes.Similarlymportant as theuse of educational ech-niques thatconveyednot only literacy killsbutalso addressedthe notionsthat ndianshad socialand cultural ightsthat they should demand ofgovernment.ne measure fthecumulativeignifi-cance of thisprocessof cultural evalidations theoften-heardomplaint rom on-Indian overnmentworkersnChimborazowho claimthat ndigenouspeople refarmore xacting owthan hey verwerebefore. notherndicatormight e the mergence fcommunity ased groupsplayingQuichua music,andtheir erformancen ocalfederations' eetings,inmuch he amewayas theYumbosChahuamangosplay in federations'meetings in Amazonia (cf.Kleemeyer,992).Federationsnd their upporters ave combinedsuch politico-culturalction with attempts tostrengthenndigenous capacities to gain betterpublic ervices or ommunities.his occurs t twolevels. Firstly,ederations edicatemuch effortostrengtheninghe nternalmanagementndnegoti-ating capacitiesof base organizations y formingleadersand providing rainingn land and com-munityegislation, ccounting nd administration.One indication f the results f this workare thequeuesofponcho-cladommunityresidents,rief-case nhand,whocanbe seenevery ay n the fficesofpublic tilitygencies nRiobamba, heprovincialcapital.The traditionalress, heponcho,marks heclaim hat s Indians, heir ommunitiesavea right

to receive ervices uch s water ndlight; hebrief-case tries o suggest hat he communities ave notonly he ight,ut lsothe dministrativexpertizeoworkwithpublic gencies nthe nstallationf suchservices.At the ame ime, owever, ederationso much fthisnegotiatinghemselves. ome suchnegotiationhasbeendirectly ith he tate,he ederationsssen-tially bsorbing dministrativeosts andfacilitatingmembercommunity ccess to public resources.One federation,heUnion of PeasantOrganizationsof Cicalpa (UOCACI), has helped channelpublicresources o manyof its37 communities orruralelectrification,ealth are, anitation ndminor oadbuilding. OCACI's primaryask n thishas been toestablish ontactand thenpress the agencies torespondwith continualvisits and letters o their

offices.Indeed,nthe ourse f year ffieldworknthis egion onebyoneof the uthors,he ecretaryof UOCACI more ften eemed o be inmeetingsnRiobamba han n his homecommunity.)he feder-ation lsoorganizes ommunityabour ontributionsto programmesndinthecase of electrificationasbeen responsible or ome of thesubsequent ocaladministrationf the cheme.Inother ases, s inAmazonia, ederationsegantonegotiateheir wn funds irect romnternationaldonors.With thesetheyhave begunto deliver er-vicesto theirmembersBebbington, 992). One ofthemain uses of thesefundshas been to establishresourcemanagement rojects,mainlynagriculturaldevelopment,n theirmember ommunities. hileeducationalprogrammesdominatedmuch earlywork n federations,heseagriculturalrogrammeshave become prominent ince the mid-1980s.Unlike nAmazonia, heseprojectswerenot orien-tatedtowardtheprotection f land rightswhichalreadyhad been argelywon);but, s inAmazonia,theyhave been influencedy conceptions f cul-tural dentity,nd by internalweaknesses n thefederationshemselves.Theseresourcemanagementtrategiesavehadtofind daptations o sloping andsranging rom 200metres o over4000 metres bove sea level,wherepopulations ncreasingnd seasonal ut-migrationsintensifying.gricultures rainfed, ithperiodsofsummer rought;limatic isks rehigh ndtopsoilsareeasilydisturbed.urthermore,venwithin om-munities,ndcertainly ithinhefederation,heresmuch ariationn the uality f andownedbydiffer-entfamilies. he administratorsf federationsaveresponded o this hallengewithdifferentroposals


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Fragileands, ragilerganizations 189for owtheymightupport amilyesourcemanage-ment trategies. et,despitethesedifferences,heyhave all claimed thattheirresponsewas directedto protect ndigenous ultural ractices. he logicbehind heir esourcemanagement ork hus uilt ntheir arlier ctivitiesn cultural evitalizationalbeitindifferentays.Somefederationsaunchedgriculturalrogrammesthat imed opromoteheuseofnativeAndean ropsand theuse oforganic roductionechniques. sidefromhe nacceptableconomic ndecologicalmpli-cations fagrochemicalnd newcroptechnologies,such processes were also rejectedas culturallyinappropriate.he revalidation fnativecropswasequallydeemed revalidationf certainonceptionof ndian radition.et these oncerns aveencoun-tered ittlenterestt thegrassroots here heywereoftenonsideredmpracticable,itherecause amilieslacked the andto support noughanimals o pro-ducethemanure or rganic ertilization,rbecausefarmersostthecropswhichwerenotsprayedwithpesticide.hese technicalptionswere lsogenerallyunattractiveecausenativecropscommanded owpricesn themarket lace.Other federations ollowed the modernizationpath, aunching rogrammesnwhich hey rovidedtechnicalssistance,eedofnon-nativeropvarietiesandsubsidized grochemicalnputs omembers aprogrammeesign argely ollowinghe dministrat-ive modelsofpublic ectorrural evelopment ro-grammesBebbington,992).Yet this ush omodemtechnologywas not seen as a cultural acrificeomuch as a necessaryreactionto the increasinginviabilityftraditionalracticesf owcapitalnputinresponse o increased ressures n productionnthis nvironment.ndeedmanyeaders ffederationscommentthat,rather han the modernization ftechnology,hemainfactor nderminingraditionalpracticesn he ommunitiessseasonalmigration.heabsence ffamily embers eakens hedomestic nit.Similarlybsence rom he ommunityeakens ocialparticipationn series f hemore outineommunityactivities such as community ork sessions,theweekly ssemblies hat nderlieocaladministration,and thegamesofvolleyball thatmark heend ofmanydays thatgive thesense of local cohesionand identity.fmodemtechnologies ould ncreaseincomes ndsoreducemigration,he rgument ent,allthebetter or hepreservationfthemoremport-antaspectsoflocalculture.dentity ame ess fromresourcemanagementracticeshanfromheformsof ife hat heyhelped ustain. hus, s inAmazonia,

so too the federations n Chimborazochose topromote hetechnologies f the cultural ther asopposed to indigenous echnologies),s partof aprogrammeimedat protectingocal identitiesndpracticesBebbington,992).Despitethis easoning, owever,t s far romlearthat these strategieswill be the basis foreithera sustainable ocal resourcemanagement r forstrongerocal organizations.Modern technologiesyielda significantay-offnlyunder ertain gro-ecological conditions. n this particularlyrodedenvironment,oil ossonunterracedlopesmeans hebenefits f usingfertilizersre reduced, nd willcontinue o be so until uch erosionproblems readdressed. he benefitsf the upport fferedythefederationsre therefore ainly eltby thosewhohave betterandsand inparticularhosewho ownfootslope ndvalleyfloorandswithwater losebyand whocangrowhorticulturalrops, uch sonions,forwhich heres a bettermarket.orthemajorityffamilies ho ownvery mallfarm nits, enefitsfincomeand yieldfrom pplyingfertilizerso notgenerate ufficientncomesignificantlyo reversemigrationressures. eanwhile, or ll nvolved, hecurrencyevaluations fstructuraldjustment ro-grammesre eading o dramaticncreasesnthe ostofagrochemicalst thefarmgate.Forthefederations,heseprogrammes ave alsobroughtproblemssuggestingthat they are notnecessarily oing to strengthenheorganizations.Initially,hedelivery f subsidized nputs nd freetechnicalassistance enhanced the legitimacyofthe federationsmong theirmembers. ver time,however, t became apparent hatthe federationscommanded nlyenoughresourceso support ro-grammeshat adnegligiblempactsta familyevel.Worse still t becameclear thatthe benefits f thesupporthey ffered ereunequally istributed.hiswas in partan effect f agro-ecological ariation,as those farmers roducingunder certainmicro-environmental onditionsgained more than themajority. owever, heunequaldistributionasalsoan inevitable ffectf resource imitationsn feder-ations.UOCACI, for nstance, federation f 37memberommunities ith naverageof40 familiespercommunity,ouldnotpossibly ttend heneedsof all thesefamilies. heeffect asbeenthat ervicedeliveryhas often een concentratedmongthosecommunities hatwere closer to the federation'scentral ffice,nd thatwerethehomecommunitiesof the bulk of the federation's dministratorsand staff. onsequently,heprogrammes eginto


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190 ANTHONY]. BEBBINGONETAL.lose legitimacy and with themso too do thefederations.Thisweakness endsto have a selfperpetuatingeffect.t has led to splintering ithin hepopularorganizationsnthis egion f hehighlands,smem-berorganizations f thefederationsreak way tonegotiatetheir wn projects.This loss of interestundermines he coordination f activities monglocalgroups.Obviously, hisweakens hepossibilityofcoordinated articipationf ndian opulationsnregionaldevelopment trategies nd makes it fareasier forexternal gencies to pursuetheirownprogrammesnd to avoid being genuinely eld toaccount.InUOCACI's case,severaldevelopment genciesarenow operatingn itsmember ommunitiesndrefuseocoordinate ith hefederation.nonecase,several communities re withdrawing rom thefederationssentiallyecausethey ave received hevisitation f a developmentprojectfundedby aprivateEcuadorian rganizationX'. They comparefavourablyhesupportX can offer ith he imitedhelptheyfeel heyreceive romUOCACI. Further-more,they argue, the new project is attractivebecause theywill handle it directly unlike theprojects ithUOCACI that hey eelwere ontrolledbya coregroup fcommunitiesho dominatet.The reason forthisbreakaway, owever, s alsorelated o X'sownagenda.Xultimatelyecided tdidnotwish o workwith xisting ederationsnthat artofChimborazo ecausethey ad theirwn agendasand thiswouldupset heprogrammesesigned yX.In goingto work nthosecommunities, notonlyretainsts ndependenceut ontributeso the urtherweakening fUOCACI.Forour rgument,he onclusionsromhis xperi-ence are several. irstly,nceagain t sevident hattheresourcemanagementtrategiesf hefederationsare nfluencedya concern or ulturaldentityut,once again, the use of modem technologies anbe congruent ith wider oncern o endorse ndprotect ocal identities. econdly,the federations'sustainabilitys challengedby externalpressures(e.g. currency evaluations) nd internal ensionsstemmingn partfrom n imperfectccountabilitywithin heorganization. he weaknesses lso seemto stem rom hedevelopmentmodel doptedbythefederations. he decision to pursuea strategy fdelivering ubsidies o theirmembers s fatal.Notonly is it fatalbecause it cannotpossiblybe sus-tainedbut also because members ome to evaluatethefederation n how muchtheycan gainfromt

and,when better ption rises, heygo elsewhere.Thisnotonlyweakens he ederation,tweakens uralcivil ociety. s organizationsplinterndmultiplytbecomesthatmuchmoredifficultor ocalpeopletoinfluencehedevelopment genda. For ifexternalinstitutionsant o work n particular ay, heydonot haveto lookveryfar o find set ofclientswhoarewilling o accept newset ofsubsidies n thesenew terms.nthemeantime,coordinatedrassrootsdevelopmentemains vainhope.Organizing odernization:owardssustainablendlocallyontrolledevelopment?The priorcases are illustrativen several senses.Instead f dding o the lreadyong itanyffailuresofmodernization',hey uggestthat ocal organiz-ations intentionallyromotemodernized esourcemanagementracticess a 'secondbest', utnecess-ary, esponse oexistingircumstances.heydo so aspartofstrategieshat im to protect heconditionsallowing hepartial eproductionf ndian ulture,ostrengthenhepresence f ndiansnregional owerstructuresnd to increase ncomes. n the abovecases, nternalncoherenciesnd political conomicpressuresltimatelynderminedheviabilityf hesestrategies.ndoing o,theyhave weakened he ocalorganizationswell.This need not alwaysbe so. The Foundation fOrganisations f Salinas FUNORSAL), n thehigh-landprovince f Bolivar, s a case of a successful,federation-managedesourcemanagement trategythat has improved family incomes, and hasstrengthenedhefederationf 23 baseorganizationsin such waythat ocal control f, ndparticipationin,development dministrationas been enhanced.As inChimborazo,tschallenge asbeen todevelopa regionalresourcemanagement trategy orhighaltitudeover3500metres),loping,windswept,oldanddry ands.Not allthereasons or he uccess tFUNORSALstemfrom hedevelopmentmodelpursuedby thefederation:pecialhistorical actorsn the onehavealso been important.n the strugglefor and,anallianceemergedbetween ndians nd non-Indiansagainst state wners.This unionof differentthnicgroups continued. When the federationfinallyformed,twas able to uniteboth ethnic roups nacommoncommitmento local development. husSalinas s marked y less ethnic ominationhan sChimborazo,nd o this ssuedidnot bsorb he arlyactions f ocalorganizations.nstead, rom he arly1970s,developmentctivists ommittedhemselves


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Fragileands,ragile rganizations 191to identifyingviableprogrammef ocaldevelop-ment.naddition,ythe 1960s and 70s therewas arelatively igh evel ofeducation, factor avouringbroad participationn the administrativeasksofmany ocalorganizations.

Furthermore,emographic ressuret thetime fland subdivisionwas less than n Chimborazo.Onaverage,families eceived ots of 15-20 hectares.Althoughocal ncome evelswere till xtremelyowand (as in Chimborazo) eriodic ut-migrationasperceiveds a serious ocialproblem,he arger armsize has offered reater otential or accumulationthan in Chimborazo.This potentialbegan to berealized after n internationalrganization id astudy f thedairy ectornthe1970s and identifiedSalinas as a potential rea fordevelopment. romthis nformation,ocal organizationsnd the church(which, s in the othercases we have considered,playedan importantole nformingndconsolidat-ingtheregional ederation f base organizationsnSalinas)hatched vision ndstrategyor grassrootsdevelopmentased on themodernizationf hedairysector. he churchacilitatedccess o technicalssist-ance and to resourceso finance his rocess. he factthat the harsh onditions nd geographicsolationof Salinas apparently discouraged multinationaldairy ompanies romnteringheregion ncreasedthe possibility f a locally controlled rocess ofdevelopment.'3

The churchwas also instrumentaln developingthe oncept fanorganizationaltructureomanagesuch an economicdevelopment.Growingout ofearlierfailed experienceswith cooperatives,thechurchought formforganizationhatwould om-binethe economic ogicofa cooperativewithointsavings nd loansschemes, edistributionfsurplus,jointmarketing,tc.)withthe culturalogic of thetraditionalormforganization,he ommunity.utof this ameanapproach asedoncommunitycon-omicenterprisesndsavings nd oanscooperativeswhich n 1983 were aggregated nto a federation,FUNORSAL.TheresourcemanagementtrategynFUNORSALwas, as in the othercases, aimed as much at asocialproblemout-migration)nd a socialgoal (tostrengthenommunityndregional rganizationyreducingmigration),s at a simple oncern or us-tainable evelopmentSoriaand Illingworth,989).Theprogrammeasrevolved round entralizedol-lection fpeasantmilk roduction,nd tsprocessinginto qualitycheese. The twelve existingfactoriesproducingheeseare ocated ncommunitiesnd are

the ointpropertyf thefamiliesnthebaseorganiz-ations.Their peration, owever,scoordinatedndadministeredythefederationfbaseorganizations.The federations alsoresponsible or he ubsequentmarketingf the cheese.This has provided amilieswith n assured ndsignificantncome ource, s anabove marketricespaidfor hemilk. actory rofitsare not divideddirectlymong members ut aredistributedndirectlyhroughhehigher ricepaidformilk ndthroughubsidizationf oans tomem-bers for he mprovementf their ivestock mongother hings.n earlyyearstheywerealso used tofinanceommunityervices. he federationrovidestechnical ssistance o familiesn cattle ndpasturemanagement.This model of thefederations theaxis coordi-nating the collection and processingof locallyproducednputs as sincebeenreproducednotheractivitiestextiles,rocessedmeats, imberrocessing,etc.)and the federation ow has fifteenroductiveenterprises.Many of themrepresent deliberateattempto break xistingmarketinghains ontrolledby non-local raders aying ow prices nd then oreorganizehe terms fproducers' elationship iththe market hroughproducingprocessed,qualitylocalproductsndnegotiating igher rices hroughthe federation. thersrepresentfforts o supplylocal needsthroughederativenterprisesndsopre-vent he ntry fexternal apital thus, ornstance,the federationproduces and supplies materialsnecessaryor ousebuilding,nd thefurnitureoputinthosehouses.In controllingnd administeringheseactivities,thefederationonstitutesn institutionalorm hatcapturesndrecyclesrofitsnthe egion,sopposedto formsontrolledynon-localapitalwhichwouldinevitablyransferomeor llof heir rofitut of heregion. ome of theseresources reused to financethefederationtself a form f local reinvestmentfor nstitutionalevelopment. ust s significantly,theseactivities nd thisreinvestmentave creatednew income ources,ncreased emandfor n-farmlabour nddirectlyenerated ome286 new obs infactories hatprocessthe productsof the regionand that readministeredy thefederationnd itsmemberorganizations. his direct ob-creationscomplemented y an indirectmployment ener-ation thathas had the effect hat the high out-migrationatesofthe1970s,whentwenty-fiveercent f hepopulationmigratedeasonally, ave nowbeenreversed. sample f enper ent f hefamiliesinthevillageofSalinas howed that llof themhad


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192 ANTHONYJ.BEBBINGTONET AL.ceased seasonalmigrations part f theirivelihoodstrategies.imilarlyignificantave beenthe 76 percentdecline n infantmortality,nd the55 percentdeclinenoverallmortalityates.14Thestrengthnd egitimacyfthefederation ithitsmembers temsfrom herecognitionhat t is acentral conomic esource or heir amilyconomies.In Salinas there s little endency orbase organiz-ations to separatefromthe federationunlike nChimborazo). llnegotiations ith xternalgencies,includinghe tate, re conducted ia thefederation.This facilitates locallycontrolled oordination fregional evelopmentctivities.t snowdifficultorstate nd other evelopmentgencies o do anythingin theregionwithout irsteceivingheapproval fthe federationTorres,1991). Indeed, n one casewhere baseorganizationried o work irectly ithan international on-governmental rganization,FUNORSAL presentedan ultimatum: ithertheprojectwouldbe coordinated y thefederation,rthe base groupwouldhave to leave FUNORSAL.The basegroup hose tostay.Inthis ensethedynamic as been such s to aidthe onsolidationfrural ivil ociety,whichtselfsan importantngredientndeepening heprocess frural emocratizationFox,1990). nturn,nereasonfor his s thetransparencyf theorganizationtself.Staffre heldclosely ccountable o othermembersthrough rangeof regular raining rogrammes.Accountingourses reofferedvery ourmonths ythefederation.ywideninghepossession fknowl-edgeandexpertizenaccountingndadministration,theseprogrammesncrease hecapacity fnon-staffmembers o challenge nd scrutinizehe actionsofelected nd staff embers.achcommunityowhas,on average, hree raduates f FUNORSAL's highergrade ccountingourses. imilarlyhere sa regularround fmeetingso monitorhefederationnd staffandpara-techniciansreelectedn secret allots romlistsof candidates electedby the communities. tthe ametime, he ogicof theorganizational odel,revolving roundproduction nd marketingatherthan the distributionf freeor subsidized nputs,protects he organization gainstclaimsthat t isdistributingtsresourcesnequitably.It s also nterestingo note hat, erhaps sa resultof thisstronger ccountability,he federation asaddressedtselfrimarilyo the conomic oncernsffamiliesndengages ittlena radicalndian olitics.Thestrategyor opingwith ressuresfproductionon these fragile ands is one which emphasizesthe ncorporationntoexistingAndeanpractices f

modern administrative ethods and a firm nte-grationnto the market. he cultural ain s that,noffsetting igration,hestrategy as strengthenedregionalcohesion and identity.Here the basis ofstrengtheningulturaldentityinges roundncreas-ingthe ikelihoodhat eoplecan make livingnthelocality nd so stay here.This appropriationf modem agriculturalndadministrative echnologieshas enhanced localincomes ndunderlieshe mergencef very tronglocalorganizationnd a potentiallyustainablenten-sificationfproductionn a veryfragile artof thehighAndes.While problems f overgrazing aveemergeds a result frapidntensification,hefeder-ation has begunto respondto thisby protectingcertain reas withforestationrogrammes. qually,problems feconomic ustainabilityave not beenfullyddressed: he federations stilldependent nexternalunds ut here as been uccessn chievingself-financingfdairy ctivities.CONCLUSIONS: INDIAN ORGANIZATIONSAND THE CHALLENGE OF FRAGILELANDS MANAGEMENTThepressuresor and use change ntheAndes andAmazonia avemeant hat ndians avenot ustainedproductionystemsasedon traditionalechnologies.Moreover,the natureof manyof thesepressuresmakes t vident hat ny ttemptomount resourcemanagementtrategy orthese andsmust ddresspoliticaland economic conflicts hat arise bothnationallyndlocally.The sustainable evelopmentoffragileands and the consolidation f rural ivilsociety re thereforeartof the sameproblem. yextension, erspectivesrom ulturalcology,politi-cal economy ndthe iteratureealingwith grarianmovements hould equally be part of the sameanalysis.Indian ederationsnEcuador aveengaged n ocalpolitics nd resourcemanagementnways that reinterrelated.heyhave, ndifferingays,mountedstrategieshat ought oquestionndredressormsfsocio-culturalndeconomicdomination. heyhavealso,again n differentays,tried o find trategiesthatmake statementsbout, nd contributeo,thestrengtheningf ndian ulturaldentitiesndprac-tices. uch nitiativesavehelpedredresshebalanceofregional owerstructuresn severalways.Theyhave helped transfertate-held esources o ruralareas, they have strengthenedommunity-levelcapacitiesto continuenegotiatingfor access to


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Fragileands,ragilerganizations 193thoseresources,nd theyhave stimulatedn Indianassertivenesshatmakes ublic gencies'work lightlymoredemandinghantwas before. t the ame ime,throughemonstratingheir bilitiesoadministere-velopment,heyhavequestionedertainssumptionsabout Indian ocial and intellectualnferiority.n alltheseways theyhave fostered hangesthathavestrengthenedhecapacity f rural eopleto demandmoreof thestate nd to playa greater ole n localdevelopmentctions nddecisions.The federations' esponseshave not, however,alwaysbeencoherentrsustainable,nd the rganiz-ationshave shown igns hat hey re s fragiles thelandstheirmembersmanage. npart his s dueto thefederations'tillweakinternal emocracy. hiscanlead to certainbiases in theirdistribution f theresourceshey ontrol ndhas, nseveral ases, edthem o pursue ultural trategieswithwhichtheirmembers, rimarilyoncernedwith economic up-port, o not dentify.his nternal olitical ragilityis aggravatedby a financial ragility:rganizationshave failed ofindmeansof ncreasingheir inancialautonomy. hecombination f thesefactorseads toorganizations hose strengthluctuatesndwhoserole nhelpingonsolidateuralnstitutionssthereforeequallyunstable. his nturn educes he apacity fruralociety o bemore oordinatedn ts laborationofdevelopment roposals nd in itsengagementnnegotiationswithexternalnstitutions ho trytopursue heir wnmodelsofdevelopment.It s importantonote that hefederationhathasgone thefurthestowards onsolidatingtselfnd tsposition s a legitimatendpowerful epresentativein local politics, UNORSAL, is theone whichhasbeenable todevise a resourcemanagementtrategywith the greatestpotentialto be sustainable necological, conomic ndorganizationalronts.thasalso achieved a relatively ransparentnd partici-patory internal dministration.urthermore,t isthefederationhathascrossed heenvironmentnddevelopmentdivide with the bridge of locallycontrolledmodernization nd market ntegration.FUNORSAL suggests o other ndianfederationsmodel inwhichmodemtechnologies nd adminis-trative echniques an be managed by an Indianfederationn such a way as to increaseocal possi-bilities or uralccumulation,trengthenocalorgan-izations ndmove from on-modem omodernizedresourcemanagement ithoutriggeringprocess flanddegradation.Nonetheless,ust s thefragilityf and snotonlydue to characteristicsfthe and, o thefragilityf

theseorganizationss notonlyan internallyener-atedproblem:t also has much o do with he roughand tumble fpeasantpolitical conomy' hat oliti-cal ecologistshave stressed n their wn workonpeasantresourcemanagementWatts, 987,p.223).For nstance,he trengthfFUNORSALowesmuchto the relative ack of political onflictn Salinas.Conversely, hepast experiences ftheAmazoniangroupstestify o thenegativeeffectshis roughand tumble' can have upon federations' ctions.The futuremaybe no less difficults adjustmentinducedpressures o develop oil and other xportincomeearningventures re leadingto externallycontrolleddevelopmentof Amazonianresources.The simple xistence f ndianfederations illnotnecessarilymean that ocal concernswill nfluencedecisions n resource xtraction:hepolitics fsus-tainabilitys playedout on both ocal andnationalterrains.To returnogeography: owmight hese xperi-ences nformhe pproaches fculturalndpoliticalecologists?vidently, anyndigenousrganizationsaredealingwith ands hat refragilenthe ense hattheir ustained se ina manner hat s economicallyrewarding nd acceptable to Indians cannot beachievedthrough rthodoxproductionbased onhigh external nputs.On the otherhand,culturalecologists and other proponentsof indigenousagriculturalystemsmust imilarlynderstandhattraditional esourcemanagementmaynotperformadequately nder ew ocalexpectationsnddemandpressures.n the searchforresourcemanagementstrategies,ttention ust otbefocused arrowlyntheecologicalconsequences fproduction:tmustalso embracetseconomicviabilityndthepoliticaland organizationalontexts hatfacilitate rhindersustainabletrategies.nturn,ertain olitical colo-gistsmust ccept hat henature fthe nvironmentbeinguseddoesmatter:nsome ases asinSalinas) tcanenhance hepossibilityhat ocalresponseswillhavepositive ffects;notherases as nChimborazo)localenvironmentalariation anmean that hepro-grammes f local organizations,nd theeffectsfmarketntegrationndmodernizationavour ertainfamiliesndnotothers. he Ecuadorian xperiencealso illustrateshat ocalorganizations ake hoicesthat an ead tosuccessfulmpacts asily verlookedin thepessimism fpolitical conomy.Theway inwhich hese lements replayed ut s alltoo mport-ant for ocal populations nd environmentlike-inappropriateesourcese, nvironmentalragilityndorganizationalragilityre ntricatelyntertwined.


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194 ANTHONYJ.BEBBINGTONET AL.NOTES1. More pragmatically,ocalorganizationsre also seenas replacementsf state nstitutionshosecapacity oregulate esource se continues o weakenunder hepressuresfpublic ector utbacksDoureajanni, 991;WorldBank, 992).2. Although heword Indian'has hadderogatorympli-cationsnEcuador,weuse tbecause ndigenous eopleare onceagain pplying he abelto themselvesntheircurrentocial andpolitical ctivitys an assertion ftheir istoricaldentity.3. Researchwas doneby theauthors etweenJune ndSeptemberf1991,supported y the nter-AmericanFoundation.t nvolved nalysis f rchives ocument-ingthetrajectoryf a sample f10 Indian ederations,fieldvisits, nterviewswithelectedmembers f thecouncils f theorganizations,ndethnographic orkin communities hat are members f theseorganiz-ations.The analysiswas thendiscussed n twoformalworkshopswith ndian eaders, evelopment rganiz-ations ndacademics. heanalysis lso drew neachoftheauthors' rior esearchn thehighlandsnd low-lands.We areespecially ratefulo BillieTurner,herefereesndthe ditor or heirhallengingommentsonthepaper.Other omments n thepaperfrom orgeUquillas,SimonBatterbury,utta lauert nd TanyaSchwartzwere lsohelpful.4. Other authors would question whetherall suchmodempracticesre nfact nsustainable.5. An obvious examplehas been the escalationof theconflict etweenBrazilian ubber appers nd nationalinterests;thers,esspublicized,re thosebetween heOrganisationf ndigenous eoplesofPastaza and theEcuadorian overnmentver ocal andrightsndthatbetween the Chimanes nd loggerswhichbecame aconflictbetween the Chimanes and the Boliviangovernment.6. A discussion f thenature fdemocracysbeyond helimits f this aper nd,without efining hatwemaymean by it,we cannot make rash claimsthat ruralorganizationsontributeo its onsolidation.owever,the elements hat Fox (1990) emphasizes respectof humanrights,broaderpopular participationndevelopmentprocesses,and the strengtheningfmechanismshroughwhich bureaucrats an be heldaccountable would allseem mportantontributionsto something e might alldemocracy.7. Althoughwe use the term ommunity,t should benoted that he iteral panish ranslationf theword,'comunidad',s used to refer oinformalocalorganiz-ations,with hewordcomuna' eing he erm eservedforthe egallyrecognized orm.However,giventheadditional deological ignificancef the word com-mune' nEnglish, e have used theword community'to refer o communas'.8. TheMinistryfAgriculturen Ecuador stimates hat

84 percentofAmazonian oils are unfit orcroporpasture roduction.9. In1980, heAmazonian ederationsecided o create numbrellarganization,heConfederationf ndigenousNationalities fAmazonian cuadorCONFENIAE). In1986, thenational evelConfederationf IndigenousNationalities fEcuadorCONAIE) wascreated.10. Smith t l. (1991)haveargued, owever, hat asturescan be sustainablenBrazilian mazonia.11. Tendler t l. 1988)notethat his s afrequentroblemin ooperativesndthatmany uchprojectshowearlysuccessesas theystartup but encounter ifficultieswhenthe hallenge fself-financingrises.12. The national organizationsthat were particularlyimportantnthisperiodwere theNationalFederationof Indians (FEI), and the National FederationofCampesinoOrganisationsFENOC). Both had class-basedanalyses f the grarian roblemnEcuador ndwereclosely inked otheMarxist eft.13. Inother egions f heEcuadorian nd Peruvian ndes,Nestle andCarnation ave dominated hedairy ectorand have served o channelocalsurplusccumulationoutofthe egions nwhich hey perate.14. It wouldbe inappropriate,owever, o claim hat hesereductionsnmortalityreonlydue toFUNORSAL.

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Documents

Indian Organizations and the Politics of Sustainability in Ecuador